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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
First and foremost, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my advisor Assoc. Prof. Hilal Erkazancı Durmuş, for her unwavering support, invaluable contributions and guidance throughout all the steps of the present thesis. Without her meticulous feedback, this thesis would not have been possible.
I would also like to express my sincerest thanks to my committee members Assoc. Prof. Sinem Bozkurt and Assoc. Prof. Seda Taş İlmek for their unconditional encouragement and support with unfailing optimism. Additionally, I would like to thank Asst. Prof. Elif Ersözlü and Asst. Prof. Ayşe Saki Demirel for agreeing to be members of my Ph.D. defence committee and for their meticulous and constructive feedback.
I would like to thank Asst. Prof. Ahmet Özmen, an expert in Ottoman Turkish and Persian Language and Literature, for his assistance in transcribing Ottoman Turkish to modern Turkish. I gratefully acknowledge the financial support provided by TÜBİTAK (The Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey) which was instrumental in enabling this study. I am thankful for the 2211-A Doctoral Scholarship (2018 / 3).
I owe special thanks to my old friend, Barbaros Uzunköprü, whose hard work and intellectualism I have admired for years. I am also deeply grateful to my old friend, Mert Moralı, for being a source of solidarity during this challenging time. One of my greatest career dreams is to have our paths cross in our career journeys with these two very accomplished and cultured good old friends whom I admire genuinely.

This study links the shifting language policies in Türkiye to the discourses of intralingual translations, taking into account the political and secularisation trajectory of the country. The thesis seeks to demonstrate the role and function of intralingual translations played in the evolution of the Turkish language and discourse within the framework of the establishment of (de)secularisation, the construction of cultural memory, and the achievement of linguistic hospitality. To accomplish its aims, the present study carries out a cross-temporal analysis of Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar’s three novels Gulyabani, Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç and Efsuncu Baba written before the Turkish language reform and their intralingual translations conducted by various private publishing houses throughout the Republican history. Seeing discourse as a historically constructed entity, the present study employs Discourse Historical Approach devised by Ruth Wodak (2001) to conduct a cross-temporal analysis of the intralingual translations of Gürpınar’s novels. The discourse patterns detected in various intralingual translations reflect the ideological positioning of the time period in which they were created. In conclusion, the reconceptualisation of intralingual translations conducted across different time periods within the framework of Turkish translation history demonstrates that the discourse on Ottoman Turkish is reconstructed based on the prevailing ideologies of the respective production periods during the Republican era. It is revealed that the notion of ‘language modernisation’ remains inadequate to fully encompass the extent of these intralingual translations, as they both secularise and modernise the discourse of the source text and demonstrate cultural, social, political and historical zeitgeist. Therefore, research on intralingual translations sheds light on the multifaceted relationship between the Republic of Türkiye and its Ottoman past, as well as its gradual trajectory towards secularisation and modernisation.
Keywords
Intralingual translation, discourse historical approach, cultural memory, linguistic hospitality, secularisation, Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar, translation history
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ÖZET
ÇEKÇİ, Selim Ozan. Diliçi Çeviriye Tarihsel Bağlamda Bir Bakış: Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar Eserlerinin Türkçe Diliçi Çevirileri, Doktora Tezi, Ankara, 2024.
Bu araştırma, Türkiye'nin siyasi ve sekülerleşme yörüngelerini dikkate alarak, ülkenin değişen dil politikalarını diliçi çeviri söylemleriyle ilişkilendirmektedir. Bu tez, diliçi çevirilerin Türk dilinin ve söyleminin evriminde oynadığı rolü ve işlevi, sekülerleştirme, kültürel belleğin inşası ve dilsel misafirperverliğin sağlanması kavramları çerçevesinde ortaya koymayı amaçlamaktadır. Bu amaçla, mevcut çalışmada Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar'ın Harf Devrimi öncesinde kaleme aldığı Gulyabani, Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç ve Efsuncu Baba romanları ile Cumhuriyet döneminde yapılan diliçi çevirileri zamanlararası bir analize tabi tutulmaktadır. Söylemin tarihsel olarak inşa edilmiş olduğunu ortaya koyan bu çalışma, kuramsal çerçeve olarak Ruth Wodak tarafından geliştirilen Söylem Tarihsel Yaklaşımı’nı kullanmaktadır. Farklı tarihsel evrelerde yapılan çeşitli diliçi çevirilerde bulunan tutarlı söylem kalıpları, yapıldıkları dönemin ideolojik yaklaşımını yansıtmaktadır. Sonuç olarak, zamanlararası diliçi çevirilerin Türk çeviri tarihi çerçevesinde yeniden kavramsallaştırılmasıyla, Osmanlı Türkçesi üzerine kurulan söylemin Cumhuriyet dönemi boyunca üretim dönemlerinin hâkim ideolojilerine uygun olarak yeniden inşa edildiğini göstermektedir. 'Dil modernleşmesi' kavramının kaynak metnin söylemini sekülerleştiren ve modernleştiren ve zamanın kültürel, sosyal, siyasi ve tarihi ruhunu gösteren diliçi çevirilerin kapsamını yakalamakta yetersiz kaldığı ortaya çıkmıştır. Dolayısıyla diliçi çeviri araştırmalarının Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'nin Osmanlı geçmişiyle çok yönlü ilişkisini ve kademeli sekülerleşme ve modernleşme yörüngesini aydınlattığı ortaya çıkmıştır.
Anahtar Sözcükler
Diliçi çeviri, söylem tarihsel yaklaşım, kültürel bellek, dilsel konukseverlik, sekülerleşme, Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar, çeviri tarihi
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACCEPTANCE AND APPROVAL ............................................................................... i
YAYIMLAMA VE FİKRİ MÜLKİYET HAKLARI BEYANI.................................. ii
ETİK BEYAN ................................................................................................................. iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ........................................................................................... iv
ABSTRACT ..................................................................................................................... v
ÖZET ............................................................................................................................... vi
TABLE OF CONTENTS .............................................................................................. vii
LIST OF TABLES .......................................................................................................... x
INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................... 1
CHAPTER 1: INTRALINGUAL TRANSLATION IN TÜRKİYE ......................... 19
1.1. INTRALINGUAL TRANSLATION AND ITS CONTRIBUTIONS TO TRANSLATION STUDIES ................................................................................................. 19
1.1.1. What is Intralingual Translation? ............................................................................................ 19
1.1.2. What Can Intralingual Translations Contribute to Translation Studies? ................................. 23
1.2. INTRALINGUAL TRANSLATION IN TÜRKİYE ................................................... 27
1.2.1. Historical Development of Intralingual Translation ................................................................ 27
1.2.2. Transition from the Ottoman Era to the Republic of Türkiye.................................................. 35
1.3. CULTURE PLANNING AND LANGUAGE PLANNING ........................................ 38
1.3.1. Culture Planning ...................................................................................................................... 38
1.3.2. Language Planning .................................................................................................................. 42
1.3.2.1 Language in the Ottoman Empire ..................................................................................................... 42
1.3.3. Language Planning in the Republic of Türkiye ....................................................................... 44
1.4. INTRALINGUAL TRANSLATION AS A MODERNISATION TOOL ................. 53
1.4.1. Intralingual Translations in the 1930s ..................................................................................... 53
1.4.2. Modernisation in Türkiye ........................................................................................................ 60
1.5. HISTORY OF TRANSLATION IN TÜRKİYE ......................................................... 64
1.5.1. Turkish Humanism, and Westernism Through Translation ..................................................... 64
1.5.2. The First National Publishing Congress .................................................................................. 67
1.5.3. The Translation Bureau ........................................................................................................... 73
CHAPTER 2: MOTIVATIONS FOR INTRALINGUAL TRANSLATION IN TÜRKİYE ...................................................................................................................... 77
2.1. SECULARISATION ...................................................................................................... 77
2.1.1. The Single Party Era ................................................................................................................ 79
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2.1.2. Transition to Multi-Party System ............................................................................................ 84
2.1.3. The Democrat Party Era in the 1950s ...................................................................................... 85
2.1.4. The 1960 Coup d’état .............................................................................................................. 86
2.1.5. The 1971 Military Memorandum ............................................................................................ 87
2.1.6. The 1980 Coup d’état .............................................................................................................. 88
2.1.7. The 1997 Turkish Military Memorandum ............................................................................... 89
2.1.8. The Era of the Justice and Development Party ........................................................................ 89
2.2. CULTURAL MEMORY ............................................................................................... 91
2.3. LINGUISTIC HOSPITALITY ..................................................................................... 99
CHAPTER 3: THE SOCIO-HISTORICAL CONTEXT SURROUNDING HÜSEYİN RAHMİ GÜRPINAR’S WORKS ........................................................... 109
3.1. SUPERSTITIOUS BELIEFS IN ANATOLIA .......................................................... 109
3.1.1. Superstitions and Social Values in the Late Nineteenth Century .......................................... 115
3.1.2. The Socio-Political Atmosphere and its Impact on Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar’s Works ........ 117
3.1.3.1. From the First Modernisation Movements to Sultan Abdulhamid II ............................................. 118
3.1.3.2. The Sultan Abdulhamid II’s Era .................................................................................................... 120
3.2. INTRALINGUAL TRANSLATION AS A TOOL FOR A SECULAR IDENTITY: HÜSEYİN RAHMİ GÜRPINAR’S LIFE, PERSONALITY, AND LITERATURE .... 124
CHAPTER 4: A DISCOURSE-HISTORICAL APPROACH TO INTRALINGUAL TRANSLATION ......................................................................... 132
4.1. THEORETICAL RELEVANCE ................................................................................ 132
4.2. CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS ...................................................................... 135
4.3. INVESTIGATING THE SOCIO-HISTORICAL EVOLUTION OF INTRALINGUAL TRANSLATIONS............................................................................... 140
CHAPTER 5: CASE STUDY ..................................................................................... 145
5.1. SELECTION OF TEXTS AND LIMITATIONS...................................................... 145
5.2. MACRO AND MICRO STRATEGIES FOR THE ANALYSIS ............................. 150
5.3. CASE STUDY .............................................................................................................. 154
5.3.1. Efsuncu Baba and its Intralingual Translations ..................................................................... 154
5.3.1.1. Secularisation and De-Secularisation ............................................................................................. 155
5.3.1.2. Cultural Memory ............................................................................................................................ 160
5.3.1.3. Linguistic Hospitality ..................................................................................................................... 170
5.3.1.4. Concluding Remarks ...................................................................................................................... 175
5.3.2. Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç and its Intralingual Translations ................................... 175
5.3.2.1. Secularisation and De-Secularisation ............................................................................................. 177
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5.3.2.2. Cultural Memory ............................................................................................................................ 182
5.3.2.3. Linguistic Hospitality ..................................................................................................................... 187
5.3.2.4. Concluding Remarks ...................................................................................................................... 191
5.3.3. Gulyabani and its Intralingual Translations ........................................................................... 192
5.3.3.1. Secularisation and De-Secularisation ............................................................................................. 194
5.3.3.2. Cultural Memory ............................................................................................................................ 197
5.3.3.3. Linguistic Hospitality ..................................................................................................................... 202
5.3.3.4. Concluding Remarks ...................................................................................................................... 207
CHAPTER 6: DISCUSSION ..................................................................................... 209
6.1. FINDINGS REGARDING SECULARISATION/DE-SECULARISATION ......... 211
6.2. FINDINGS REGARDING CULTURAL MEMORY ............................................... 217
6.3. FINDINGS REGARDING LINGUISTIC HOSPITALITY ..................................... 224
CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................ 231
BIBLIOGRAPHY ....................................................................................................... 248
APPENDIX 1. DIFFERENT PUBLICATIONS OF EFSUNCU BABA, KUYRUKLU YILDIZ ALTINDA BİR İZDİVAÇ, AND GULYABANİ AFTER 2014 ....................................................................................................................................... 259
APPENDIX 2. ETHICS COMMISSION FORM ..................................................... 262
APPENDIX 3. ORIGINALITY REPORT ................................................................ 264
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LIST OF TABLES
Table 1. Information on the Novels and Intralingual Translations ......................................................... 149
Table 2. Javier Franco Aixelá’s Strategies for the Translation of Culture Specific Items ...................... 150
Table 3. Dates and Publishers of Efsuncu Baba’s Intralingual Translations ......................................... 154
Table 4. Dates and Publishers of Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç’s Intralingual Translations........ 177
Table 5. Dates and Publishers of Gulyabani’s Intralingual Translations ................................................. 193
Table 6. Secularisation in Efsuncu Baba ................................................................................................. 212
Table 7. Secularisation in Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç ............................................................... 214
Table 8. Secularisation in Gulyabani ...................................................................................................... 215
Table 9. Cultural Memory in Efsuncu Baba ............................................................................................ 217
Table 10. Cultural Memory in Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç ........................................................ 220
Table 11. Cultural Memory in Gulyabani ............................................................................................... 222
Table 12. Linguistic Hospitality in Efsuncu Baba ................................................................................... 225
Table 13. Linguistic Hospitality in Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç ................................................. 227
Table 14. Linguistic Hospitality in Gulyabani ......................................................................................... 229
1
INTRODUCTION
This study seeks to demonstrate the role and function of intralingual translations played in the evolution of the Turkish language and discourse within the framework of the establishment of (de)secularisation, the construction of cultural memory and the achievement of linguistic hospitality. In order to fulfil its aims, the study carries out a cross-temporal analysis of Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar’s novels and their intralingual translations. Through an analysis of the concept of intralingual translation within translation studies in general and in Türkiye in particular, the study sets out to see intralingual translation as a general concept that has long been overlooked by translation studies scholars and researchers in Türkiye.
The primary objective of this thesis is to examine the underlying influence of intralingual translation on language evolution in Türkiye, as well as the effects of language evolution on intralingual translations made over the course of the Turkish state’s history. Additionally, this research aims to investigate how the gradual secularisation in Türkiye is reflected in the languages used in successive intralingual translations.
Furthermore, the objective is to achieve the reconceptualisation of intralingual translation, particularly within the framework of Turkish translation history. The cases of the present thesis are composed of the intralingual translations of Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar’s three novels Gulyabani (1913), Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç (1911), and Efsuncu Baba (1924) written before alphabet reform made in 1928. The three novels are chosen since the present study revolves around the achievement of secularism through language in Türkiye.
Gürpınar's literary works were written in Ottoman Turkish employing the Arabic script prior to the introduction of secular reforms by the Republic. These books predominantly revolved around the superstitious convictions held by the populace, encompassing a wealth of content that included religious and/or superstitious vocabulary and idioms. Furthermore, four different intralingual translations of each of the three novels are chosen as they mark a political transformation in Turkish history, in the 1950s, the 1970s, the 1990s and the 2000s, respectively. It is detected that in each decade, the publishing rights of Gürpınar’s works are sold to different publishing houses, and they published the novels
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single-handedly until 2014, the 70th year after Gürpınar’s death when the copyrights of his works became free.
After the first intralingual translations, the following three different intralingual translations of the source text can also be considered retranslations. Tahir-Gürçağlar defines the term as: “[t]he term ‘retranslation’ most commonly denotes either the act of translating a work that has previously been translated into the same language, or the result of such an act, i.e. the retranslated text itself.” (Tahir-Gürçağlar, 2009). Classic literature and religious writings are frequently retranslated. Retranslation can occur for a variety of reasons, such as the need to update outdated language, enhance translation quality, or take into consideration a revised edition of the source text (Vanderschelden, 2000). However, the different intralingual translations of Gürpınar’s works are not evaluated through the retranslation hypothesis in the present thesis because the retranslation hypothesis is not deemed suitable for cross-temporal intralingual translations that were carried out in close proximity to each other. Moreover, none of the reasons mentioned above apply for the intralingual retranslations of Gürpınar's works. The main reason is the trade in the copyrights of the books.
The study argues that Hüseyin Rahmi sought to deconstruct the Ottoman readers’ internalisation of superstitions and create a new readerly habitus of writing and reading secular(ised) literary texts. His works served this purpose, and one can also claim that the intralingual translations of his works sought to achieve the aim of reproducing secular(ised) texts through a secularised style and discourse free from religious and superstitious lexical elements. Therefore, this thesis will build upon a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) approach to the analysis of how and to what extent the intralingual translations of the selected works served Gürpınar’s aim. By employing CDA, this study aims to reveal the underlying and potentially concealed ideologies.
The study problematises the concept of secularisation as a notion associated with intralingual translation. In this respect, the cases regarding secularisation are to be evaluated as a dichotomy between secularisation/de-secularisation of the source text in successive intralingual translations. Along with secularisation, two other critical elements of the current research are the notions of cultural memory and linguistic hospitality. Cemal Demircioğlu and Tülay Gençtürk Demircioğlu conceptualise intralingual
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translation as a site where cultural memory is shaped. Intralingual translation works as a “reminder/mnemonic” cultural memory mode which connects the society’s past to the present (Demircioğlu & Gençtürk-Demircioğlu, 2022, p. 158). Accordingly, they contextualise intralingual translation as a cultural memory site where the past is constructed in the present time regarding the functions these translations perform in the culture and literature system in Türkiye (2022, p. 158).
Intralingual translations in Turkish are examined as sites where the notion of cultural memory is constructed. Besides, intralingual translations are reconceptualised as dynamic tools functioning as both “familiarisation” and “foreignization” of the Turkish readers to their past (2022, p. 161). One point that needs to be emphasised here is that the concepts of "familiarisation" and "foreignization" carry different meanings from Venuti's (1995) use of "domestication" and "foreignization". That is, the terms are employed here for different purposes. The terms "familiarisation" and "foreignization" are used here solely within the contexts of cultural memory and intralingual translation. Familiarisation versus foreignization can also be explained by the contemporary reader’s “remembering” versus “forgetting” the past in terms of intralingual translations in Türkiye (Demircioğlu & Gençtürk-Demircioğlu, 2022).
It is crucial to emphasise that through the foreignization macro-strategy, the modern Turkish reader may get alienated from their Ottoman past. That is, the reader is cut off from their own history. Similarly, in the familiarisation macro-strategy, the reader is familiarised with their own history. That is, it is the reader who has been familiarised with the Ottoman historical and cultural past.
Demircioğlu and Gençtürk Demircioğlu (2022) address the historical developments and relationship between Türkiye and the Ottoman Empire through intralingual translation. In Türkiye, intralingual translations serve the dual purpose of remembering and forgetting the past, therefore highlighting the inherent conflict between the past and the present:
Intralingual translations can function as active instruments within the framework of the motives desired to be remembered, forgotten, erased or repositioned in the society's cultural memory in accordance with the spirit of the time. In this case, in the construction of a Western-oriented cultural memory in the modernisation process from Tanzimat to the Republic, intralingual translations become a practice through which we can observe the interactions and changes between the Ottoman Empire and the Republic, as well as discover all kinds of ideological, cultural, linguistic orientations and representations in
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the ways of connecting the past to the present (Demircioğlu & Gençtürk-Demircioğlu, 2022, p. 161).
In this sense, the present study conceptualises intralingual translations as sites where the past is reconstructed in the present, and the consciousness of the present influences the reconstruction of the past. Thus, intralingual translations as dynamic tools play a crucial role in the familiarisation or foreignization of modern readers to their Ottoman past. The use of this dualism serves as an instrument for inspecting the process of familiarisation and foreignization of Ottoman history within the context of Republican ideology. The notion of cultural memory is expected to highlight the conflict and struggle between modern Türkiye and its Ottoman past. Examples relating to Ottoman culture's lifestyle, habits, traditions, and attitudes are analysed under this notion.
Paul Ricoeur (2006) puts forward the idea of “linguistic hospitality” with regard to interlingual translations carried out between different national languages. In the present study, the notion of linguistic hospitality is employed in intralingual translations conducted from Ottoman Turkish into modern Turkish where the archaic foreign and the native modern are intertwined in one language. The first association of the notion of linguistic hospitality with intralingual translation is established in Monica Katiboğlu's article (2023), where she adapts the notion to examine Halid Ziya Uşaklıgil’s intralingual self-translations from Ottoman Turkish into modern Turkish. Within the concept of linguistic hospitality, a translator essentially serves as a mediator in establishing a balance between the enjoyment of accommodating the language of the Other and the enjoyment of welcoming a foreign language into the Self (Ricoeur, 2006, p. 10). Ricoeur utilises the notions put forward by Sigmund Freud as the “work of remembering” and the “work of mourning” (2006). Remembering is explained by Ricoeur as “the work of translation, won on the battlefield of a secret resistance motivated by fear, indeed by hatred of the foreign, perceived as a threat against our own linguistic identity” (2006, p. 23). The work of mourning on the other hand, is seen as giving up on the ideal of a perfect translation. By this renunciation, translation can serve two ends at the same time and achieve linguistic hospitality.
The process of remembering is employed to elucidate situations in which the terminology originating from Arabic and Persian is being recalled from Ottoman history. Nevertheless, the use of mourning is necessary to elucidate the losses and renunciations
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that arise in later intralingual translations when the language originating from the Ottoman era no longer exists. Hence, the existence of this duality gives rise to a dichotomy between the acts of remembering and mourning. This dichotomy will be employed to elucidate the instances of intralingual translation regarding the Arabic and Persian lexical items.
It would not be wrong to claim that intralingual translations shed light on the implicit and explicit struggles between the past and present, old and new, the Ottoman Empire and Republican Türkiye. In this respect, the present study seeks to scrutinise the tensions and struggles between the past and the present by investigating intralingual translations.
In the course of my investigation into the historical aspects of translation and its connection to Türkiye in relation to language and culture, I developed a keen interest in various intralingual translations of novels. This research has yielded a wealth of untapped data that holds significant potential for uncovering language policies, translation methodologies, and political transformations that shape these phenomena. Having acquired a certain level of proficiency in Ottoman Turkish, I have undertaken an initial analysis of intralingual translation in Türkiye. This examination is based on a restricted dataset that encompasses the source text of Efsuncu Baba, which was written in 1924 prior to the implementation of alphabet reform. Additionally, the study examines various intralingual translations of this text throughout the historical period of Türkiye, specifically in 1954, 1966, 1995, and 2009.
This preliminary investigation revealed that intralingual translations exhibit fundamental similarities to interlingual translations of the identical source text, hence demonstrating the equal use and practicality of intralingual translations in comparison to interlingual translations. When doing a comparative analysis, my primary focus was on the disparities in religious terminology and phrases that were prevalent in Efsuncu Baba. The preliminary results indicate that when comparing the source text, written in the Arabic alphabet, with its intralingual translations from various periods, not only there are changes in vocabulary from Arabic and/or Persian to Turkish or spelling rules, but there are also cultural and ideological changes that have occurred throughout the entire history of Türkiye.
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The pilot study prompted me to acknowledge the utility of intralingual translations in the examination of politics, language policy, and translation policies within certain historical periods. These initial findings prompted me to ask a number of questions that constituted historical research regarding Turkish politics and superstitions, the theoretical background, and the methodological framework of the present thesis.
The initial set of questions pertaining to intralingual translation and its predominantly overlooked influence in Türkiye can be listed as follows:
• Did intralingual translations provide comparable utility in fostering the acquisition of a novel linguistic repertoire when compared to interlingual translations performed from the West?
• Were intralingual translations performed in an ideologically-neutral manner in Türkiye?
• What were the motivations for doing intralingual translations during the initial period of the Republican era?
• Did intralingual translations play a comparable role in culture planning as interlingual translations?
• In what ways might intralingual translations be employed to investigate the historical change in language ideology and hence discourse?
• Regarding the cultural, linguistic, and ideological spheres, how have intralingual translations been utilised?
• To what extent has intralingual translation been influenced by explicit or implicit censorship in Türkiye?
The second set of questions is pertinent to the relationship between the successive intralingual translations and gradual language change throughout the course of events in the history of Türkiye:
• To what extent did pivotal moments in Turkish politics shape language policies?
• Could these linguistic policies be situated within the framework of secularism?
• Can intralingual translations serve as evidence for language policy changes or the growing secularisation of the country?
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• To what extent intralingual translations can be utilised for demonstrating the language policies throughout specific time periods?
• To what extent have intralingual translations had a role in the process of language secularisation in Türkiye?
• In the context of secularisation, how have superstitious beliefs evolved in Türkiye; and can intralingual translations be utilised in revealing this evolution in the last hundred years?
Against the backdrop of secularisation, this inquiry seeks to examine the history of superstitious beliefs in Türkiye and explore the potential of intralingual translations in shedding light on this evolution over the past century. These inquiries motivate me to traverse the multitude of debates and inquiries I undertake in the subsequent chapters.
Prior to delving into the aforementioned inquiries, it is imperative to acknowledge the underlying factors that have largely contributed to the marginalisation of intralingual translation in the field of translation studies. In the subsequent analysis, I will highlight the limitations of existing studies in the area and the potential contributions of intralingual translation in expanding the scope and enhancing the historical study within the realm of translation studies.
Despite its significant promise, I identify three challenges that hinder the development of intralingual translation research. Turkish translation studies experts do not primarily focus on intralingual translation due to its marginalised status among translation scholars worldwide (Berk Albachten, 2014; Pillière & Berk Albachten, 2024; Zethsen, 2009). The position of intralingual translation research has a direct impact on the enthusiasm to study the field in Türkiye. Hence, the field of intralingual translation studies in Türkiye is marginalised similar to translation studies elsewhere, with the exception of the emerging contemporary study. However, it should be emphasised that a pivotal reference book published in 2024 stands out as a solid exception in this regard, demonstrating that intralingual translation has a bright future within translation studies. Edited by Linda Pillière and Özlem Berk Albachten (2024) The Routledge Handbook of Intralingual Translation is expected to break new ground in the translation studies field for years to come.
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Another factor contributing to the lack of study on intralingual translation is the belief that intralingual translations are not considered as translations, intralingual translators are not considered as translators, and works that are translated inside a single language are not considered as translations. Although some works of literature are presented as intralingual translations, the publishing houses mostly present intralingual translations as “adaptations to modern Turkish”, “prepared for publishing”, “Turkified version”, “edited”, “simplified”, “arranged” (Berk Albachten, 2013, p. 258), which has a direct reciprocation among the public. The intralingual translators are also presented as the editor, arranger, preparer for publishing, preparer for modern Turkish, or simplifier, with a few exceptions that present these agents as translators. Consequently, this neglect impacts academic research and results in a lack of enthusiasm for intralingual translation research. Furthermore, as Özlem Berk (2019, 2014) states, there is a limited number of academics that do not acknowledge the significance of intralingual translation within the field of translation studies (Mossop, 1998, 2016; Newmark, 1991; Schubert, 2005).
In contrast to the preceding two challenges, the last impediment encountered in intralingual translation study pertains to the alphabet reform and language reforms, which are exclusive to the context of Türkiye. During the initial years of the early Republican Türkiye, a series of reforms were implemented. In 1928, the Arabic alphabet was replaced with the Latin alphabet. Subsequently, starting in 1932, efforts were made to eliminate the Arabic and Persian languages from the Turkish language, aligning with the political agenda of the Single Party. Therefore, the researchers in Türkiye seeking to study intralingual translation confront an alphabet barrier in addition to a language barrier due to the abundance of Arabic and Persian expressions. The researchers are required to learn the old Ottoman language, which necessitates diligent work and great effort. Thus, these challenges might deter scholars from studying intralingual translations in Türkiye.
Various researchers, academicians, translation studies scholars, translators, and writers have been studying Türkiye’s translation history. Their efforts have aided in the construction of the translation history of Türkiye. Most of the research centres on the translation journey of Türkiye by scrutinising translation institutions, especially starting after the Tanzimat period. In the works studying translation activity during the Republic of Türkiye, the paramount importance is attributed chiefly to the state sponsored Translation Bureau and its impacts (Tahir-Gürçağlar, 2008). The Translation Bureau was
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a milestone in Turkish translation history, especially in terms of translations from Western languages and translations of Western Classics. It contributed immensely to the construction of Turkish humanism, a new secular Turkish identity and culture planning. However, this study argues that a focus on interlingual translation alone is not enough to explore the history of translation. Although interlingual translation helped substantially to the construction of national culture and identity, intralingual translations should not be ignored. As Özlem Berk states, “attempts at constructing national cultures and identities have taken place not only via interlingual but also intralingual translations” (1999, p. 4). The act of translating works produced prior to the implementation of alphabet reform and language reforms can be argued to have a role in the formation of one's identity and the development of self-awareness.
In addition to the frequently studied areas of research, there have been quite influential studies by a certain number of pioneering scholars in Türkiye. Some of the invaluable and illuminating studies made by Berrin Aksoy (2005), Şehnaz Tahir Gürçağlar (2008), Özlem Berk Albachten (2013, 2014, 2015, 2019), Saliha Paker (2002, 2014), Cemal Demircioğlu (2005, 2009; Demircioğlu & Gençtürk-Demircioğlu, 2022), and Zehra Toska (2015) in the translation history research can be given as examples. For instance, Şehnaz Tahir Gürçağlar includes private publishing houses’ impact in the Republican era in her study, while Özlem Berk Albachten is one of the pioneers in Türkiye, contextualising and scrutinising intralingual translation. Saliha Paker, Cemal Demircioğlu, and Zehra Toska expanded the scope of translation operations in Türkiye to include the Ottoman Empire era. They also provided a historical background for various translation methodologies.
Upon analysing the present studies on translation history in Türkiye, it becomes evident that there are prevalent tendencies about the significance of attributing the effects of politics on translation. Gürçağlar states that most research has a focus on the role given to translation in the Westernisation and modernisation of Türkiye, especially in the early Republican era (2008, p. 15). She adds that several researchers saw translation as a vehicle for transmitting ideas into Türkiye as well as a tool for nation-building (2008, p. 15). According to these scholars, understanding the true purpose and function of translation in the early Republican period requires a broad historical/political framework (Tahir-Gürçağlar, 2008, p. 15).
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Recognising the political influence of the state on translation throughout the first half of the 20th century has significantly expanded the scope of translation studies, particularly in acknowledging the role of translation in culture planning. Nevertheless, this recognition is limited as the concept of translation in these studies does not encompass intralingual translation as well. The significance ascribed to translation primarily in shaping culture and attitude among individuals may appear appealing to scholars in the subject of interlingual translation studies. Nevertheless, whereas interlingual translation's significant influence on the cultural domain in Türkiye is well acknowledged by several scholars, the presence and consequences of intralingual translation have largely been overlooked.
Studying intralingual translation is expected to greatly enhance translation studies in Türkiye, considering the alphabet and language reforms, as well as the rapid evolution of language in response to state interventions in language throughout Republican history. In this study, the objective is to enhance the comprehension of the translation history of Türkiye by examining the literary works composed in Ottoman Turkish and their intralingual translations across various eras of the Republic. The incorporation of intralingual translation in translation history study is anticipated to provide a valuable addition to the academic discipline of translation studies. It is expected to be a contribution of the present study to the general framework of translation studies in Türkiye
Research on intralingual translation is carried out in various domains, such as expert-to-layman communication, localisation, modernisation of outdated or older texts, adaptations of world classics for children, substitution of culturally specific phrases when using multiple dialects of the same language, and cross-cultural adaptations (Berk Albachten, 2014, p. 577). However, except for particular subfields of research, intralingual translation research is often diachronic by nature and most of the research, including the present study, centres on the intralingual translation of older texts with archaic language. The use of the different translations of each of Gürpınar’s works performed in different subsequent periods contributes to the identification of the transformation of the Turkish language and culture over the course of time. The production of old texts in a new alphabet and with newly created or coined words that
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represent the language policies of the government are also entirely instrumental in exploring the discourse and the dominant politics in the country.
The examination of the cases incorporating the intralingual translations of Gürpınar's works in this study employs a Discourse Historical Approach (DHA). The adoption of the discourse-historical method to intralingual translations is justified by the fact that these translations are consecutive and may be examined from a diachronic standpoint.
The principal grounds for employing Ruth Wodak’s DHA in this research is to give top priority to the analysis of the historical dimension of the discourse. DHA, which emphasises historical context, has been selected as the preferred methodology for this study since it aims to investigate how changing sociopolitical and socio-historical conditions have influenced intralingual translations in Türkiye. In this context, the present thesis has explored an innovative approach to intralingual translation that offers a unique combination of intralingual translation and DHA, distinguishing it from the existing research in the translation studies field. The originality of the present study stems from this novel approach.
The case study section, in the light of DHA, aims to uncover the shifts in discourse within intralingual translations concerning political and social transformations in Türkiye from a diachronic standpoint. The aim is expected to be achieved by examining the correlation between historically and socially constructed knowledge and discourse. Thus, this research investigates the interplay between political changes and evolutions in intralingual translations over time, employing insights provided by DHA. DHA helps the present study methodologically in order to emphasise the historicity of discourses in the case study analysis.
The motivation for engaging in intralingual translation extends beyond the mere modernisation of an outdated language. The alteration of the alphabet and the ongoing endeavours to eliminate vocabulary originating from Arabic and Persian have significantly influenced the Turkish language during the past century. Turkish readers cannot read the texts written before the alphabet reform in 1928. Comprehending literature produced following the alphabet change is particularly challenging due to the deliberate and systematic substitution of Arabic and Persian origin words with newly introduced Turkish ones resulting from the language reform. Hence, the uniqueness of
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intralingual translation in Türkiye lies in its cross-temporal research of language, the examination of crucial language changes accompanied by an ideological motivation, and the analysis of data obtained from the same language written in multiple alphabets. Consequently, this particular research within the field of translation studies is anticipated to yield valuable data for comprehending the historical development of translation, as well as the social, cultural, and political transformations that have occurred in Türkiye.
Against this background, Chapter 1 of this thesis is an extensive and thorough section that serves to contextualise intralingual translation. It offers a historical overview of intralingual translation, establishes the framework for understanding intralingual translation, and situates it within the broader field of translation studies, specifically within the setting of Türkiye. In addition, this chapter correlates intralingual translation with interlingual translation and depicts the parallelisms in the history of both.
The chapter seeks to discover what intralingual translation means both in the world and in Türkiye. Subsequently, an examination of the potential impact of intralingual translation in the field of translation studies is conducted through an analysis of the academic perspective, as well as an exploration of the existing literature pertaining to this topic, with a particular focus on the Turkish context.
Once intralingual translation is situated within the field of translation studies, an examination of its historical development in Türkiye, commencing with the Ottoman era, is undertaken. It is emphasised that intralingual translation holds a distinctive position in the historical context of the Turkish state. Its origins can be traced back to the Ottoman Empire, where it served as a means to update the existing language and facilitate the exchange of alphabets between minority languages and Arabic letters. Thus, it is demonstrated that intralingual translation was considered a kind of translation practice in the Ottoman Empire (Berk Albachten, 2018; Demircioğlu, 2005, 2009). Since they complement each other, the history of intralingual translation is followed by the translation history of Türkiye with regard to drawing a comprehensive framework including many aspects of translation history.
Following the establishment of a comprehensive framework for intralingual translation, the examination of culture planning and language planning that has been central to the historical development of the Turkish state is conducted. These factors have played a
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crucial role in the emergence of intralingual translation. Commencing with the culture planning during the Single Party era and its practical implementations centred around translation, the chapter explores language planning as an integral component of culture planning. Chapter 1 of this study re-examines intralingual translation in Türkiye, focusing on the impact of language planning throughout its history. This analysis is categorised, based on political turning points up to the present. The study aligns with one of its hypotheses, which suggests that intralingual translations reflect political, cultural, and ideological changes.
Scholars have placed excessive emphasis on interlingual translation and its effects on the modernisation and formation of a secular, contemporary Turkish identity, as well as the emergence of Turkish humanism. They accept translation as part of attempts to Westernise and modernise Türkiye exclusively during the first decades of the Republic (Tahir-Gürçağlar, 2008, p. 15). Nevertheless, because they focus on a relatively small but essential portion of the system of translated literature, scholars' contextualisation of translation activity in Türkiye remains partial (Tahir-Gürçağlar, 2008, p. 15). These studies lack the incorporation of intralingual translation, which has an essential role in the translation history of Türkiye. Besides, the utilisation of intralingual translation during the Single Party era for the modernisation of Türkiye is mainly ignored. This chapter seeks to bridge this gap.
Chapter 2 provides a concise overview of the political history and secularisation process of Türkiye, drawing upon the intralingual translations of Gürpınar that correspond to several significant political milestones in Türkiye. This chapter categorises specific periods of Turkish history based on their alignment with the language planning eras elucidated in Chapter 1. It delves into notable events that transpired throughout these times under the framework of secularisation. These periods are selected deliberately since they match different intralingual translations of Gürpınar’s works in addition to marking political turning points. While exploring the critical political events, Chapter 2 offers a perspective centring on the gradual secularisation of Türkiye.
Chapter 2 examines the factors influencing the selection of words and the process of secularising languages in intralingual translations. It seeks to reveal that gradual language change towards secularisation in cross-temporal translations throughout history reflects
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the political shifts and secularisation of the country. Therefore, Chapter 2 offers a brief history of the political journey of Türkiye, focusing on secularisation in particular. The chapter chronologically analyses Turkish political history, starting from the Single Party era until the present day.
It is essential to combine and read the reforms studied in Chapter 2 together with the culture planning and language planning efforts scrutinised in Chapter 1. Additionally, it is crucial to read these reforms and efforts from the notion of cultural memory point of view since the reconstruction and recalling of the Ottoman past were made in the Republican era from the Republican point of view.
Chapter 2 also surveys the Democrat Party era in the 1950s. The counter-revolutions and actions of the government reversing secularisation reforms of the previous term mark this period in the history of Türkiye. Afterwards, Chapter 2 scrutinises the 1960s and 1970s, focusing on the 1960 coup d’état and 1971 military memorandum. Then, the chapter focuses on the 1980 coup d’état and its impacts on politics and law, again centring on secularisation. Chapter 2 ends with the 28 February 1997 military memorandum and the 2000s, the new millennia. Chapter 2 focuses on the longitudinal gradual secularisation of the Turkish state. This research aims to uncover this phenomenon through cases of intralingual translations of Gürpınar's works from different periods in Türkiye.
After Chapter 2 deals with the secularisation trajectory of Türkiye, it focuses on the notion of cultural memory. The recontextualization of intralingual translations occurs as a means of reconstructing the past from the viewpoint of the present and contemporary awareness, as posited by cultural memory. In other words, during the Republican era, Ottoman history is rebuilt via intralingual translations, which serve as a means for present readers to acquire knowledge about their past.
Lastly, Chapter 2 scrutinises the notion of linguistic hospitality put forward by Paul Ricoeur, which foregrounds a dichotomy for reading the translations as the work of remembering and the work of mourning. The notion is first adapted and used in the intralingual translation by Monica Katiboğlu (2023). Linguistic hospitality is examined to establish a division for the examination of translations within a single language, despite the fact that the concept is mostly proposed for translations between different languages. The present thesis explores linguistic hospitality and adapts it for intralingual translations.
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While the work of remembering serves to remember the Ottoman past, the work of mourning refers to renunciation for the losses in intralingual translations. The notion of linguistic hospitality is employed in cases related to Arabic and Persian origin words to reveal whether they are remembered or forgotten in the Republican context. If these words are not filtered out during intralingual translation, then they are remembered in modern texts. On the other hand, if they are removed or eliminated, their loss is renounced.
The selection of Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar's works for examination in this thesis is based on their abundance of religious and superstitious sentiments and happenings. Gürpınar endeavoured to deride the superficial superstitious convictions held by the general populace throughout his literary oeuvre. He sought to deconstruct the internalisation of superstitions among Ottoman readers and to establish a new readerly habitus of writing secular(ised) literary texts. His works served this function.
Chapter 3 provides information on the superstitious beliefs of the society that inspired Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar and his novels in the Ottoman Empire. The chapter offers a brief history and evolution of superstitious beliefs in Türkiye throughout history. In his literary works, Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar used highly superstitious views and religious emotions. He mostly ironizes the naive and gullible beliefs of the people living in the slums of Istanbul and criticises the people’s circumstances and swindlers’ cheats exploiting religion and superstitious beliefs. This chapter provides a comprehensive analysis of the historical development of superstitious beliefs under the Ottoman Empire and Türkiye. Its purpose is to complement the examination of secularisation conducted in Chapter 2.
After centring on the roots of superstitious beliefs in Anatolia, Chapter 3 surveys superstitious beliefs and social values in the late 19th century Ottoman Empire as they formed the base of Gürpınar’s novels. This part of Chapter 3 addresses superstitious beliefs and customs in Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar’s era and underlines that people living in the Ottoman Empire followed the rules of their religion in addition to superstitious beliefs which Gürpınar deals with in his works. Chapter 3 offers insight into the late 19th century Ottoman Empire’s socio-political atmosphere and its impacts on Gürpınar and his works. The chapter also scrutinises the first modernisation movements in the Ottoman
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Empire, beginning with Sultan Mahmud II, understanding that this period is crucial because the modernisation of Türkiye dates back to this century. Moreover, during this period, Gürpınar's views, which were influenced by Western and modernist ideologies, were disseminated and implemented within the country.
Chapter 3 continues studying Sultan Abdulhamid II’s reign in which Gürpınar started his career as a writer. In this era, Gürpınar grew up and first formed his literary life between the late 19th century and the early 20th century. The era was quite chaotic due to economic collapses, lost wars, and great immigration movements from lost soil to the Ottoman Empire. When taking into account all of these conditions, the dissemination of modernisation ideas to the disadvantaged and fragmented population throughout the late 19th and early 20th centuries becomes very challenging. In this environment, literature was one of a handful of practical tools used by those who supported modernisation and secularisation to enlighten the vast majority of people who were hopelessly backward and ignorant of the modern world. Literary works like those authored by Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar such as Efsuncu Baba, Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç, or Gulyabani aim to educate and make the general populace aware of the exploiting situation. Literati like Gürpınar critique superstitions while attempting to spread and popularise Westernisation, secularisation, and modernisation ideas across society.
Lastly, Chapter 3 provides the biography of Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar in pursuance of a better understanding of the cases. Along with Gürpınar’s life, his personality, worldview, and literature are scrutinised in the last part of Chapter 3.
Chapter 4 offers the theoretical background for the present thesis. Initially, the relationship between translation studies and CDA is built. The similarities and common grounds are highlighted between the two fields. Research conducted in the translation studies field with a CDA perspective is scrutinised. Afterwards, the chapter provides information on CDA in general. Chapter 4 also explores the DHA under CDA. Since the cases of the present study cover cross-temporal intralingual translations, Wodak's (2001) DHA makes a well-suited theoretical tool for the analysis of the case studies.
Chapter 4 constitutively bridges the findings of the political, social, and historical investigations of the first three chapters with the cases by providing a theoretical framework that is utilised for the evaluation of discourses of the intralingual translations.
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The chapter starts by relating CDA to intralingual translation specifically. In order to investigate dialectical power dynamics, control mechanisms and dominance through language use in conjunction with intralingual translations made in different eras, CDA is studied. As the present study seeks to unearth the discursive changes in intralingual translations relating to political and social changes in Türkiye, the connection between socially constructed knowledge and discourse is studied. The applicability of CDA to translation studies is demonstrated since “translation is an ideologically embedded socio-cultural/political practice” (Isbuga-Erel, 2008, p. 59). CDA deals with the discourse as an ideological entity. A society's translation practices may vary throughout time in response to shifts in its political environment. Therefore, this study examines the relationship between political transformations and shifts in intralingual translations throughout time, utilising the perspectives offered by DHA.
In Chapter 4, DHA is examined as the primary methodology employed in this study. This approach is chosen to investigate cases and to establish connections between the findings and the ideological and historical information presented in the first three chapters. The primary rationale for using the DHA in this study is to prioritise the examination of the historical aspect of discourse, in contrast to alternative CDA approaches. The analysis of the cases is based on the historical framework for analysing intralingual translations and their discourses. This study considers the historical context while evaluating various intralingual translations and their respective discourses throughout different historical epochs within the Republic. Therefore, this analysis focuses on the intralingual translations and discourses of Türkiye throughout history, considering their interdiscursivity.
Chapter 5 presents the case study works, including Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar’s three novels and four intralingual translations of each work, made in different periods spanned through Türkiye’s history. Before presenting the examples, Chapter 5 begins with the summaries of each novel to be studied, namely Efsuncu Baba, Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç and Gulyabani. This chapter analyses cases, whereby each example is presented in a unified table comprising the source-text line, its transcription into Latin letters, and its four intralingual translations. The purpose of this table is to facilitate comparison and contrast between the cases. The examples are analysed and interpreted in light of the DHA within the framework of CDA.
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Chapter 5 starts by establishing a framework for the process of selecting and defining the constraints of the cases. Different intralingual translations made in different decades by various publishing houses include the following: Hilmi Publishing House in the 1940s and 1950s, Atlas Publishing House in the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s, Özgür Publishing House in the 1990s and early 2000s, and Everest Publishing House in the 2000s. Chapter 5 also scrutinises the macro and micro-strategies adapted for the exploration of the cases. For the micro-strategies, Javier Franco Aixelá’s Culture Specific Items’ (CSIs) translation strategies (Aixela, 1996, p. 60) are adapted to the present thesis in order to identify the interventions in intralingual translations. Afterwards, the macro-strategies, namely, the establishment of (de)secularisation, the construction of cultural memory and the achievement of linguistic hospitality, are revisited. After studying micro and macro-strategies, the examples of Efsuncu Baba, Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç and Gulyabani are studied and analysed in conjunction with their intralingual translations. Respectively, the thesis ends with the Discussion and the Conclusion Chapters.
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CHAPTER 1 INTRALINGUAL TRANSLATION IN TÜRKİYE
Introductory Points
- In the present chapter, intralingual translation is contextualised and conceptualised. The types of intralingual translation, theoretical framework, discussions on conceptualisation and research in other cultures are widely scrutinised.
- The history of intralingual translation, specifically focusing on the practices of intralingual translation in the Ottoman Empire is scrutinised. The chapter explores the production of intralingual translations across time and the transcriptions.
- The State’s support and involvement in intralingual translation following the alphabet change is emphasised.
- To find parallelisms in the languages of intralingual translations of Gürpınar’s works from different decades, language planning in accordance with culture planning is examined, spanning through the history of Türkiye.
- To provide a thorough and all-encompassing framework for the history of Turkish translation, the focus is placed on interlingual translation history, while also emphasising its parallelism with intralingual translation history.
1.1. INTRALINGUAL TRANSLATION AND ITS CONTRIBUTIONS TO TRANSLATION STUDIES
1.1.1. What is Intralingual Translation?
Translation studies became an independent discipline starting in the 1960s. After its independence from linguistics, the field has expanded exponentially. Although the field has grown in multiple directions with its multidisciplinary nature, most of the studies concentrate on interlingual translations, which constitute the primary subject of the field. Intralingual translation, on the other hand, has rarely been studied and often stayed out of translation studies. Compared to interlingual translation, studying intralingual translation
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within the framework of translation studies remained relatively weaker. Notwithstanding, this study evaluates intralingual translation as a counterpart of interlingual translation. Besides, it asserts that intralingual translation should be treated as interlingual translation, especially in the Turkish context, since intralingual translation has been used as a tool as useful as interlingual translation in Turkish modernisation.
The most common definition of translation covers both the act of transferring from one language into another and the final product of this process. Throughout history, translation has almost always referred to this action and product. However, it was in 1959 when this definition’s boundaries were extended by a Russian linguist Roman Jakobson.
In his paper called “On Linguistics Aspects of Translation”, Jakobson introduced two new types of translation in addition to “translation proper” that occurs between two different languages. Accordingly, Jakobson (1959) distinguishes three possible ways of interpreting or translating a verbal sign: “[i]t may be translated into other signs of the same language, into another language, or into another, a nonverbal system of symbols” The first expression, “translation into other signs of the same language” is the place where the intralingual translation is defined. Jakobson labels three kinds of translation: intralingual translation, interlingual translation, and intersemiotic translation. The first kind, intralingual translation or “rewording” refers to “an interpretation of verbal signs by means of other signs of the same language” (1959). The second kind is the interlingual translation or “translation proper” refers to “an interpretation of verbal signs by means of some other language” (1959). The last kind of translation, intersemiotic translation or “transmutation” refers to “an interpretation of verbal signs by means of signs of nonverbal sign systems”.
In his pioneering and short article, Jakobson does not elaborate on intralingual translation as bearing a political motivation. Rather, he focuses on intralingual translations of words and asserts that the intralingual translation of a word “uses either another, more or less synonymous, word or resorts to a circumlocution”. This explains why he names intralingual translation as “rewording”.
Jakobson’s classification carries utmost importance in terms of expanding the boundaries of translation studies out of the classical realm of “translation proper” or interlingual translation. It allows two new types of translations into translation studies. However, his study is problematised in different aspects by certain translation scholars. Özlem Berk
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criticises Jakobson for naming interlingual translation as the only “proper” and claims that “Jakobson weakens his attempt to broaden the definition of translation by including intralingual and intersemiotic forms of translating” (2014, p. 574). She further questions the tripartite division of Jakobson with regard to distinguishing borders between languages and asks, “[h]ow can we distinguish between languages and dialects or creoles? How can the boundaries be drawn between different historical stages of the development of a language? Should the borders of a language be determined by lack of intelligibility?” (2014, p. 574). Then, Özlem Berk concludes that her questions “make Jakobson’s division between interlingual and intralingual translation ambiguous, and linguists still do not agree on clear dividing lines” (2014, p. 574). For example, in a section of his book titled “Translation can be intralingual or interlingual” Anthony Pym states as follows:
It is often assumed that the kind of transfer most pertinent to translation is that which takes place exclusively between different languages. This restriction of the field assumes a radical division between interlingual and intralingual transfer. Unfortunately there is no such division, simply because there are no natural frontiers between languages. The kinds of translation that can take place between idiolects, sociolects and dialects are essentially no different from those between more radically distanced language systems. Although one would expect to encounter a need for increasing transformations with increasing cultural distance, there is no strict cut-off point at which wholly intralingual rewriting can be said to have become wholly interlingual. Those who travel on foot or have read the diachronic part of Saussure know that there are no natural frontiers between languages (Pym, 1992, pp. 23-24).
Gideon Toury makes another criticism towards Jakobson’s classification. Accordingly, text generally passes multi-borders when they are translated not simply from one language into another or one sign into another. Then, he examples his claim, “when an oral story in one language becomes a literary, written one in another; when a religious text is transformed into a secular one, a literary work into a non-literary text” (Toury, 1986 as cited in Berk Albachten, 2004, p. 575) which asserts that Jakobson’s classification is not refined.
Toury’s examples can be classified differently as subbranches under the intralingual translation. In order to develop Jakobson’s tripartite division and expand the horizons of translation studies, intralingual translation should be considered as an umbrella term and cover specific subtypes.
For centuries, sagas, epics, myths, legends, and folktales have passed from generation to generation orally within the same language over time. Later, they were written down and constituted works of literature. Before people write down these works, they were
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transferred from oral to oral intralingually. Additionally, when they were written down from oral into a written form or transcribed, they were intralingually translated once more. For example, “Kerem ile Aslı” is a Turkish poetry/folktale dating back to the 16th century. It has been passed from generation to generation intralingually. Then, it was intralingually translated again when it was transcribed into written form. The process applies all the ancient works of literature, such as the Odyssey, Iliad or similarly, the longest epic, the epic of Manas consisting of 500.553 lines also intralingually translated and transferred from generation to generation.
Özlem Berk includes other types of transfer practices into intralingual translation such as expert-to-layman communication, localisation, updating of archaic or older texts into today’s language, children's adaptations of world classics, substitution phrases peculiar to a culture when using multiple dialects of the same language, cross-cultural adaptation of the children’s literature, rewritings in the postcolonial context and so on (Berk Albachten, 2014, p. 577). The adaptation of texts primarily written for the usage of experts to reach and comprehend the general public is explained as expert-to-layman communication. For example, turning an academic article on medicine into a text that people understand requires this kind of intralingual translation. Updating older texts into today’s language, such as intralingual translations of the texts written in the Ottoman period into their equivalents constituted in the Republican Period, is the primary research area of this study. Translation of different dialects of the same language can be another subbranch of intralingual translation. Turning a text written with a specific dialect to a region in Türkiye into standard Turkish (Istanbul Turkish) was an application occasionally applied in the early decades of the Republic to standardise the language. In terms of cross-cultural adaptation of children’s literature, for example, J. K. Rowling’s Harry Potter series was initially written in British English, and it was intralingually translated and published in American English. In addition to some grammatical changes, words specific to the British culture, such as “biscuits”, “football”, “Mummy”, and “rounders” changed in the American version to “cookies”, “soccer”, “Mommy” and “baseball” (Berk Albachten, 2014, p. 577).
Although there are a number of different subtypes of intralingual translation that can be defined, this study sought to address intralingual translation as the updating of archaic texts, which makes it a cross-temporal study between the texts created in the last terms of
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the Ottoman Empire and their intralingual translations made throughout the history Türkiye. The novels written by Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar respectively Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç written in 1911, Gulyabani written in 1913 and Efsuncu Baba written in 1924, and their intralingual translations made in different times throughout Türkiye’s history sought to be compared cross-temporarily.
1.1.2. What Can Intralingual Translations Contribute to Translation Studies?
The number of instances of intralingual translations can be increased. The abundance of subbranches of intralingual translation proves that further research is still required to consolidate its place within translation studies. Although it is sometimes hard to define definite borders of the intralingual translations since there are uncertain borders between interlingual and intralingual translations, the field offers fruitful areas of research. Another essential point in this regard is that the place of intralingual translations in translation studies still creates a quarrel between translation scholars. While some scholars oppose the idea that this field should be included in translation studies, others support the inclusion.
This study claims that intralingual translation is a part of translation studies following Gideon Toury’s translation definition. Accordingly, he defines translation in a comprehensive viewpoint as “any target-language utterance which is presented or regarded as such within the target culture, on whatever grounds” (Toury, 1985, p. 20). Another notion supporting the inclusion of intralingual translation into translation studies is the understanding of Tymoczko, which suggests translation as a concept of a cluster which expands and enlarges the boundaries of translation studies in her book Enlarging Translation, Empowering Translators (Tymoczko, 2007). Tymoczko acknowledges and enlarges Jakobson’s definition of intralingual translation in her study and states as follows:
Unlike representation and transference which usually occur within single cultures, a commonality between the superordinate mode of transculturation and most clusters in the cross-cultural concept *translation is that they normally involve interchange and interaction between or among cultures. There are exceptions of course that involve cultural interface and transculturation in heterogeneous cultures comprising multiple languages and multiple cultural patterns. In the case of translation, intralingual translation between two states or two dialects of a single language also occur within a single cultural framework. Nonetheless, such instances represent limiting cases where translation is used
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for intracultural or self-referential purposes, including defining the self, nation building, movement of tradition across time, and the like (Tymoczko, 2007, p. 126).
It is essential to underline that Tymoczko, as this study claims, sees intralingual translation as a tool for nation-building. As this study claims, in Türkiye’s context, intralingual translation has been used for the building of a new, secular, modern Turkish nation and identity. Namely, intralingual translations are used as a tool for modernisation in Turkish history.
The inclusion of intralingual translation in translation studies is still a controversial issue among translation scholars. While few researchers oppose this incorporation into translation studies, the majority of translation studies scholars accept intralingual translation as a part of translation studies in their research. In her recent study, Özlem Berk shows the opposite research in terms of accepting or refusing the inclusion of intralingual translations in the definition of translation. On one hand, few researchers opposed the idea (Mossop, 1998, 2016; Newmark, 1991; Schubert, 2005 as cited in Berk Albachten, 2019, p. 168).
On the other hand, there is a wide range of studies accepting intralingual translation as a part of translation studies. Özlem Berk (2019, p. 168) lists the studies and researchers who affirmed the importance of intralingual translation for translators and translation scholars; Hill-Madsen’s (2014), Schmid’s (2008, 2012) and Zethsen’s (2007) studies centring on a variety of intralingual translations such as from expert to layman translations; Denton’s (2007) and Zethsen’s (2009) studies on translation for diverse target groups between registers; Vlachopoulos’ (2007) on specialised communication in the law; Gottlieb’s (2005) on intralingual translation from spoken to written for those with hearing or vision impairments in audio-visual media; Caimi’s (2006) and Šilhánková’s (2014) on didactics (2019, p. 168).
As can be seen, the range of the applicability of intralingual translation within translation studies is wide open; however, the studies in this term still do not attract enough interest among translation scholars yet. In this context, it is important to note that a seminal reference work released in 2024 stands out as a clear exception, suggesting that intralingual translation has a promising future in the field of translation studies. Edited by Özlem Berk Albachten and Linda Pillière, it is anticipated that for many years to come, The Routledge Handbook of Intralingual Translation (Pillière & Berk Albachten, 2024) will pioneer new developments in the field of translation studies. The book addresses
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intralingual translation from a very broad and comprehensive perspective. Intralingual translation is studied by various researchers in 26 book chapters, under six main parts: Intralingual translation: a diachronic perspective, Intralingual translation: language varieties and ideology, Intralingual translation: easy and plain language, Intralingual translation: rewording and editing, Intralingual translation: education and language acquisition, and Intralingual translation: accessibility from a practical perspective. Particularly the first part investigating intralingual translation from a diachronic perspective, can be examined in comparison with the present study. This part examines cross-temporal or diachronic intralingual translations over millennia in the different cultures of Belgium, the Netherlands, China, Rome, and Greece, demonstrating parallel research to the present study.
It is expected to grow steadily within translation studies, and this field of study is expected to be widely acclaimed over time. Apart from the studies of intralingual translation on various subjects, another vital subject studied with intralingual translation, including this study, is cross-temporal studies. In this matter of cross-temporal studies, Özlem Berk compiles several studies; Delabastita’s (2016) on the modernisation of Shakespearean plays; Davis’ (2014) on the modernisation of Anglo-Saxon English; Özlem Berk’s (2013, 2014, 2015) own studies on handling intralingual translations in Türkiye’s context from ideological perspective (2019, p. 168).
It is a deficiency in translation studies to underrecognize intralingual translation as a subfield. Several reasons lie beneath the unpopularity of this subfield. In Türkiye’s context, two leading reasons come to mind before getting intralingual translations into perspective. Firstly, intralingual translations in most cases are recognised as authentic, and secondly, there is an underestimation of the field as it stays outside of the “proper translation”. Insufficient studies give some thought to intralingual translation and its place in translation history and translation studies. Özlem Berk underlines the scarcity of attention on intralingual translation among Turkish translation studies scholars and cites a few of the studies on this subject in the Turkish context as; intralingual translation’s usage as a tool for updating the language of older texts of Özlem Berk Albachten’s article “Diliçi çeviriler ve Mai ve Siyah” published in 2005, rewritings of traditional folk tales (from oral to written language) of Şehnaz Tahir Gürçağlar’s article “Rewriting, culture planning and resistance in the Turkish folk tale” published in 2011, and intralingual
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translations as original translations in which the author is viewed as a translator of the subjugated, offering the voiceless of Saliha Paker’s article “Translating ‘the shadow class […] condemned to movement’ and the Very Otherness of the Other: Latife Tekin as Author–Translator of Swords of Ice” published in 2011 (Berk Albachten, 2013, p. 259).
In recent years, the trend of studying intralingual translation among Turkish translation studies scholars in Türkiye is rising slowly but steadily. Some theses at MA and PhD levels have been written in Translation Studies Departments on intralingual translation. To name a few are Gülsüm Canlı’s (2019) doctoral dissertation “The translational adventure of William Faulkner's Sanctuary in source and target systems: An analysis in the light of intralingual translation, self-translation, retranslation and indirect translation”, Muhammed Baydere’s (2021) doctoral dissertation “Toward new insights into research in descriptive translation studies: Conceptualizing diversity in Reşat Nuri Güntekin's intralingual and interlingual translational actions”, Hülya Boy’s (2022) doctoral dissertation “Conceptual reflections on the intra-/inter-lingual translations of The Picture of Dorian Gray”, Umut Can Gökduman’s (2023) doctoral dissertation “Les Misérables'ın dillerarası ve diliçi (yeniden) çevirileri” all of which thesis published under the supervision of Ayşe Banu Karadağ at the Yıldız Teknik University. Apart from Yıldız Teknik University, there is one Master’s Degree thesis recently defended at Istanbul University supervised by Nejdet Neydim, written by Meysun Sözeri (2020) with the title “Gains and losses in intralingual and interlingual adaptation translations based on Johann Wolfgang Von Goethe's novel 'Reineke Fuchs'”. Another Master’s Degree Thesis was written at Sakarya University, supervised by Muharrem Tosun, written by Selçuk Bektaş (2008) titled “The interpretation problems due to cultural language changes regarding inter-language pratations”.
In addition to the research on intralingual translations at postgraduate levels, there is a slow-growing trend in Turkish translation studies in this matter. However, further research is still required especially in Türkiye, where the intralingual translation refers to something beyond linguistic or word-level changes. Significantly, cross-temporal descriptive research in this regard can shed light on the relationship between past and present. In the Turkish context, Özlem Berk’s studies can be considered illuminating and a guide for future research. Özlem Berk tries to challenge the idea opposing the incorporation of intralingual translation into translation studies and defends that
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intralingual translations are valuable sources in revealing “linguistic, translational, and ideological norms of the periods in which these translations were produced” (Berk Albachten, 2013, p. 257), especially in Türkiye’s context. In her recent study, she examines intralingual translations made in the Ottoman era, and in doing so, she attempts to include intralingual translation into the translation studies discipline. She explains her attempt as an examination of the functions of intralingual translation in the Ottoman era sought to illuminate diverse text production practices in the Ottoman literary system, and “researching translational phenomena in their historicity will call for the inclusion of intralingual translation into translation research, thus expanding the boundaries of the discipline and its research domain” (Berk Albachten, 2019, p. 169). The details of her research in the Ottoman era sought to be scrutinised in the following subtopics.
Similar to Özlem Berk’s pioneering studies on intralingual translations, which concentrate on revealing the intralingual translations and try to prove that intralingual translations are actually part of translation studies, the present study accepts intralingual translations as translations, and a field of study under translation studies. To move one step further, this study sought to investigate ideological changes in different intralingual translations of source texts through CDA offered by Ruth Wodak’s DHA.
In order to have a comprehensive understanding of intralingual translation, especially in the Turkish context, its history requires to be examined beforehand.
1.2. INTRALINGUAL TRANSLATION IN TÜRKİYE
1.2.1. Historical Development of Intralingual Translation
In order to attain the general incorporation of intralingual translation within translation studies, comprehensive research in this regard is required to be done in a wide range of different cultures and countries in different periods.
In most cases, along with the other types and usages, intralingual translation generally refers to the update or modernisation of the archaic language, which is not understood by the younger generations. In this regard, there have been discussions on intralingual translations stemming from a political worldview in Türkiye, which can be grouped into two as conservatives using old words and words with Arabic and Persian-origins more and modernists who prefer to use more Turkish-originated words.
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Certain disputes inevitably arise in the world. Türkiye is not alone in these kinds of discussions of modernisation/update of language, which constitute a fruitful resource in support of the inclusion of intralingual translations in the academic field of translation studies. For example, a discussion on this matter arose in the United Kingdom in 2001 between prominent translation scholar Susan Bassnett and Tom Deveson in modernising the language of Shakespeare for modern-day students (Deveson and Bassnett, 2001/2, as cited in Berk Albachten, 2014, p. 582). On the one hand, Bassnett claims the need for instant comprehension of Shakespearean language in theatres, thereby the need to translate Shakespeare into modern English. On the other hand, Deveson claims that the audience would lose touch with a crucial aspect of themselves if the language ties to the inherited usages were broken (Berk Albachten, 2014, p. 582). In supporting Deveson’s arguments, David Crystal (2002, p. 17 as cited in Berk Albachten, 2014, p. 582) claims that many words’ meanings in the Shakespearean language have not changed majorly. The problem of comprehension of Shakespeare's works happens not because of linguistics but because of the matter of general educational knowledge. He defends educating people and making them more fluent in the Shakespearean language instead of modernising Shakespeare (2002, p. 17 as cited in Berk Albachten, 2014, p. 582). He claims “[d]isassociating authors from the language they have carefully chosen to use hits deeply at their identity” Therefore, translation “should only be employed after all other means of achieving comprehension have been explored” (Crystal, 2002, p. 17 as cited in Berk Albachten, 2014, p. 582). Crystal also opposes the idea of Bassnett in terms of the intralingual translation of Shakespeare and defends that such translation is not required.
Similar debate in terms of modernising language through intralingual translations also creates an area of discussion in Greece. Connolly and Bacopoulou-Halls summarise the Greek intralingual translation tradition as follows:
In Greece, translation practice and theory have focused to a large extent on intralingual translation – translation, that is, of ancient texts into the modern idiom. The great emphasis given to intralingual translation was in part meant to show the continuity of the Greek language rather than to produce a new Greek text and also to show the capacity of the modern idiom to act as a vehicle for the lofty ideas of the past (David & Bacopoulou-Halls, 2009, pp. 420-421).
In the same vein, Dimitris N. Maronitis (2002, p. 37, as cited in Berk Albachten, 2014, p. 582) claims that the definition, assessment, and perception of the relationship between modern Greece and the ancient world determine the level of willingness or unwillingness
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to translate Ancient Greek at any particular period. Every time the dominant ideologies regard contemporary Greece as being reliant on ancient Greece, there is a shift away from intralingual translation. On the other hand, translating thrives when such a connection is not made (Maronitis, 2002, p. 37, as cited in Berk Albachten, 2014, p. 582).
The approach towards intralingual translation in Greece can be considered relevant to the context in Türkiye, and as Özlem Berk claims, “historical descriptive studies on Turkish intralingual translations would reveal the nature of the link between the Ottoman and modern Turkish worlds” (2014, p. 583). Generally, the first thing that comes to mind when intralingual translation research in Türkiye is mentioned is the transcription of Arabic letters into Latin letters after the language and alphabet reforms made during the first decades of Türkiye. The studies, including the present study, majorly scrutinise cross-temporal relations and differences between the intralingual translations and the source texts belonging to different periods.
Few studies centring on intralingual translation in Türkiye’s context majorly concentrated on translations of the 19th and early 20th century Ottoman literature and their intralingual translations after the language reform. However, intralingual translations throughout Turkish history cannot be limited to this short period. There are even fewer studies in the translation studies academic field of Türkiye in this regard, which primarily deals with the intralingual translations made in the Ottoman era, and these studies generally carry multidisciplinary characteristics since they are searched by a couple of the researchers in Turkish Language and Literature fields in addition to Translation Studies Departments.
Understanding of translation (terceme) was quite different and embracive in the Ottoman Empire than today. Upon studying paratextual data produced in the 19th century on Ahmed Midhat’s works, Cemal Demircioğlu detected several culturally specific terminology and conceptions of translation (terceme) in his PhD thesis and studies (2005, 2009). Demircioğlu explains that Ahmed Midhat’s translated works and his discourse on translation aid in illuminating the culture-specific terms and notions in translation in the late Ottoman literary tradition. The terminology Demircioğlu identified for translations and text productions from Europe was “by way of producing not only original works but also others in the form of conveying, borrowing, emulation, imitation, conversion, summary and conversation” (2009, p. 133).
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Intralingual translation was one of the various text production practices in the Ottoman Empire along with the other types of “terceme”. In her recent study, Özlem Berk tries to examine and identify various intralingual translation practices made in the Ottoman Empire, which is expected to provide some insight into the diverse text creation techniques used in the Ottoman literary system (2019, p. 169). Therefore, studying translational events in their historical context will necessitate the inclusion of intralingual translation into translation research, broadening the area’s field of study (2019, p. 169). Thus, it is crucial to include intralingual translations in the history as inclusion will enrich the field.
For intralingual translation activities in the Ottoman Empire, cross-temporal studies and cross-script (transcription) translations can be given as examples. Ahmed Midhat Efendi was quite an influential literary agent in the 19th and 20th centuries who can also be considered as the mentor of Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar. He produced plenty of texts via different approaches within translation. One of the well-known early intralingual translation examples in Ottoman history is his Hülâsa-i Hümâyunnâme (1888, Summary of the Book for the Emperor). As it can be inferred from its name, “hülasa” means summary; thus, this intralingual translation was a summary translation of Hümâyunnâme (Book for the Emperor) by Ali bin Salih Çelebi (d. 1543).
Midhat was commissioned by Sultan Abdulhamid II to produce this summary. However, the book is not an ordinary summary intralingual translation. The translation dates back even further. Ali bin Salih Çelebi’s translation was a previous Turkish translation of the Persian poet Hüseyin Vâiz Kâs¸ifî’s (d. 1505) Anwar-ı Suheylî, Persian reworkings of the fables known as Kelile and Dimne which was presented to Sultan Süleyman the Magnificent (1520–1566). Persian story Kelile and Dimne is also a translation from Sanskrit. The responses that the Indian ruler Dabshalim is said to have received from his vizier Bidpai in the shape of animal fables that included subliminal references to human life and experience are the basis for Kelile and Dimne (Berk Albachten, 2018; Toska, 2015). Therefore, Toska describes Ahmed Midhat’s summary translation as “the last link in the long tradition of Ottoman Turkish translations of Kelile and Dimne from the Neo-Persian versions of the well-known animal fables that had originated in Sanskrit” (Toska, 2015, p. 75).
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Sultan Abdülhamid II requested Ahmed Midhat to renew the language of Hümayünname. Thus, it can be concluded that while producing a summary, Ahmed Mithat “drew on the Hümâyunnâme, remaining loyal to the Ottoman tradition by using a strategy that was termed as “renewing” (tecdid etme)” (Toska, 2015, p. 78). Upon studying Ahmed Midhat’s epilogue to the Summary, Toska detects both the patron’s (Sultan Abdülhamid II) order and Ahmed Midhat’s response to his patron upon production of Hümâyunnâme. Midhat conveys the Sultan’s order in the preface: “His Majesty Abdülhamid II ordered (…) Ahmet Midhat, to summarise this work in accordance with the fluent style of his age in order to renew the prominence of this outstanding work and to disseminate its benefits” (Ahmet Midhat Efendi 1888 pp. 9–10, as cited in Toska, 2015, p. 79).
Toska highlights, in response to the Sultan’s request, Ahmed Midhat underlines the concept and practice of tecdid (renewing) as follows:
The book has been renewed (tecdid edilmiştir) to fit in with the new style of language of our age so that even when there arrives an age when our Ottoman language will have been renewed (nâil-i teceddüd), in time this book of wisdom (…) will undergo one renewal after another (teceddüdden teceddüde) for its survival (Ahmet Midhat Efendi 1888: 600, as cited in Toska, 2015, p. 79)1.
As can be seen in Midhat’s prologue, the old language of retranslations and the change of language use in three hundred years (from the 16th century to the 19th century) required rewriting/intralingual translation for the survival of the texts. Accordingly, Midhat depicted his action in rewriting the Hümâyunnâme as renewal (tecdid) (Berk Albachten, 2019, p. 170). Furthermore, he refers to himself as “mülahhis” (one who summarises) and his text as a summary (hülasa) (Berk Albachten, 2019, p. 170; Demircioğlu, 2005, p. 280).
Therefore, Toska conceptualises “tecdid” in Ahmed Midhat’s main argument in his preface as “the practice of renewing a literary work in order to preserve it linguistically and stylistically intelligible so that it will not be forgotten” (Toska, 2015, p. 79). Midhat himself states that the renewal of language via intralingual translation was made to make the work intelligible and make it survive. However, it should be noted that Toska’s findings are similar to some points of the present study, which scrutinises Gürpınar’s works and their intralingual translations in terms of the political and ideological changes while translating intralingually. Thus, we can deduce that intralingual translations were not simply language updates in the Ottoman literary system. In addition to the narrative,
1 Translations from Ahmed Midhat's introduction on this page belong to Zehra Toska.
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linguistic and stylistic features of the three hundred years old Ottoman literary traditions from the 16th century were simplified or eliminated, Midhat’s renewal also involved changes in the content, which shows that his renewal strategies were practised in a wide range (Berk Albachten, 2019, p. 170). It is evident from Toska’s findings that ideological and political changes executed by Ahmed Midhat:
It is evident that Ahmet Midhat treated his source text with a critical eye and “corrected” the passages that he found to be harmful or misleading for his readers. This is most clearly seen in the stories he added to his Summary. But even in editing the passages in the main framework of his source text, he was careful to tone down what he seemed to have regarded as overstated descriptions of female and male physical beauty and even to delete erotic passages as in the “Story of the Simple-Minded Ascetic” (“Safderun Zahid”). In another story, “The Mischief- Making Falconer” (“Müzevvir Bâzdân”), he was not satisfied with a description of mere beauty but felt it necessary to underscore the importance of virtue in women. And he did this in an angry tone which sounded more like Midhat than Bidpai, the original narrator. He also had a way of interrupting the narrative to express his own views, which is actually one of his main authorial characteristics in his fiction. This can be found also in the story “The Impatient Ascetic”. While the source text exhorts the reader not to marry widows and women with children, Ahmet Midhat was quick to express his disagreement on this issue (Ahmet Midhat Efendi 1888, p. 370, as cited in Toska, 2015, pp. 80-81).
As it is seen explicitly, Ahmed Midhat does not refrain from intervention in the production of his Summary translation, Hulâsa-i Hümâyunnâme from the 16th century. It is evident that he changes the text according to his and the era's expectations, politics, and poetics while intralingually translating. Thus, the investigation of intralingual translations from different cultures, countries, or periods will bring bountiful resources in translation studies which enables the research field to move its boundaries while illuminating our relationship with the past through cross-temporal research.
Along with the concept of renewal (tecdid) within intralingual translation, Özlem Berk studies conveying (nakl) as intralingual translation between different alphabets in the 19th century of Ottoman history (2019). It is interesting to note that intralingual translation through transcription between different alphabets did not start in the history of Türkiye with the alphabet reform made in 1928. Contrarily, the history of this kind of translation dates back to the Ottoman era.
The alphabet change and transcription within the same language should not be conceived as solely the change of letters. As a multicultural and multinational community, the Ottoman Empire held several writing traditions that belonged to different minorities. Ottoman literary production in the 19th century was made in different alphabets in Turkish such as; Turkish with Arabic letters (Ottoman Turkish), Karamanlidika (Turkish written
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in Greek letters), Armeno-Turkish (Turkish written in Armenian letters), Cyrillic-Turkish (Turkish written in Cyrillic letters), Judeo-Turkish (Turkish written in Rashdi letters), and Syro-Turkish (Berk Albachten, 2019, p. 171). There were different reasons behind using different alphabets in writing the Turkish language. These religious and ethnic minorities “used the polymorphism in the scripts to express the Turkish language in order to differentiate themselves from Muslims and also from each other” (Berk Albachten, 2019, p. 172).
Karamandilika or Karamanli Turkish was the language of Turcophone Orthodox Christians, a Greek Orthodox community living in Anatolia and Istanbul who spoke Turkish and wrote in the Greek alphabet. It is a dialect of the Turkish language spoken by one of the local people in Anatolia, Karamanlides. Even though the official Ottoman Turkish was written in the Arabic alphabet, the Greek Orthodox Turcophone Karamanlides used the Greek script to write their form of Turkish. During the 19th century, Karamandilika generated many printed works and had its own literary heritage. However, this writing tradition stopped with the population exchange between Greece and Türkiye in 1923 and with the Alphabet reform in 1928, along with the other alphabets for Turkish.
It is accepted as there was a vivid publication atmosphere in Karamandilika. Most of the translations into Karamandilika were translations from the Western languages in the 19th century as interlingual translations. The translations from the Western languages into Karamanli and Armeno-Turkish in some cases even preceded the Ottoman-Turkish versions (Şişmanoğlu Şimşek, 2011, p. 246)2. However, there were also specific intralingual translations/transcriptions from the Arabic-written Ottoman Turkish into Greek-written Karamanli Turkish. Two works of fiction from Ottoman-Turkish, Yeniçeriler (1871) and Şeytan Kayası (1890), both written by Ahmed Midhat, were "translated" by the writer and journalist Ioannis Gavriilidis (Şişmanoğlu Şimşek, 2011, p. 248). The translations’ primary target audience was the Turkish-speaking Orthodox community who read and write in the Greek alphabet. Upon scrutinising the Gavriilidis’ translations and prefaces for these texts, Şimşek underlines that Gavriilidis’ text was written “in quite simple and ordinary Turkish mostly devoid of Ottoman compounds derived from Arabic and Persian words, which is in contrast to Karamanlidika book
2 For a detailed study on transcriptions during the 19th century in Karamandilika, see Şişmanoğlu Şimşek (2011).
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production in general in the 19th century” (2011, p. 264). Moreover, as she notes, “Written with a clear and simple Turkish” (sade ve açık Türkçe ile yazılmıştır) is found in most of the first pages of the books written in Karamanlidika (2011, p. 264).
It is also noteworthy to detect the self-perception and self-introduction of the translator. It is understood from the prefaces of Ahmed Midhat’s books’ translations that Gavriilidis, who sees himself as an apprentice and Ahmed Midhat as the master in the literary field, defines himself as both a “teller” and “translator”. “For the first two parts of Yeniçeriler, Ahmed Midhat was announced as the writer [Muharrir] and Gavriilidis as the “teller” [Nâkili] of Yeniçeriler; later, Gavriilidis was changed into the “translator” [Mütercim]” (Şişmanoğlu Şimşek, 2011, p. 258). Therefore, it can be concluded that the translator defines his action of intralingual translation as a translation and conveying process (nakl) which is a self-explaining action proving that the transcription from Turkish in Arabic letters into Turkish in Greek letters is a translation process itself.
Intralingual translations are generally described as being born as a result of an update of archaic language which is not comprehensible for the younger generations. However, in Ahmed Midhat’s works' intralingual translations into Karamandilika, it is not the case as there is a short period between the source texts’ publishing date and their translations. Yeniçeriler was written in 1871 and Şeytankaya Tılsımı was written in 1890 and both books were translated and serialised in Anatoli newspaper in Karamandilika in 1890 and 1891 (Şişmanoğlu Şimşek, 2011). Studying Gavriilidis’ prefaces from the translation studies perspective, Özlem Berk deduces his reasons for translation that they are not merely linguistic since the short time between the writing and translation would not happen due to communication barriers; Gavriilidis aimed to create a common identity among the minority which he belonged (2019, p. 175).
From Gavriilidis’ preface, we can deduce some of his reasons for translating Ahmed Midhat’s texts into Karamanlidika. In this case, the reasons are not merely linguistic, i.e. the short period between the publication of Ahmed Midhat’s works and Gavriilidis translations should not have created a communication barrier that necessitated these translations. We can argue that Gavriilidis wanted to enrich the reading tastes of the Anatoli newspaper readers and establish a sense of community among the Turcophone Christians of Anatolia (Berk Albachten, 2019, p. 175; Şişmanoğlu Şimşek, 2011, p. 254).
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Scrutinising both types of translations as “conveying” (nakl) and “renewing” (tecdid etme) as parts of intralingual translation in the Ottoman literary tradition, Özlem Berk endeavours to broaden the limits of translation studies through the incorporation of intralingual translation, and to construct a “picture of translation history” (2019, p. 177). Both translators had different aims; accordingly, Ahmed Midhat sought to revitalise the old text and help it to survive after three hundred years with the order from a patron, Sultan Abdülhamid II, Gavriilidis aimed to eliminate ornate language and create a language to unify minority of Turcophone Christians in Anatolia. On these two intralingual translation cases, Özlem Berk sums up;
These intralingual translations exceeded language purification (sadeleştirme), a common practice in modern Turkey after the language reform of the late 1920s and 1930s where the language of “older” literary works is updated and rendered into the “modern” language (Berk Albachten, 2014, 2015), including strategies such as additions, omissions, and manipulation in the content of the text (2019, p. 176).
As one can see, intralingual translation activities have a long history in Türkiye, and they cannot be thought of separately from the translation studies. In order to understand the framework of intralingual translations made in the 20th century, studying the action’s past is necessary. In the same vein, in order to place intralingual translation within translation studies in Türkiye, investigating the general framework of translation through history is of utmost importance. Chronologically studying the translation history of Türkiye is expected to give a broader perspective in positioning intralingual translation within it. Thus, in the following part, translation history in the transition period from the Ottoman Empire and the Republic of Türkiye will be touched upon briefly.
1.2.2. Transition from the Ottoman Era to the Republic of Türkiye
The translation history of the Ottoman Empire and Türkiye cannot be reduced to translation from the Western languages. However, translation as a notion is used to be perceived as translation only from the Western languages since the translation or translational activities from Arabic and Persian languages were not accepted as translations in the Ottoman Empire as these languages were not regarded as foreign
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languages3. Thus, in this study, the investigation of translation throughout Ottoman history is limited to translations from the West.
The translation history from the West dates back to the 19th century, before the Tanzimat era of the Ottoman Empire. The power balance between the Ottoman Empire and the Western Empires changed in the favour of the Western Empires towards the fall of the Ottoman Empire. With the Ottoman Empire’s period of stagnation and regression, it started to be accepted that the Western/European rivals advanced and got ahead of the Ottoman Empire. Therefore, translation was used as a key for importing knowledge and cultural elements from the West. Especially after the Tanzimat, certain institutions were founded by the state for translation from Western countries in order to catch up with them in many areas of life, including science, military, literature, medicine and so forth. Chronologically, a few of these institutions established by the state are Bab-ı Ali Tercüme Odası (Ottoman Porte Chamber of Translation) founded in 1821, Encümen-i Daniş (The Ottoman Academy) founded in 1851, Cemiyet-i İlmiye-i Osmaniye (Ottoman Association of Science) founded in 1861, Tercüme Cemiyeti (Translation Society) founded in 1861, Daire-i İlmiye (Chamber of Science) founded in 1869, Telif ve Tercüme Dairesi (Copyright and Translation Office) founded in multiple years in 1879 and 1914, Telif ve Tercüme Heyeti (Copyright and Translation Board) founded in 19124. However, due to the limitations of the present study, the focus will be laid on the state institutions regarding translation and state involvement in translation throughout the history of Türkiye. As the case study of this research, the three works of Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar that are translated in the Republic, and the course of the country's translation institutions are to be examined chronologically.
The end of World War I changed the silhouette of the word forever. The Empires of the 19th century collapsed, and new nations emerged/were created. The long-lasting Ottoman Empire, for almost 600 years was not an exception. The Oriental empire lost World War I, and the Treaty of Sevres officially acknowledged the end of the independent and functioning state. From the ashes of the destroyed country, the struggle for Turkish independence rose, and the Turkish War of Independence began against the invaders
3 For a detailed study, see Saliha Paker’s (2014) “Terceme, te’lîf ve özgünlük meselesi”
4 For a detailed study please refer to Kayaoğlu, T. (1996). Türkiye’de Tercüme Müesseseler (Yayımlanmamış Yüksek Lisans Tezi), İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü.
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which resulted in victory on 30th August 1922. However, even before the victory of the War of Independence and the proclamation of the Republic on 29th October 1923, translation held great importance for the founding cadres and the rulers of the time.
After the foundation of the first Grand National Assembly, the struggle for national education started immediately, and translation was not ignored. Among the other aims of Maarif Vekaleti (The Ministry of National Education), it was intended to translate “scientific written works of the east and west into our language” (Kayaoğlu, 1996, p. 101). In 1921, these endeavours then paved the way for the first official institution regarding translation under the Ministry of National Education as Telif ve Tercüme Heyeti (Copyright and Translation Board). This board is of capital importance as it employs important names working for it and has a progressive vision (Uzunköprü & Demez, 2022, p. 92). As Kayaoğlu reported, the aim of the board is indicated as “the advancement of knowledge and education to every corner of the country and the development of national culture” (1996, p. 102).
The books planned to be translated by the Telif ve Tercüme Heyeti are listed in its instructions dated 1925 as sociology: 6, economics: 2, history and geography: 20, law: 6, natural sciences: 6, philosophy and education: 38, language and literature: 14 fine arts: 3 (Kayaoğlu, 1996, p. 139). As Uzunköprü & Demez comment, “[d]espite the fact that the delegation aimed to bring important studies to the Turkish literature, the lack of realization of all its plans due to the conditions of the period and the existing deprivations led to the failure to achieve the desired impact” (2022, p. 92). Out of 95 books commissioned to be translated, language and literature covered only 14. This can lead us to conclude that the desired impact on literature was not achieved through translation at the time.
The rebuilding of the modern Turkish state from the ashes of a destroyed empire was a challenging task before the founding cadres. Removing the links with the Oriental and religious past, discharging the idea of the ummah, and installing a sense of belonging to Turkish citizenship were among the primary goals of building a nation. Achieving these goals was not an easy task and had to be done through comprehensive planning. The mindset and the culture of the citizens needed to be changed; consent had to be formed to create ideal citizens following the same doctrines that the state declared. As Gürçağlar
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states, the Republic's first two decades were marked by meticulous planning aimed at Westernising Türkiye, building a country with a distinctly Turkish identity (2008, p. 49). After the foundation of the Republic, it aimed to install a secular Turkish identity with a shared past, language and culture instead of religious unity like in the Ottoman times. Although some reforms started to be made in the 19th century in the Ottoman Empire, there was inconsistency, and binary systems appeared in many areas, such as legal systems and education. The aim of Türkiye in its first two decades is explicit in its culture planning and language planning efforts, which are to be investigated in the following section.
1.3. CULTURE PLANNING AND LANGUAGE PLANNING
1.3.1. Culture Planning
In the Republican era, the reforms that started in the late Ottoman period continued with a more structured planning programme, which led to the development of a cultural repertoire. This new cultural repertoire was a new option for the people, and it targeted supporting the feeling of nationhood which was a vital necessity to keep people together as citizens of the Turkish Republic because previously the people had different and dispersed values (Tahir-Gürçağlar, 2008, p. 51). As Gürçağlar underlines, “[t]he making of this repertoire was not an easy task. It demanded laborious planning and execution, which would fail unless the planners could manufacture some form of social consent” (2008, p. 51). Thus, social consent aimed to be created by the state in an attempt to make the imposed notions permanent.
At this point, the concept of ‘culture planning’ will be used to describe the state’s intervention in all aspects of life together with translation, in the same sense Gürçağlar uses. Gürçağlar intentionally uses both “culture” and “planning” words combined in Even-Zohar’s sense. Accordingly, “ ‘planning’ implies a deliberate act of intervention (Even-Zohar, 2008), which suggests an ideological agenda. Secondly, ‘planning’ makes it possible to account for all acts of intervention by the state as parts of a larger programme” (Tahir-Gürçağlar, 2008, p. 37).
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Throughout the Single party era, numerous institutions were founded, and crucial revolutions were made for the intervention of the state in both public and private circles. Alphabet reform, language reform, the founding of people’s houses, the founding of village institutes, and the formation of their curriculum with the influence of world classics’ translations can be considered as some of the instances of the state’s culture planning. Although there were steps of culture planning with miscellaneous dimensions, due to the limitations of the study, translation activities during this period will be focussed immensely.
Culture planning is described by Even-Zohar as “a deliberate act of intervention, either by power holders or by ‘free agents’ into an extant or a crystallizing repertoire. Hence, it entails the introduction of change into a current state of affairs” (Even-Zohar, 2002, p. 45). For Türkiye’s context, the culture planning notion perfectly explains the situation in the early Republican period. As the central power holder, the state deliberately intervened in the cultural sphere and acted to change the current situation by planning. Gürçağlar underlines that the planning of the state is transforming cultural fields as sites of struggles and applies this struggle to the planning of translation in the early Republican era:
Regardless of the status of the planners, the ultimate aim of planning is to attain control over the field which is subject to planning. Such a view allows us to see the social and the cultural fields as sites of struggle among different groups of agents, rather than as sites controlled by unitary and homogenous collectivities. This view has direct implications for my perception of the field of translation in early republican Turkey. Historical studies on translation activity spanning through the 1920s-1950s present a picture of a centrally-controlled and centrally-defined field, operating in terms of the norms offered by the state officials, writers, translators and the Translation Bureau. Combining this idea with the idea of ‘peripheral planning’ leads to a view of the field of translation as a site shaped by multiple planning efforts (2008, p. 38).
The agent(s) of culture planning also needs to be defined clearly. As in Gürçağlar’s study, the undertaking of culture planning activity cannot be confined to only state institutions but also free agents in society (2008, p. 38). However, as the main power holder, the state’s interventions in translation through the course of the Republic will be covered majorly in this study since the state was far more influential in the mentioned term. Besides, it is expected to reveal that these state interventions also influenced intralingual translations. Faruk Rıza Güloğlu’s book Halk Kitaplarına Dair (People’s Book) reveals the consistency of policies of the state towards both interlingual and intralingual translations in the following part after the language planning title.
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Culture and language are deeply interconnected to each other. Thus, culture planning is unthinkable without language planning which mainly involves alphabet reform enacted in 1928 and language reform enacted in 1935 and continued throughout Türkiye’s history. However, aside from the historical information on language planning, its ideological base needs to be illuminated beforehand. As a part of culture planning, language planning was also a centralised and government-sponsored movement backed mainly by society and the influential individuals of the term. Language planning was “an integral part of a range of sociocultural reforms undertaken under the leadership of Kemal Atatürk. The principles on which it was based reflected clearly the founding ideologies of the new nation” (Doǧançay-Aktuna, 2004, p. 7). Along with the other sociocultural reforms, language planning constitutes the culture planning conducted by the state, reflecting the ideology of the new nation.
It must be underlined that language planning is the cornerstone of culture planning. Moreover, intralingual translations were conducted according to part of language planning. Intralingual translation is an undeniable part of language planning. Doğançay-Aktuna summarises language planning as follows:
The language planning goal was the cultivation of the corpus via (a) lexical modernisation, that is, the enrichment of the language and the lexicon, so that it could better serve the new communicative functions Turkish was given in the new republic; and (b) renovation of written Ottoman language via simplification of the ornate styles it had borrowed from Persian and the purification of the lexicon of Arabic, Persian, and other foreign borrowings (2004, p. 8).
Language planning in Türkiye was an inevitable part of culture planning in the early Republican period. As Doǧançay-Aktuna cites above, language planning included “renovation of written Ottoman language via simplification” and this simplification naturally includes intralingual translations. Therefore, intralingual translations can be regarded as a part of language planning and culture planning. In this regard, Şebnem Susam Sarajeva asserts that “[f]rom the very beginning, then, Turkish Reform was bound up with translation. First, the Ottoman words borrowed from Persian and Arabic were ‘translated’ into Turkish, and then the European, mostly French ones” (2003, p. 9). Özlem Berk supports Sarajeva’s claims as “the purification movement emerges and develops in the form of intralingual translations, i.e. translations of Ottoman words into modern Turkish” (2015, p. 169).
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On translation’s role in language planning, Saliha Paker states that “[t]ranslation on word level for the creation of a new vocabulary (and eventually for glossaries/dictionaries) was just as important, if not more, than the ongoing translation of texts, for which the vocabularies/dictionaries would be used” (Paker, 1995, as cited in Susam-Saraeva, 2003, p. 9). For the relationship between the language reform’s efforts of creating a language from its own roots and translation Susam Sarajeva adds that “[e]ven if the neologisms were Turkish derivations created out of the language’s own agglutinative resources, translation was the main medium used in their creation, as well as being the main reason underlying their creation” (2003, p. 9).
As one of the main hypotheses of the present study, intralingual translations played an essential role in transmitting the old Ottoman works. However, these transmissions were conducted via alterations appropriate to the dominant ideology, and they got more secularised over time. Furthermore, intralingual translations can be claimed to be one of the significant instruments of culture and language planning accordingly. Subsequent intralingual translations of Gürpınar’s works are expected to demonstrate more secularised discourse than the first editions, which were written in the first decades of the 19th century under the Ottoman Empire's rule.
Along with the interlingual translations, intralingual translations are to be scrutinised in this study. Thus, the investigation of interlingual translation in terms of culture planning and language planning also sought to reveal the intralingual translation context. In this context, intralingual translations of Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar’s three works are expected to be in harmony with the ideology and discourse of interlingual translations in the same periods.
For example, Gürpınar’s Gulyabani was written in 1913 with the Arabic alphabet. It was intralingually translated and published in 1938 with the Latin alphabet for the first time. The intralingual translation of the book can be claimed to help to fill the reading material gap in 1938 when there was a deficiency of books written after the alphabet and language reforms. Thus, this intralingual translation helps reduce the immediate requirement of literature works for high school students. The book’s retranslations published in 1971, 1995 and 2007 from different publishing houses and edited by different editors show elements of changes.
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Translation activities in the first decades of Türkiye are indispensable parts of culture planning and language planning. Crucial importance was attributed to translation both for the importation of certain ideas such as humanism and Westernisation, which were new to Turkish citizens and for the creation of a national repertoire in literature. This created literature would illuminate the path of national literature in the future, which was expected to strengthen language unity and create a shared culture of an independent nation. It also aimed to create a new national Turkish Humanism via translations from the West, which is not in a geographical sense but an ideological one.
Alphabet reform, language reform, the foundation of the Turkish Language Association and its state-sponsored actions, systematic interlingual translations from the West, intralingual translations of the Ottoman works, propagation of these works created/translated in harmony with the ideals of the Single Party, spreading these texts to the village institutes and libraries that aimed to enlighten further corners of the young Republic are all parts of language planning which is a part of greater culture planning in the first decades of Türkiye.
Therefore, it is essential to look at culture planning from a broad perspective in order to understand language planning better. Considering that the works of Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar were intralingually translated in accordance with the different phases of language planning of the Republic in different periods of history, a complete comprehension of these intralingual translations necessitates an understanding of language planning. In this respect, the investigation of language planning in the history of Türkiye is of great importance. Thus, before concentrating on the intralingual translations in Türkiye’s history, the language planning phases that the Turkish state has been through sought to be scrutinised in the following title.
1.3.2. Language Planning
1.3.2.1 Language in the Ottoman Empire
The Turkish language preserved its identity and authenticity for a long time, although the Turks interacted with different cultures throughout their history. However, when the Turks converted to Islam after the tenth century, Turkish rulers changed their alphabet to
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Arabic and started to borrow enormously from the Arabic and Persian languages because of their scientific, religious and literary traditions and status attributed to these languages (Doǧançay-Aktuna, 2004, p. 5). The influence of these languages on Turkish became more robust during the Ottoman Empire. The Empire started to use an amalgam of Turkish, Arabic and Persian vocabulary and structures (Doǧançay-Aktuna, 2004, p. 5). As Erkazanci-Durmus cites, “[t]he Turkish identity was then submerged within the Ottoman identity and lost its power, as did the Turkish language” (2014, p. 387). Ottoman Turkish including three different languages became the language of rulers and elites, whereas plain Turkish continued to survive by being spoken by the people. Doğançay-Aktuna reads the situation as follows:
A diglossic situation thereby developed where Ottoman Turkish written in the Arabic script was the high variety used by the Arabic/ Persian-educated ruling elite and in their divan (court) literature. The low variety of Turkish spoken by the Anatolian people was a purer form of the language and the means of expression for many of the halk poets who saw themselves as ‘‘the poets of the people’’ (in contrast to the Ottoman court) (2004, p. 6).
Erkazanci-Durmus’s statement supports the above citation “[t]wo languages were dominant in the Ottoman Empire: (i) Ottoman Turkish, the language of the administration and of classical literature, and (ii) Turkish, the language of the ordinary people and of popular literature” (2014, p. 388). This dichotomy in language continued for centuries throughout the Ottoman Empire until the Tanzimat period in the late 19th century. The divergence between the two languages grew for centuries. On one hand, the people were using a purer form of the Turkish language. On the other hand, the elites intentionally used and embraced Arabic and Persian influence on their language to divert themselves from the common people as an indicator of intellectuality or superiority.
Nationalist ideas influenced intellectuals in the Ottoman Empire in the 19th century. After the Tanzimat declaration in 1839, the gap in languages between the elites and rulers and the people was aimed to be closed. New ideas could be disseminated through a common language. Thus, the intellectuals sought to bridge the gap between these two languages.
Therefore, they began a trend toward simplifying Ottoman Turkish’s ornate forms and imported vocabulary and to some degree, these efforts were quite successful (Doǧançay-Aktuna, 2004, p. 6). From the Tanzimat period until the fall of the Ottoman Empire, the requirement for language reform remained a prevalent issue on the Turkish agenda, and
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this trend continued after the proclamation of the Republic of Türkiye in 1923 (Erkazanci Durmus, 2014, p. 388).
1.3.3. Language Planning in the Republic of Türkiye
After the proclamation of the Republic of Türkiye in 1923, the founding cadres and the founder Mustafa Kemal Atatürk made vital reforms, changing the unification code of society from religion to a secular nation. Culture planning was a vital part of these reforms. A new nation had to be carved out of masses with little or no nationhood consciousness. Thus, implementing national and secular consciousness into people required reforms impacting all parts of life. Language reforms or language planning had the most profound impact on society among the other reforms made in the early Republican era. Language planning ideas started with the Tanzimat period and could not be practised thoroughly and remained mostly theory due to the political situations in the first decades of the 20th century, finally found a space to be able to be implemented via the revolutionist soul of the new state and the founders.
Culture planning is a quite comprehensive process involving all aspects of life. Forming a culture and language was of vital importance for the founding cadres in the early Republican period. Through this planning, a significant obstacle before uniting the nation-state sought to be overcome. The unification of language was one of the critical steps in forming the Turkish identity. Thus, language planning was essential as a part of culture planning. Forming a nation-state out of the ruins of an empire confronted Atatürk with a significant sociological problem. Therefore, “[l]anguage was perceived as a means of creation as well as the symbol of nationalism and freedom from external influences, especially after the Turkish War of Independence. There was a need for a language that could unite the new Turkish nation […]” (Doǧançay-Aktuna, 2004, p. 6). Language planning sought to answer this urgent and essential need.
In addition to the creation of an independent secularist nation, Language planning was also crucial for removing the links with the Ottoman past, which used religion to unify the masses. In this transition process of people from the Muslim Ottoman identity to Turkish identity or from an empire to a nation-state “the founders of the new Turkish state
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considered language a significant means of foregrounding the notion of Turkishness as a collective identity, making it possible to sever links with the Ottoman heritage and traditions” (Erkazanci Durmus, 2014, p. 388). The language reforms both sought to modernise the country by changing its direction from East to West and to strengthen the nation-building efforts of the young Republic.
Language planning or language reforms started after the proclamation of the Republic in 1923 is actually a never-ending process spanning through the history of Türkiye and continues today with different priorities than the first decades of the Republic. The two most important reforms of the 1923-1950 term evidently comprise alphabet reform and language reform.
In 1928, alphabet reform was enacted to change the Arabic alphabet to the Latin alphabet. This fundamental reform was enacted, complying with the aims of the founding cadres to create a new secular nation, stripping the country of its Islamic and Ottoman past. As Arabic was the language of Arabic countries and it is used for the holy book of Islam, the language had strong ties with religion.
The new nation, setting its primary goal to elevate itself to the contemporary world and endeavouring to place itself in the Western world, naturally changed its alphabet to the Latin alphabet. The language reform gave the Turkish people a new linguistic habit that aimed to remove Ottoman Turkish from collective memory since it was deemed unsuitable for nationalism and secularism (Erkazanci Durmus, 2014, p. 388). The Latin alphabet was adopted, which not only accelerated the strengthening of national identity but also served as a vehicle for splitting with Islam (Erkazanci Durmus, 2014, p. 389).
The change of alphabet was a critical reform complying with the language planning of the new state. However, it was not enough to form a common national language that would be used and understood by all citizens. The foreign languages Arabic and Persian had been impacting the Turkish language for almost a millennia after the Turks converted to Islam. As mentioned, the ruling elites of the Ottoman Empire used a language amalgam of Arabic, Persian and Turkish. Consequently, Turkish identity and language lost their power during the Ottoman Empire because religious unity was given more importance than national unity in the Empire.
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Therefore, in 1932, language reform was enacted as a part of language planning. The underlying reason for language reform was to purify Turkish from foreign elements. However, it is essential to note that the foreign elements sought to be purified were primarily the Arabic and Persian lexicon and grammar rules in this term rather than French or any other words of Western origin. In line with the reform, Türk Dil Kurumu (the Turkish Language Association) was founded in 1932 with the initiatives of Atatürk. The Turkish Language Association has attributed so much importance that Mustafa Kemal Atatürk bequeathed some of his wealth to this institution along with the Turkish Historical Society.
The primary task of The Turkish Language Association after its foundation was to purify and nationalise the Turkish language. The primary target of the Association, “as stated during the first Turkish Language Congress in September 1932, was to ‘unearth the essential richness of the Turkish language’ and to ‘elevate it to the level it deserves among world languages’” (Berk Albachten, 2015, p. 168). For this purpose, the institution started to collect and invent new words with Turkish roots to be used instead of words and expressions of Arabic or Persian-origin. The process of collection and invention of new Turkish words conducted by the Turkish Language Association is explained by Doğançay-Aktuna as follows:
The processes followed were: collecting Turkish words from the spoken everyday language of the people (derleme); researching old texts from pre-Islamic Turkish and other Turkic languages to revive Turkish words that had fallen out of use (tarama); and the linguistic processes of compounding existing Turkish words to make up new ones, semantic expansion, loan-translations, derivations of neologisms, and the outcome of these language planning processes were then codified in dictionaries published by the TDK (Turkish Language Association) and disseminated to the people via newspapers, education and, perhaps, most importantly, through exemplary speeches by the prominent political and literary figures of the time (2004, p. 8).
The efforts of the Turkish Language Association succeeded majorly. Although there have been criticisms over the extent of the purification movement and its methods, language reform has proven itself. The Turkish Language Association’s efforts can be seen as the most impactful developments in addition to Alphabet's change in terms of language planning in the first decades of the young Republic.
Language reform “is thus primarily a socio-political, not a linguistic and cultural, process, though its effects remain to colour the speech and literature of succeeding generations”
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(Perry, 1985, p. 295). Thus, regarding Turkish language planning as a socio-political phenomenon will help us to comprehend the fluctuations of approach by the different political figures in following governments and administrations throughout the history of the Turkish Republic after the Single Party era. In the following titles, the approach towards the Turkish Language Association and language planning will be studied chronologically throughout Türkiye’s history.
Ideological changes in Turkish politics throughout the history of Türkiye have had direct impacts on the support or opposition to language planning. The support or opposition to language planning can be traced explicitly in the approaches to the Turkish Language Association in different decades. Language planning “is a major socio-political undertaking whose goals, processes, and perceived level of success are closely related to the political milieu of the period” (Doǧançay-Aktuna, 2004, p. 10). The governing parties' political views had a significant impact on the degree of popular and political support the Turkish Language Association obtained and, consequently, on the association’s influence over time (Doǧançay-Aktuna, 2004, p. 11).
As mentioned, the association and language planning attracted the most significant public and political support in the Single Party era. Language purification via language planning was attributed utmost importance in accordance with the founding cadre’s principles to found a national and secularised Western nation. However, as political power started to shift, the approach towards language planning shifted as well, especially after the 1950 elections. Compared to the Republican People’s Party (the CHP), which ruled between 1923 and 1950 and conducted all the great reforms, including the language reforms, the Democrat Party (the DP) had a more conservative stance against language planning. “The Democrat Party government between 1950-1960 brought about a turnaround in terms of some of the cultural policies adopted and implemented during the single-party regime” (Tahir-Gürçağlar, 2008, p. 83).
The language planning began to process the reverse in the DP government which is referred to as “de-planning” in Tahir Gürçağlar’s words (2008). There were various de-planning operations in the cultural sphere in the 1950s during the DP government. In terms of language planning, the Turkish Language Association’s ties to the Ministry of Education were loosened which separated the language planners' from their most crucial
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implementation method, the Turkish Language Association’s funds were stopped by claiming the foundation became a political tool, the ministries’ names reverted to Ottoman names from Turkish names, the newspapers moderated their use of new Turkish words in accordance with the political atmosphere (Doǧançay-Aktuna, 2004, p. 11).
After the DP came into power after the 1950 elections, “the hard-line attitude against the use of Ottoman words as symbols of the religious community, was modified. Words of Arabic and Persian origin started to be re-introduced into the Turkish vocabulary” (Tahir-Gürçağlar, 2008, p. 87). As a conservative party that severely criticises some of the reforms made by the Republican People’s Party, the Democrat Party lifted the ban on the Azan (call to prayer) in Arabic, and the state radio started to broadcast the Koran in Arabic, which is closely linked to religion as well as language (Tahir-Gürçağlar, 2008, p. 87). The 1924 constitution (Teşkilat-ı Esasiye) was purified/Turkified in 1945, however in 1952 the 1945 version was withdrawn and the text of the 1924 constitution was accepted to be used once more (Tahir-Gürçağlar, 2008, p. 87).
The journey of language planning’s first two terms in the history Türkiye can be divided into two periods: the Single Party era (1923-1950) and the Democrat Party era (1950-1960). While in the first term, language planning was supported by the state by all means, in the second term, the rulers tried to reverse some reforms and endeavoured to make de-planning. İmer’s statistics in terms of Turkish origin words’ usage level in society can be illuminative to evaluate the success or failure of language planning and de-planning between 1923 and 1960. Accordingly, at the start of language reform in 1931, Turkish-origin words made up 35 per cent of the vocabulary, and this rate increased to 57 per cent in 1946 with the language reform collective efforts of the state and the people. However, this number decreased once again in the 1950s under the Democrat Party rule to 51 per cent in daily newspapers (İmer, 1998, p. 86 as cited in Tahir-Gürçağlar, 2008, p. 88). This shows that despite the de-planning efforts of the Democrat Party, it cannot be claimed to be successful entirely.
The Democrat Party era ended with a coup d’état staged in 1960. After this year, the approach towards language planning changed once more. The purification/Turkification of language became a trend once again. Furthermore, the socio-political tide shifted for
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the good of language purification when the politics changed, and power passed into the hands of the army.
After the 1960 coup, the Democrat Party was closed down, and the army took the rule. In accordance with the shift of power, the language policies changed and approximated once again to language purification. The close link between conservatives and their language usage with the Arabic and Persian origin words started not to be used. The 1960 coup altered the language policies to reflect the shifting political climate. Cemal Gürsel, the president, issued an order prohibiting the use of terms of a foreign origin in all government organizations (Levend, 1972, p. 488).
The support for language purification continued in the 1960s and 1970s, except for the Justice Party term. The Justice Party, the descendant of the Democrat Party, was elected in 1965. During the Justice Party’s term, the language policies of the state changed radically. The Turkish Linguistic Society's operations were restricted, and the Ministry of Education demanded that all official institutions refrain from exaggerating language purism (Bingöl, 2012, p. 11). However, the Justice Party government had to step down once again with the military memorandum in 1971, and their language policies could not last long. After the Justice Party stepped down, Nihat Erim was commissioned by the military to form the new government in 1971. It is crucial to note that Erim was a member of the Turkish Language Association and was a fierce supporter of pure Turkish (Bingöl, 2012, p. 11). With the support of the government, the purification of Turkish continued in the 1970s.
Except for the Justice Party term, The Turkish Language Association’s operations were backed by the government throughout the 1960s and 1970s, despite growing public opposition, some of which referred to the neologisms presented by the TDK Dictionary as ‘fabrication’ (Doǧançay-Aktuna, 2004, p. 11). The Turkish Language Association maintained its work despite the fact that many of these were derided by the organization's critics and largely rejected by the masses (Doǧançay-Aktuna, 2004, p. 11). Doǧançay-Aktuna comments that this situation indicates that the language reformers may have started to lose touch with the general people and the shifting social landscape (2004, p. 11).
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After the 1960s and 1970s, the language planning and purification of Turkish entered a new path. The struggle of the Turkish Language Association changed its shape in accordance with the conditions of the day. Although the purification movement had been applied majorly to Arabic and Persian origin lexical items and the words with Western language origins were not affected much for a long time, the trend started to change. Another major incident with a direct impact on politics and, naturally, language planning was the 1980 coup d’etat.
The 1980 coup d’etat changed life from the bottom in Türkiye. In this regard, the language planning policies of the state were no exception. The constitution promulgated under the military government ruled the Turkish Language Association to incorporate into Atatürk Kültür, Dil ve Tarih Yüksek Kurumu (the Atatürk Supreme Council for Culture, History and Language) which is working under the Prime Ministry in 1983 and this action made the Language Association lose its independent status (Doǧançay-Aktuna, 2004, p. 11). This regulation led to a transformation in the Turkish Language Association by replacing its members with new conservative people who had criticised the earlier Turkish Language Association and adhered to the belief that one should respect the "living language" of the people (Doǧançay-Aktuna, 2004, p. 11). These changes impacted the language policies of the state in the following years.
Along with the change in politics and the governments after the 1980s, the sociopolitical changes and globalization impacted the language policies of the state. Globalization and liberal policies were increasingly applied mainly after the 1980 coup in Türkiye, which led to an increase of Americanisation in culture as well as the increasing impact of American English. These developments, in addition to the change of members of the Association, required the Association and the state’s attitude to change. Although language planning had been applied majorly for the Arabic and Persian origin lexical elements and the words with the origin of the Western languages were neglected, the time was for the turn of the tide.
After the 1980s, the core aim of the Association changed, and language planning or purifying notions were abandoned. The previous Turkish Language Association “aimed to find Turkish equivalents to all foreign words in the language, including terminology in diverse fields. The process they used the most was word derivation using Turkish roots
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and suffixes” (Doǧançay-Aktuna, 2004, p. 13). However, the Association after 1980 chose to follow a different path, preferring to use already-existing terms, making up compounds of existing words, and using semantic expansions, which they assert are universal to all languages (Doǧançay-Aktuna, 2004, p. 13). Thus, it is evident that the pre and post Turkish Language Association diverge in their applications and goals.
With the new set of minds of the Association and the governments after 1980, language reform changed its form. For example, Yabancı Kelimelere Karşılık Bulma Komisyonu (the Society formed the Commission for Finding Equivalents for Foreign Words) was founded in 1993, and it has been active ever since (Berk Albachten, 2015, p. 170). Additionally, starting from 1994, the Turkish counterparts of roughly 15–20 foreign words are released by the Commission each month and are published in the Society's publication Türk Dili [Turkish Language] together with the words' definitions and usages.
In 1995, the Association published a book for the Turkish equivalents of 1,121 words of Western origin named Yabancı Kelimelere Karşılıklar (Equivalents for the Foreign Words) (Berk Albachten, 2015, p. 170). However, different from the publications of the Association in the 1930s, this time the Turkish counterparts are majorly for English words rather than Arabic or Persian. Besides, the word suggestions do not catch the attention of the public and media like they used to be covering the front pages of the newspapers in the 1930s.
The main debates around language in recent years are centred on the topics of language degeneration/deterioration in the use of Turkish and the influx of English words in the lexicon (Doǧançay-Aktuna, 2004, p. 14). The influx of English is an inevitable result of world politics today, and it is a common phenomenon in many languages. Each language community adapt to the numerous cultural and linguistic modifications brought on by the quick spread of technology. Additionally, since English is the predominant language used internationally in science and technology, it is only natural that English-related borrowings would accompany technological advancements.
Language institutions around the world have been fighting to keep up with this tendency by creating new words to replace borrowings in fields ranging from science and technology to popular culture (Doǧançay-Aktuna, 2004, p. 15). And Türkiye is not an exception in this struggle against the influx of English. However, an important point needs
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to be underlined in this regard as well. Struggling with English also has some other connotations with the current politics in Türkiye, taking into consideration that conservative the Justice and Development Party was elected and has been governing since 2002. The conservative worldview of the contemporary atmosphere also fuels the struggle against the influence of Western languages.
The policy change of the Turkish Language Association can be linked with the change in politics and governments, the same as before. The trend of language policies is formed according to the dominant politics of the time. The Association’s most recent investigations make it evident that words with Arabic and Persian roots, which were seen as foreign and hence detrimental to the Turkish language, have made way for words with Western-language roots (Berk Albachten, 2015, p. 170). Although loanwords with Western roots have been existing in Turkish for a long time, the Turkish Language Association’s interest in cataloguing them is a more recent phenomenon (Berk Albachten, 2015, p. 170). On the Association’s website since 2007, Türkçede Batı Kaynaklı Kelimeler Sözlüğü (the Dictionary of Words of Western Origin in Turkish) has been maintained by scanning Turkish literary texts (Berk Albachten, 2015, p. 170). Özlem Berk interprets this situation with the change in politics and states that these incidents serve as evidence of a change in policy brought about by the political climate after 2002 (2015, p. 170).
The metamorphosis of language planning of the state and the approach to language use of the people throughout the history of Türkiye is summarised by Berk-Albachten as follows:
In fact, the use of Turkish has always been an indicator of political and social tendencies during the republican period. For a long time, from the 1950s onwards, language usage reflected one’s position on the left-right spectrum. While Islamist, conservative, right-wing and nationalistic politicians and writers had a preference for words of Arabic and Persian origin, the modernist and left-wing group of politicians and intellectuals, wishing to remove attachments to traditionalism, used öz Türkçe (pure Turkish) and continued at the same time proposing new words to replace the “old” terms of Arabic and Persian origin (2015, pp. 169-170).
This interpretation of the impact of politics on language preferences and language planning explains well the language policies adopted in the 20th and 21st centuries Türkiye.
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It is evident that throughout the history of Türkiye, language planning has been affected by changes in politics and power. Understanding and linking these fluctuations with the approaches to the language policies are expected to help us understand the changes of approaches in different intralingual translations of Gürpınar made in different periods in Türkiye. Under this title, it has been concentrated on culture planning and language planning in Türkiye. In the following title, it is sought to scrutinise deeply the perception of intralingual translation and the great expectations attached to it from the intelligentsia during the most intense days of language planning of the Single Party era – the 1930s. In order to create a broad perspective on handling intralingual translation in Türkiye, the present study approaches the translation comprehensively which necessitates the inclusion of language policies, political changes, translation institutions in Turkish history and intralingual and interlingual translations as a whole.
Although many studies in the field of translation history of Türkiye concentrate on the Translation Bureau and the 1940s immensely, few of them touch upon the translation activities in the 1930s, especially in terms of intralingual translations. A book written by Faruk Rıza Güloğlu sheds light on the matter of intralingual translation of people’s books in the late 1930s. After the alphabet and language reforms, finding reading materials was of utmost importance and it was required critically. Upon this requirement, the Directorate General of Press, under the Ministry of the Interior (Dahiliye Vekaleti) issued a circular in 1937 for rewriting folk books. The folk books read by the people were intended to be translated intralingually from the Arabic alphabet into the Latin alphabet, and many “amendments” were sought to be made while transferring them. In the following section, Faruk Rıza Güloğlu’s book Halk Kitaplarına Dair (People’s Books) is to be investigated, and some citations of intellectuals of the time are to be given to illuminate both the state’s and individual’s stance towards shaping the public’s consent and the cultural world via intralingual translations.
1.4. INTRALINGUAL TRANSLATION AS A MODERNISATION TOOL
1.4.1. Intralingual Translations in the 1930s
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After the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, the Republic of Türkiye went through fundamental changes fuelled by the ruling cadres in order to raise Türkiye above the contemporary civilisations. Concerning this ideal, the Single Party made cultural revolutions including quite importantly the language and alphabet reforms together. Firstly, the alphabet reform was made in 1928, and then language reform was made in 1932. Although language reform continued in the following decades, the most intense steps were taken in the reform’s initial years. Following the alphabet and language reforms, an inevitable requirement emerged to understand the texts written earlier with the Arabic alphabet and transfer them to the society of that day.
For the scope of this study, the intralingual translations conducted after these reforms are to be scrutinised. One vitally important resource from the days of intense application of language reform was written by Faruk Rıza Güloğlu in 1938 named Halk Kitaplarına Dair (People’s Books). The book has unique importance for this study as it reveals the reviews of the intelligentsia of the 1930s towards the aims of the state to form reading habitus of the people and to show how much importance they attribute to literature and intralingual translations in creating consent among people to follow the Western/humanist principles.
Güloğlu identifies six categories within the people’s books: religious books, battle books with religious themes, romances, divans (folk poetry), national battle and heroism books, books avalanche religious superstitions, and recent imitations of the battle and heroism books (1937, p. 3). Although people’s books were not received as part of high literature among the intellectual circles, they carry great importance as they reached the people all around Türkiye in their time and sold in high numbers, which leads us to deduce that they were more influential on people than the canonised works (i.e. world classics).
In his book, Güloğlu tries to investigate the circular issued by the Directorate General of Press under the Ministry of the Interior in 1937 for rewriting folk books. Additionally, he categorises these books’ types and collects the intellectuals’ opinions regarding collection, publication and intralingual translations of the folk books. Intralingual translation of folk books has a unique importance in the book. The books printed with archaic technology and using the Arabic alphabet are looked down on, and the writer
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desires their intralingual translations to be made, especially with ideological intervention. Güloğlu remarks that;
The folk books printed with lithography representing the bigot mindset with awful statements that the bibliopole previously published and sold are disappeared by themselves with alphabet reform.
The booksellers, taking into consideration the reading needs of millions of townsmen and peasants educated by Nation’s schools (Millet Mektebi), partly improved the books they have been selling and partly -regrettably- only transcribed them to the new alphabet and printed the same (1937, p. 4).
In this remark, it can be concluded that Güloğlu expects a comprehensive effort and intervention during the intralingual translation process of the archaic books printed previously in the Arabic alphabet. He criticises the bookseller’s efforts but does not openly invite state intervention at this point. Afterwards, Güloğlu investigates the efforts of the Ministry of National Education to collect and publish folk stories. However, he underlines that the ministry lost the big chance of improving the folk stories and expresses his sorrow.
According to him, this improvement should include getting rid of archaic, reactionary, and superstitious beliefs while intralingually translating the texts written in the Arabic alphabet (1937, p. 5). He states that, although the Ministry of National Education lost the advantage regrettably, the alphabet reform brought the expected bountiful results (1937, p. 5). Güloğlu adds, “[t]oday’s folk book disposed of many antiquities and entered a semi-national path. Superstitious beliefs and reactionary ideas are partly eliminated” (1937, p. 5). Then, he exemplifies some fictional books of the time such as Kan Kalesi (Blood Fortress) and Ejder Kalesi (Dragon Fortress) and underlines that at the peritext of these books, it is remarked that “[y]ou should read such books not to believe in but to have a good time because none of them relies on the truth or history” (1937, p. 5). It is evident in the remarks given in the peritext of such books that even though the publishers did not refrain from printing the books which would sell high in numbers and bring economical profit to them, they still deemed it suitable to intervene in the text for ideological purposes.
Güloğlu (1937) underlines that not all folk books are full of reactionary ideas and categorises the folk books printed after the alphabet reform into three groups: the ones with lithograph origins, the ones collected from the vernacular, and the ones called Telif
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Edilenler5. Here, I would like to place a particular focus on the action of “Telif Etmek”. There is a meaning ambiguity in “Telif Etmek”. The phrase might have had different meanings in 1937 than today, referring to ‘writing the original’. This usage in 1937 seems akin to compiling texts and improving them by the writer/compiler, which is close to the Ottoman era’s usage. In her article, Saliha Paker underlines that the understanding of Telif is different in the Ottoman time than today. Although both understandings cover the production of texts, in the traditional Ottoman one Telif Etmek refers to the production of a text mostly based on foreign texts, made of partly translation and partly contribution of the translator/writer. However, today Telif Etmek directly refers to producing a text solely by the writer (Paker, 2014, p. 39).
In his book, Güloğlu compiles the reviews of intellectuals of the 1930s regarding the improvements of the folk books –in this study, they are evaluated as intralingual translations- which cover both alphabet and the content changes in line with the dominant politics and poetics of its time. The statements compiled in Güloğlu’s book show that although there were some differences of opinion regarding people’s books, the majority of the intellectuals showed a degrading attitude towards people’s books (Tahir-Gürçağlar, 2008, p. 187).
Regarding intralingual translations of folk books, Bürhan Cahit, a journalist, writer and MP of the Single party states that changing subjects and remaining the heroes would damage the values of the books among the folk. Instead, he suggests that it would be more beneficial that intellectuals use these stories and heroes as an advanced exploration post among the public and propagate new legendry that issues significant reforms of the Republic (Güloğlu, 1937, p. 43). In reply to Cahit’s reviews regarding changing the folk books while intralingually translating them, Güloğlu asks whether it is possible “to make folk books an advanced exploration post among the public” without refinement and modification (tasfiye ve tadil) and remarks that;
This is the first question that comes to mind when you read Bürhan Cahit’s article. The reason urges the Department of the Press (Matbuat Umum Müdürlüğü) to improve folk books is that “Among the folk book corpus, there are books present preaching reactionaries and full of superstitions”
5 For a detailed information on Telif Etmek please see Saliha Paker’s (2014) “Terceme, te’lîf ve özgünlük meselesi”.
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Therefore, in order to utilise these old books, the ones preaching reactionaries and full of superstitions should be eliminated from the folk books corpus or should be improved (1937, p. 44).
After Güloğlu comments on Cahit’s reviews and supports his ideas on intralingually translating the old folk stories and eliminating subjects against the Republic’s policies, he goes on to cite Peyami Safa’s article on Cumhuriyet Newspaper dated 21 May 1937 with the title “Halk Masalları Nasıl Yazılmalı?” (How to Write Folk Tales?). Safa compares and criticises the books sold in the cities and the books sold in villages:
Everything is a matter of spirit and style. The book containing the spirit and tone of the people can be modern in villages, provided that its meaning is understood differently than in big cities. Taking Keloğlan’s lover from the back of Phoenix (Zümrüdü Anka) and bringing her to the Paris 1937 exhibition by plane is neither compulsory nor the right thing. The works to be written should be modern in peasant’s terms. For example, gramophone and radio are available in many villages. Automobiles and trucks are also things that our peasants are familiar with. In the atmosphere of civilisation that these vehicles carried to the villages, works can be written that will make the ideas of revolution seem cute (Safa, 1937, as cited in Güloğlu, 1937, p. 47).
It is explicit in Safa’s column that the people living in the villages are conceived to be less than the people living in the cities in terms of comprehension and general knowledge. They are seen as subjects that need to be educated and illuminated with high standards of the Republic and should be brought to the modern day from the old ages. Thus, Safa’s thoughts can be claimed to aim to form an ideal Turkish citizen out of backward masses through the intralingual translations, which aim to moderate and alter the folk stories.
On intralingual translations of the folk tales, famous writer and translator who was going to be head of the Translation Bureau in the following years, Nurullah Ataç made some remarks in two of his columns:
You must have read that the Ministry of the Interior sent a note to our authors stating: ‘the masses of the public read many books whose language, style and pictures are quite terrible. Yet, some of these books are printed 40.000-50.000 copies. In all of these works, the mindset is not to serve the public but to exploit the public’s reading needs.
The Ministry of Interior seeks to serve the public by utilizing the public’s reading needs. In other words, the Ministry wants to work for the disciplining mentality of the public6. Since there are stories and subjects that the public loves, let our intellectuals write those books with clear language in line with the mindset of the ideal person we want to create new. The Ministry of Interior will print those books and help to promulgate them (Ataç, 1937, as cited in Güloğlu, 1937, pp. 47-48).
6 Italics are used by the writer of this study to highlight important parts of the cited passages.
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It is quite obviously seen in Ataç’s remarks that the state is seen as a patron who can and who should interfere with the public’s reading habits. “Disciplining mentality of the public” is seen as one of the duties of the state, and state intervention in this matter is very natural according to Ataç. His wishes to educate and “illuminate” people are explicit in his remarks and are fully coherent with the many other intelligentsia of the 1930s who sought a state intervention in the cultural sphere. These wishes for intralingual translations should not be thought of separately from interlingual translations from the West, especially from the Ancient Greek and Latin works. And consequently, these thoughts would result in the formation of the Translation Bureau in the following years.
In his second column, dated 22nd May 1937, Ataç acts as a spokesperson of the Ministry and states:
What the Ministry of Interior asks from intellectuals is not to leave their high works and to cope with something easy; contrarily, the Ministry offers them an extremely hard job: rejuvenate the public’s favourite legends, instil a new soul, a new mindset to the public… Our authors, who thoroughly accept the principles of our new revolution and make those principles an indispensable and eternal part of their personalities, will think and write the old legends in their own way. While telling those legends once again, maybe turn them into a revolution mythe without even noticing it… In the note that the ministry delivers to the authors, it is advised not to give a propaganda feeling while writing the books, which is very good and appropriate advice (Ataç, 1937, as cited in Güloğlu, 1937, p. 50).
In his second column, written in the same year 1937, Ataç corroborates the thoughts he expressed in his previous column that the state via intellectuals, “rejuvenate public’s favourite legends, instil a new soul, a new mindset to the public”. In the Ministry’s note to the writers, it is advised to translate the books intralingually without giving a propaganda sense, which proves that these intralingual translations are actually propaganda and part of culture planning themselves. Through these intralingual translations, the Republic’s principles of a new revolution -the reforms made for culture planning- will propagate and penetrate into the public via writers and translators who accepted and internalised these reforms.
A renowned poet, writer and journalist Halit Fahri Ozansoy states in his column in Son Posta newspaper in 1937;
Since the people accept their favourite and familiar folk tale heroes with excitement today like in the old days and continue reading, then let us show these heroes in line with the regime’s soul with high meanings in new situations and make the people read them in that way. […]
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Just as Mikimavz character is always the same but shown in different places and situations, the characters that the public is very familiar with [Aşık Garip, Köroğlu, Ferhatla Şirin, Leyla ile Mecnun, Yedi Alimler, Tahirle Zühre, Arzu ve Kamber, Şahmerdan, Kerem ile Aslı, Nasrettin Hoca] can be shown in new situations. Thus, we want to make the public’s familiar heroes live new adventures where they inculcate ideas convenient to the new Turkish revolution and civilisation aims (Ozansoy, 1937, as cited in Güloğlu, 1937, pp. 56-57).
Ozansoy offers that through the mouths of protagonists, new ideas appropriate to Turkish revolutions and reform are to be inculcated into people. “Regime’s soul with high meanings” will be spread to the readers in the villages. Like the other abovementioned intellectuals, Ozansoy sees this intralingual translation movement ignited by the Ministry of Interior as an opportunity to spread their high ideals to the people. This can be claimed to be a part of culture planning. Thus, individuals active in the cultural sphere also actively play a part, along with the state, in culture planning.
Similar to Ozansoy’s ideas, a Poet and co-writer of 10th Year March (10. Yıl Marşı) Behçet Kemal Çağlar wrote in Kurun newspaper on 2nd June 1937 regarding educating and illuminating people through the intralingual translations of folk stories as follows;
In order to make the public read, it is required to start with the subjects and heroes familiar to the people and to deliver new ideas within the old envelopes. […] For example, Ferhat who is drilling through the mountains to reach his lover, can symbolise the train very well and propagandise our railroad policy in a tone that our people will understand and love. To rescue all these folk stories from lazy orient spirit and to introduce them to today’s atmosphere can be a fantastic fact, just like creating fifteen million youth in ten years. […] And the invitation of the Ministry is of such importance and dignity that any sane Turkish writer can immediately accept it (Çağlar, 1937, as cited in Güloğlu, 1937, p. 63).
Çağlar wages a war on the Oriental roots of the folk stories which he belittled as having a lazy spirit. Besides, he advocates the ideological changes that will be made through intralingual translations should conceal themselves within the old envelopes. Therefore, it will be easy for people to digest and internalise the state’s propaganda. His attitude towards the people can be described as patronising.
What is explicit in these remarks of the intellectuals and prominent people of the 1930s is that the state is required and called upon to interfere in the cultural sphere in order to form an alternative cultural repertoire and create a new ideal Turkish citizen through this new alternative repertoire. The state’s ideas, ideals, and esprit are expected to penetrate into the people in this way, and the public ‘who cannot decide what is best for themselves’ is expected to be educated in this course.
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The principles of the Single Party and the state, which were intermingled at the time, would aim to be spread with this culture planning moves. On the other hand, what is implicit in these remarks is that the aim of this intelligentsia and the state was beyond spreading only the seven principles of the Single party and enlightening the peasant solely. They aimed to propagate Western thought and Humanism and create a Turkish Renaissance and these intralingual translations were a part of the culture planning programme of the state, which were to be supported far more in the coming years with The First Turkish Publishing Congress held in 1939 and the Translation Bureau under Hasan Ali Yücel’s leadership.
However, before diving into the First Turkish Publishing Congress and the Translation Bureau as parts of translation history in Türkiye, intralingual translations, the core of this study, must be scrutinised comprehensively and meticulously. Intralingual translation, as demonstrated under the present title, has been seen as a crucial tool for Turkish modernisation. The Ministry of Interior’s notice for intralingual translation of the folk books, as well as the support of intelligentsia as the individual players in the cultural sphere, show explicitly the role attributed to intralingual translation for modernisation, secularisation, and Turkification of the texts and consequently the society. In addition to the presented data on supporting conducting intralingual translations, the theoretical background unique to Türkiye, predisposing reasons, expected results, and history of intralingual translations throughout the Republic of Türkiye are to be studied thoroughly in the following title.
1.4.2. Modernisation in Türkiye
Language is the most important means that keeps a nation together. By creating a common, standardised language removed from Arabic and Persian origin words, the Islamic roots of the Turkish people were tried to be cut off, and a modern, secular Turkish identity that is part of the contemporary world was designed. However, this phenomenon is not unique to Turkish society; the Turks are not alone in the stage of history for reforming and purifying their languages. As Lewis states, “the sort of deliberate campaign that has been carried out at various times by Germans, Swedes, Hungarians, Finns, and
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Albanians, among others, for nationalistic reasons, to purge their languages of foreign words and substitute native words for them” (1999, p. 2).
Significantly, nationalistic ideologies required nations to purify their languages from the other dominant languages. For example, the Germans tried to eliminate French words and impact, while the Hungarians endeavoured to eliminate German and Latin words, and the French fought against English through the French Academy (Lewis, 1999, p. 2). Thus, throughout history, with the rise of nationalistic consciousness, nations have tried to purify and protect their languages. This idea of purification in Türkiye dates back to the Ottoman Empire’s last centuries and cannot be limited to the Republican era. Turkish purification, which started as an idea in the last periods of the Ottoman Empire, could be realised in the revolutionary atmosphere of the early period of the Republic with systematic culture planning.
Modernisation and the creation of a new, unique culture were the fundamental aims of the state. Thus, intralingual translations were born as a result of these reforms as an inevitable necessity. Therefore, in the atmosphere of the 1930s and onwards, intralingual translations were conducted to update the language of old works with archaic language to make younger generations access the earlier works. The works written prior to 1928 were unintelligible for the society that was educated in the Latin alphabet. Transcription of the texts from Arabic script into Latin script, which were written before the alphabet reform, was compulsory. However, transcription was not the only necessity since the language was transforming every day with the initiations of the Turkish Language Society with great enthusiasm.
Furthermore, as new words were being created and introduced to the public every day in newspapers, the public was advised to use new words of Turkish origin instead of old Arabic and Persian words. Therefore, after 1932, the cooperative endeavours of Turkifying the language created a duality. There were still Arabic and Persian originated words in usage along with the words newly created/invented from Turkish origins. The Turkish words were tried to be implemented in everyday life from the newspapers to the literature organised with the support of the state as a part of culture planning. Thus, transcription of the books was supported by the changes of words in intralingual translations. However, as this study claims, these changes were neither limited to transcription nor to word changes.
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Through intralingual translations, the old, unwanted words were to be changed with the new words that were desired to be used. In doing so, there could be interventions to the texts, and the translator could make “amendments” to texts to implement the ideas of the state. Intralingually translating Turkish works, especially written after Tanzimat, became a common practice. The reasons visible on the surface might seem to be mechanical processes such as the transcription and simplification of the languages. However, intralingual translations were more than a simple upgrade of the archaic works. In these terms, studying intralingual translations sought to reveal the ideological motives behind them.
There is a critical remark of Şehnaz Tahir Gürçağlar that must be considered at this stage. Although intralingual translations of the older works written with the Arabic Alphabet were a must in order to convey them to the new generations, throughout the 1930s, these works of the Ottoman literature majorly were not transcribed into the Latin alphabet and remained unavailable, making it almost impossible for new generations educated with Latin alphabet to read these older works (2008, p. 103). As a part of the ideological move, the old literature corpus written in the Arabic alphabet was pushed to the periphery with the alphabet reform, which was “partly the result of deliberate attempts to break people’s ties with their Ottoman heritage, largely associated with Islam and the ‘East’”(Tahir-Gürçağlar, 2008, p. 103). Notwithstanding, state and private publishing houses still intralingually translated some of these works in the following decades, with some changes in the discourse and ideology. These intralingually translated works constitute the cases of the present study.
Studying intralingual translations in Türkiye has a special place due to Türkiye’s unique history of the crucial and highly influential alphabet and language reforms made during the early Republican period. The language reforms can be considered a milestone because they changed the country from the ground forever. To some point, it can be claimed that the reforms majorly became successful and new words of Turkish origin are used more often than the ones with Arabic/Persian origins after almost a hundred years. Alternatively, at least the majority of the Arabic/Persian origin words were converted/Turkified to be in line with Turkish orthography and linguistics. However, the impacts of the reforms were so huge that today, in the 21st century, it is still a field of debate in politics from time to time. Besides, it still creates divergence among politicians
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regarding whether alphabet reform was a success or failure. This shows a slight uneasiness towards the country’s past and these reforms. At this point, studying intralingual translations gains prominence as they can illuminate Türkiye’s relationship with its past. Discussions on intralingual translations and their practices among the literary circles demonstrate there is a particular “unease with the Ottoman past as to the (dis)continuity and (dis)unity of the Turkish language and culture” (Berk Albachten, 2013, p. 268) Therefore, meticulously analysing intralingual translations would reveal what is accepted or considered foreign in different periods and accordingly it shall reveal “how the relationship between Ottoman and modern Turkish literature and culture has been defined, evaluated, and perceived” (2013, p. 268). The most critical point in scrutinising intralingual translations, especially in the Turkish context, is summarised by Özlem Berk as follows;
Concealed under the rubric of different terminology, the practice of intralingual translation in Turkey shows that it is not a merely linguistic activity, but a cultural and ideological one, exceeding the efforts of finding equivalents for words, and thus needs to be analysed with translational concepts. The relationship between intralingual translation in the sense of modernizing the language and different nationalisms, especially in countries such as Turkey, offers a valuable and interesting area of research that needs to be included in Translation History. There is much need especially for historical-descriptive research and systemic analyses of texts that have remained outside the realm of “proper translation” or texts that have not been defined as translations, such as intralingual translations in Turkey. Further research that reveals the agenda behind intralingual translations and their effects would contribute not only to translation, but also to research in cultural and literary history (2013, p. 268-269).
As Özlem Berk expected from further research, the present study started with the aim of uncovering the ideologies behind the intralingual translations, and as a result, it is expected to contribute to translation studies as well as cultural and literary history.
Although the intralingual translations are not mostly referred to as translations but originals in Türkiye, they still carry great potential in revealing the politics and ideology of the times they are produced. Studying these potentially fruitful areas would likely offer valuable insight into Türkiye’s relationship with its Ottoman heritage, in addition to the ideologies behind the production of intralingual translations.
Although intralingual translations demonstrate a link between ideology and translation, interlingual translations also must be taken into consideration in inspecting the ideology and translational/cultural ties with the past. Scrutinising the history of interlingual translations in the same term will both consolidate the research and broaden the study’s perspective. Besides, investigating the link between interlingual translations and politics
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is also expected to shed light on the relationship between intralingual translations and politics. It is because the ideological causes behind both intralingual and interlingual translations are the same in the simultaneous periods they are produced. Approaching the translation phenomena comprehensively and taking into consideration translation history as a whole are expected to draw a complete framework for the present study.
The intelligentsia, writers, thinkers, translators of the time, and researchers in Turkish translation history remark on a solid relationship between translation and Westernisation. The remarks and the focus of the mentioned relationship are mainly through the foundation and the operations of the Translation Bureau, founded in 1940, a state-owned bureau for regulating and intervening in translation activities in the country. At the present part of this chapter, it is centred on intralingual translation’s role in modernisation and remarks about the translations and intralingual translations during the 1930s. Following the scrutiny of intralingual translation, the research will address the formation of the relationship between Westernisation, humanism, and the Translation Bureau on the following pages. It is crucial to note that translation history, translation institutions, and intralingual and interlingual translations are intertwined, which need to be studied altogether in order to attain a comprehensive result from translation studies’ perspective and draw an inclusive framework.
1.5. HISTORY OF TRANSLATION IN TÜRKİYE
1.5.1. Turkish Humanism, and Westernism Through Translation
It is no surprise that most of the research concentrating on the issue of the translation history of Türkiye study the Translation Bureau primarily. It is generally accepted as the most influential foundation in Türkiye in terms of translation studies perspective. Humanism and Westernisation ideas go hand in hand with the desired ideology to be created with the translations through the Translation Bureau. The Translation Bureau and its translations are accepted as a part of the state’s culture planning.
Primarily, it is essential to address what meaning is attributed to and what is desired through the humanism and Westernisation ideas that circulated in the first decades of the Turkish state. For example, in his extensive research “Türkiye’de Tercüme Müesseseleri”,
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Taceddin Kayaoğlu scrutinises translation activities throughout the history of Türkiye and the Ottoman Empire. However, he concentrates mainly on the translation foundations sponsored by the state, especially in the first decades of the republic. At first, he investigates “Telif ve Tercüme Heyeti” (The Committee for Original and Translated Works), which was founded in 1921, even before the proclamation of the Republic. Then, chronologically, he scrutinises the First National Publishing Congress and the Translation Bureau, which he associates with Westernisation and humanism.
In his thesis submitted in 1996 and his book published in 1998 under the same name, Kayaoğlu links Westernisation and humanism efforts with translation. Accordingly, he states “[t]hrough this translation movement which is composed of vast majorly Greek, Latin and western works; humanist culture is endeavoured to be realised by the state officials in Türkiye” (Kayaoğlu, 1996, p. 156). Additionally, high meanings and expectations were attributed to translation for the awakening of humanism, the development of Western thoughts and the enrichment of Turkish culture.
On the humanism notion and its ties with the translation, Turgay Kurultay made some implications different from Taceddin Kayaoğlu on the aspect of criticism. Although Kurultay shares the view that translation was part of a cultural project to bring humanism to Türkiye via translations, he criticises the idea that attributes high meanings to translation as a utopia which could not become entirely successful. However, he praises that the translation movement, especially with the determined endeavours of Hasan Ali Yücel, could pave the way for bringing a legacy that continued even after the resignation of Yücel (Kurultay, 1999, p. 26).
Özlem Berk underlines the importance of the state involvement in translation and translation’s ties with government policies of the 1940s and their echoes in translation, especially through the Translation Bureau (2001). What she underlines is that translation was used as a tool in the efforts to create a modern, western and secular Turkish nation. These efforts were a natural result of the Single Party’s aim to lose the country’s Islamic and Eastern roots remnants of the Ottoman Empire and to place the Republic of Türkiye within the European culture and civilisation (2001, p. 8). Finally, she asserts that translations from the West, which impacted every element of Türkiye’s sociocultural life, served as the Republic's founding principles (Berk Albachten, 2001, p. 8).
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Turkish state aimed at creating Turkish humanism through translations of Ancient Latin and Greek classics. One of the Ancient Latin and Greek translators of the Translation Bureau, classicist Azra Erhat, attaches importance to translations in cultural awakening. She underlines, “[i]n order to bring its own culture and language to the level of classics, Türkiye relied on and believed in the world classics” (Erhat, 1974, p. 10). Therefore, it can be seen that not only the state but also the individual agents in the translation programme for classics were enthusiastic about translations from the West. Commitment and devotion to the cause of the individuals were among the fundamental factors of the achievements of the Translation Bureau. The achievements of the 1940s through this devotion can be claimed to be highly influential for the following decades throughout the history of Türkiye.
Beyond positive and negative stances, Şehnaz Tahir Gürçağlar has a more comprehensive and more inclusive manner of dealing with translation, Westernisation and humanism in her book. Her book The Politics and Poetics of Translation in Turkey, 1923-1960 is one of the reference books in translation history research in Türkiye. The book meticulously and comprehensively deals with translation, ideology, and politics from all perspectives. In the book, private publishing and its impacts in the early Republican period are scrutinised along with the state incentives for promoting its principles. The book “diligently offer insights into the politics and poetics that moulded the field of literary translation activity and scrutinise how translation contributed to cultural processes in Turkey between the years 1923 and 1960” (Erkazancı Durmuş, 2011). Gürçağlar clarifies the Westernisation efforts of the Republic in its first two decades and underlines these efforts’ natural result as applying to the idea of humanism as follows:
The idea of making use of the Greek model while remaining Turkish at the same time became a major concern during the second phase of the young Republic under the leadership of İsmet İnönü. The language reform and the planning activity carried out in the fields of history and language during the first fifteen years of the Republic were gradually replaced by an emphasis on western classical culture as a means of creating a common cultural basis for the nation. […] After all, republican Westernism did not wish to imitate its image of the West, but aimed to engender its own civilisation which would no doubt be inspired by the West but not be a copy of it. The way out of this dilemma was found in the concept of ‘humanism’ (2008, p. 64).
As one can see, in the 1930s and the 1940s, there was a quite intense relationship between the state’s ambitions for creating an ideal Turkish citizen, turning the community into a nation around a common language, history, literature, culture and translation. In order to
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do these transformations both within the citizen and for the society as a whole, consent is required to be created with the ideological tenets’ support. This ideological support and base were found in the West. As it is claimed, the West was going to be taken as a base. However, this was going to be solely a base for Turkish humanism. The original Turkish culture, Turkish humanism in other words, sought to be created on top of the base created/translated from the West, especially from ancient Greek and Latin.
Along with the other reforms made in the early Republican period, such as founding The Faculty of Languages, History and Geography, putting Latin lessons in some high school curriculums as well as translations from Ancient Greek and Latin were concrete steps taken for the revival of Turkish humanism (İnalcık, 2013, p. 283). Turkish humanism was expected to make Türkiye a part of the Western civilisation in addition to forming Türkiye into a civilisation that is both effective and creative society (Sinanoğlu, 1980, as cited in İnalcık, 2013, p. 283).
The political atmosphere, literary circles, and intelligentsia’s statements demonstrate that towards the end of the 1930s, it was the right time for the state, with the support of individual actors, to enter translation activity with its unprecedented power. The institutional translation activity, which started even before the Tanzimat, continued in 1939 with the First National Publishing Congress, and the Translation Bureau was founded as a result of the congress. Thus, another chain of translation institutions was added for the translations from the West, and the tradition started over a hundred years ago continued. In the following part, one of the crucial steps of the state for intervening in the cultural sphere through translation is sought to be investigated.
1.5.2. The First National Publishing Congress
Throughout the history of the Ottoman Empire’s last century and the first decades of the Republic of Türkiye, rulers and/or intelligentsia of the country resort to translation from the West, which is an indicator of acceptance of inferiority to the West in certain areas. The translation is perceived as a solution, a remedy to the backwardness both in the state and the society. The rulers attached so much importance to translation that, during the most chaotic atmosphere of the last decades of the Ottoman Empire, chambers for
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translation were actively working, or during the War of Independence, a board for translation was founded in 1921.
Translation was always a crucial need for the country. However, after the alphabet and language reforms, literacy campaigns and other related revolutions, this need felt more robust than ever in the 1930s Türkiye. Turning the country’s face towards the West, creating the Turkish nation, uniting it under nationhood instead of a religious community, and supporting the universal ideals are all summarised under the names of Westernisation and Turkish humanism. Before the Translation Bureau was established in 1940, the officials, translators, writers and publishers progressively pointed out the prominence of translating classics for Westernisation (Tahir-Gürçağlar, 2008, p. 23). Therefore, as Gürçağlar argues, the discourse of these people in the 1930s demonstrates that “the centre of the literary system had already been reserved for the products of the Bureau before the Bureau started its operations and that a discursively induced ‘demand’ came before ‘supply’” (Tahir-Gürçağlar, 2008, p. 23). Although there were private publishing companies’ attempts at translation projects in the 1930s, they met unsatisfactory results and could not succeed because of the absence of coordination in translation activities and lack of finding competent translators (Berk Albachten, 1999, p. 143).
It is obvious to detect that the requirement for translations was explicit. The reforms of the Republic created a mass who needed literature works to read for pleasure and education. The local supply was far from being enough, works written in Turkish could not meet the need, and the world classics could not be appropriately translated around a plan by the private publishing industry. Thus, cries for state intervention intensified for the translation of world classics to make up for deficiencies in the literature field. As a result, the scene was complete and ready for the intervention of the state. The demands of systematic translation under the auspices of the Ministry of National Education became grounds for the First National Publishing Congress held on May 1-5, 1939.
The First National Publishing Congress started with the Minister of National Education Hasan Ali Yücel’s address. In his opening address, he touches upon the translation issue, which shows the importance attributed to translation in Congress. The topics aimed to be dealt with related to the translation by The First National Publishing Congress are listed in its opening as follows:
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1. Determining the most necessary works to be translated into our language (Turkish), including the classics, with a plan divided into years and division of labour among those concerned for their publication,
2. Determining the works that need to be written or translated for the youth in secondary education and preparing a program for their publication,
3. Determining what needs to be republished from our old manuscripts and printed books,
4. Establishment of prizes to encourage writing and translating in the country and determination of the principles on which the prizes will be given (Birinci Türk Neşriyat Kongresi - Raporlar Teklifler Müzareke Zabıtları, 1939, p. 3).
The importance attributed to translation is explicit among the discussed subjects. A well-constructed plan divided into years and incentives for translation is primarily planned. Additionally, beyond interlingual translation, which is almost always the case in this term, it is surprisingly exciting for this study to observe that intralingual translation is taken into consideration in Article 3. determining the books to be intralingually translated is listed among the other essential plans of the Congress. This proves that intralingual translations of the old manuscripts were needed, as well as interlingual translations from the world literature.
The Congress took into consideration intralingual translations of the works printed with the old manuscripts, as article 3 demonstrates. Thus, the importance attached to intralingual translation in the programme of the Congress is an explicit indicator of the fact that intralingual translations were naturally part of language planning and culture planning. Therefore, it can be concluded that the intralingual translations of Gürpınar conducted during the Republican period provide evidence of the dominant ideologies of Turkish Enlightenment, in other words, Humanism, Secularism and Westernisation.
As the issues regarding publishing required utmost importance and meticulous working by division of labour, the Congress settled a working programme and constituted sub-commissions: Printing, Publishing and Sale Commission, Requests Commission, Literary Copyright Commission, Youth and Children's Literature Commission, Prizes, Subsidies and Propaganda Works Commission, Publication Programme Commission, and lastly Translation Commission (Birinci Türk Neşriyat Kongresi - Raporlar Teklifler Müzareke Zabıtları, 1939, p. 4). Founding a commission solely for translation sheds light on the emphasis on the importance given to translation issues in Congress. Minister of National
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Education Hasan Ali Yücel underlines the importance of translation and signalled the foundation of the Translation Bureau in his speech in Congress as follows:
Desiring and determined to be a distinguished member of the Western culture and thought, republican Türkiye is bound to translate the old and new ideas of the civilised world into its own language and strengthen its identity with the perception and mentality of this world. This obligation invites us to a major translation campaign. How will we do this? What should we translate? In which order and in what way should we achieve these things? Today, despite all good intentions, do not we feel sorrow for the effort and money wasted because of the lack of a definite program? (Birinci Türk Neşriyat Kongresi - Raporlar Teklifler Müzareke Zabıtları, 1939, p. 12).
It is quite apparent in Yücel’s speech that translation is of capital importance in the state's publishing movement. However, it is also obvious to see the sorrow for the wasted efforts and money due to the deficiency of an organised program. Thus, the state is ready to coordinate translation activities and fill this deficiency.
The Minister of National Education’s declaration, who is one of the most authorised people in Congress, proves the support for translation of the state and the expectations from translation as well. The support and expectations do not come solely from the politicians in Congress. The press, influential literati, writers, translators, and journals concentrated on translation. For example, the first director of the Translation Bureau, Nurullah Ataç states the requirement of a translation journal, including translation criticism and articles about translation with translated texts and source texts. He also states the necessity of a commission to revise the translations (Ataç, 1939, 'Lüzumlu Bir Karar', Haber, as cited in Birinci Türk Neşriyat Kongresi - Raporlar Teklifler Müzareke Zabıtları, 1939, p. 137). In Tan Newspaper issued on 30.03.1939, the Ministry of National Education’s efforts to organise publishing is praised. Besides, in the news, it is advised to create a comprehensive publishing programme including all publishing parties, determining the works to be translated and copyrighted, and sharing these books between the state’s publishing organs methodologically (Birinci Türk Neşriyat Kongresi - Raporlar Teklifler Müzareke Zabıtları, 1939, p. 140). Yaşar Nabi wrote an article for Ulus Newspaper issued on 31.09.1939. In the article, the deficiencies in publishing life in Türkiye are listed, such as the works forming the base of the Western civilisation have not been translated into our language yet, most of the qualities of the translations are unreliable, and it is not easy to publish and sell books.
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Moreover, the reason behind this is explained by a lack of coordination and planning rather than any cultural crisis. Thus, Congress answers these requirements to the point by creating coordination between the publishing bodies, planning the translation works starting from the most urgent needs, republishing the old books considered to be valuable, publishing encyclopaedias and vocabularies, regulating copyright and translation legislation, giving prizes and subsidies to promote translation and by creating many more incentives and attempts (Birinci Türk Neşriyat Kongresi - Raporlar Teklifler Müzareke Zabıtları, 1939, pp. 141-142). It is also vital to note that Yaşar Nabi urges the state to provide intralingual translations of valuable old books. The urge for translation is not limited to interlingual translation but reaches to intralingual translation as well.
The Translation Committee established during the First National Publishing Congress declared the tremendous importance of translation for the intellectual life in Türkiye for introducing concepts, raising civilisation's sensibility, and strengthening the language. The Committee suggested that a Translation Bureau is to be established under the Ministry of National Education to achieve this goal (Berk Albachten, 1999, p. 150). The Translation Bureau was assigned to publish a translation journal that would include translations next to source texts, translation criticisms, articles about translation, and a glossary similar to Nurullah Ataç’s expectations.
As Özlem Berk summarises from the Congress report, the dictionaries were to be produced with data compiled by the Bureau, and for reaching high-quality translations, financial support was to be provided by the Ministry of National Education to the private publishing houses (1999, p. 150). However, private publishing companies are expected to meet some standards regarding the content and quality of the books to translate in order to attain such incentives. Besides, convenient to creating a programme for translations, publishers were required to submit an annual schedule of the translations they wished to publish to the Ministry of National Education in order to prevent the simultaneous translation of the same book by many translators (Berk Albachten, 1999, p. 150). The last requirement emerged due to past experiences in the publishing industry when two publishers simultaneously translated and published the same book, unaware of each other, which resulted in a waste of money, time, and effort.
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After the Translation Committee’s report was negotiated and accepted at the end of the Congress, the Translation Bureau’s programme was created. The very first meeting of the Translation Committee gathered on 28.02.19407 (Kayaoğlu, 1996, p. 151). The Translation Committee created three lists of books to be translated. The first two lists were to be translated by the state, and the third list was to be translated by private publishers8. These lists shed light on the direction that the Ministry of National Education sought to move. The list is composed of Western writers and Ancient Greek and Latin writers, with the overwhelming majority being explicit proof of an inclination to humanism. Regarding Islamic and Eastern classics, Sheikh Sa‘di was the only Oriental writer on the lists.
The committee's board voted to establish a permanent translation bureau during the closing session. Every two months, this bureau would prepare a journal for translation. It would then review, prepare, and deliver the translations to editors. In the last meeting of the Translation Committee of the First National Publishing Congress, it is resolved to establish a permanent bureau. The duty of this permanent bureau was to distribute the translations to the editors and revisers and prepare a journal called Tercüme Mecmuası (the Translation Journal) or Tercüme. The first members of the Translation Bureau were Nurullah Ataç (chairman), Saffet Pala (secretary general), Sabahattin Eyuboğlu, Sabahattin Ali, Bedrettin Tuncel, Enver Ziya Karal and Nusret Hızır (‘Haberler’. 1940a. Tercüme 1 (1), p. 113).
All these efforts of the state for translation were made notably because of the changing direction of the ideology of the state in İsmet İnönü’s term. After the founding father of the Republic of Türkiye Mustafa Kemal Atatürk passed away in 1938, İnönü became the president. His term was different from the previous terms, including Atatürk’s term when nationalism was trying to fill the gaps left by religion after secular reforms. A new ideology called humanism based on Ancient Greek and Latin culture was tried to be imposed instead of nationalism (Kayaoğlu, 1996, p. 150). Thereby, the First National Publishing Congress resolved the foundation of the Translation Bureau. The Bureau
7 The attendants of the first meeting were; Halide Edip Adıvar, Saffet Pala, Dr. Adnan Adıvar, Bedri Tahir Şaman, Avni Başman, Nurettin Artam, Ragıp Hulusi Erdem, Sabahattin Eyüpoğlu, Nurullah Ataç, Kadri Yörükoğlu, Bedri Tuncel, Abdülkadir İnan, Sabahattin Ali, Cemal Köprülü and Enver Ziya Karal (Kayaoğlu, 1996, p. 151).
8 For the full list of the books see Kayaoğlu, T. (1996, pp. 155-157). Türkiye’de Tercüme Müesseseler (Yayımlanmamış Yüksek Lisans Tezi), İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü.
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would work with great efforts to revive Turkish humanism in the country. Works of the Translation Bureau and its journal Tercüme prove this claim.
1.5.3. The Translation Bureau
Translation institutions in the history of Türkiye can be regarded as a continuum, following one another in certain eras, especially after the Tanzimat. Among many other translation institutions founded by the state, the Translation Bureau has a unique place in history in many aspects. Different from previous translation institutions, which concentrate solely on the translation of works and transfer of knowledge with some exceptions, the Translation Bureau undertook a duty to help create a new ideology of the state with collective work and endeavour.
The state set out to fulfil a function through the Translation Bureau that was both expected of it and essential to support its nation-building efforts in the area of literature (Tahir-Gürçağlar, 2008, p. 71). All the reforms of the state in the Single Party era in the field of culture and education cannot be divorced from each other. Along with the Translation Bureau, The Village Institutes, People’s House, People’s Rooms, The State Radio, Literacy Campaigns, and the Nation’s Schools all served the same cause, creating a shared, humanist ideology in order to catch up with the civilised world. As a matter of fact, after the alphabet reform and the literacy campaigns and with the help of the Nation’s Schools and the Village Institutes, the literacy rate in Türkiye increased substantially in the 1930s.
However, although the literacy percentage was raised, the literary work sources were still limited, and this created a shortage of literary works that would be helpful in supporting the state’s efforts to form a humanist ideal for its citizens. The literary works to be submitted to the citizens were expected to answer the needs of the state as being in line with the Republic’s principles and to support the reforms by constructing a literary and philosophical background for them (Tahir-Gürçağlar, 2008, p. 72). As Gürçağlar analyses the situation in literature in the mentioned term, domestic writing was still immature, and the popular literature’s themes would not fit to answer the needs of the state to support it ideologically while creating national literature and supplying its citizens with literature
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works (2008, p. 72). She sums up the foundation of the Translation Bureau as a part of the culture planning project and as an answer to the State’s needs as follows:
The Translation Bureau was set up as one of the pillars of the culture planning project and was a significant step towards the planning of literature and translation. It bridged the political and the literary fields by serving as a channel through which the concept of humanism, as the ideological basis for a Turkish renaissance, would be transferred to the field of literature and evoke a response in the readership, as well as in writers (Tahir-Gürçağlar, 2008, p. 72).
Translation of the literary works would be part of a greater plan. The Ministry of National Education did the publication of these translations; however, reading these works solely in the state schools would not be sufficient. They had to be spread to all corners of the country. The state-founded institutions in the 1940s worked systematically and in coordination. The world classics translated by the Translation Bureau had to reach the furthest parts of the country in order to evoke the desired ideas within the citizens. Therefore, the translations of the Translation Bureau were sent to local libraries in the villages and towns, they were distributed to the Village Institutes and the Teacher’s training schools and the students read them in their free time, theatre plays along with the novels translated by the Translation Bureau were broadcasted from the National Radio to the remote parts of the country, in the People’s Houses and the People’s Rooms the translations were available to the people.
In big cities, bookstores were able to sell these classics at affordable prices due to the support of the Ministry of National Education. In addition, translation flows from the Western classics (majorly ancient Greek and Latin classics) are joined to the existing literature, which was majorly composed of intralingually translated. Thus, this systematic and coordinated collaboration helped the state reach its people. Intralingual translations, along with the translations of the Translation Bureau, became a source for the nation lacking literary sources and nurtured the whole of Anatolia by spreading to every corner.
The task delegated to translation was forming a base for humanism or the Turkish Renaissance. Thus, the state attached particular importance to translation. The First National Publishing Congress, The Translation Bureau, and the Tercüme journal indicate the support for translation and the importance attributed to it. Additionally, the politicians’ discourse should be paid special attention to as it makes the task of translation explicit. The speech of Hasan Ali Yücel, the Minister of National Education who is one
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of the vigorous advocates of humanism in Türkiye is added to prefaces of all of the world classics translations as follows:
The first stage of understanding and feeling the spirit of humanism begins with the adoption of works of art, which are the most concrete expression of human existence. Among the branches of art, literature is the richest in the mental elements of this expression. That is why a nation repeats the literature of other nations in its own language, or rather in its own understanding; it means increasing, revitalizing and re-creating the intelligence and understanding power in proportion to those works. We consider the translation activity to be important in this regard and effective for our civilisation cause. In nations that have been able to devote every aspect of their intelligence to all kinds of works of these artworks, writing which is the most indelible tool of thought, and literature which is its architecture, has an impact that penetrates and permeates the soul of the whole mass. The unity of individuals and societies under this influence shows a solidity and prevalence that will pierce all borders in time and space. Whichever nation's library is rich in this respect, that nation is at a higher level of understanding in the civilised world. In this respect, to manage the translation movement in a systematic and careful way is to strengthen one of the most important aspects of Turkish wisdom and to serve its development and progress […] Not feeling close interest and love for the translation activity, especially considering the great benefit that the Turkish language will derive from these efforts, will not be possible for any Turkish reader (preface of the World Classics Series of the Translation Bureau).
This preface is added to all the world classics translated by the Translation Bureau in the early 1940s. The enormous significance attributed to translation can be explicitly noticeable in Yücel’s words. As a matter of fact, the importance attributed to translation and literature is entirely oblivious, especially in the lines that state the togetherness of people and societies under language and literature’s (and so translation’s) influence demonstrates a solidity and pervasiveness that will cut through all temporal and spatial boundaries. Afterwards, Yücel underlines the importance of translated literature, stating that any country with a library that is abundant in this regard is more civilised than others in the globe. Hasan Ali Yücel’s words are still meaningful today. In 2024, it is still published in the prefaces of Türkiye İş Bankası Publishing House’s “Hasan Ali Yücel Klasikler Dizisi” book series.
The Translation Bureau was founded in 1940 and closed in 1966. In its 26 operation years, the first six years between 1940-1946 were the institution’s most active and productive years, on the grounds that the Single Party was in power and the Minister of National Education Hasan Ali Yücel, who supported culture planning via translation and cultivation of humanism, was in charge until 1946. As the political climate in Türkiye changed, so did the policies towards education and translation. As Özlem Berk underlines, “the changes in the hierarchies of power with the transition to the multi-party
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system also caused the change of social and cultural hierarchies” (1999, p. 158). The transition to a multiparty system and the resignation of Hasan Ali Yücel can be seen as cultural and hierarchical change. As a result of this change, new ideologies, values and structures dominate, and the models, norms, and standards of translation evolve as new kinds of power, rivalry, or patronage appear.
The Translation Bureau’s translations decreased, and it became less active. Its journal Tercüme, was gradually published irregularly and rarely in the following years. The importance attributed to this institution by the state is decreased. As a result, the Translation Bureau resolved to be closed in 1966.
To sum up, it can be argued that a strong relationship between politics and translation is explicit in the translation history of Türkiye. It is evident that as politics has changed, the attitude towards translations, culture and language has also changed. Therefore, the journey of the political history of Türkiye is to be scrutinised in the following chapter in order to comprehend the attitudes towards language and translation throughout history. As mentioned in the introduction part, the cross-temporally conducted intralingual translations are to be evaluated from three macro-strategies’ points of view in the case study chapter respectively, the establishment of (de)secularisation: secularisation/de-secularisation; the construction of cultural memory: familiarisation/foreignization; and the achievement of linguistic hospitality remembering/mourning. Consequently, in the following chapter, three macro-strategies are to be investigated after Türkiye’s political trajectory centred on secularism is explored.
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CHAPTER 2 MOTIVATIONS FOR INTRALINGUAL TRANSLATION IN TÜRKİYE
Introductory Points
- The chapter examines the process of secularisation in Türkiye, focusing on the key milestones.
- Three major strategies, namely (de)secularisation, cultural memory, and linguistic hospitality, are developed to investigate intralingual translation cases undertaken throughout different time periods in the history of Türkiye.
- A dichotomy is established in light of the establishment of (de)secularisation: secularisation versus de-secularisation.
- Intralingual translations are seen as sites where cultural memory is recreated in the current context. A division is established to examine cases from the construction of a cultural-memory standpoint: familiarisation versus foreignization.
- The notion of linguistic hospitality is explored for the investigation of intralingual translations in light of the dichotomy of remembering versus mourning.
2.1. SECULARISATION
Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar’s works have been intralingually translated in certain periods throughout the history of Türkiye. In this study, it is claimed that these intralingual translations from different periods pursue to create secular(ised) texts through the use of a secularised style and discourse free from religious and superstitious linguistic expressions. Therefore, this thesis will build upon a CDA approach to explore how and to what extent the intralingual translations of his works served Gürpınar’s aim.
In order to build a CDA approach and to bridge the language of intralingual translations with historical phases, the secularisation trajectory and its crossroads in the history of
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Türkiye are investigated. Afterwards, the intralingual translations produced in these periods are to be evaluated comparatively with their source texts in the case study chapter to demonstrate the gradual secularisation of Hüseyin Rahmi’s works. As Eldin underlines, “[b]y restoring the focus upon discourse in society, CDA offers an occasion to subject ideology to new methods of investigation and to formulate an explicit ideology in discourse” (Eldin, 2014, p. 68). Therefore, this study aims to match the implicit and/or explicit secularisation of the texts in the given course of Türkiye’s history. As Fairclough mentions (1992), ideology can appear through power relations remaining implicit in discourse. As part of this research, the aim is to reverse the process and align discourse with the idea of secularism in the Republic.
The modernisation and secularisation trajectory of the history of Türkiye can be divided into periods such as the Tanzimat (the Tanzimat), the Meşrutiyet (The Constitutional Monarchy) and the Republican period. According to Konuralp, in the Tanzimat and Meşrutiyet periods, the traditional Islamic-Ottoman governing culture was the basis. However, the Republican period reflected national sovereignty and independence as its base (Konuralp, 2016, p. 124). Thus, after the collapse of the Empire, in the revival and foundation of a new nation-state, the base principles were changed accordingly.
According to Niyazi Berkes, while the Republican era’s essential motivation was revolutionary, the Tanzimat and Meşrutiyet eras’ motivation was traditionalism (Berkes, 2002, p. 522). In order to realise its essential motivation, i.e. to put Turkish society in the orbit of contemporary civilisation, there were two main tasks: primarily, the traditionalist attitude had to be destroyed and new institutions, organizations and rules were to be established. Afterwards, a bridge between tradition and the contemporary age was to be built by educating the new generations of society according to the requirements of this trajectory (Berkes, 2002, p. 522).
The modern Türkiye was founded by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in 1923 after the Turkish War of Independence against the Imperialist powers and the Greeks. Although it was perceived to be over after defeating the Greeks and signing the Treaty of Lausanne between the Turks and the imperialist powers, the war was beginning, according to the founding father Atatürk. According to Berkes, Atatürk, the leader of revolutionist ideas, had his revolutionary ideas even before the Turkish War of Independence. Atatürk shared
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those thoughts in his journeys within Anatolia: “[t]he war is over; however, the war of independence is just starting. This war is a war to join contemporary civilisations collectively. To be able to exist in the contemporary world depends on changing ourselves” (Berkes, 1964, p. 524). Therefore, it can be seen that although the people primarily fought in the war against Western powers, raising Türkiye and its citizens to the contemporary Western world was the ultimate aim. To ensure social, economic and scientific development, Turkish people were required to catch the Western nations. Although religion was used to get together the Anatolian people and fight back against the imperialist invaders, after the victory of the Turkish War of Independence, it was time to fight against the backwardness and reactionism of the ages. Besides, the exploitation of religion was perceived to be an obstacle before developments and revolutions by the founding father Atatürk. As cited in Berkes, it can be seen obviously.
In an age where the wonders created by scientific discoveries make huge changes in the living conditions of the whole world, no nation can survive with the traditional attachments of the past. Now it is necessary to remove all the remnants of the old, the beliefs that have settled on them in the minds9 (Berkes, 2002).
Secularism as an ideology is evident in Atatürk’s words. In the following years, the revolutions he led are clear evidence of his fight against superstitious beliefs and obstacles created by the utilisation and abuse of religion.
2.1.1. The Single Party Era
The time between the foundation of the Turkish state in 1923 and 1950 is regarded as the Single Party era. Although the first multi-party elections were held in 1946, it was 1950 when the Democrat Party acceded. Therefore, the Single Party era also covers the term between 1946 and 1950 with relatively more democratic and liberal policies.
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk was the leader of the Republican People's Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Fırkası – the CHP) and the first President of the Republic until he passed away in 1938. It would not be wrong to label the Single Party era as a revolutionist, especially in the years between 1922 and 1935 when Atatürk’s reforms were carried out primarily. Being a charismatic and revolutionist leader, Atatürk had six principles, namely,
9 Unless otherwise stated, all translations belong to the researcher.
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Republicanism, Populism, Secularism, Statism, Nationalism and Reformism. Secularism was one of his and the founding cadres’ main tenets/principles. It was the guidance of other revolutions of the Single Party era. However, before dwelling on the secularisation of the Republic, the difference between Turkish secularisation and Western secularisation should be noted briefly.
As Daver states, “[t]his principle, unlike in western countries, had not been realised by the evolutionary currents and ideas of philosophers, disseminated among large parts of the people throughout the centuries” (Daver, 1988). However, in Türkiye it is a top-down process according to him, “[…] but rather by direct and resolute action and revolutionary enthusiasm of considerably small elite composed of bureaucrats and young army officers” (Daver, 1988). In his words, the small elite refers to Atatürk and his friends in the saddle of the Republic of Türkiye.
The secularisation of the West is a result of progress and developments spread over hundreds of years. Volkan Ertit (2019) sorts the events that led to secularisation and modernisation in the meantime: Renaissance, Protestant Reform, the emergence of Absolute Monarchy, the Scientific Revolution, the Industrial Revolution, the Enlightenment and urbanization. However, neither Türkiye nor the Ottoman Empire went through these processes in their history as a part of the Orient world.
In the Turkish case, however, although baby steps of secularisation started with Tanzimat, they could not turn into revolutionary steps. With the proclamation of the Republic, the design of the country was in the hands of the Turkish intelligentsia led by Atatürk. They sought secularism as a modernising principle as well as a progressive idea covering both the governmental life and the whole social and cultural milieu which was dominated by dogmas, ignorance and superstitions (Daver, 1988). As mentioned, revolutions and reforms concerning secularism and secularisation of the society and the state were sought. In this frame, many reforms were made during the Single Party era.
Before the foundation of the Republic of Türkiye, the Ottoman Empire was ruled by the Sultan, who was also the caliph and the leader of all Muslims around the world. On 1st November 1922, the sultanate was abolished by the resolution of the Grand National Assembly, and the sultan escaped from Istanbul with the Entente Powers. However, the abolishment of the caliphate was only possible on 3rd March 1924, after the proclamation
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of the Republic. These two facts constitute the most critical turning points in the new Turkish state, according to İnalcık (2007, p. 85). Abolishment of the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Foundations (Şer’iyye ve Evkaf Vekaleti), along with the sharia courts and madrasas were enacted at the same time with the adoption of the Law on Unification of Education (Tevhid-i Tedrisat) and the other crucial secularisation reforms. The Law on Unification of Education ruled that all educational institutions are entrusted to the Ministry of National Education. Muslim religious schools (madrasas) and the religious schools of other minorities were integrated into the Ministry of National Education’s schooling system. Religious teachings in public schools were interrupted. Upon the importance of closure of the madrasas, Stirling underlines as follows:
The madrasas, practically the only institutions for higher learning in Türkiye outside Istanbul, were transferred to the Ministry of Education, and duly closed, to be replaced in time by a system of State schools based largely on the French system, in the curriculum of which religion found little or no place. This change cut off almost completely the supply of religious trainees. Some special schools for training religious leaders were set up, and a Faculty of Theology was established in Istanbul University, but they were all closed by 1933 (Stirling, 1958, p. 396).
Even though radical steps were taken towards secularisation, the “[t]he religion of the state is Islam” phrase was not touched on in the new Republic’s 1924 constitution. As İnalcık explains it, Atatürk did not want to confront the Anatolian people and reverends who supported him in the War of Independence. The phrase stating the religion of the state could only be dismissed in 1928 at the third TGNA (Turkish Grand National Assembly) when the oppositions of the Single Party were excluded (İnalcık, 2007, p. 85). As intense secularisation laws passed in the TGNA in 1924, conservative and radical Islamist reactions rose in Anatolia. Being supported by certain Kurdish nationalists and tribe leaders, the Sheikh Said Rebellion erupted in 1925. However, it was suppressed by military intervention.
After the rebellion was suppressed in 1925, with law no. 677, known as the abolishment of zawiyas and tekkes, accepted on 25th November 1925, all the superstitious beliefs, religious communities, dervish lodges and other religious associated institutions staying between the person and God were prohibited. In the Ottoman Empire, religion was an essential part of the government for hundreds of years. Especially in Sultan Abdülhamid II’s regime, it was an important tool to reign the society. However, with this law, religion was confined to the private sphere in Türkiye.
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Secularism is one of the six principles of Atatürk, the founder of the modern Türkiye. Therefore, it is implemented by the laws and intended to be propagated to Turkish society. The state systemically planned and organised the proliferation of secularism, implanting it into the lives of the society. Thus, eventually and naturally, it terminates the superstitious beliefs to some degree.
After the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Foundations was abolished, the Directorate for Religious Affairs was founded directly under the Prime Minister to replace the former and to organise religious affairs under state control. According to Paul Stirling, “[t]hrough this, the government could directly control the licencing and appointing of all religious functionaries throughout the country, in theory even down to the village” (Stirling, 1958, p. 396). After the abolishment of Islamic courts, consular courts and the courts of minorities, all the courts were to be ruled with no religious discrimination against the citizens. Instead of being a member of the Muslim Ummah, citizenship gained more importance, which conforms with secularism.
Secularisation was a compelling but indispensable notion for the young Republic. Thus, along with the laws concerning state affairs, politics, law and education, other laws related to all aspects of private life were passed to secularise the people. Thereby, the reforms regarding secularisation in Türkiye are described as top-down reforms, unlike Western secularisation, where hundreds of years of experience created a secular and modern society. Thus, it would not be wrong to call these reforms as revolutions because they happened swiftly and radically.
Regarding the secularisation of the nation and the republic, one of the most impactful revolutions was the adoption of the Latin alphabet in 1928. Along with the language reform in 1934, this revolution had an immense impact on all aspects of life in terms of changing the rotation of the Republic towards the West and the modern world.
All the reforms made during the Single Party era, especially between 1923 and 1935, can be claimed to be the main motive for the creation of the modern Turkish nation. The nation and the state sought to be separated from their Oriental and Islamic cultural past. Changing language through language reform and alphabet change was one of the most impactful revolutions that the Single Party made in terms of losing its ties with Islamic culture. Additionally, by changing the direction of the country, the Turkish government
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sought to take part in Western culture and civilisation. “The new identity the young Republic wanted to create for its people can be summarised as a modern, Europe-oriented and secular society whose members would also be proud to be Turks” (Berk Albachten, 2015, p. 165). Thereby, secularity was perceived as one of the fundamental properties of the “ideal Turkish fellow citizen”, which was desired to be designed by the Single Party government.
Among all the reforms, language reform and the alphabet change were considerably influential and critical. Although the Arabic alphabet was controversial and started to be questioned even in the 19th century Ottoman Empire (Lewis, 1969, p. 427), the critical revolution to change of it could only be achieved under the new Republic governance. As Lewis says, the unsuitability of the Arabic script had never been an issue in the Ottoman Empire as it could create a practical barrier between the elites around the Palace and the common people. However, especially after the Tanzimat, the education of the masses gained importance and the suitability of the Arabic alphabet became a field of discussion (Lewis, 1969). After all, the change of alphabet could only be realised after the proclamation of the Republic of Türkiye in 1928. Nonetheless, it would be deficient to perceive the change of alphabet occurred only because of the differences between the Arabic alphabet and Turkish language. Rather, it was a political move to loosen its ties with Islamic culture. Özlem Berk underlines the reasons behind language reform clearly as follows:
It would be not correct to suggest that such a change was only based on the unsuitability of the Arabic script to express Turkish sounds. The ideological motivation behind the language reform, which can also be seen in all the other republican reforms, was to break ties with the Islamic past, to westernize and secularize the country, transforming the society from a multilingual and multinational Islamic regime under the Sultan-Caliph to a monolingual secular nation state. A shared language and history were chosen to replace religion (Islam) as the unifying factor in society. Language had a special importance in the production and dissemination of ideologies and the construction of a new national identity based on Kemalist principles (2015, p. 167).
With these language revolutions, an urgent obligation was raised. Works created in the Ottoman era required intralingual translations in order to be comprehended by new generations. The literary legacy created over hundreds of years needed to be intralingually translated.
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Language reform and alphabet change have distinctive importance for this study. In terms of intralingual translations of Ottoman Turkish literature, language reform and alphabet change were milestones. As Özlem Berk claims, “intralingual translations in Türkiye cannot be divorced from the nationalist agenda and that they reveal linguistic, translational and ideological norms of the period when these translations were produced” (2015, p. 165). Therefore, comprehending the secularisation steps of the Republic and finding its echoes in the intralingual translations of the Ottoman literary texts is of utmost importance for this study.
In brief, in the Single Party era campaigns, propaganda and revolutions were conducted by the state with regard to the secularisation and modernisation of the country and the society in all aspects of life. By doing so, the state radically cut its cultural ties with its Ottoman and Islamic past in order to be reborn as a modern, contemporary, and Western country.
2.1.2. Transition to Multi-Party System
The first multiparty elections were held in 1946. However, it was 1950 when the government changed for the first time in the history of Türkiye from the Republican People's Party to the Democrat Party.
During the Single Party era, the opposition groups could not challenge secularisation and modernisation revolutions openly. However, with the transition to a multiparty system in 1945 under President İsmet İnönü, the government’s attitude towards religious freedoms started to change. In this atmosphere, the opposition started to gather around the Democrat Party. As Daver states, “[o]ne of the main controversial issues between the Republican People's Party which started secularism and championed it, and the newly created Democrat Party, was the role of religion in Turkish life” (Daver, 1988). After its foundation, the Democrat Party heavily opposed the secularist revolutions and their applications in life that the Republican People’s Party legislated (Leder, 1979). As a result of these oppositions and demands of the people, the Republican People’s Party made certain concessions, especially after 1945.
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Among the other concessions that the Republican People’s Party made in those years, Daver gives examples of the permission for religious lectures upon the written request of parents, which were forbidden before. Additionally, after the turbes (mausoleums) and some other religious places were abolished in 1925 with law no.677, they were allowed to be reopened to the public. Moreover, the Faculty of Theology at Ankara University was authorised to be founded to educate imams (1988). Then, he comments that “these measures and steps were defended as a safeguard against fanaticism and obscurantism” (Daver, 1988). However, all these measures and moderation in the laws regarding secularism could not gain a victory in the 1950 elections in favour of the Republican People’s Party.
2.1.3. The Democrat Party Era in the 1950s
The Democrat Party (the DP) was founded in 1946 with the permission of İsmet İnönü. In the first multi-party elections, the party could not win due to the controversial execution of the elections. However, in time the party succeeded in being the centre of attraction for those unhappy with the CHP (Republican People’s Party). After gaining support from the people, the Democrat Party with Adnan Menderes won the elections in 1950. As Konuralp argues, the DP era was marked by the rival bureaucratic elite (belonging to the CHP) and the political elite (belonging to the DP). Then, he claims, “[i]n this respect, the political elite of the DP made use of the culture of the fragmented periphery to appeal to it. Religion, in this respect, provided a useful instrument to gather the electoral support of the periphery” (Konuralp, 2016, p. 128).
Some of the controversial actions of the Democrat Party were those closely related to religion and the use of religion as an instrument. As a matter of fact, the DP came to power backed by the support of rural areas and conservatives whose wishes were mainly ignored previously. Unlike the CHP, the DP acted for the votes of the masses. Consequently, the Democrat Party allowed for considerable flexibility in the implementation of complete secularisation in Turkish society. Daver presents examples of how a religious shift has occurred under the governance of the Democrat Party as follows:
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The Democrats extended the number of institutions for the training of imams and allowed them to take on a conservative line. In the field of religious instruction in public (state) schools, the Democrats altered this arrangement to allow all Muslim children to receive religious instruction automatically unless their parents requested in writing that their children should not receive such education. Thus, religious education was made virtually compulsory in public schools, taking into consideration the fact no parents in Türkiye would dare to state explicitly that religious instruction was undesirable (1988, p. 33).
It can be seen evidently that the adaption of the multi-party system modified the manner of ruling in Türkiye. The governments started to listen to the people and their demands, especially on religious issues. For example, during the Single Party era, religious education in schools was quite limited due to the total secularisation policies of the CHP. However, after the start of the multi-party system, CHP’s policies were moderated in this regard in order to respond to the people’s demands and to cope with the rival Democrat Party. Notwithstanding, the freedom of religious teaching became more accessible with the Democrat Party’s rule. In subsequent years, the religious liberties allowed by the Democratic Party were poised to result in the implementation of de-secularization measures. Therefore, these applications can be considered as a “de-planning” in Tahir-Gürçağlar’s terms (2008) of the society in the opposite direction of the Single Party era.
The Democrat Party era ended with the first military coup in the history of Türkiye in 1960. As Daver states “[t]he great struggle between the principles of secularism and Islam has marked a turning point with 27th May 1960 Intervention of the Army led by a group of young officers” (Daver, 1988, p. 34). The Turkish military assumed the role of safeguarding Atatürk's beliefs, hence manifesting the ongoing conflict between secularists and conservatives.
2.1.4. The 1960 Coup d’état
The late governmental policies of the Democrat Party created discontent in the Turkish Army. Thereby, on 27th May 1960 (27 Mayıs Darbesi) coup d’état was staged by the military. The reason behind the coup was explained by the National Unity Committee (Milli Birlik Komitesi, or MBK) as to end the sibling rivalry and to stop applications against the principle of secularity. Therefore, the military interfered with the government on 27th May 1960. The National Unity Committee obtained legislative and executive authority.
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Following the coup and the subsequent military takeover, there was no fundamental alteration in the religious policies that were in place throughout the Single Party era. According to Feroz Ahmad, Islam was still an essential part of public life in Türkiye in the 1960s. Even the Kemalist military accepted the benefits of Islam and did not try to change the liberties brought in the 1950s by the Democrat Party (1992, p. 481). Thus, it can be claimed that even though the military staged the coup with the intention of returning to the founding principles of the Republic of Türkiye, they did not act radically to impose strict secularism like the government of the first decades. Instead, the military continued more liberal policies towards Islam. According to Ahmad (1992), this military stance contributed to the normalisation of the public's attitude, and even the urban population began to embrace their faith. This openness towards Islam was one of the healthiest social developments (Ahmad, 1992, p. 481).
In this new atmosphere, a new constitution of 1961, viewed as one of the most liberal and democratic constitutions in the history of Türkiye, came into force. In the elections following the coup, the Adalet Partisi (the Justice Party/AP) and the CHP made a coalition to govern the country. This coalition formed the first coalition in the history of the country. The coalition of the CHP and the AP ended in the elections of 1964 with the victory of the AP. Süleyman Demirel managed to win the elections and govern the country by himself. The AP of Demirel was identified as the right of the centre and as a liberal-conservative party. Despite its inclusion of religious themes, the party was fundamentally secular and successfully attracted both conservative and liberal factions until the split in 1970.
2.1.5. The 1971 Military Memorandum
Almost ten years after the coup of 1960 to the Democrat Party, its successor the AP met a quite similar destiny in 1971. Turkish army forced Prime Minister Süleyman Demirel to resign with a memorandum named Turkish Military Memorandum (12 Mart Muhtırası) issued on the 12th of March, 1971.
After the coup, towards the end of the decade, the 1960s saw a new kind of conflict. The freedom brought by the 1961 Constitution allowed the circulation of new ideas and
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ideologies. New ideologies proliferated among the Turkish people. The atmosphere before the memorandum and the process is summarised by Zürcher as follows:
By early 1971, Demirel’s government, weakened by defections, seemed to have become paralysed. It was powerless to act to curb the violence on the campuses and in the streets and it could not hope to get any serious legislation on social or financial reform passed in the assembly. This was the situation when, on 12 March 1971 the Chief of General Staff handed the prime minister a memorandum, which really amounted to an ultimatum by the armed forces. It demanded that a strong and credible government be formed that would be able to end the ‘anarchy’ and carry out reforms ‘in a Kemalist spirit’. If the demands were not met, the army would ‘exercise its constitutional duty and take over power itself (Zürcher, 2004, p. 258).
Aftermath, the Prime Minister Süleyman Demirel resigned while İnönü was denouncing the military meddling in politics. A new government was installed by generals and Nihat Erim, a member of the CHP, was placed in power for this new government. However, the 1970s were not stable in terms of political order in Türkiye as well. Between 1971 and the 1980s coup, there were 11 governments in 9 years which is proof of instability in the country. During this decade, citizens of Türkiye went through hard times such as a military operation to emancipate Turkish people in Cyprus called Cyprus Peace Operation (Kıbrıs Barış Harekatı) in 1974, and an embargo by the USA in response to this operation, harsh economic crisis, scarcity for all the basic requirements, queues for purchasing the basic human needs and political instability almost at the level of civil war. Eventually, these instabilities and turmoil led to another coup by the military in 1980, which shook and deteriorated the foundation of democracy and human rights in Türkiye more than ever in its history.
2.1.6. The 1980 Coup d’état
12 September 1980 Turkish Coup D’état (80 Darbesi) is probably the most impactful incident in the history of Türkiye. The second military coup was staged in Türkiye, nine years after the military memorandum of 12th March and 20 years after the first coup of 1960. Thus, it was the third intervention against the government in Türkiye’s history. On the morning of 12 September 1980 at 04.30, the military junta declared the coup, stating that the state organs did not function and the armed forces seized power. Besides, the junta declared that the parliament was dissolved, the cabinet was deposed and the parliament’s immunity was lifted (Zürcher, 2008, p. 405). Afterwards, activities of all the
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political parties and two union confederations from both left and right wings were suspended. All the leaders of the political parties were arrested; a state of emergency was declared and international travels from Türkiye were banned (Zürcher, 2008, p. 405).
Following the coup, the military junta held a referendum on a new Constitution in 1982. The Constitution of 1982 was fundamentally different from the Constitution of 1961. In this respect, the military that staged the 1960 coup was fundamentally different from the military junta that staged the 1980 coup. Unlike the previous coup plotters, the military junta of 1980 interpreted secularism differently, and in order to replace a radical leftist ideology, they sought to promote a nationalised variation of Islam (Özbudun & Hale, 2010, p. XX). After the military junta returned the power to the elected parliament in 1983, Turgut Özal and his Motherland Party (Anavatan Partisi – ANAP) won the elections.
2.1.7. The 1997 Turkish Military Memorandum
In the 1990s, Erbakan’s political ban was lifted eleven years after the military coup and he returned to politics with his conservative Welfare Party (Refah Partisi - RP). On 28th February 1997, the National Security Council (Milli Güvenlik Kurulu - MGK) held a meeting. As a result of the meeting, a memorandum was delivered to the government.
After the memorandum, Erbakan stepped down from his Prime Minister duty. The Welfare Party was closed. The reformist wing of the WP founded the Justice and Development Party/ AK Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi – the AKP) in 2001 under the leadership of Bülent Arınç, Abdullah Gül and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan (Kulaksızoğlu, 2018).
2.1.8. The Era of the Justice and Development Party
Starting to rise in his political career as the chairman of RP in Istanbul and becoming the mayor of Istanbul, Erdoğan’s popularity grew immensely especially after he was jailed in 1999. Therefore, it can be claimed that the discourse of Erdoğan represents the discourse of the AK Party. In the long years of his political career, more than 30 years now, the
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policies and remarks of Erdoğan towards secularism and a secular lifestyle vary from time to time in line with the political atmosphere in Turkish society. The modernist wing, led by Erdoğan, Gül, and Arınç, adopted a more liberal stance compared to the traditionalist wing after the WP's collapse. (Özbudun & Hale, 2010, p. 9). In the following years, although coming from the conservative National Vision Movement, the AK Party gained a position in the conservative/nationalist right of the centre and became a party of mass instead of being within strict boundaries of a single conservative ideology.
The discourse of the AK Party on secularism and Islam varies depending on certain political situations and periods. For instance, in contradistinction to its predecessor the WP years, during the first years of the AK Party government, the relationship of Türkiye with the European Union reached its peak in 2005 with the start of the full membership negotiations process. Afterwards, during the subsequent decades, the relationship with the European Union underwent several changes in line with the prevailing zeitgeist, just as the relationship with secularism did.
The present study investigates intralingual translations of Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar’s novels from Ottoman Turkish into Modern Turkish with secularism at its centre. Therefore, the secularisation trajectory of Türkiye is investigated in detail in the present chapter in harmony with the evolution of the state's language policies in Chapter 1. The ultimate aim of these investigations is to build a ground for the CDA and DHA – the theoretical framework of the present thesis. Additionally, the investigation of secularism throughout history enables us to conceptualise a tool for the evaluation of the cases from a secularisation versus de-secularisation point of view. This conceptualisation of the tool and the creation of a dichotomy is to be used for the evaluation of the cases in the related chapter.
This paper critically examines the concept of secularisation in relation to intralingual translation. In this regard, the secularisation examples are to be analysed as a binary between the source text's secularisation and de-secularisation in the subsequent intralingual translations. Two other crucial components and major-strategies of the current research are the notion of cultural memory and the notion of linguistic hospitality. Thus, in the following sections, these notions are to be probed to complement the major-strategies of the present study.
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2.2. CULTURAL MEMORY
The concept of cultural memory has garnered significant interest across a range of disciplines, including sociology and cultural studies. Translation studies is a research topic that examines cultural memory from a sociological standpoint.
The study focuses on diachronic strategies, namely familiarisation versus foreignization of the modern reader to their past while reconstructing it through intralingual translations. That is to say, intralingual translations conducted in the Republican era are conceived as a site for the reconstruction of the Ottoman past. Before exploring the connection between cultural memory and intralingual translation, it is necessary to shed light on the concept and its origins.
The concept of cultural memory is majorly based on Maurice Halbwachs’ collective memory - a notion socially constructed. Although the medical or neuro-physical studies on memory are critical, the social facet had not been studied until the 20th century. Regarding the memory’s neuro-physiological aspect, while there is no doubt that some neuro-physiological processes are essential to our ability to store and retrieve information, these processes by themselves are insufficient to explain how specific knowledge and memory domains have formed (Caldicott & Fuchs, 2003, p. 12). In this regard, the importance of cultural and social aspects of memory emerges.
Cultural memory as a notion stems from the studies on collective memory in the 20th century. Therefore, comprehension of collective memory is essential for understanding cultural memory. Maurice Halbwachs’ posthumous publication On Collective Memory is one of the most renowned studies in this field. Halbwachs firmly rejects the biological theories of memory that had dominated research in this field at the turn of the 20th century in favour of a cultural theory of memory, contending that our memories are socially constructed (Caldicott & Fuchs, 2003, p. 11). Dismissing the biological aspects of memory lets the field of research extend its boundaries even more than before and lets the researchers handle memory from social frameworks. Halbwachs’ work is of utmost importance as Caldicott and Fuchs underline “[b]y turning to the social frameworks that
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shape our memories, he showed that memory must not be understood as quintessentially an individual attribute” (2003, p. 12).
Halbwachs brought a new social dimension to the study of memory. He draws the social frameworks of memory, stating that people often pick up their memories in society. They also remember, identify, and locate their memories in society (Halbwachs, 1992, p. 38). Caldicott and Fuchs elaborate on Halbwachs’ statement that, while a person's recollections of their own history have a specific reference point inside themselves, acting as a "locative system" these memories are constantly formed in relation to the social and cultural frameworks that are readily available (2003, p. 12). Thus, it can be claimed that the personal memories of people are not shaped solely by their experiences but are formed, recalled, and localised in their brains in association with society. Therefore, memory is both embodied within the individual and embedded in society at the same time (2003, p. 12).
Another significant aspect of memory is present-mindedness. Although the things we remember happened in the past, we recollect them from today’s consciousness. Therefore, the past is rebuilt today with today’s feelings, consciousness and mind. On present-mindedness, Caldicott and Fuchs state as follows:
This dual aspect of memory, its embodiedness and embeddedness, points to another important characteristic: its present-mindedness. Since we always remember the past from the perspective of our contemporary world, our memories are located in the in-between of the present and the past. Memory as a relationship to a meaningful past can therefore change according to the emerging needs of an individual or a group. Its time-horizon spans the past, the present, and the future: the past is retrieved in the present with a view to providing some orientation for the future. This goes some way towards explaining why we forget, rediscover, and revise aspects of our personal and collective pasts. Thus, memories are not static representations of past events but ‘advancing stories’ through which individuals and communities forge their sense of identity. Or, to put it differently: memories offer heavily edited versions of the self and its world (Caldicott & Fuchs, 2003, pp. 12-13).
While remembering past experiences, as a social creature, we remember them both individually and with the other people around us. This collective remembering is called “collective memory” set forth by Maurice Halbwachs.
The past experiences happened in our history and are located in our memory. However, when we remember them, we use contemporary consciousness and remember them from today’s perspective, which locates the memories between past and present. Thus, forming
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a past memory today can alter with regards to the present feelings and thoughts of the individual and community, which leads us to conclude that “the past is retrieved in the present with a view to providing some orientation for the future” as abovementioned. Therefore, although “the memory” refers to past events, it is not fixed but dynamic on which individuals and communities form their identity. Accordingly, Lewis states that “the past is a social construction mainly, if not wholly, shaped by the concerns of the present” (1992, p. 25). Thus, as mentioned above, memories are “edited versions” of the Self and the world.
Moreover, in his works, Halbwachs argues that “the beliefs, interests, and aspirations of the present shape the various views of the past as they are manifested respectively in every historical epoch” (Lewis, 1992, p. 25). Lewis sums up the present’s impact on the reconstruction of memory from Halbwachs’ perspective: “[o]ur conceptions of the past are affected by the mental images we employ to solve present problems, so that collective memory is essentially a reconstruction of the past in the light of the present” (1992, p. 34). Therefore, the present is of vital importance for the reconstruction of past memories.
In social frameworks, that individual finds himself such as family members, friends, and coworkers, there exists a collective memory, “it is to the degree that our individual thought places itself in these frameworks and participates in this memory that it is capable of the act of recollection” (Halbwachs, 1992, p. 38). Therefore, social frameworks are indispensable in the constitution of individual memory as well.
Although cultural memory stems from collective memory, and they show remarkable similarities, the main difference between the two notions must be underlined. On the one hand, collective memory lasts for around three or four generations; it is informal and centred on regular interaction among group members; it is defined by its narrow perspective and oral traditions (Caldicott & Fuchs, 2003, p. 16). When the people who experienced the formation of memories and their children/grandchildren pass away, this collective memory might disappear with them as well. When members of the group who share the same collective memory die, and there is nobody who once told about the memory left, the collective memory might fade. According to Jan Assmann, cultural memory is different from collective memory with regard to its separation from the everyday world:
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Just as the communicative memory is characterized by its proximity to the everyday, cultural memory is characterized by its distance from the everyday. Distance from the everyday (transcendence) marks its temporal horizon. Cultural memory has its fixed point; its horizon does not change with the passing of time. These fixed points are fateful events of the past, whose memory is maintained through cultural formation (texts, rites, monuments) and institutional communication (recitation, practice, observance). We call these ‘figures of memory’. […] In the flow of everyday communications such as festivals, rites, epics, poems, images etc. form ‘islands of time’, islands of completely different temporality suspended from time. In cultural memory such islands of time expand into memory spaces of ‘retrospective contemplativeness’ [retrospektive Besonnenheit] (Assmann, 1995, p. 129).
From Assmann’s definition, it can be concluded that cultural memory is not related to the everyday world, which characterises its temporal horizon. In his theory of cultural memory, Assmann relates memory (contemporised past), culture and the group (society) to each other (1995, p. 129). Therefore, these notions are an indispensable part of cultural memory. Cultural memory continues via texts, rites, monuments, recitations, practice, and observance which Assmann calls “figures of memory”. Through everyday social contact such as rites, epics, poems, festivals, praying, rituals, and images the “islands of time” are formed, which expand into memory spaces of ‘retrospective contemplativeness’ in cultural memory, as Assmann explains (1995, p. 129). These islands of time serve as a standpoint for reconstituting the past in the present from social frameworks of memory.
A critical aspect of cultural memory in societies is that it serves to stabilise and convey that society’s self-image. As Assmann states, “[t]he concept of cultural memory comprises that body of reusable texts, images, and rituals specific to each society in each epoch, whose ‘cultivation’ serves to stabilise and convey that society's self-image” (1995, p. 132). Therefore, cultural memory can be claimed to be of vital importance in the maintenance and transmission of society’s self-image.
The choice to keep or remove the old texts specific to Ottoman society from the older epoch during the Republic of Türkiye era helps us to understand the efforts of familiarisation/remembering or foreignization/forgetting the cultural memories of the past in this era. Accordingly, Assmann states, a group's consciousness of unity and particularity is based, for the most part but not completely, on this collective memory of the past. Such knowledge differs in content from culture to culture and from historical period to historical period (1995, p. 132). Thus, it must be highlighted here that cultural memory might change from epoch to epoch. Besides, if Türkiye is considered a group
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which bases its awareness of unity and uniqueness on its collective memory, then it would not be a surprise to experience an intervention of the state in this reconstruction process, especially during its initial founding years in conformity with the ideological impetus. At this point, the present study investigates intralingual translations to reveal such interventions as familiarisation or foreignization of the Ottoman past in Republican term.
In sum, cultural memory is based on figures of memory and islands of time which are evaluated in contemporary worlds. Thus, this evaluation conducted in the present might impact on interpreting past events and cultural memory. This is the case for intralingual translations from the Ottoman Empire in Türkiye. As Caldicott and Fuchs state it is explicit that “at times of great social upheaval, in times of war or mass emigration, there are processes of identification with the past, with the new present, or with the future, which are shared by large communities” (2003, p. 15). That applies to Türkiye and its relation to the Ottoman Empire’s past. Familiarisation and foreignization of the cultural memories related to the Ottoman past is one of the main concerns of the present thesis.
Intralingual translations from Ottoman Turkish into modern Turkish have been conducted in the Republican era, which is related to the reconstruction of memories in the present. It goes without saying that the Ottoman past is constructed from a contemporary, modern Turkish perspective in intralingual translations, which is one of the focal points of this study.
Conceiving intralingual translations as a site for the construction of cultural memory would help us to expand the limits of our minds. At this point, Cemal Demircioğlu and Tülay Gençtürk-Değirmencioğlu’s research “Türkiye’de Diliçi Çeviri: Kültürel Bellek Perspektifinden Bazı Gözlemler” (Intralingual Translation in Türkiye: Some Observations from the Perspective of Cultural Memory) dated 2022 is of capital importance for understanding the possible connections between the intralingual translation acts carried out during the Republic and construction/re-construction of the Ottoman past in contemporary Türkiye. They question whether the intralingual translations function as “mnemonic” in cultural memory and whether the intralingual translations can be conceptualised as sites of cultural memory where the past is constructed in the present (Demircioğlu & Gençtürk-Demircioğlu, 2022, p. 158). While Demircioğlu and Gençtürk-Demircioğlu use the term “mnemonic” to reference Jan
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Assmann and Renate Lachmann’s research on cultural memory theory, the present study uses this notion as “remembering” to create a dichotomy between familiarisation versus foreignization of the Ottoman past through intralingual translations. According to the writers, the abovementioned questions and conceptualisations relate to the intralingual translation for the construction of cultural memory within the Ottoman-Türkiye interaction. Besides, these conceptualisations would allow us to explore the ways in which the past is represented through attitudes towards cultural translation in the practice of updating texts (2022, p. 158).
Similarly, the present thesis suggests that the intralingual translations made during the Republican era from the Ottoman Turkish would reveal the conflict between the Turkish state and its Ottoman past in building a cultural memory dating back to the Ottoman time. Intralingual translations are expected to demonstrate the familiarisation versus foreignization of the readers to their past in reconstructing the old language containing Arabic and Persian origin words. Familiarisation/remembering the readers is made in the present time hence, building a cultural memory is made according to the contemporary social frameworks. Additionally, memory has a dynamic and constructible structure. As abovementioned, Halbwachs states that cultural memories differ from epoch to epoch, and this is the case for Türkiye which sought to cut the link between its former Eastern multicultural and theocratic Ottoman Empire. To reiterate, evaluations of the intralingual translations from Ottoman Turkish into modern Turkish are expected to reveal this uneasiness of Türkiye with its past.
Exploring the intralingual translations as an action to serve to rebuild cultural memory from Halbwachs and Assmann’s perspective, Demircioğlu and Gençtürk-Demircioğlu state:
The practice of updating novels written in Ottoman Turkish stands out as an activity in which the past is brought into the present and shaped by the present. Through their solutions and attitudes in translation, intralingual translators become evident as actors who bring the Ottoman past to today's readers and structure it. With their "Remembering" (mnemonic) function, intralingual translations appear as tools that participate in the construction of cultural memory in society (2022, p. 159).
The novels of Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar written in the early 1910s, have been intralingually translated into modern Turkish multiple times. Through these intralingual translations, the old language and the past are shaped by contemporary intralingual
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translators who help to shape the cultural memory of the society. Thus, the impact of the present upon the reconstruction of the past can be claimed to be explicit in intralingual translations, which is sought to be revealed in the current thesis. Conceiving intralingual translations as critical tools in bringing the Ottoman past to the present and considering them responsible for restructuring the texts are two of the main claims of this study. Intralingual translations conducted during the Republican era can be argued to have a role in either helping the readers to remember or forget the Ottoman past. In the modern age, remembering and forgetting play a significant role in cultural memory in the transition from empires to nation-states or in nation-building processes (Demircioğlu & Gençtürk-Demircioğlu, 2022, p. 158). Regarding the intralingual translation’s role, function, and condition in building the cultural memory in Republican term, Demircioğlu and Gençtürk-Demircioğlu explain:
If we look at the case of Türkiye, we see that in a society that has experienced many reformist modernisation initiatives such as the transition from empire to nation-state and the alphabet reform, the functions of intralingual translations can be considered in the context of memory formation and repertoire building initiatives. Updating novels in Ottoman Turkish, as a practice of production and consumption, undoubtedly shapes contemporary readers' perceptions of Ottoman society. Together with publishers, intralingual translators stand out as agents of cultural memory and repertoire construction. They play a role in determining both the function and market conditions and in the formation of societal, cultural, linguistic, and literary norms related to intralingual translation (2022, p. 160).
Türkiye has experienced tremendous changes and reforms starting from its initial years after the 1920s, which has its roots back to the Tanzimat Period. Founded upon the ashes of a collapsed multicultural eastern Empire, the Republic sought to transform itself into a nation-state. During these arduous endeavours, the Turkish state applied all means necessary, including interlingual and intralingual translation. To create a new repertoire and cultural memory, intralingual translations were a functional means for bridging the gap between the Ottoman past and the Republican present. However, although it is based on past events, forming a cultural memory is an action of the present which is influenced by contemporary era politics and its impacts.
Intralingual translations, therefore, can be used as a tool for reconstructing the Ottoman past, however this reconstruction can be used for either familiarisation or foreignization of the contemporary readers to the old language and culture. Most readers are dependent upon the texts they are offered by the intralingual translations as alphabet reform and
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language reforms make it impossible to reach the authentic Ottoman Turkish. Thus, intralingual translations are essential for modern Turkish society to develop a point of view of their Ottoman past. In this respect, intralingual translations and their role in familiarisation or foreignization of the cultural and lexical elements of the past from the cultural memory point of view is of vital importance. Upon the significance of intralingual translations’ functions which can be utilised for building or demolishing bridges with the Ottoman past, i.e. familiarisation or foreignization, Demircioğlu and Gençtürk-Demircioğlu conclude as follows:
[…] Intralingual translations can function as active instruments within the framework of the motives that are desired to be remembered, forgotten, erased or repositioned in the cultural memory of the society in accordance with the spirit of the time. In the construction of a Western-oriented cultural memory in the modernisation process from the Tanzimat to the Republic, intralingual translations, then, become a practice through which we can observe the interactions and changes between the Ottoman Empire and the Republic, as well as discover all kinds of ideological, cultural, linguistic orientations and representations in the ways in which the past is connected to the present.
At this point, we put forward the following basic argument: Intralingual translations in Turkish should be conceptualised and treated as dynamic tools with convergent and alienating functions and as sites of construction of cultural memory10 (2022, p. 160).
Consequently, it can be argued that cultural memory is a socially constructed past in the present, in which intralingual translation can be used as an active and effective instrument. Therefore, conceptualising intralingual translation as a site for the construction/reconstruction of cultural memory in the Turkish context is one of the main arguments of the present thesis. Intralingual translation can be used as a tool for bringing the Ottoman past to the modern reader and reminding the reader through its reminding function. On the other hand, they can also be used as a tool for removing the Ottoman cultural elements and creating a past-free text which leads readers to forget its Ottoman past.
The present study seeks to discover the familiarisation vs. foreignization aspects of intralingual translations from the cultural memory point of view as one of its macro-strategies. Therefore, Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar’s three novels and their intralingual translations are investigated with regard to linguistic and textual strategies and preferences of the translators to reveal the familiarisation versus foreignization functions
10 original emphasis
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of intralingual translations. The intralingual translation is evaluated as a site for constructing cultural memory, and cultural memory is used as a macro-strategy for exploring and explaining the intralingual translations in the case study chapter of the present study.
2.3. LINGUISTIC HOSPITALITY
Paul Ricoeur, one of the leading philosophers of the 20th century and well-known for his hermeneutic philosophy has always been intrigued by the act of translation, which is primarily evident in his book On Translation where he directly addresses the translation philosophy. Ricoeur chiefly deals with “the Other” and “Self” in his studies which also shapes his approach to forming his translation paradigm, where he scrutinises the self’s contact with the other. The significant necessity of translation for the survival and enhancement of a language is explained by Lisa Foran: “[…] and that this positive aspect of translation in linguistic terms might be viewed, analogously or not, as an argument for the necessity of the Other in the constitution, and indeed the very survival of the self” (2012, p. 75). Understanding the vital role of translation in the survival and advancement of a mother tongue allows one to recognise the value of foreign cultural-linguistic resources in the context of their own cultural-linguistic understanding (Büyüktuncay, 2017, p. 191). According to Ricoeur’s understanding, without the Other, the Self is doomed to collapse upon itself because the Self is identified with the existence of the Other.
For Ricoeur, there are two translation paradigms: the linguistic paradigm, which describes the relationship between words and meanings inside or between languages and the ontological paradigm, which describes the process of translating one human Self into another (Kearney, 2006, p. xii). Kearney further describes the two translation paradigms in a specific and general sense. For linguistic paradigm or specific sense, the translation act of the meaning is from one language to another. In a general sense or ontological paradigm, “it indicates the everyday act of speaking as a way not only of translating oneself to oneself (inner to outer, private to public, unconscious to conscious, etc.) but also and more explicitly of translating oneself to Others” (Kearney, 2006, p. xiv-xv).
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Ricoeur likens the translation action to a middleman working between two ends, between Self and the Other or between an author and a reader (Kearney, 2006, p. xv). He emphasises the word "work" highlighting the significance of a labour of mourning as well as memory. Consequently, he heavily references Freud's well-known concept of "working through" (Durcharbeitung) (Kearney, 2006, p. xv). The emphasis on the labour character of translation is explained by Kearney as “[i]t refers to the common experience of tension and suffering which the translator undergoes as he/she checks the impulse to reduce the otherness of the other, thereby subsuming alien meaning into one’s own scheme of things” (Kearney, 2006, p. xv). Ricoeur suggests comparing the “translator’s task” with the work in the double sense that Freud uses: ‘work of remembering’ and ‘work of mourning’ and compares it to translation “In translation too, work is advanced with some salvaging and some acceptance of loss” (Ricoeur, 2006, p. 3).
Furthermore, Ricoeur asks what we salvage and what we lose and states that these questions bring the “foreign” notion in Antonie Berman’s work. In the act of translation, two parts are connected the foreign (the work, the author and his/her language) and the recipient of the translated work - the reader; the “test” of the mediator takes place in the condition of this distorted mediation (Ricoeur, 2006, p. 4). There have been several attempts to describe this “caught in-betweenness”. For example, Franz Rosenzweig states the test as a paradox in his words that “[t]o translate […] is to serve two masters: the foreigner with his work, the reader with his desire for appropriation, foreign author, reader dwelling in the same language as the translator”, Frederick Schleiermacher brakes the paradox in his two path explanation as “bringing the reader to the author” or “bringing the author to the reader” (Ricoeur, 2006, p. 4). Ricoeur evaluates this situation in Freud’s terms; the work of remembering and the work of mourning lies in this exchange (2006, p. 4).
With reference to working for two ends, Ricoeur borrows Schleiermacher’s terms ‘bringing the author to the reader’ and ‘bringing the reader to the author’ and likens the translator to act as host to two guests who seek to achieve a balance between them. It is in this search for balance that Antonie Berman’s term “the test of translation” exists (Foran, 2012, p. 79). Here, in this dual hosting, the translator works for linguistic hospitality “where the pleasure of dwelling in the other’s language is balanced by the
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pleasure of receiving the foreign word at home” (Ricoeur, 2006, p. 10). Thus, Ricoeur invites us to welcome what is foreign and invites foreigners to step into our language.
In the act of translation, the translator faces a double resistance. Throughout every phase of translation, from the pre-translation to the post-translation, the translator faces resistance of the source text on one side. On the other, she/he faces his/her own language’s resistance. Ricoeur quotes from Antonie Berman’s book L’epreuve de l’etranger on resistance and matches Berman’s double resistance notions to the abovementioned notions of Freud as follows:
Antoine Berman, […] summarizes the two forms of resistance: that of the text to be translated and that of the translation’s language of reception. I quote: ‘On the psychological level’, he says, ‘the translator is ambivalent. He wants to force the two sides, force his language so that it is filled with incongruity, force the other language so that it is interned [se dé-porter] in his mother tongue.’
Our comparison with the work of remembering, mentioned by Freud, has thus found its proper equivalent in the work of translation, work won on the two fronts of a two-part resistance. Well, at this stage of the dramatization it happens that the work of mourning finds its equivalent in translation studies and puts its harsh but invaluable corrective into it. I will summarize it in one line: give up the ideal of the perfect translation. This renunciation alone makes it possible to live, as agreed deficiency, the impossibility, articulated a short while ago, of serving two masters: the author and the reader. This mourning also makes it possible to take on the two supposedly conflicting tasks of ‘bringing the author to the reader’ and ‘bringing the reader to the author’. In brief, the courage to take on the well-known problem of faithfulness and betrayal: vow/suspicion (2006, p. 8).
Therefore, the test of the translator is to stand up against bilateral resistance of his/her mother tongue and the foreign language/author/text. The translator forces both sides: his mother tongue to accept and welcome the foreigner and its elements, and the foreign language to bow down to unload its load. For this dual resistance that the translator faces, Schleiermacher describes “to bring the reader to the author” and “to bring the author to the reader” while Ricoeur uses Freud’s terms as remembering and mourning, which he will connect to “the linguistic hospitality” notion of himself.
Remembering finds its equivalent in translation, which struggles and wins both ends of the two-part resistance – both at home and foreign. Thus, remembering is described by Ricoeur as “[t]he work of translation, won on the battlefield of a secret resistance motivated by fear, indeed by hatred of the foreign, perceived as a threat against our own linguistic identity” (2006, p. 23). Remembering is a work accomplished on the double front of double resistance therefore it is of vital importance.
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Mourning, on the other hand, is simply described by Ricoeur (2006) in one small sentence as giving up the ideal of perfect translation. In the work of mourning, translation studies find its bitter but priceless equivalence. Owing to this renunciation, translation can serve two ends at the same time, both the reader and the author. Additionally, with this waiver, the translator can accomplish both bringing the author to the reader and bringing the reader to the author. Besides, by giving up the ideal of absolute translation, the work of mourning both fosters and nurtures the desire for translation and generates the happiness associated with translating. For Ricoeur, “[g]iving up the dream of the perfect translation is still the acknowledgement of the impassable difference between the peculiar and the foreign. It is still the test of the foreign” (2006, p. 23). This renunciation/mourning is the essential notion that brings translation success accordingly. From this work of mourning the notion of linguistic hospitality of Ricoeur is born. Upon the work of mourning and the possibilities it brings to the act of translation, Ricoeur states as follows:
And it is this mourning for the absolute translation that produces the happiness associated with translating. The happiness associated with translating is a gain when, tied to the loss of the linguistic absolute, it acknowledges the difference between adequacy and equivalence, equivalence without adequacy. There is its happiness. When the translator acknowledges and assumes the irreducibility of the pair, the peculiar and the foreign, he finds his reward in the recognition of the impassable status of the dialogicality of the act of translating as the reasonable horizon of the desire to translate. In spite of the agonistics that make a drama of the translator’s task, he can find his happiness in what I would like to call linguistic hospitality (2006, p. 10).
It is explicit in his words that the road to the achievement of linguistic hospitality is through the work of mourning. Indeed, without the work of mourning, linguistic hospitality is not possible. Renunciation from linguistic absoluteness in translation would bring acceptance of the equivalence without adequacy necessarily. At this point, the translator recognises the irreducibility of the Self and the Other and it brings him/her the reward. This reward comes from realizing that the act of translating is inherently dialogical and that this is the reasonable attachment of the desire to translate as Ricoeur claims. Thanks to this endeavour to overcome the translator’s task, the translator finds happiness in linguistic hospitality. Afterwards, Paul Ricoeur explores linguistic hospitality in the following paragraph by delving into the acceptance of equivalence without total adequacy as follows:
So its scheme is definitely that of a correspondence without adequacy […]. I took these two models, more or less comparable to the psychoanalysis of the work of memory and
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of the work of mourning, as my starting point, but I did so in order to say that, just as in the act of telling a story, we can translate differently, without hope of filling the gap between equivalence and total adequacy. Linguistic hospitality, then, where the pleasure of dwelling in the other’s language is balanced by the pleasure of receiving the foreign word at home, in one’s own welcoming house (2006, p. 10).
By using Sigmund Freud’s notions of the work of remembering and the work of mourning, Paul Ricoeur brings new insight into translation studies. Similar to the act of telling a story in multiple ways, the translator can translate in more than one way where she/he is not required to seek total adequacy but only an equivalence. This is the point at which linguistic hospitality emerges. Therefore, linguistic hospitality is defined as “where the pleasure of dwelling in the other’s language is balanced by the pleasure of receiving the foreign word at home, in one’s own welcoming house” (2006, p. 10). Thus, linguistic hospitality is the experience of residing in another person's language but enjoying the foreign word at home in a warm and inviting environment. According to Büyüktuncay, “[t]he act of welcoming is a matter of accepting the challenge of living together with the Other as a guest in just terms” (2017, p. 201). Thus, linguistic hospitality offers peace and hospitality between the foreign and mother languages.
Accordingly, one’s own language also necessitates a foreign language in order to exist. As for Foran, there are not any "pure languages" that exist apart from one another (2012, p. 79). Instead, languages bleed into each other providing words to each other for as yet unnamed new concepts (Derrida, 1985, as cited in Foran, 2012, p. 79). In fact, a language's growth and enrichment depend on this bleed of one language into another (2012, p. 79). Upon this reciprocity between the Self and the Other Ricoeur supports a Derridean attitude in eradicating the self's domination over the Other and shifting the source text's domination over the translated text as a copy (Büyüktuncay, 2017, p. 202). The existence of the alterity defines the Self therefore the linguistic hospitality is a necessary notion in evaluating the relationship between the mother language and the foreign language. Therefore, it can be conferred that both ends of the translation necessitate one another’s hospitality- linguistic hospitality. As for Kearney, “Ricoeur liked to put it, the best path to selfhood is through otherness” and he explains Ricoeur’s self-creation through the travel to the Other as an “engaged self which only finds itself after it has traversed the field of foreignness and returned to itself again, this time altered and enlarged, ‘othered’” (2006, p. xix). Therefore, the importance of the Other is implicit
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in Ricoeur’s work, especially in terms of linguistic hospitality. Finally, Kearney summarises Ricoeur’s linguistic hospitality among languages, nations, cultures and people as follows:
Ricoeur goes so far as to suggest that the future ethos of European politics, and eventually of world politics, should be one based upon an exchange of memories and narratives between different nations, for it is only when we translate our own wounds into the language of strangers and retranslate the wounds of strangers into our own language that healing and reconciliation can take place (2006, p. xx).
Travelling from European politics to world politics, Ricoeur proposes the exchange of memories and narratives between separate societies through translation. Only by reciprocal translation of wounds of Self and the Other, in other words only by linguistic hospitality among different nations restoration and harmony can occur, according to Ricoeur.
The present study seeks to broaden the scope of linguistic hospitality in this regard. Moving beyond the boundaries of nations and national languages, linguistic hospitality can be applied to intralingual translations as well. While Ricoeur’s suggestion applies to inter nations and interlingual translations, the present study sought to adopt and apply his notion of linguistic hospitality to intralingual translations of Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar’s novels. Although the first intended target of linguistic hospitality is for interlingual translation actions, intralingual translation in Türkiye has some great potential as it also contains within itself interlingual translation to some degree as well, upon which Katiboğlu states:
Paul Ricoeur proposed the concept of “linguistic hospitality” as a labour of translation between discrete national languages. But in the instance where what is designated as foreign was once intimately part of one’s own language, linguistic hospitality becomes a potential project for reconciliation within a single language (2023, p. 1).
As it has been explored in depth in the Turkish language reform title of the present study, the Turkish language has been subjected to many serious reforms, especially after the foundation of the modern Republic of Türkiye in 1923. To state briefly, the multinational and multilingual Ottoman Empire, which had been affected heavily by the Arabic and Persian languages for centuries, collapsed and from the ashes of this eastern Empire a new, modern, national and secular Republic was born. As the core of a national state, a common language free from foreign impacts was aimed to be created by the founders of the Republic. Therefore, in 1928 alphabet reform and starting from 1932 Turkish
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language reform was carried out to purge the Turkish language from foreign languages, mainly Arabic and Persian languages. Stemming from the consequences of the language reforms, there have been discrepancies in regard to language usage. The conflict on Turkish language usage was about the degree of purification of Arabic and Persian language origin words versus the usage of newly coined Turkish words in short. Katiboğlu describes this conflict in the Turkish language as a schism as follows:
The long-lasting consequences of the republican language reforms included a profound schism, symbolized in the quote by the woman’s disparate dresses, between a new “purified” Turkish (the plain dress), implemented as an essential process of nation-building and cultural modernization, and Ottoman Turkish (the embellished dress), a composite language of Arabic, Persian and Turkish written in Perso-Arabic script. This schism in language has remained a source of ongoing debates centred on vocabulary, grammar, and syntax […] (2023, p. 2).
At this point, the notion of linguistic hospitality can be applied to intralingual translations. It will help to alleviate the conflict between past and present and create a place for reconciliation and peace within the Turkish language.
In the notion of linguistic hospitality, the translator basically acts as a mediator to create a balance between the pleasure of accommodating an alterity’s language and the pleasure of accepting a foreign language at home (Ricoeur, 2006, p. 10). The endeavour of the translator to welcome foreign in his/her language can shed light on intralingual translations of Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar’s three novels namely, Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç, Gulyabani, and Efsuncu Baba. Similarly, in her recent article, Monica Katiboğlu uses the notion of linguistic hospitality to the intralingual self-translations of Halid Ziya Uşaklıgil (2023). After scrutinising the essence of the notion of linguistic hospitality which occurs between different nations and languages, Katiboğlu applies it to the intralingual translations in the context of Türkiye. Upon the notion’s applicability to a single language for reconciliation, she deduces that linguistic hospitality in this context does not refer to the process of integrating a language and culture from afar into one's own (2023, p. 3). She further underlines the difference between the Ottoman past and modern Türkiye present as foreign and domestic respectively; “[i]nstead, what is ‘foreign’ was once intimately other in sedimented traditions of Ottoman writing practices that had been discarded by the republican reforms on grounds of nonbelonging and backwardness” (2023, p. 3).
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The conflict between the Ottoman and Republic, the past and present, creates a conflict in the Turkish context. It is this conflict that the present study seeks to unearth in successive intralingual translations of Gürpınar’s three novels. Ricoeur applied Sigmund Freud’s terms of the work of remembering and the work of mourning for the description of translations. Here, this duality is to be employed in the successive intralingual translations as a macro-strategy under the title of linguistic hospitality in Chapter 5, on cases.
Katiboğlu sees the efforts of self-intralingual translation of Halid Ziya as a counter-gesture for remembering the eradicated Ottoman Other, which struggles against “extreme national purification efforts and demands for loyalty to those efforts” (2023, p. 3). Thus, she concludes that if “the fantasy of a pure Turkish language” was endangered by the multilingual nature of Ottoman writing, then linguistic hospitality turns into a politics of translation that necessitates a fresh openness to suppressed otherness (2023, p. 3).
In the present study, by exploring the differences in intralingual translations and considering those translations from the perspective of linguistic hospitality, the notions of the work of remembering and the work of mourning are to be used. The intralingual translation labour, in those cases, is to be read as a tension between removing the Ottoman past as the work of mourning and preserving this history as the work of remembering, in Freud’s and Ricoeur’s (2006) terms.
Moreover, it is important to emphasise that there exists a subtle distinction in the interpretation of the notion of mourning between Ricoeur's definition and the way it is employed in the current study. While Ricoeur describes mourning as a renunciation from the ideal of the perfect translation, the present study uses this notion as the renunciation from the historical Ottoman past in association with the Arabic and Persian elements that can be seen as ‘foreign’ in contemporary Türkiye. In the Ottoman era, these linguistic elements were seen as integral components of the local culture. However, in the Republican era, they are labelled as foreign and hence they are mostly eliminated. The conflict between the Ottoman historical era and the modern Republican era epitomises the clash between foreign and indigenous elements.
With the profound state intervention, the Turkish language has seen evolution and metamorphosis in the last hundred years. This intervention is both welcomed and rebuffed
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among some circles in the population. It can be claimed to be successful, but this success can also be claimed to lose some essence of language with intervention, that is why it is called a kind of “catastrophic success” by Geoffrey Lewis (1999). Regardless of the approach used, it is certain that the Turkish language reform has significantly altered the way people utilise their language throughout the past century. Furthermore, it has successfully achieved its objective of purging the Turkish language to some extent from the influence of Eastern languages. The intervention and metamorphosis of language necessitated the intralingual translations of the old texts with old words and meanings because, as Kearney states “words exist in time and space, and thus have a history of meanings which alter and evolve” (2006, p. xvii).
As a consequence of the alterations and evolutions of the words’ meanings, intralingual translations emerged as a necessity within a single language – the modern Turkish language. In this context, Katiboğlu confers that intralingual translation faces a great deal of friction between the erasure and preservation of the historical memory of language in the republican setting of striving for legibility (2023, p. 5). At this point, reconciliation with the past is a necessity in Türkiye; and through a linguistic hospitality point of view, intralingual translations can bring peace and compromise with the Ottoman past (Katiboğlu, 2023).
Consequently, while inspecting the cases, Paul Ricoeur’s notion of remembering is to be utilised for shedding light on the cases remembering the lost Oriental past – the Arabic and Persian-origin words. On the other hand, Ricoeur’s notion of mourning is to be used to explain the losses and renunciations in successive intralingual translations in which Arabic and Persian words do not exist anymore.
The creation of certain dichotomies under the three macro-strategies of the present thesis, namely the establishment of (de)secularisation, the construction of cultural memory, and the achievement of linguistic hospitality, will enable us to conceptualise the tools to analyse the cases.
To construct a DHA within the framework of CDA, it is crucial to examine culture planning, language planning, and the process of secularisation in Türkiye. Additionally, a comprehensive understanding of the superstitions that underlie Gürpınar's novels and his biography is essential. To understand the intralingual translations of Gürpınar's texts
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and their discourse from the viewpoints of CDA and DHA, the upcoming chapter delves into the evolution of superstitious beliefs and their influence on Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar's language and works.
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CHAPTER 3 THE SOCIO-HISTORICAL CONTEXT SURROUNDING HÜSEYİN RAHMİ GÜRPINAR’S WORKS
Introductory Points
- Information on the superstitious beliefs of the society that inspires Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar and his novels in the Ottoman Empire is provided in the present chapter.
- Investigation of the secularisation trajectory of Türkiye is supported by the findings on the evolution of superstitions and the socio-historical context surrounding Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar’s biography.
- An in-depth analysis is conducted to examine Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar's biography, his perspective on life and literature, and the potential motives behind his works.
3.1. SUPERSTITIOUS BELIEFS IN ANATOLIA
It is possible to claim that Hüseyin Rahmi wants to deconstruct the Ottoman readers’ internalisation of superstitions and create a new readerly habitus of writing and reading secular(ised) literary texts. His works served this purpose, and one can also claim that the intralingual translations of his works sought to achieve the aim of reproducing secular(ised) texts through the use of a secularised style and discourse free from religious and superstitious lexical elements. Therefore, this thesis will build upon a CDA approach to explore how and to what extent the intralingual translations of his works served Gürpınar’s aim. In order to delve into this point, this section probes into the development of superstitious beliefs and traditions within Ottoman and modern Turkish societies.
It goes without saying that superstitious and religious elements of Hüseyin Rahmi’s works were primarily based on the society of his time. His three novels to be studied in this thesis were written between 1910 and 1923. In this way, the main motives of the writer behind writing his humorous and satirical works are to be revealed. The history of the Ottoman Empire is quite lengthy and complicated. It is so long that the Empire encountered both the Crusades and World War I. Thus, it is impossible and impractical
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to focus on all the beliefs, belief systems and superstitious beliefs in its 700-year-long history. The scope of the chapter is to explain the superstitious beliefs of the society in the nineteenth century of the Ottoman Empire until the declaration of the Republic of Türkiye in 1923. This thesis limits its scope to the superstitious and religious elements prevalent in the nineteenth century Ottoman society that Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar wants to deconstruct through his works.
Superstitious beliefs have been an indispensable part of human belief systems. In all the cultures around the globe, there have been superstitious beliefs throughout history. İnan states that similar to material ruins of culture which are under the earth and preserved until today, old times’ moral cultural ruins stay under the depths of traditionalist human societies’ souls and are brought to this day (İnan, 1976, p. 201). Before getting into details, the definition of ‘superstition’ needs to be clarified. According to Oxford Dictionary, superstition is “the belief that particular events happen in a way that cannot be explained by reason or science; the belief that particular events bring good or bad luck” (Oxford Dictionary, n.d.). In Merriam-Webster's Dictionary, the notion is defined in two ways: “a: a belief or practice resulting from ignorance, fear of the unknown, trust in magic or chance, or a false conception of causation. b: an irrational abject attitude of mind toward the supernatural, nature, or God resulting from superstition” (Merriam-Webster, n.d.). In this study, the superstition notion is accepted as an umbrella term that contains all relevant sub beliefs as occult, magic, spell, sorcery and so on.
Today, superstitious beliefs still hold a place in modern Turkish society, more or less. However, the proportion of people who live their lives by these beliefs has changed dramatically in the last one hundred years with crucial steps. Today, although superstitious beliefs are considered to be associated with Islam, their roots are quite complicated and go back long before the monotheistic religions. After Turkic tribes adopted Islam and migrated to Anatolia in the tenth century, various superstitious traditions such as magic and charm continued. Survival of these old superstitious beliefs is ensured by combining the local contributions of ancient cultures. Although Islam definitely prohibits these superstitions, Turkic tribes adopted their belief forms to their new religion and made these beliefs survive for centuries.
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Archaeological findings support the claims that the Turks and their strong connections with the shaman beliefs, even after a hundred years settled in Anatolia. The adoption of Islam did not happen in a decade or a hundred years. People did not give up their old beliefs when they adopted a new belief system and/or religion. Figures such as the universe envisagement of Turks, the tree of life, and the shamanist’s ascension are of utmost importance regarding the beliefs of Turkish society in this era. It is so strange that until recently, lighting a candle, tying rags to the trees around the tomb and visiting the tomb to seek health continued (Kahraman et al., 2019).
The Shaman, Buddhist, and Manichean monks had a place in Turkish society before they adopted Islam. They had special authority and were afraid to lose it then Turks started to adopt Islam in mass. Regarding Islam has no place for the superstitious practices of their professions, the monks did not want to lose their authority and power. Thereby, they mixed their superstitious beliefs and actions with Islam and maintained their professions as healers, magicians or warlocks to keep their old traditions alive and preserve their interests (Uluğ, 2013, p. 7). According to İnan, after Turkish nations adopted Islam, they conserved plenty of their traditions and customs from their “pre-Islamic days of ignorance” era as if they were the orders of Islam (1976, p. 202). His examples can be considered as proof of his claims. One of the common superstitions that were brought from Middle Asia is to tie a shred/rag to the trees or bushes considered to be sacred. This tradition is detected in all Turkish worlds, from Altay to the Mediterranean, and there is no connection to Islam. It is a tradition from the old pre-Islamic days. The tradition of tying rags is peculiar to the Shamanism of Middle and North Asian nations (İnan, 1976, p. 202). The majority of Turks do not leave these traditions entirely even after the adoption of Islam. Although the religious functionaries forbid it, today Turkish people tie some rags to the shrines and tombs of the people considered to have supernatural powers.
Another superstition belief that some Muslim Turkish people still have today is to believe in amulets and talismans. Its roots go back to Paganism. Concerning this belief, some materials have either good luck or bad luck. The object considered lucky is worn as a necklace or carried along with the person. The object can be anything from a rock, a plant, a blue bead, a bug, tooth of a wolf to a nail of a bear or an eagle. In old pagan beliefs, these amulets and talismans were believed to save people from illnesses, evil eyes, troubles, and accidents that the pure eye cannot see. Subsequently, after the adoption of
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Islam, religious formulas or strange Arabic signals substitute these objects (İnan, 1976, p. 207). Today, in contemporary Turkish society, amulets and all other forms of superstitious materials still occupy a place in daily life.
As Abdulkadir İnan cites, in Kutadgu Bilig book which deals with religious and political morality, written after hundred years Islam was adopted to a large extent by Turkish Khanate, “muezzins” healers and talismans (üfürükçü and muskacılar) are acknowledged as a necessary class for the society and adds; “[c]onjurers came after them (the doctors), they are the ones who heal djinn, fairy, ghost illnesses. It is required to join them and make them pray for soul and evil illnesses”. Inan deduces that Yusuf Has Hacib’s book Kutadgu Bilig from the 11th century tells that old shaman healers and Buddhist priests called themselves “muezzin” in Arabic and changed old amulets with new religions (Islam) formulates. Shamans (Kams) and Buddhist priests, guards of these pre-Islamic days of ignorance, succeeded in giving an Islamic touch by adding verses of the Koran to their old superstitions from the first day they met Islam (İnan, 1976, p. 212). Thus, it can be claimed that although Turks adopted Islam, which rigorously outlaws sorcery, occult, spell and superstitious beliefs, they did not leave their old beliefs but changed and integrated them with their new religion.
When Turks came to Anatolia in waves, they brought their culture and beliefs from the Central Asian steps along with them. After they adopted Islam, they combined their old beliefs with this new monotheistic religion. Before the era of principalities, Anatolian Seljuks were the main power whose religion was Islam apart from Orthodox Christian Eastern Rome and other small local Pagan beliefs from the older ages in Anatolia i.e., Asia Minor. According to Aşıkpaşazade, the Ottoman historian from the 14th century, Hacı Bektaş Veli was one of the most religiously and politically significant historical figures of Anatolia in the era of principalities (Kemal & Saraç, 2003, p. 298). He migrated to Anatolia in mass along with other Turkmens. With this Turkmen immigration, the spread of Islam accelerated in Anatolia.
In time, the popular understanding of religion took the form of Bektaşi's understanding in Anatolia and the Balkans. They lead the colonization and Islamization of these soils. They used supernatural stories blended with Islamic motives. These stories called “menkıbes” are about a saint with superpowers. These superstitious stories, backed by the folkloric
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stories brought from Central Asian oral literature, intended to make society believe in them and their miracles.
By spreading “menkıbes”, which were full of supernatural folkloric elements and miracles, dervishes evangelised and transferred some beliefs from the pre-Islamic eras to all Anatolian Muslim people. Consequently, pre-Islamic Shaman and Buddhist narratives about the supernatural and superstitious events entered the Islamic understanding of Turkish belief narration both in heterodox and orthodox paths with these menkıbes (Uluğ, 2013, p. 104). These menkıbes were telling the stories of Abdals that were capable of doing supernatural actions such as turning into animals, speaking with animals, teleporting from one place to another in a moment, prophesying, healing patients so on and so forth. Today, their stories are still told around Anatolia as miracles. In the 21st century, tombs of miraculous saints are found in almost every corner of Anatolia and the geography around it, and they are mostly visited and taken care of with society’s respect.
Superstitious beliefs in Anatolia have not only been affected by pre-Islamic beliefs. Like its neighbour region Mesopotamia, Anatolia has always been a cradle of civilisations since the beginning of time. Thus, the cultures have always been affecting each other reciprocally in this geography since the dawn of the first civilisations. Countless beliefs and religions have lived and died on this earth, along with the people who believed in them. However, the old beliefs somehow manage to continue living partially with the new beliefs following them. As mentioned above, old pagan beliefs are influential even in today’s Türkiye.
Apart from pagan religions, superstitious beliefs in Türkiye are also fed by the other monotheistic religions that Islam has been living side by side for a thousand years in Anatolia. Sharing a common place to live is particularly important in the communication and interaction of people and religions. As an intersection of the cultures for thousands of years, Anatolia developed a distinctive Pagan belief system through the inheritance of Roman, Anatolian Seljukian, Ancient Greek, Ancient Persian, and many other ancient cultures. Thus, it can be claimed that the successor civilisations adopted previous cultures and beliefs and created their own unique culture.
In summary, it can be concluded that the origin of Turkish superstitious beliefs is an amalgam of pre-Islamic cults from Central Asia, Pagan cults from the ancient civilisations
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lived in Anatolia and Christian cults from the Eastern Roman Empire era. When the nomadic Turks migrated to Anatolia after adopting Islam, they brought their own cults, amulets, talismans, miracles, and other supernatural beliefs. While they had their own culture and belief system, they enriched it with the other supernatural beliefs that were alive and accepted in Anatolia for thousands of years, both from Pagan and Orthodox Christian beliefs.
Just as the faith in Velis and Abdals was widespread in Anatolia in the history of the Ottoman, and accepting these people and their miracles as truth, the society of the Ottoman Empire was also decidedly interested in superstitious beliefs (magic, charms, amulets, talismans etc.). Although in the empires, kingdoms and principalities contemporary to the Ottoman Empire, the superstitious beliefs were also very high, with the enlightenment and reforms this trend changed in Europe. After hundreds of years of ignorance and scholastic thinking reigning over the European cultures, they managed to overcome it with science, art, and secular and materialist thinking.
However, the enlightenment and reforms came too late to the Ottoman Empire compared to Europe. On one hand, the Bible was being translated into local languages in Europe, in today’s Germany led by Martin Luther in the 16th century and read by the people. On the other hand, the Koran was not translated into Ottoman Turkish for the common people in the Ottoman Empire. Thus, it was far from the comprehension of society. This led superstitions to become dominant in belief systems and it was hard to detach them from the religion. The common people in the Ottoman believed in superstitions and used artefacts of charms, amulets, and so forth. According to Uluğ, from the vassals to even the Ottoman sultans all layers of the society relied upon magic and superstitions. For example, Ottoman sultans used talisman shirts under their armour in order to protect them as second spiritual armour. Some verses of the Koran and magic words were written on these talisman shirts. Not only talisman shirts but also plenty of other superstitious applications and artefacts were carried by the Ottoman sultans (Uluğ, 2013, p. 150).
Throughout the whole history of Anatolia's geography, superstitious beliefs have always been in the lives of the inhabitants of the region. As in the periods before the foundation of the Ottoman principality, in the ages that the Ottoman Empire lived for around six centuries, superstitious beliefs and the people believed to have supernatural powers lived
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by changing their selves and adapting their form to fit its contemporary world. Although they are generally supposed to conflict with the dominant monotheistic religion -Islam- the people still follow these beliefs like a religion in addition to Islam. All the society of the Ottoman Empire, as stated above, from the sultan to vassals, everybody believed in magic, charm or any other type of superstitious beliefs.
3.1.1. Superstitions and Social Values in the Late Nineteenth Century
Superstitious beliefs and religion are inseparable parts of the culture and life of Ottoman society. Thus, they are crucial for understanding the society in the Ottoman Empire. Studying superstitions in this period demonstrates how deeply religion and superstition penetrated the everyday life of the people in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
In Istanbul, in the 19th and 20th centuries, although modern medicine was developed in line with the conditions specific to the period, the majority of the society did not have access to it due to poor economic conditions and superstitious beliefs that were thought to be able to cure the illnesses. Most of these healings must be conducted by the “Ocaklı” old women who were permitted to achieve aimed success. Almost all of the healings can be claimed to be pseudo treatments. They include religious and superstitious elements, such as praying while doing meaningless rituals, compared to modern medicine.
In addition to the other types of treatments for both physical and mental health, “okutmak” (saying a prayer) was thought to be the strongest cure for almost all kinds of troubles and illnesses. In society, exercising this type of treatment was believed to heal many illnesses such as rheumatism, headache, eyeache, earache, erysipelas, insomnia, anorexia, asthma, diarrhoea, hepatitis and icterus (Bayrı, 1946, p. 108). The people claiming to perform saying were called “Üfürükçü” (Healer) or “Hodja” (so-called Muslim clergymen) under the guise of clergymen or Dervish. According to Bayrı, society’s beliefs in these healers were higher in the past but decreased gradually. One could see them at almost every corner taking advantage of society’s beliefs and taking their money while expecting respect from the people (Bayrı, 1946, p. 109). Although the number of this type of fraud healers was reduced with the reforms and new laws after the foundation of the Republic of Türkiye, it was still possible to encounter them in the Republican term. Even today, in
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the 21st century, some people resort to these healers. There were many miracles that the healers claimed to be capable of, and Bayrı wrote them as follows:
Hodjas were not only trying to heal illnesses by saying a prayer, but they also claimed to let unmarried girls’ fortune turn good and make them marry, to increase the boys’ sexual performance, to bring back the people from foreign lands, to reunite men and women who were estranged from each other, to estrange loving men and women, to help men and women loving each other to come together, to find a lost belonging, to save somebody from the evil eye, to write amulets (muska) for people who were believed to be bewitched, to prepare drugs and to interpret and depict dreams (Bayrı, 1946, p. 109).
Hodjas were believed and credited by the majority of society in the late Ottoman period as a panacea or elixir. Almost all layers of society were consulting them for almost any trouble. Thus, this kind of job was very profitable in a society where ignorance was extreme. That was the primary reason intellectuals like Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar tried to awaken society by their novels and plays at those times.
The Ottoman society believed not only in the hodjas and their miracles but also in tombs. Because the people believed in them as saviours or rescuers, they relied on these people lying under the tombs. Additionally, the people visit these dead saints in order to expect something back from them and they give gifts and make a vow called “Adak”. Only the tomb keepers, sheikhs and dervishes utilised these gifts (Bayrı, 1946, p. 177). By demonstrating hundreds of different tombs scattered all around Istanbul, Bayrı underlies that the impact of these tombs was decreasing in the 1940s, and he expects that the impact will decrease day by day to the point that not many people will rely on the tombs and expect miracles from them. Although it is much lower than in the previous centuries, even in the 21st century, people regularly visit these tombs and continue the old superstitious beliefs.
Apart from relying on healers/hodjas, “Ocaklı” old women or dead people lying under tombs, with enormously versatile purposes from healing body and mind to finding a husband to unmarried women, magic was another huge part of life in Ottoman society. Bayrı lists 108 different magics for different purposes only in Istanbul. According to him, witchcraft became a profession in Istanbul, and these sorcerers earned a good amount of money by deceiving society. Although they deceived society by utilising the ignorant people’s hopes of unknown powers, they were highly respected by everybody. In society, they were assigned higher positions. Almost like saints, these people were considered to
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have a religious status, and they should not be interfered with. Otherwise, society was frightened to be cursed. That is to say, on one hand, magic was a remedy that ignorant people relied on whenever they needed help; on the other hand, sorcerers were the people preparing that remedy and deceiving the people relying on them and taking advantage of them with groundless consolidations. Although people applied to magic, they also feared it. Being under a spell was the most terrifying thing that could happen to the common man. If it were not necessary, people would avoid getting in touch with the sorcerers (Bayrı, 1946, p. 178). Thus, fear mixed with respect was the feeling of the society towards these shams. This fear and respect shown to the healers are one of the main subjects of Gürpınar’s novels to be studied in this thesis.
Similar to what is told about the society in Yusuf Has Hacib’s book Kutadgu Bilig, written in the 11th century, the people living in the 19th or 20th century respected the sorcerers and expected miracles from them. People living in the Ottoman Empire followed the rules of their religion in addition to pseudo-religion – superstitions. They lived according to invisible laws intended to regulate their actions. Even though today it is less than the previous centuries, in the 21st century there are still quite a few people who believe in these shams. Thousands of years have passed, but the belief in sorcerers and superstitions still continues. There are some historical breaking points, such as the adoption of law no. 677 in the Republican term.
This section of the study focuses primarily on superstitious beliefs and customs in Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar’s era. Furthermore, the political and religious atmosphere of the last quarter of the 19th century and the first periods of the 20th century require examination. However, before dwelling on the ideas that Hüseyin Rahmi criticises, it needs to be understood how Hüseyin Rahmi’s or his contemporary writer’s reforming and progressive ideas emerged. Thus, the evolution of the religious and social reforms and the adoption of progressive notions such as secularism, westernisation, scientific materialism and positivism must be explained briefly.
3.1.2. The Socio-Political Atmosphere and its Impact on Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar’s Works
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3.1.3.1. From the First Modernisation Movements to Sultan Abdulhamid II
Türkiye’s modernisation story does not start with the proclamation of the Republic. The roots of modernisation date back to the 19th century Ottoman Empire. The modernisation efforts in the Ottoman Empire were a long and painful process, being interrupted and proceeded from time to time, from ruler to ruler. Although the most impactful ruler on Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar was Sultan Abdulhamid II, the secular and modernist notions that Hüseyin Rahmi touches on in his works did not emerge during Abdulhamid II’s rule. Sultan Mahmud II is considered to be the pioneer ruler in the history of the Ottoman Empire to introduce Western and modernist ideas successfully. Therefore, to better comprehend the late 19th century’s understanding of modernism, the chronological development of modernist ideas should be scrutinised briefly, starting from the reign of Sultan Mahmud II.
Sultan Mahmud II was the 30th Ottoman Sultan and the 109th Islam Caliph, who reigned between 1808 and 1839. He is known chiefly as the first Ottoman Sultan who successfully attempted to modernise and Westernise the Empire in the 19th century. After the decline of the Empire and the understanding that it had fallen behind the rival European powers, the modernisation movement started to take place. Sultan Mahmud II is accepted as a pioneer in this movement in his period of reign. There were other Sultans prior to Mahmud, like Sultan Selim III and Mustafa IV. However, Sultan Mahmud II was the first successful Sultan in the 19th century who attempted to overhaul the empire majorly. Sultan Selim III was assassinated because his attempts to reform were too quick, and he could not succeed in placating the critics towards his modernisation process. Janissaries revolted against him and dethroned him in 1807. Following his reign, Sultan Mustafa IV also could not succeed. Moreover, he stayed in power for only a year. Sultan Mahmud II started his reign in 1808 (Macready, n.d.).
Among many other reforms, Mahmud II established a new unit of soldiers against Janissaries, who did not want to lose their privileges and thus were creating a significant obstacle before reforms. Before Mahmud II, janissaries revolted numerous times and made it difficult to establish a central power to rule the Empire independently. By receiving support from the ulema, the sultan founded Asâkir-i Mansure-i Muhammadiya (The Victorious Soldiers of Muhammad) and eliminated the Janissary Corps in 1826. This
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significant incident is recorded in history as “The Auspicious Incident” (Vaka-i Hayriye). After successfully removing this colossal obstacle, Mahmud II started to expand his reforms to tackle the Ottoman Empire’s financial, administrative, educational, and even social and cultural spheres (Erşahin, 2006, p. 38). Among his other minor reforms, the main ones he adopted can be shortly categorised.
Regarding administrative reforms, he founded a cabinet system of government, initiated a postal service (1834), and provided for a census and a land survey, which were vital for strengthening the central position and power of the administration. Regarding education, Mahmud II, for the first time in Ottoman history, made primary education compulsory, sent bright students to Europe for education and opened a modern medical school. Besides, he renounced his right to confiscate the properties of deceased officials and introduced Western-looking dresses (Tesch, n.d.).
Mahmud II attached significant importance to education. Although there was strong resistance among ulema, as mentioned above, he sent 150 students to Europe. In this respect, Erşahin comments that “[t]o a large extent, his educational reforms sought to create new educated elite along western lines as an alternative to the madrasa-educated elite (viz., the ulama)” (2006, p. 39). In the forthcoming decades, along with other reforms in education, sending students to Europe ignited vast changes in the Ottoman Empire in all aspects of life. As regards social life reforms, Mahmud II changed soldiers’ and civilians’ apparel. He ordered the ulema to wear the fez in 1828. Additionally, “all state employees but the ulama, who were allowed to keep the traditional dress, now had to wear the fez, frockcoats (jubbe or harvani), trousers, and black leather boots” (Erşahin, 2006, p. 39).
Although Mahmud II’s ruling term was one of the most distressed eras of the Ottoman Empire, and his throne was threatened internally and externally for 31 years, one can say that the Sultan was remarkably successful in his reforms in the 19th century. He laid the foundations to change the Empire’s direction towards modernisation and Westernisation. As a result, his earnest efforts turned the Islamic Empire of the Middle Ages into a modern Empire, helped to consolidate the Ottoman Empire and ignited the progress of modernisation in the following decades. His being a pioneer of reformist rule helped the declaration of Tanzimat Fermanı (Imperial Edict of Gülhane) four months after his death.
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Although the Imperial Edict was prepared during his lifetime, it could only be declared after his death. With Tanzimat Fermanı, centralization of the government was aimed primarily, and secondly, it was intended to stop foreign forces from intervening in the Ottoman Empire’s ruling on the pretext of defending Christian minorities’ rights. The Tanzimat Fermanı not only centralised the power of the government but also helped the Empire to become relatively secular for the first time in its history, as it helped to create new secular laws parallel with Sharia (Islamic Laws).
After Sultan Mahmud II, his son Sultan Abdülmecid ascended the throne. He ruled for 22 years between 1839 and 1861. Then, his five sons became the Sultan of the Ottoman Empire until its collapse, respectively Sultan Abdülaziz for 15 years (1861 – 1876), Sultan Mehmed IV for less than a year (May 1876 – August 1876), Sultan Abdülhamid II for 29 years (1876 – 1909), Mehmed V (Sultan Reşad) for 8 years (1909 – 1918) and Mehmed VI (Sultan Vahideddin) for 4 years (1918 – 1922). Sultan Abdulhamid II was the ruler during Gürpınar’s life for a long time.
3.1.3.2. The Sultan Abdulhamid II’s Era
Among the other sultans, Sultan Abdülhamid II was much more influential in the daily lives of the society in terms of religion and superstitious beliefs. While his grandfather Sultan Mahmud II is accepted to be a great reformer of his time, Abdülhamid II is known to be a pious sultan, and he endeavoured to hold together the Ottoman Empire from collapsing by using the religion Islam. His endeavours were later named Pan-Islamism by historians. It is inevitable to conclude that there was a conflict between Sultan Abdülhamid II’s Islamist agenda and the reformist Ottoman Turks. It is in this atmosphere where Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar grew up and formed his literary life between the end of the 19th century and the early 20th century. Thus, Sultan Abdülhamid II’s ruling era and social life will be dwelt on in this regard. Uluğ outlines Abdülhamid II’s ruling era as follows:
In Sultan Abdülhamid II’s era, there was an irony, for the triumph of materialist ideas emerged under the most pious sultan of late Ottoman history. Sultan Abdülhamid II fashioned Islamist modernity in opposition to the West, whereas Ottoman intellectuals were drawn into the European Doctrine of scientific materialism. The trend of materialism continued after the 1908 Young Turk Revolution well into the Republican times. During the Tanzimat period, scientific critique of religion was presented by drawing harmless comparisons between modern science and traditional methods for the pursuit of
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knowledge. A whole generation of secular materialists emerged as self-assured bearers of the new truth of materialism, positivism, and scientific and secularist thinking. The Islamist intellectuals also suffered from Sultan Abdülhamid II’s reign. The caliph-sultan, fearful of the potent capacity of the ulema to criticise his regime, banished a large number of them. His censorship policies alienated both Islamists and Westernisers alike (Uluğ, 2013, p. 192).
The critical part to be underlined in the quotation above is the conflict between the pious Abdülhamid II’s regime and the modernist, materialist and secularist enlightened class. It can be claimed that the criticising and caricaturing literature that Hüseyin Rahmi created was a valuable means to serve this enlightened class’s struggle against old-time beliefs and superstitions. In this respect, scrutinising this era becomes even more critical.
In this atmosphere, it seems impossible to spread modern and secular thoughts among common people where ignorance and poverty are prevalent. Superstitious beliefs are accepted as if they were real Islamic beliefs. Because the freedom of thought was restricted, the enlightened class defending modernity and progress was exiled to Europe, and Islamic policies proliferated under the rule of Sultan Abdülhamid II, the people had no chance to criticise or interrogate the thoughts regarding superstitions or religion.
Healers/hodjas believed to have religious power took advantage of the people. Islam was used as a political tool rather than to strengthen the morals of the Ottoman people (Uluğ, 2013). Because freedom of thought was not prevailing in the Ottoman Empire, the people were considered vassals (tebaa) of the Sultan, and they were accustomed to obeying whatever they were said, whether from state or religion or pseudo-religion (superstitions). As the society had no power to oppose or criticise what they were told in terms of religion and or superstitions, the fight against superstition or separation of it from their religion was not possible. In this atmosphere, where religion had its highest authority than ever before, people had no choice but to obey. In this circumstance, literati such as Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar, Ahmet Midhat Efendi, Tevfik Fikret and Halide Edip Adıvar were courageous illuminators of the society. They can be claimed to struggle to impact society with their literature and to illuminate the people.
Even though healers and sorcerers were caught, banished, and deported from Istanbul in the 19th century, these actions were nonfunctional. Thus, their proliferation could never be stopped. Not only did the illegitimate people appeal to the superstitions, but the Ottoman court also consulted the “Falname” (fortune-telling book) before resolving
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judicial and political issues. A high-ranking person from the ulema used to be appointed officially by the title of “ser-müneccim-i sultani” as representative of the state. Furthermore, this person was appointed to make very crucial decisions according to astrology and other superstitions. For example, when a vital job was started, the most suitable time to start this job according to fortunate time (vakt-i me’sud) was sought; the suitable hours and minutes were calculated (Uluğ, 2013, p. 203). In Hüseyin Rahmi’s book Efsuncu Baba, the notion of vakt-i me’sud is criticised and ironized by caricaturing the main character Ebulfazl Enveri Efendi. He believes that in every action, there is a right time or a wrong time to do the job. Moreover, he tries to adjust his whole life according to these fortunate times. Throughout the novel, Gürpınar ridicules this superstitious belief along with many others via Ebufazl Enveri Efendi.
Secularism is the key notion in order to counter-attack these superstitious beliefs disguising. Thereby, the introduction of secularism in the Ottoman Empire was of utmost importance. Accepting reformist and materialist thoughts in the Ottoman Empire accelerated more than ever after Sultan Mahmud II’s time to modernise and centralise the Empire. When Sultan Mahmud II successfully started the modernisation movement in his ruling time in order to centralise the Empire and catch up with the European powers, his endeavours also inevitably resulted in Westernisation and secularisation in the 19th century.
In pursuance of modernisation, a new elite class of bureaucrats were created in the Ottoman Empire, educated in Europe or in the Ottoman institutions that had a European curriculum with a culture close to Europe. These people had Westernisation, secularisation, and modernisation ambitions for the Empire. It was only limited to high bureaucrats and could not be spread to the minds of the people. The modernisation movement in the Ottoman can be described as a top-down process; however, it could not reach the masses down. As a result of this disconnection between the modernised top layers of society and the down layers of the society constituting a considerable portion of the Ottoman population, the modernisation movement could not achieve what it was meant to achieve. Thus, most of the Ottoman people were left alone with their destiny by the Ottoman statesmen and their elitist literate class. The people continued their traditional daily life in a world of cultural and religious old wives’ tales and superstitions (Uluğ, 2013, p. 230).
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Additionally, when the era of Sultan Abdülhamid II, the chaos from the economic collapses, lost wars, and great immigration movements from lost soils to the Ottoman Empire were considered all together, it was almost impossible to spread modernisation notions to the poor and shaken society in the late 19th and the early 20th century. In this atmosphere, literature could only be one of a couple of true tools for the people defending modernisation and secularisation to educate and liberate the masses of people living in despair and unaware of the modern world. The literary works of Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar, such as Efsuncu Baba, Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Biz İzdivaç, and Gulyabani, can be interpreted as attempts to raise awareness among the general public about how malicious individuals exploit religion and superstitious beliefs of the uninformed for their own benefit. Literati such as Gürpınar actually criticise the superstitions and can be claimed to try to propagate and proliferate westernisation, secularisation, and modernisation notions in the society.
These progressive notions could be supported by the state power only after the proclamation of the Republic of Türkiye. The superstitious and religious elements prevalent in 19th century Ottoman society and culture were prohibited by the new secular state in 1925. Nevertheless, the process was hierarchical, with the state actively intervening to promote the internalisation of secularism among the population. Hence, it is imperative to acknowledge the significance of legislation no 677 in relation to the eradication of superstitions and the emergence of secularism.
With law no. 677, accepted on November 25, 1925, all the superstitious beliefs, religious communities, dervish lodges and the other religious associated institutions staying between the person and God were prohibited. In the Ottoman Empire, religion was an essential part of the government for hundreds of years. Especially in Sultan Abdülhamid II’s regime, it was a crucial tool to reign the society. However, with this law, religion was confined to the private sphere in Türkiye as follows:
Law 677 prohibits and abolishes the profession of tomb-keeping, the assigning of mystical names, and the closing of tekkes (dervish lodges), zaviyes (central dervish lodges), and tombs on 13 December 1925.
All the tekkes and zaviyes in the Turkish Republic, either in the form of vakıf (religious foundations) or under the personal property right of its sheikh or established in any other way, are closed. Those used as mosques [cami] and mescits (small mosques) may be retained as such.
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All of the orders [tarikatlar] using (titles such) as sheikh [sheyhlik], dervish [dervishlik], disciple [müritlik], senior dervish [dedelik], leader of the Mevlevi Order [chelebilik], descendent of the Prophet Muhammad [seyitlik], sheikh [babalik], descendent of the Prophet Muhammad [emirlik], dervish leader [nakiblik], deputy sheikh [halifelik], fortune-teller [falcilik], magician [büyücülük], healers [üfürükçülük], seers [nüshacı] claiming foretell, […] are prohibited. Service to these titles and the wearing of dervish costumes are prohibited.
The tombs of the dervish orders are closed, and the profession of tomb keeping is abolished. Those who open the closed tekkes or zaviyes, or the tombs, and those who re-establish them or those who give temporary places to the orders [tarikat] or to people who are called by any of the mystical name mentioned above or those who serve them, will be sentenced to at least three months in prison and will be fined at least fifty Turkish liras…11
Secularism is implemented by the laws and intended to be propagated to Turkish society. The state systemically planned and organised the proliferation of secularism, implanting it into the lives of the society. Thus, eventually, it majorly terminates superstitious beliefs.
Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar became a member of parliament in the Single Party government for two terms between 1936 and 1943. In the following chapter, Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar’s life, his literature understanding, and his works are to be scrutinised.
3.2. INTRALINGUAL TRANSLATION AS A TOOL FOR A SECULAR IDENTITY: HÜSEYİN RAHMİ GÜRPINAR’S LIFE, PERSONALITY, AND LITERATURE
Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar was born in 1864 in Istanbul, Ayazpaşa. He witnessed the most critical changes in the country in his 80 years of life. Born as a citizen of the Ottoman Empire and died as a citizen of Türkiye, he lived through the most turmoil terms: Abdülhamid II era, the Second Constitutional Period, World War One, the War of Independence, the Republic of Türkiye, the Single Party era and World War Two. Throughout his life, he worked abundantly and wrote hundreds of literary works, including stories, theatre plays, letters, poems, criticisms, and memoirs. He also made translations that impressed Turkish literature, and writers followed him immensely.
Gürpınar was born to a family in old Istanbul. His father was a senior officer in the Ottoman Empire. One of the most critical and influential incidents in Gürpınar’s life is
11 The English translation of the law no.677 is taken from dar-al-masnavi’s website, https://www.dar-al-masnavi.org/anti-dervish.law.html on 14.12.2021.
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the death of his mother when he was three years old. Upon her death, Gürpınar was brought to his father to Crete Island. However, upon his father’s marriage to another woman, Gürpınar brought back to Istanbul, next to his grandmother. Living with his grandmother and aunt throughout his early life impacted Gürpınar’s literature life fundamentally. He spent the first twenty years of his life in Aksaray with his grandmother and the other women from the neighbourhood who nurtured his writing throughout his life. With this experience, he was able to depict slum dwellers, their mentality and their speech very vividly and in great liveliness (Harmancı, 2010, p. 2). Hüseyin Rahmi grew up listening to these women’s stories and talks which had an immense impact on his writing life.
Gürpınar started his education life at Yakupağa community college, continued at Mahmudiye Rüşdiyesi (Ottoman junior high school) and finally at Mekteb-i Mülkiye High School at Mahrec-i Aklam where the Ottoman officers are trained. He also took private French lessons. In the second year of high school, he got sick and left the school unfinished (Sevengil, 1944, p. 15). Gürpınar started writing as a journalist in Tercüman-ı Hakikat, Sabah and İkdam newspapers. Then, he continued to work as an officer unwillingly during the term of Sultan Abdulhamid II. Right after the declaration of the Second Constitution, he resigned from his duty of public service. During the Second Constitutional period, he published a magazine with 36 issues named Boşboğaz ve Güllabi.
He earned a great deal of money with his Şıpsevdi novel in 1911 and built himself a mansion on Heybeliada island, Istanbul. Gürpınar produced many of his works in his mansion, far away from people and lived in Heybeliada until 1936. One of the most influential incidents in Gürpınar’s life is the death of his faithful friend Miralay Hulusi Bey, with whom he shared most of his life in the same house for more than half a century (Sevengil, 1944, p. 8). He loved Miralay Hulusi Bey so much that after his death, it would not be wrong to underline that Gürpınar stopped writing for a while. Between Hulusi Bey’s death in 1933 and Gürpınar’s death in 1944, Gürpınar wrote only one story in 1941 (Harmancı, 2010, p. 11). Starting from 1936, he served as an MP of Kütahya at the TGNA in the fifth term (1936-1939) and the sixth term (1939-1943) at the Single Party era. This explicitly proves the ideological proximity of Gürpınar to the Single Party. Along with
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being a renowned writer and MP, he continued to work as a journalist and writer at the newspapers of the term.
Ahmed Midhat Efendi had the most considerable influence on Gürpınar as a writer. Gürpınar finished his first novel Şık in 1887 and sent it to the Tercüman-ı Hakikat newspaper of Ahmed Midhat Efendi. The next day, Gürpınar found out his novel was to be published and visited Ahmed Midhat with excitement. Initially, Ahmed Midhat harboured scepticism about Gürpınar's ability to write a novel. Nevertheless, after he was persuaded, he acknowledged Gürpınar's proficiency (Sevengil, 1944, p. 25).
Regarding his writing life, due to his personality that does not like crowds and his literature philosophy, Gürpınar kept himself away from becoming a part of any literature circle like Servet-i Fünun or else. Additionally, after he met Ahmed Midhat, Gürpınar followed Midhat’s literature understanding of ‘literature for people’ and he devoted his literature to people all his life. Gürpınar became Ahmed Midhat’s right arm in the short term and started to work for his journal (Harmancı, 2010, p. 10). Midhat loved Gürpınar so much that he offered Gürpınar to marry his daughter, however, Gürpınar refused Ahmed Midhat’s offer kindly (Sevengil, 1944, pp. 13-14). Gürpınar never got married and lived with his special friend Miralay Hulusi Bey until his death. To the questions regarding why he did not marry, Gürpınar always replied evasively in interviews and his letters.
Gürpınar worked for the Tercüman-ı Hakikat, where he translated and wrote some articles. Then, he transferred to the İkdam newspaper in 1894 and serialised his novels there. His first reputation came with Mürebbiye in 1899. After that, between 1901 and 1908, he did not produce until the declaration of the Second Constitutional period. During this unproductive term, Gürpınar continued working as a public servant. After the declaration of the Second Constitutional Period, Gürpınar started his own journal Boşboğaz ile Güllabi biweekly for 36 issues in 1908 (Harmancı, 2010, p. 10). After the Second Constitutional era, Gürpınar published many of his well-known novels such as Şıpsevdi, Cadı, Sevda Peşinde, Gulyabani and Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç, the last two of which are selected as the case study, in addition to Efsuncu Baba written in 1924, for the present thesis.
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In 1925, Gürpınar wrote Ben Deli miyim? for which he was sued. The charge was that the novel was immoral; however, Gürpınar was acquitted of the charges (Levend, 1964, p. 15). This shows that although he was to become an MP of the Single Party in the following years and great fame he was to achieve, from time to time his writings were questioned and even sued since Gürpınar’s novels were beyond their time and nurtured from the philosophies of Darwinism, Marxism, Enlightenment philosophy, Nietzsche and Schopenhauer (Harmancı, 2010, p. 16).
During his lifetime, he became one of the most popular and read writers and earned a great deal of money. In his book, Gürpınar states that he was the second most sold writer in Turkish literature after Ahmed Midhat Efendi in his time (Gürpınar, 2006, p. 55).
One of the most influential aspects impacting the works of a writer is his personality. In this regard, there are rich resources, letters, and research depicting Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar’s personality. Gürpınar, as one of the masters of humorous literature, has a unique personality contrasting with the characters of his novels. Living on a further part of a scarcely populated Heybeliada island of its time, Gürpınar is said to prefer living alone, far away from the crowds. Sevengil states his observation of Gürpınar as “[h]e likes to observe the crowds and people; however, he is embarrassed and dislikes mingling with the crowd. I always saw the noble wrinkles on the master's face decorated with the modesty of a young girl” (Sevengil, 1944, p. 14). In one of his letters in 1926, he describes himself as a misanthrope and his home as Diogenes’ tub (Sevengil, 1944, p. 163).
In addition to being a misanthrope, Gürpınar had a truly kind and womanlike character. According to Refik Ahmet Sevengil, his kindness is explained as follows:
He spent his childhood among old Istanbul ladies; he still strongly keeps gest and mimics that life’s impacts even though it has been half a century since then; worldly-wise, loyal to tradition; sits with hands clasped on his chest or clasped on his knees like a gentle Istanbul lady; while laughing, he covers his mouth with his hand, which becomes a beautiful shield with his fingers together; his laughs are small, quiet and kind; the smile that fades on his lips continues for a while in his eyes (Sevengil, 1944, pp. 12-13).
Another memory left from the times he spent among women is that “he knits dentelles very well, embroiders pillows, and does lace work. Visitors to his mansion on Heybeliada see his handworks and enjoy them” (Sevengil, 1944, pp. 12-13).
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The kindness and womanlike attitudes of Gürpınar should be underlined along with his misanthropy. In addition to having a womanlike character, according to his niece Emine Muzaffer Safter, Gürpınar was extraordinarily meticulous, clean, and tidy “[m]y uncle was so meticulous that he could not tolerate the slightest dust and dirt. He would not drink the water brought by the servants most of the time, and he would not feel comfortable without getting up and washing the glass with his own hands” (Gürpınar, 2006, p. 154). Regarding his meticulousness, his niece states that he had more than a hundred pairs of gloves, and he would not go out without wearing his gloves and would not let members of the household go out without gloves. Gürpınar would not touch anything without his gloves (Gürpınar, 2006, p. 137).
According to Harmancı (2010), Gürpınar was quite a pessimist person. The reasons behind his pessimistic soul lie beneath plenty of external and internal factors such as growing up without a mother or father, being a strong reader and follower of writers such as Schopenhauer or Nietzsche, living through thorny terms such as the Sultan Abdülhamid II, the World War One, the War of Independence, probable losing the belief in God or religion. Accordingly, his pessimism had a significant impact on his works (Harmancı, 2010, p. 15). All his readings, life experiences, and different orientations shaped Gürpınar’s worldview, which eventually affected his literary works.
As mentioned above, Gürpınar approaches literature as a tool to educate and help the public. He embraced the notion of ‘literature for people’. This was one of the fundamental reasons why he did not join any of the literature groups or circles of his time. In this regard, he followed his master Ahmed Midhat, however, on the other hand, Gürpınar diverted himself from Ahmed Midhat in some respects. While Ahmed Midhat sought to bring moderate changes in the public, Gürpınar sought to make more fundamental value changes. On one hand, Ahmed Midhat shared the values of the people stemming from the Islamic ideology, on the other hand, Gürpınar harboured ideas vastly different from the public's opinion in the fields of politics, morality, and religion. His more radical ideas are seen more explicitly, especially in the novels he wrote after the proclamation of the Second Constitutional Monarchy (Moran, 2001, pp. 113-114). As Berna Moran scrutinises comprehensively in her research regarding Gürpınar’s literature and worldview, she underlines Gürpınar’s modernist and secularist tendencies in his works as follows:
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Gürpınar explains his purpose as a writer in Şekavet-i Edebiye as follows: "In each of my works, I tried to draw my readers towards a high philosophy among the amusing jokes!" […] Shortly, Gürpınar’s aim is to put the positivist mentality of the West based on reason and science instead of the mentality of the people based on traditional beliefs, settled thoughts, customs and religion. That's why in his novels, it is always seen that the two mentalities he calls "old head" and "new head" clash. Although those who represent the "new mind" are not always those who can see things through the mind and have digested the objective scientific view, most of them are outcasts who reject the morality of the society they live in, but Gürpınar still uses them to put forward some new ideas that he likes. The "high philosophy" that Gürpınar wants to instil in the reader manifests itself in three areas in particular: social justice, the relationship between men and women and religion (2001, p. 114).
Osman Gündüz supports Moran’s claims that “Gürpınar aimed to instil the positivist mentality of the West based on reason and science” and states that his target was to create a new type of intellectual who can explain social incidents and human behaviours not in terms of metaphysical powers but in terms of reason and logic and based on scientific data (2006, p. 396).
In brief, Moran underlines that Gürpınar kept pace with the progressive ideas of the Second Constitutional Period and developed some ideas that supported radical changes in religion, morality, and economic dimensions in his “high philosophy” (2001, p. 131). And philosophers and philosophies such as Social Darwinism, Marxism, Enlightenment Philosophy, Nietzsche and Schopenhauer had an impact on Gürpınar’s referred “high philosophy” (2001, p. 131). Following these philosophies put Gürpınar in a more nihilistic position and made him even more pessimistic gradually, especially towards the end of his life. As Sevengil states:
Realism, which dominates all of Hüseyin Rahmi's works, led him to a violent pessimism in his old age. He had long been accustomed to looking at life and his surroundings with suspicious and scrutinising eyes, seeing not the faces of people but their minds and the inner face of events. As he got older, he could not keep himself busy. He couldn't believe in people easily because he was afraid of being deceived. The closer he got to the nothingness, the darker he saw around him, and at the age of seventy, he tried to translate Nietzsche's works (1944, p. 134).
His devotion to the idea of ‘literature for people’ and the features forming his character impacted his literature excessively. Three main pillars were explicit in Gürpınar’s novels to instil high philosophy in the people: social justice, the relationship between men and women and religion. Due to the scope of this study, the religious part sought to be scrutinised among these pillars.
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One of the three pillars of bringing the reader a high philosophy of Gürpınar was diminishing religious and superstitious beliefs in them and trying to instil a secular worldview and scientific methods to perceive and interpret the world around them. Thus, one of the biggest challenges before bringing the people to “the high philosophy” was religion, which was in total control of the people’s minds and hearts at that time. Gürpınar could criticise only superstitious beliefs in his novels during this term. This was the point where he diverted himself from Ahmed Midhat, who would support the idea that religion would be the answer to solve the problems in the country. However, standing against old-times beliefs and culture was not possible in the term before the Republic. Thus, only after the foundation of the Republic of Türkiye, Gürpınar was able to share his thoughts on religion’s regard with his book Deli Filozof in 1931 (Moran, 2001, p. 128). In some of his novels before the proclamation of the Republic of Türkiye, Gürpınar criticises superstitious beliefs among the public and tries to demonstrate to the people how ridiculous these beliefs were. It is of utmost importance to underline that two of the case studies in this thesis Efsuncu Baba and Gulyabani can be considered among these novels. For these novels and their similars, Moran explains the motivation of Gürpınar as follows:
In his novel, he wants to show that things such as witchcraft, fortune-telling, babysitting, and supernatural beings such as jinn, fairies, ghouls and powers are superstitious and that the events related to these can be explained in accordance with the intellect and natural laws. The beliefs he tries to refute are sluggish beliefs that instil a spirit of slavery in religion, such as tawakkul, destiny, kismet and sustenance, which push people to bow down in the face of injustice. As long as the people believe in them, they will not be able to escape from exploitation (2001, p. 129).
After the foundation of the Republic, Gürpınar was able to share his thoughts on religion and God more openly. Having thoughts beyond his time, Gürpınar lived his life far away from people. He endeavoured to touch and help the people through his literary works. His works impacted Turkish literature, and Turkish writers followed him profoundly and immensely. Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar passed away in 1944 in his mansion at Heybeliada and was buried in Abbas Paşa Cemetery on the island.
The present thesis scrutinises the evolution of superstitious beliefs that had a significant impact on Gürpınar’s novel and Gürpınar’s biography, literature understanding and attitude towards life in this chapter, in addition to the secularism trajectory of Türkiye, and culture-language planning phases in the previous chapters. This research creates the basis for the investigation of cases through CDA and DHA frameworks. Having
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investigated all related sides that form the discourse of Gürpınar’s novels and their intralingual translations enables us to explore the cases. In line with that, in the following Chapter 4, CDA and DHA are to be scrutinised, and their connections with intralingual translation and translation studies are to be bridged.
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CHAPTER 4 A DISCOURSE-HISTORICAL APPROACH TO INTRALINGUAL TRANSLATION
Introductory Points
- This chapter argues that DHA, developed by Ruth Wodak, is suitable for analysing cross-temporal intralingual translation. This approach recognises the importance of considering the historical context when studying how changes in social, historical, and political situations affect translation practices throughout time.
- The use of DHA within the CDA framework facilitates the integration of historical, political, cultural, and social information discussed in the preceding chapters with the cases offered in Chapter 5.
- DHA is designed as a tool to uncover the underlying ideology embedded in intralingual translations carried out in various historical periods of Türkiye.
4.1. THEORETICAL RELEVANCE
Investigating intralingual translations made in successive decades to shed light on the language evolution throughout the history of Türkiye, in addition to dialectical power dynamics, dominance, and control mechanisms through language use, requires a theoretical framework and methodology. The link between social construction and discourse is crucial to the present study since it aims to determine how discursive changes in intralingual translations relate to the political and social developments in Türkiye. In addressing these requirements, the present study resorts to DHA as a sub-branch under CDA. According to CDA, language is a social practice that accepts the context of language use to be crucial and pays special attention to the relationship between power and language (Fairclough & Wodak, 1997; Wodak & Meyer, 2001). Thus, this chapter will provide an explanation of CDA, discuss the perspectives of certain researchers, and go into the topic of DHA.
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Before handling the intralingual translations from the CDA perspective, the shared understandings between CDA and translation studies must be underlined. First, translations are facts or products of the target culture (Toury, 1995). Therefore, translation studies deal with translations as a fact of the target culture, and its approach to translation is target oriented. However, in the context of the present study, both the source text (ST) and target text (TT) belong to the same culture. One of the main differences between the ST and TT is the production time, which obliges this study to evaluate diachronic translations cross-temporally.
Second, as Isbuga-Erel explains, “translation is an ideologically-embedded socio-cultural/political practice” (2008, p. 59). This view is in line with the CDA approach, which sees discourse as an ideological entity. According to Isbuga-Erel, in creating, describing and explaining translations, the historically changing socio-cultural/political context of target texts is crucial for making, characterizing, and elaborating translations (2008, p. 59). As a result, it may be argued that the practice of translation in a given society evolves over time in response to the changes in the socio-cultural and political circumstances of that society (Isbuga-erel, 2008, p. 59). This also applies to the intralingual translations made in different historical phases where the socio-cultural and political situation of the society changes.
Third, Lefevere considers translation as a rewriting of a source text where manipulation is undertaken to gain power. This manipulation in translation reflects ideology as follows:
Translation is, of course, a rewriting of an original text. All rewritings, whatever their intention, reflect a certain ideology and a poetics and as such manipulate literature to function in a given society in a given way. Rewriting is manipulation, undertaken in the service of power, and in its positive aspect can help in the evolution of a literature and a society (Lefevere, 1992, p. vii).
Similar to the CDA view on language, translation studies consider translation to be an ideologically embedded and socially created activity. Regarding the compatibility of CDA with translation studies, Isbuga-Erel states that both of them underline the socio-political and cultural background as the main element in text or discourse production in addition to both being descriptive and explanatory intrinsically (2008, p. 60).
Regarding the similarity between translation and CDA, the relationship between ideology and translation and the relationship between discourse and ideology can be scrutinised
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comparatively. Ideology for CDA is not the one explicit on culture’s surface but “it is rather the more hidden and latent type of everyday beliefs, which often appear disguised as conceptual metaphors and analogies, thus attracting linguists’ attention” (Wodak, 2009, p. 8). Similarly, the ideology for translation studies is implicit as Mason states “ideology impinges on the translation process in subtle ways” (Mason, 1992, p. 23, as cited in Isbuga-erel, 2008). As one can see, translation studies and CDA handle the ideology in a relatable way.
Norman Fairclough claims that language changes have a dialectical relationship with broader social and cultural phenomena and states “[a]s well as being determined by social structures, discourse has effects upon social structures and contributes to the achievement of social continuity or social change” (Fairclough, 1989a, p. 37). Relating translation studies with CDA, Isbuga-Erel builds her argument on Fairclough's statements and argues that “translated texts offer a readily available and reliable source of research to bring ideology to the surface and to explore social and political conditions in a given society at a given time” (2008, p. 61). Comparing literary translation to other types of non-literary translation, she further claims the applicability of CDA to literary translations as “literary texts are no different from non-literary ones in reflecting and construing social reality, either by conforming to or challenging it. Thus, they can offer as much information for CDA analysts as non-literary texts” (Isbuga-erel, 2008, p. 61). In this regard, relating CDA to translation studies is quite beneficial in explaining the usage of CDA for the present study for unearthing ideological differences in various intralingual translations conducted diachronically in particular historical terms of Türkiye.
Specific approaches and models of CDA are applicable to translation studies. For example, van Dijk's socio-cognitive model to investigate the intralingual translator’s cognition, and Ruth Wodak's DHA to discover the social and historical dimensions of intralingual translation can be applied to analyse intralingual translations on two levels. Isbuga-Erel adopts van Dijk’s socio-cognitive model to clarify how ideology impacts the translation process since it underlines the cognitive connection between discourse structures and social structures (2008, p. 62). The socio-cognitive model examines explicitly how ideology is reproduced, legitimised, and/or challenged through discursive forms that result from individual translators' mediation. Therefore, investigating the
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individual translator’s cognition is possible through the adoption of van Dijk’s socio-cognitive approach.
Although van Dijk’s socio-cognitive approach is quite suitable for explaining individual translator’s choices both at the textual level and discoursal level, the best possible approach for the present study is chosen as DHA devised by Ruth Wodak as it helps to discover the social and historical dimensions of intralingual translations of Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar’s works. For the scope of the present thesis, DHA is chosen to investigate intralingual translations and to navigate between the historical, ideological, and social changes that impacted these translations in different historical layers throughout Türkiye’s 20th century. Therefore, DHA will be dwelt on in the last part of the present chapter in more detail.
In contrast to other CDA methods, which lack the historical context necessary for a diachronic examination of how changing socio-historical and political conditions shape translation practice (Isbuga-erel, 2008, p. 65), DHA is convenient for addressing the historical dimension of discourse.
4.2. CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS
Society’s reciprocal relationship with language, which is centred on power, control, and dominance, has been studied in different fields of human sciences. As a result of combined, multifaced, multidimensional research, CDA as a school or paradigm emerged in the second half of the 20th century. CDA is characterised as an eclectic and interdisciplinary research field centring on problem-oriented approaches which concern “de-mystifying ideologies and power through the systematic and retroductable investigation of semiotic data” (Wodak, 2009, p. 3). Particular social sciences that constitute the roots of CDA are listed by Wodak as “[t]he manifold roots of CDA lie in Rhetoric, Text linguistics, Anthropology, Philosophy, Socio-Psychology, Cognitive Science, Literary Studies and Sociolinguistics, as well as in Applied Linguistics and Pragmatics” (2009, p. 1). Thus, CDA is a distinct field that does not solely investigate linguistic units but studies complex social phenomena that require a multi-disciplinary
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and multi-methodical approach (Wodak, 2009, p. 2). Therefore, conducting CDA on language and discourse requires various social science combinations.
In the 1990s, CDA emerged as a distinct field with a network of scholars created after a small symposium in Amsterdam in 1991 (Wodak & Meyer, 2001, p. 4). In the symposium held by the University of Amsterdam, the pioneering scholars Teun van Dijk, Norman Fairclough, Gunther Kress, Theo van Leeuwen and Ruth Wodak met and discussed their theories and methods, which ground the foundation of CDA (Wodak & Meyer, 2001, p. 4).
CDA lacks a unified theoretical framework because it is not a particular direction of research. There are many different forms of CDA which can be reasonably different theoretically and analytically (van Dijk, 2009, p. 353). Besides, studies in CDA are diverse, coming from very varied theoretical origins and oriented toward various types of data and approaches (Wodak, 2009, p. 5).
Teun A. Van Dijk, one of the prominent scholars in CDA, defines the field as “a type of discourse analytical research that primarily studies the way social power abuse, dominance, and inequality are enacted, reproduced, and resisted by text and talk in the social and political context” (van Dijk, 2009, p. 353). Through CDA, critical discourse analysts take an obvious position where they endeavour to comprehend, expose, and resist social inequality (van Dijk, 2009, p. 353).
Ruth Wodak, another pioneering scholar in the field, defines CDA as “being fundamentally interested in analysing opaque as well as transparent structural relationships of dominance, discrimination, power and control as manifested in language” and summarises the target of CDA as “investigate critically social inequality as it is expressed, constituted, legitimised, and so on, by language use (or in discourse)” (2009, p. 10).
Norman Fairclough defines CDA as “an analytic framework – a theory and method – for studying language in its relation to power and ideology. This framework is seen here and throughout as a resource for people who are struggling against domination and oppression in its linguistic forms” (1995, p. 1). Therefore, based on the descriptions of these prominent scholars, it can be inferred that CDA approaches language with a critical
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perspective and addresses social problems by focusing on discourse. CDA studies the connections between discourse and other components of social structure, such as ideologies, discriminations, inequalities, dominances, social abuses, and power dynamics.
It is evident in the definitions of the founders of CDA that CDA principally deals with the relationship of language, power and ideology in society and addresses social problems. A more thorough comprehension of CDA can be possible by delving into its fundamental notions. CDA's critical concepts of “discourse”, “criticism”, “ideology”, and “power” contribute to our understanding of CDA.
The first fundamental notion to be scrutinised is “discourse” which is a form of social practice in terms of CDA. Researchers in the social sciences have become more interested in how discourse reflects social realities and how people construct them collectively to understand better how social dynamics work. As for Fairclough, the relationship between discourse and social structures is dialectical, and discourses both reflect and represent social entities and relations and construct or constitute them “As well as being determined by social structures, discourse has effects upon social structures and contributes to the achievement of social continuity or social change” (1989, p. 37). Wodak and Fairclough highlight the importance of discourse by accepting that CDA considers language as a social practice and confirming the significance of the context of language use as follows:
CDA sees discourse – language use in speech and writing – as a form of ‘social practice’. Describing discourse as social practice implies a dialectical relationship between a particular discursive event and the situation(s), institution(s) and social structure(s), which frame it: The discursive event is shaped by them, but it also shapes them. That is, discourse is socially constitutive as well as socially conditioned – it constitutes situations, objects of knowledge, and the social identities of and relationships between people and groups of people. It is constitutive both in the sense that it helps to sustain and reproduce the social status quo, and in the sense that it contributes to transforming it. Since discourse is so socially consequential, it gives rise to important issues of power. Discursive practices may have major ideological effects – that is, they can help produce and reproduce unequal power relations between (for instance) social classes, women and men, and ethnic/cultural majorities and minorities through the ways in which they represent things and position people (Fairclough & Wodak, 1997, p. 258 as cited in Wodak, 2009).
For the present study, the relationship between social construction and discourse is of utmost importance since the study seeks to find out the relationship between political and social changes in Türkiye and discoursal changes in intralingual translations.
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In addition to discourse, another essential term that requires further explanation from the CDA perspective is “critical”. On the importance of Critical Theory on CDA, by highlighting the common understandings in both, Wodak states that similar to its Critical Theory forebears, CDA emphasises the necessity of multidisciplinary research to properly comprehend how language functions in constructing and conveying knowledge, organizing social institutions, or wielding power (2009, p. 7). In another study, Wodak and Meyer explain the term “critical” as “having distance to the data, embedding the data in the social, taking a political stance explicitly, and a focus on self-reflection as scholars doing research” (Wodak & Meyer, 2001, p. 6). Therefore, from the notion of critical in CDA, it can be inferred that CDA centres on the interconnection between language and society and the researcher knows her/his place while focusing on it.
Having explained the notions of “critical” and “discourse” from CDA perspective, the requirements to realise critical research on discourse are listed by van Dijk as follows: CDA research focuses on political issues and social problems, empirical critical analysis of social problems are often done multidisciplinary, instead of solely explaining discourse structures CDA explains them in terms of social structure and social interaction, last but not least “CDA focuses on the ways discourse structures enact, confirm, legitimate, reproduce, or challenge relations of power and dominance in society” (van Dijk, 2009, p. 353).
In addition to “discourse” and “critical” notions, ideology and power are required to be further explained. For Wodak and Meyer, ideology in CDA is a critical component of creating and sustaining unequal power relations. The methods in which language affects ideology in various social institutions are of particular interest to CDA (2001, p. 6). Accordingly, the ideology referred to in their work is not the one seen explicitly on the culture’s surface but a hidden and latent type of ideology embedded in everyday beliefs (Wodak, 2009, p. 8). The ideologies dominant in life may seem “neutral” and stay unchallenged, and the organizations that want to hold power endeavour to impact the ideology of society to reach what they desire (Wodak, 2009, p. 8). Wodak associates this situation with the fact that society mostly thinks similarly on some issues and forgets the alternatives to the status quo to the Gramscian concept of “hegemony” (2009, p. 8). Therefore, they cite van Dijk in this regard that sees ideologies as the worldviews which construct the “social cognition”: “schematically organised complexes of representations
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and attitudes concerning certain aspects of the social world, e.g. the schema […] whites have about blacks” (van Dijk, 1993, p. 258 as, cited in Wodak, 2009, p. 8).
While van Dijk conceives ideology in Gramscian terms that constitute social cognition, some other researchers understand ideology in different terms. For instance, Norman Fairclough accepts ideology from a Marxist perspective and suggests ideologies as constructions of practices (Wodak, 2009, p. 8). Ideologies are depictions of aspects of the universe that support the development and upkeep of power, dominance, and exploitation relationships (Fairclough, 2003, p. 218 as, cited in Wodak, 2009, p. 9). They may be acted out in social interactions (and hence in genres) and ingrained in identity formation processes (and thereby in styles). An essential component of ideological study and critique is text analysis (Fairclough, 2003, p. 218 as, cited in Wodak, 2009, p. 9). Therefore, within the CDA these ideologies embedded in everyday language and cannot be seen explicitly that construct the social cognition are expected to be revealed in an attempt to uncover dominance, inequalities, power relations, control, and discrimination.
Power is another critically important notion associated with the ideology that relates to CDA. Most often, CDA scholars are concerned about how discourse (re)produces social domination, or the abuse of power by one group over others, and how oppressed groups may discursively oppose such abuse (Wodak, 2009, p. 9). Although there are different power definitions, the one used in CDA is in Foucault’s terms which understands the notion “as a systemic and constitutive element/characteristic of society” (Wodak, 2009, p. 9). It is because Foucault is accepted as one of the pioneers of CDA and because the text in CDA is frequently seen as a representation of social activity that is heavily influenced by social structure (Wodak, 2009, p. 10).
The critical notions of CDA as “ideology”, “critical”, “discourse”, and “power” help us to comprehend CDA better. Lastly, before delving into DHA, the main tenets of CDA and their relation to the present study require to be investigated. The main tenets of CDA can be listed as van Dijk's summary of Fairclough and Wodak as follows:
1. CDA addresses social problems
2. Power relations are discursive
3. Discourse constitutes society and culture
4. Discourse does ideological work
5. Discourse is historical
6. The link between text and society is mediated
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7. Discourse analysis is interpretative and explanatory
8. Discourse is a form of social action (Fairclough and Wodak, 1997, p. 271-80 as, cited in van Dijk, 2009).
Fairclough and Wodak highlight the most critical tenets of CDA. Here, the importance of discourse is underlined. It would not be wrong to state that there is continuous unrest with the Ottoman past throughout the history of Türkiye, which breeds intrinsic social problems. This unrest with the past and power relations between the past and present are sought to be detected in the present study via CDA. Through investigation of the link between text and society via analysing discourse, which is both constituted by and constitutes the society and culture, ideological changes spreading throughout the history of Türkiye are to be revealed. The changes in the intralingual translations made in different phases of the Republic and their ideological and historical relations with the society are expected to be interpreted and explained with the help of discourse analysis.
After having centred on the essential approaches, crucial notions, and main tenets in CDA, respectively, DHA is to be examined in the following section. DHA is selected for the present study as it involves methodological interdisciplinarity of CDA by studying a specific discourse practice while integrating historical, sociopolitical, and linguistic aspects (Isbuga-Erel, 2008, p. 65). Therefore, the DHA model is quite pertinent and appropriate for the scope of the current study.
4.3. INVESTIGATING THE SOCIO-HISTORICAL EVOLUTION OF INTRALINGUAL TRANSLATIONS
As mentioned above, a few prominent approaches emerged in CDA. One of them is DHA which centres on the historical dimension of discourse devised by Ruth Wodak. Apart from the other CDA approaches, which lack the historical context required for the diachronic investigation of how the shifting socio-historical and political circumstances impact the translation practice (Isbuga-erel, 2008, p. 65), DHA is available for the historical dimension of discourse. DHA underscores the importance of the involvement of a historical perspective for CDA by stating that the social processes are not static but dynamic, and this must be reflected in the theory and in the methodology (Wodak, 1989, p. xvi, as cited in Isbuga-Erel, 2008, p. 65). The discourse’s interactive relationship with history is evident in Wodak’s discourse definition “discourse here synonymously with
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interaction is always historical, connected synchronically and diachronically with other communicative events that are happening at the same time or that have happened before” (Wodak, 1999, p. 187). Therefore, in unearthing the discourses extended different historical phases as the present study does, discourses’ synchronically and diachronically interactive essence needs to be paid attention.
By recognizing language as the medium by which these dynamic social processes and interactions are constituted and manifested (Isbuga-Erel, 2008, p. 65), Wodak and Ludwig (1999) list three principles. Firstly, discourse or this interaction “always involves power and ideologies. No interaction exists where power relations do not prevail and where values and norms do not have a relevant role” (Wodak & Ludwig, 1999, p. 12). Secondly, “discourse is always historical, that is, it is connected synchronically and diachronically with other communicative events which are happening at the same time or which have happened before” (1999, p. 12) on which Isbuga-Erel comments that “so it is not produced without context and cannot be understood without taking the context into consideration. In this respect, intertextuality and sociocultural knowledge are at work within the concept of context” (2008, p. 65). Thirdly, “each communicative event allows numerous interpretations, related to the positions of the readers or listeners or viewers, depending on their respective contexts and levels of information” (Wodak & Ludwig, 1999, p. 13).
To understand DHA better, the model’s main tenets should be underlined. Ruth Wodak identifies and summarises the relevant points as follows:
1 The approach is interdisciplinary. Interdisciplinarity involves theory, methods, methodology, research practice, and practical application.
2 The approach is problem-oriented.
3 Various theories and methods are combined wherever integration leads to an adequate understanding and explanation of the research object.
4 The research incorporates fieldwork and ethnography (study from “inside”) where this is required for a thorough analysis and theorizing of the object under investigation.
5 The research necessarily moves recursively between theory and empirical data.
6 Numerous genres and public spaces as well as intertextual and interdiscursive relationships are studied.
7 The historical context is taken into account in interpreting texts and discourses. The historical orientation permits the reconstruction of how recontextualization functions as
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an important process linking texts and discourses intertextually and interdiscursively over time.
8 Categories and tools are not fixed once and for all. They must be elaborated for each analysis according to the specific problem under investigation.
9 “Grand theories” often serve as a foundation. In the specific analyses, however, “middle-range theories” frequently supply a better theoretical basis.
10 The application of results is an important target. Results should be made available to and applied by experts and should be communicated to the public (Wodak, 2015, p. 2).
The seventh point can be claimed to be the most relevant factor in the present study. This research considers the historical context for understanding diverse intralingual translations and their discourses from various historical periods of the Republic. The intertextually and interdiscursively linked intralingual translations and discourses throughout the history of Türkiye can be investigated through the lenses of DHA by taking into consideration the historical orientations. Furthermore, the historical reconstruction and recontextualisation of the discourses of the intralingual translations can be revealed. Therefore, in this study along with the intralingual translation investigations, the history of Türkiye centring on the important political and historical turning points are evaluated to explain the changes and interventions in intralingual translations. Thus, it can be claimed that the seventh point is the most crucial for this research as it impacts the study from the ground.
According to Wodak, DHA expands and links the socio-cognitive theory of van Dijk and “views ‘discourse’ as structured forms of knowledge and the memory of social practices, whereas ‘text’ refers to concrete oral utterances or written documents” (Reisigl and Wodak, 2001, as cited in Wodak, 2009, p. 6). On one level, Wodak expresses that DHA is linked to Teun van Dijk’s socio-cognitive theory and elaborates on its formation. On the theoretical level, she underlines that DHA adheres to critical theory’s socio-philosophical orientation as follows:
The discourse-historical approach, committed to CDA, adheres to the socio-philosophical orientation of critical theory. As such, it follows a complex concept of social critique which embraces at least three inter-connected aspects, two of which are primarily related to the dimension of cognition and one to the dimension of action (Wodak, 2001, p. 64).
Wodak underscores three interconnected aspects as immanent critique, socio-diagnostic critique and prognostic critique. Immanent critique is explained as “`[t]ext or discourse immanent critique' aims at discovering inconsistencies, (self-)contradictions, paradoxes
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and dilemmas in the text-internal or discourse-internal structures” (Wodak, 2001, p. 65). This type of critique can be claimed to be the first step for discovering dilemmas, paradoxes, contradictions and inconsistencies which aimed to be addressed through DHA committed to CDA. Wodak explains socio-diagnostic critique as follows:
In contrast to the `immanent critique', the `socio-diagnostic critique' is concerned with the demystifying exposure of the - manifest or latent - possibly persuasive or `manipulative' character of discursive practices. With socio-diagnostic critique, the analyst exceeds the purely textual or discourse internal sphere. She or he makes use of her or his background and contextual knowledge and embeds the communicative or interactional structures of a discursive event in a wider frame of social and political relations, processes and circumstances. At this point, we are obliged to apply social theories to interpret the discursive events (Wodak, 2001, p. 65).
The socio-diagnostic critique dimension of DHA is particularly critical for the present study as it seeks to reveal implicit or explicit ideologies in the intralingual translations of Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar. In doing so, the study endeavours to exceed the textual or discourse internal level and research the political history of Türkiye in addition to the evolution of language and language policies. Therefore, in the present research, contextual knowledge and world knowledge are utilised to explain and identify the ideology embedded in discourse in a broader context of social and political connections, activities, and situations. In the third dimension, prognostic critique helps to change and advance communication (Wodak, 2001, p. 65). For example, through prognostic critique, guidelines and proposals can be prepared to avoid racist or misogynist language in public spaces.
According to Wodak, CDA should follow the principle of triangulation to minimise the risk of being biased. Therefore, her DHA works along with various approaches and its methodology is not singular but plural. Its multimethodology is based on various empirical data and background information (2001, p. 65). Therefore, DHA can be claimed not to have one single defined empirical method but a cluster of methods. She further elaborates on the investigation process of the DHA as follows:
In investigating historical, organizational and political topics and texts, the discourse-historical approach attempts to integrate a large quantity of available knowledge about the historical sources and the background of the social and political fields in which discursive `events' are embedded. Further, it analyses the historical dimension of discursive actions by exploring the ways in which particular genres of discourse are subject to diachronic change (2001, p. 65).
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It is evident that the diachronic change in the discourses of different intralingual translations made in different periods throughout the history of Türkiye can be demystified through DHA. In doing so, a large amount of extensive knowledge on history, politics, and texts where the past roots should be scrutinised, as well as social and political contexts in which discursive 'events' are situated, need to be clarified. Therefore, the present study investigates the changes in language policies as well as the political history of Türkiye where the intralingually translated texts are formed. In other words, the study focuses on the diachronic aspect of the shifting social context in an effort to provide light on how ideology is reconstructed in different intralingual translations made in different historical periods. As a consequence, DHA is applied in the investigation of discourses belonging to different historical phases of Türkiye.
Special attention should be given to the publishers' stylistic decisions when it comes to producing translations within the same language. An important aspect of this thesis is to emphasise that the dominant ideology seen in the intralingual translations from various time periods may not be directly linked to historical events. It is quite likely that the various publishers aimed to produce intralingual translations that closely resembled the style of the source texts and accurately replicated the source texts' writing style. While it is crucial to evaluate the historical context, it should be noted that it may not be the sole explanation when assessing the examples in this research.
Constructing a conceptual framework of DHA within the context of CDA allows us to establish a link between the historical information presented in the preceding chapters and the cases that will be examined in Chapter 5. These cases will be evaluated based on the macro-strategies of (de)secularisation, cultural memory, and linguistic hospitality, as well as the micro-strategies proposed by Javier Franco Aixelá (1996). In this chapter, the discussion has been around CDA and DHA. The next chapter will shift its focus to the case study including various intralingual translations and the source texts of Gürpınar's books.
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CHAPTER 5 CASE STUDY
5.1. SELECTION OF TEXTS AND LIMITATIONS
This research focuses on the books of Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar. A chronological order of his books to be investigated within the scope of the case study is as follows: Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç written in 1911 (Gürpınar, 1911), Gulyabani written in 1913 (Gürpınar, 1913) and Efsuncu Baba written in 1924 (Gürpınar, 1924).
After the novels were published in Arabic Alphabet by the Kitabhane-i İslam ve Askerî İbrahim Hilmi Publishing House, they were intralingually translated by a wide array of publishing houses throughout time. As a result of the research conducted in the National Library of Türkiye, it is found that a total of 4 different publishing houses intralingually translated and published the three books of Gürpınar until 2014. Apart from these publishing houses, no other translation or publication is found in the catalogue scan of the National Library (Kaşif || Milli Kütüphane Otomasyonu Okuyucu Tarama Modülü- National Library of Turkey, 2017).
All the initial intralingual translations were conducted by the same publisher, İbrahim Hilmi Çığıraçan. After the foundation of the Republic of Türkiye, Çığıraçan changed the publishing house’s name to Hilmi Publishing House and published the intralingual translations of Gulyabani (Gürpınar, 1938), Efsuncu Baba (Gürpınar, 1954) and Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç (Gürpınar, 1958). Naturally, the first intralingual translations were made from the Ottoman Turkish source text. İbrahim Hilmi Çığıraçan, a close friend of Gürpınar, was the only one to publish his writings during Gürpınar’s lifetime. In addition to being the owner of Hilmi Kitabevi, Çığıraçan was the president of the CHP’s Istanbul-Yeşilköy People's House (Ocak, 2008). He often reaffirmed his support for Atatürk's ideas in his speeches and declared that the Turkish language should be independent of Arabic and Persian (Ocak, 2008, p. 90).
Afterwards, the rights to publish these three books were sold to the Atlas Publishing House, which published the intralingual translations between the late 1960s and 1990s.
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For the sake of consistency, the prints of the books from 1966 (Gürpınar, 1966), 1969 (Gürpınar, 1969) and 1971 (Gürpınar, 1971) are chosen. Another common feature of these intralingual translations is the fact that they were commissioned and edited by a committee consisting of Mustafa Nihat Özön, Tahir Nejat Gencan and Zahir Güvemli. Efsuncu Baba’s intralingual translation was carried out by Tahir Nejat Gencan, whereas Zahir Güvemli translated Gulyabani and Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç. As the scope of this research is confined to the discourse change of cross-temporal intralingual translations according to historicity, the translation agents are not probed into. Future studies could delve deeper into the translation agents in this regard. However, there is one point to be emphasised in this regard. In all the prefaces of the works of Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar published by Atlas Publishing House, a brief information on the life and works of the author, the reason to conduct the intralingual translation and the brief about translation agents is given as follows:
Atlas Publishing House has decided to publish all the works of the great novelist in a series on the occasion of his 100th birthday, to present them to the Turkish nation. The subjects and characters in the works of the great folk novelist have always remained vivid and fresh. However, over the years, in terms of language, they have become difficult for today's generation to understand easily. When we decided to republish these novels, the number of which exceeds fifty, in a series, we also envisaged translating these works into today's language by competent writers. The idea of ‘how would he write today if he was alive?’ has been used as a measure in this simplification process. A committee consisting of Mustafa Nihat Özön, Tahir Nejat Gencan and Zahir Güvemli, has taken on this task (Gürpınar, 1971).
In the prefaces to Gürpınar’s works, Atlas Publishing House emphasises “bugünün diline aktarmak” (to transfer to the modern language) or “sadeleştirmek” (simplification) of the texts that modern readers would not comprehend the old language (Gürpınar, 1971). This transfer to the modern language and the process of simplification leads the present study to deduce that the Atlas Publishing House intralingually translated from the source text written in Ottoman Turkish. One limitation of the current study is that, given its diachronic nature, it is not feasible to directly contact the editors and translators of the Atlas Publishing House, as they are no longer alive, to inquire about the specific version they utilized as a source text.
The Özgür Publishing House published these three novels between 1995 and 2005, after taking the copyrights from the Atlas Publishing House. Efsuncu Baba was published only in 1995 (Gürpınar, 1995a, 1995b, 1995c), unlike the other two novels that were published
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until 2005 and 2006. The common feature of these intralingual translations is that all of them were intralingually translated by the same translator, Kemal Bek. Furthermore, one can see that in the books published by the Özgür Publishing House, the translator’s name is placed on the front covers. Özgür Publishing House was founded in 1969 by Refik Ulu as a distribution company. It started publishing in 1982. It publishes novels, short stories, poetry, children's health and development, special education, Turkish classics (research - review), and hobby books (Özgür Yayınları - Yaybir, n.d.). The publishing house’s intralingual translator Kemal Bek’s life is stated on his website as follows:
Kemal Bek was born in Istanbul in 1946. He was graduated from Istanbul University, Faculty of Literature, Department of Turkish Language and Literature in 1972. […] He published poetry, short stories, novel reviews and book reviews. He prepared new editions of all of Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar's works for Özgür Publishing House and many Turkish classics in the Bordo Siyah Turkish Classics series by adapting them into today's language (Yaşamöyküsü - Kemal Bek, n.d.).
The Özgür Publishing House consistently features the title "Günümüz Türkçesi: Kemal Bek" (Modern Turkish: Kemal Bek) on the covers of all three publications, and “Günümüz diline uyarlayan Kemal Bek” (Adapted into modern language by Kemal Bek) (Gürpınar, 1995a, 1995b, 1995c). Additionally, the in-depth analysis of the Özgür Publishing House publications revealed that the translator used various footnotes to explain Ottoman Turkish linguistic items and cultural elements. Besides, as mentioned above, he states that “[h]e prepared new editions of all of Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar's works for the Özgür Publishing House […] by adapting them into today's language” (Yaşamöyküsü - Kemal Bek, n.d.). Based on a comprehensive analysis, the current study suggests that the Özgür Publishing House utilised publications produced in Ottoman Turkish as the primary source material. Nevertheless, the Özgür Publishing House intralingual translations are subject to the same constraint. Kemal Bek, the translator known for his intralingual translations released in 1995, was unavailable for direct communication.
One important point is that the Özgür Publishing House along with the Atlas Publishing House changed the name of Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç and published it as Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir Evlenme. The word ‘evlenme’ is the Turkish equivalent of the Arabic-originated “izdivaç” referring to ‘marriage’ in English.
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The Everest Publishing House took the rights to publish these three novels following the publication by the Özgür Publishing House in 2007. Similar to the Özgür Publishing House, the Everest Publishing House also published Efsuncu Baba only in 2009 (Gürpınar, 2009). However, Gulyabani (Gürpınar, 2007a) and Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç (Gürpınar, 2007a) were reprinted multiple times between 2007 and 2014. Everest Publishing House started its publishing life in 2000 under Alfa Press and Publication which was founded in 1990. And the editor of the Everest Publishing House, Sevengül Sönmez was born in 1973, in Germany. After graduating from Hacettepe University, Department of Turkish Language and Literature in 1994, she completed his graduate studies in the same department. She is an academic, writer and editor. She is one of the founding members of the Editors Platform. She has prepared simplified editions of the works of Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar (Sevengül Sönmez, n.d.). Sönmez is the editor of Gulyabani and Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç. Through an in-depth comparative analysis of these two books by Everest Publishing House, it is detected that the initial intralingual translations of the Hilmi Publishing House have been utilised as a source text, since the missing parts and transliteration mistakes are exactly the same in the two versions. Thus, these two intralingual translations are subsequent translations that employ the initial intralingual translation utilising the Latin alphabet. On the other hand, the intralingual translation of Efsuncu Baba is conducted by Emre Taylan. The paratextual information on the first page of the book indicates that it was "transliterated and edited by Emre Taylan" (çevrimyazı ve yayına hazırlayan: Emre Taylan) (Gürpınar, 2009). This leads the present study to conclude that Efsuncu Baba, published by the Everest Publishing House, is intralingually translated from the source text written in Ottoman Turkish.
Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar passed away in 1944. 2014 was the 70th anniversary of the writer’s death. According to the Intellectual Property Law adopted in Türkiye in 1951, the copyright protection lasts for the life of the author and an additional 70 years following her/his death. Thus, even though this study will only cover the printings by five publishing houses throughout 100 years, it should also be noted that starting with 2014, many publishing houses have published these novels as there is no copyright to be paid. Hence, Gulyabani has been published by 33 different publishing houses, whereas Kuyruklu Yıldız
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Altında İzdivaç has been published by 29 different publishing houses. The appendix of the present thesis provides information on these publishing houses.
This dissertation focuses on books released until 2014 when the copyright on Gürpınar’s novels expired. By 2014, only four publishers had published the four intralingual translations of Gürpınar's three novels. The case study of this research includes the source texts that were written by Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar in the Arabic alphabet and their four different intralingual translations by the four different publishing houses.
Table 1. Information on the Novels and Intralingual Translations
Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç
Gulyabani
Efsuncu Baba
The First Edition
1911
Kitabhane-i İslam ve Askerî İbrahim Hilmi
İbrahim Hilmi (Publisher)
1913
Kitabhane-i İslam ve Askerî İbrahim Hilmi
İbrahim Hilmi (Publisher)
1924
Kitabhane-i Hilmi
İbrahim Hilmi (Publisher)
The First Intralingual Translation in Latin Alphabet
1958
Hilmi Publishing House
İbrahim Hilmi Çığıraçan (Publisher)
1938
Hilmi Publishing House
İbrahim Hilmi Çığıraçan (Publisher)
1954
Hilmi Publishing House
İbrahim Hilmi Çığıraçan (Publisher)
The Second Publisher
1969
Atlas Publishing House
Zahir Güvemli (Translator)
Mustafa Nihat Özön, Tahir Nejat Gencan and Zahir Güvemli (Editorial Board)
1971
Atlas Publishing House
Zahir Güvemli Translator)
Mustafa Nihat Özön, Tahir Nejat Gencan and Zahir Güvemli (Editorial Board)
1966
Atlas Publishing House
Tahir Nejat Gencan (Translator)
Mustafa Nihat Özön, Tahir Nejat Gencan and Zahir Güvemli (Editorial Board)
The Third Publisher
1995
Özgür Publishing House
Kemal Bek
(Translator)
1995
Özgür Publishing House
Kemal Bek
(Translator)
1995
Özgür Publishing House
Kemal Bek
(Translator)
The Fourth Publisher
2007
Everest Publishing House
Sevengül Sönmez
(Editor)
2007
Everest Publishing House
Sevengül Sönmez
(Editor)
2009
Everest Publishing House
Emre Taylan
(Transliterator and editor)
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5.2. MACRO AND MICRO STRATEGIES FOR THE ANALYSIS
The present study investigates the intralingual translation cases on two different levels: macro-strategies and micro-strategies. On the micro-strategy level, the examples are evaluated in light of the strategies listed by Javier Franco Aixelá for the translation of Culture Specific Items (CSIs) (Aixela, 1996, p. 60). On the macro-strategy level, the examples are evaluated and explained in line with the three particular dichotomies namely, the establishment of (de)secularisation (i.e., secularisation versus de-secularisation); the achievement of linguistic hospitality (i.e., remembering versus mourning); and the construction of cultural memory (i.e., familiarisation versus foreignization).
The micro-strategies are basically developed for the interlingual and intercultural translations of CSIs. However, they are adapted for the examination of the intralingual translation for the present thesis. In his research, Aixelá states that his categorisation is for intercultural manipulation “The scale, from a lesser to a greater degree of intercultural manipulation, is divided in two major groups separated by their conservative or substitutive nature […]” (1996, p. 60). However, in this study, intralingual and intracultural manipulation through intralingual translation is to be evaluated. Aixelá categorises his strategies under two orientations conservation and substitution. The strategies under the conservation category conserve the source text’s cultural essence and they are listed from a greater degree of conservation to a lesser degree as repetition, orthographic adaptation, linguistic translation, extratextual gloss and intratextual gloss. The strategies under the substitution category, on the other hand, substitute and change the source text’s cultural essence more. These strategies are organised from a lesser degree of substitution to a greater degree as synonymy, limited universalization, absolute universalization, naturalization, deletion and autonomous creation. Çekçi (2018) illustrates the micro-strategies in the following table:
Table 2. Javier Franco Aixelá’s Strategies for the Translation of Culture Specific Items
Conservation
Substitution
Repetition
Synonymy
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Orthographic Adaptation
Limited Universalization Absolute
Linguistic Translation
Absolute Universalization
Extratextual Gloss
Naturalization
Intratextual Gloss
Deletion
Autonomous Creation
Aixelá devises his strategies for intercultural and interlingual translations. Due to the nature of intralingual translation, some of these strategies are not found in the cases in the present thesis. As we shall see, the micro-strategies predominantly employed for the investigation of intralingual translation cases in the present thesis are deletion, limited universalization, absolute universalization, intratextual gloss (only once), and extratextual gloss. It is important to note that in certain situations, these strategies can be applied in different ways. For instance, both deletion and extratextual gloss strategies may be used simultaneously in a single example.
As mentioned above, deletion, limited universalization, and absolute universalization strategies are parts of the substitution category and intratextual gloss and extratextual gloss are parts of the conservation category. In the deletion strategy, the CSI in the ST is not translated and deleted in the TT. In Aixelá’s words deletion strategy is explained as “[t]he translators consider the CSI unacceptable on ideological or stylistic grounds, […] or that it is too obscure and they are not allowed or do not want to use procedures such as the gloss, etc. They, therefore decide to omit it in the target text” (1996, p. 64). In the limited universalization strategy, the translator translates the CSI in ST with another CSI belonging to the source culture with close meaning. Aixelá explains this strategy as “[u]sually for the sake of credibility, they [translators] seek another reference, also belonging to the source language culture but closer to their readers another CSI, but less specific” (1996, p. 63). The absolute universalization strategy is identical to limited universalization. However, different from limited universalization, in absolute universalization “the translators do not find a better known CSI or prefer to delete any foreign connotations and choose a neutral reference for their readers” (Aixela, 1996, p. 63). In the extratextual gloss strategy, the translator is more visible by obvious intervention and uses footnote, endnote, glossary, commentary/translation in brackets, in italics, etc. to explain the text. Aixelá explains it as “[t]he translator […] considers it
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necessary to offer some explanation of the meaning or implications of the CSI. At the same time, it does not seem legitimate or convenient to mix this explanation with the text” (1996, p. 62). Then, the translator decides “to distinguish the gloss by marking it as such footnote, endnote, glossary, commentary/translation in brackets, in italics, etc.” (1996, p. 62). Regarding the intratextual gloss, Aixelá differs it from the extratextual gloss and defines it as “[t]his is the same as the previous case, but the translators feel they can or should include their gloss as an indistinct part of the text, usually so as not to disturb the reader's attention” (1996, p. 62). Therefore, the translator inserts his/her explanation within the text in this strategy.
Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar's novels are based on the dichotomy of secularisation and de-secularisation, which serve as macro-strategies for analysing cases. It can be asserted that Hüseyin Rahmi intends to challenge the internalisation of superstitions by Ottoman readers and establish a new readerly norm for producing and consuming secular(ised) literary works. His writings fulfilled this function, and it is also possible to argue that the intralingual translations of his works aimed to achieve the goal of reproducing secular(ised) texts by using a secularised style and language free of religious and superstitious linguistic characteristics. Thus, to investigate the examples the secularisation vs de-secularisation dichotomy is widely used, particularly in religious and superstitious instances.
Through this investigation, it is expected to explore how and to what extent the intralingual translations of his works serve Gürpınar’s aim. In the case studies section below, the cases representing religious and superstitious examples are grouped under the secularisation versus de-secularisation macro-strategy title.
Another macro-strategy of the present thesis is the notion of cultural memory. Intralingual translation can be conceptualised as a site where cultural memory is constructed. The present study employs the notion of cultural memory as a macro-strategy and investigates the cases from the perspective of a dichotomy of familiarisation versus foreignization of the modern reader to their own past. By investigating the intralingual translations, the historical changes and connections between Türkiye and the Ottoman Empire can be illuminated. The Turkish state uses intralingual translation for both remembering and forgetting the past, and both of the usages demonstrate a conflict between the past and the
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present. The tension and struggle between the Ottoman past and modern Türkiye’s present are to be revealed from the cultural memory perspective. The examples relating to Ottoman culture's lifestyle, habits, traditions, and attitude are combined and analysed under the label of cultural memory.
The last macro-strategy of the current research is the notion of linguistic hospitality put forward by Paul Ricoeur (2006). Many efforts have been made to depict the translator's predicament as a state of being stuck in-between foreign and local, or between the writer and the reader. Setting off from Schleiermacher’s (Venuti, 1995) notions of “bringing the reader to the writer” and “bringing the writer to the reader”, Ricoeur (2006) sees translation through Sigmund Freud’s (Freud, as cited in, Ricoeur 2006) notions of the work of remembering and the work of mourning.
In his book On Translation, Ricoeur (2006) developed the notion of linguistic hospitality through the use of interlingual translations. However, in the present thesis, this notion is to be adapted to intralingual translation. The cases in the present thesis are investigated through the lens of linguistic hospitality, which brings us the duality of ‘remembering’ versus ‘mourning’ the past in intralingual translations. When translating from Ottoman Turkish in the Republican context, a distinct issue of linguistic hospitality arises: “[t]he work of translating eradicated otherness strives to overcome a dehistoricised, ‘purified’ Turkish language that predictably resists remembering its plurilingual past, both at the level of script and word, for fear that it itself will be forgotten” (Katiboğlu, 2023, p. 6). Thus, one can claim that intralingual translations may reveal the overt and covert conflict between the old and the new, the Ottoman and the Republican in the Turkish context.
In this regard, in the case study, the current study investigates the intralingual translations of texts from Ottoman Turkish into modern Turkish in order to examine the tension and conflict between the past and the present. Under the title of linguistic hospitality, the cases with regard to the intralingual translation of linguistic expressions, especially the Arabic and Persian vocabularies, are analysed. In these cases, intralingual translation might be viewed, using Freud and Ricoeur’s frameworks, as a conflict between conserving this history as a work of remembering and erasing the Ottoman past as a labour of mourning.
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5.3. CASE STUDY
5.3.1. Efsuncu Baba and its Intralingual Translations
In order to better comprehend the examples in Efsuncu Baba, it would be appropriate to give a brief summary of the book. Efsuncu Baba Ebufazl Enveri, whose mind is shaped by superstitions, who directs his life with magic, horoscopes, talismans and various other superstitions, who spent his inheritance from his father on superstitions and treasure hunting, one day finds a book. In this book, the locations of the treasures in Istanbul are encrypted. When he went to Binbirdirek Cistern one day to look for the hidden key of the treasure, he met two Armenian youngsters spinning a rope and he mistook them for two angels named Lahur and Mahur mentioned in the book. The two Armenian youngsters, Agop and Kirkor, settle in Ebufazl Efendi's mansion to fill their bellies and fill their pockets. While the search for treasure continues, a suitor appears for Efsuncu Baba's daughter, but Enveri rejects this suitor because of the superstitions he believes in. Ebufazl Enveri, together with his two angels, goes to a well to search for the treasure that he has solved through the talisman. Mahur goes down into the well to find the treasure, but at the bottom of the well are the men of the suitor of Enveri's daughter. In order to convince Enveri, they have written a scenario in accordance with the superstitions he believes in. At the bottom of the well, they persuade Mahur at gunpoint and make him say that Enveri will find the treasure only if he allows his daughter to marry. His daughter gets married, Enveri does not find the treasure, and Agop and Kirkor get away from this adventure with some money.
The table below displays the intralingual translations of Efsuncu Baba, which have been scrutinised in this study. These translations were produced by various publishers and released on different dates:
Table 3. Dates and Publishers of Efsuncu Baba’s Intralingual Translations
Year of Publication
1924
1954
1966
1995
2009
Publishing House
Kitabhane-i Hilmi
Hilmi Publishing House
Atlas Publishing House
Özgür Publishing House
Everest Publishing House
155
Translator
Source Text
Not Specified
Tahir Nejat Gencan
Kemal Bek
Emre Taylan
Publisher/Editor
İbrahim Hilmi
İbrahim Hilmi Çığıraçan
Mustafa Nihat Özön, Tahir Nejat Gencan ve Zahir Güvemli
Not Specified
Emre Taylan
5.3.1.1. Secularisation and De-Secularisation
The examples in this section are scrutinised through the perspective of (de)secularisation macro-strategies. As it has been argued, Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar intends to challenge the internalisation of superstitions by Ottoman readers through the production of producing secular(ised) literary works. Besides, the intralingual translations of Gürpınar’s works aim to fulfil a similar role by using a secularised style and language with limited or free of religious and superstitious linguistic characteristics. This argument is visible in the intralingual translations of Efsuncu Baba. The following examples contain religious and superstitious elements; therefore, they can be considered in light of the secularisation versus de-secularisation dichotomy.
The elimination of fabricated religious language components, mostly through intralingual translation in 1954, is seen as a means of conserving the faith and promoting de-secularisation. In a detailed observation, one can conclude that the omission of pseudo or fabricated religious items serves the preservation of religion, i.e., de-secularisation.
Year
Page No
1. Example
1924
103
ولیاللهدن بر ذات کلوب.. .
Transcription12
Veliyullahtan bir zat gelip […]
1954
72
Veliyullahtan bir zat gelip […]
1966
73
Tanrı adamı bir zat gelüp […]
1995
79
Tanrı adamı bir zat gelüp […]
2009
68
Veliyullahtan bir zat gelip […]
12 All the transcriptions are quoted from Efsuncu Baba published in 2021 by Türk Dil Kurumu Yayınları (Turkish Language Association Publications), edited by Emine Gürsoy Naskali and prepared by Bünyamin Tan (Gürpınar, 2021a). The transcriptions are then checked by Dr. Ahmet Özmen, an expert in Eastern languages and literatures.
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In the present example, the absolute universalization micro-strategy is employed in both the 1966 and 1995 intralingual translations, while the 1954 and 2009 translations retain intact.
In this instance, the term "veliyullah" remains unchanged in the 1954 and 2009 translations, however, it is rendered as "man of God" in the 1966 and 1995 translations. In fact, the word "veliyullah" is the Turkish version of the Arabic word ‘veli’ in the TDK dictionary. And it refers to a saint or a holy person (TDK Sözlük, n.d.).
This instance has links pertaining to secularisation. From a secularisation perspective, it may be evaluated as the notions are intricately linked to religion. The translations of the Arabic word "Veliyullah" into "Tanrı adamı" in 1966 and 1995 exemplify the adoption of a secularisation macro-strategy. Conversely, the translations in 1954 and 2009 employ a de-secularisation strategy and preserve the term in line with the source text.
In light of CDA, an examination of the diverse applications of archaic, Arabic, and religious terms in distinct intralingual translations uncovers the intricate and discernible connection of discord between the historical Ottoman era and the contemporary Republican period as expressed via language.
Year
Page No
2. Example
1924
104
و او ل مقامده فنارلر ین سوکوندروب ق یونك آغزنده اشبو دعایی اوقو ی هلر:
ا یها الروض اعط ی نی طر یق ا انا ار ید المرور ب ین الاسد و النحر و انا ا یها الح یوانات المبارکه صد یق ا
لکن. فلا تقطعن نی ازب ا ازبا و ب ین لی ک یف اذهب الی کوشك الذهب فان نی سأخذ الطلسم من اغا ق
الحمامات ال ب یض اللا تی قفص الالماس. .
Transcription
Ve ol makamda fenerlerin söndürüp kuyunun ağzında işbu duayı okuyalar:
Eyyüha’r-ravdu a’tini tarika’n ene üridü’l-münure beyne’l-esedi ve’n-nemri ve ene eyyühetü’l-hayvanati’l-mübareke sadikan lekün. Felâ takatta’neni ireben ireba ve beyyin li keyfe ezhebü ila köşk-iz-zehebi feiinneni seehizü’t-talseme min eğaki’l-hamamati’l-beyzü’l-lati fi kafesi’l-elmas..
1954
72
Ve ol makamda fenerlerin söndürüp kuyunun ağzındaki duayı okuyalar.
[The rest is omitted]
1966
73-74
Ve ol makamda fenerlerin söndürüp kuyunun ağzında işbu duayı okuyalar: Eyyüha’r-ravdu a’tini tarika’n ene üridü’l-münure beyne’l-esedi v’n-nemri ve ene eyyühetü’l-hayvanati’l-mübareke sadikan lekün. Felâ takatta’neni ireben ireba ve beyyin li keyfe ezhebü ila köşk-iz-zehebi feiinneni seehizü’t-talseme min eğaki’l-hamamati’l-beyzü’l-lati fi kafesi’l-elmas*.
157
*Bu uydurma duanın anlamı aşağı yukarı şöyledir: “Ey güzel çayırlık, bana yol ver. Arslan’la kaplanın arasından geçmek istiyorum. Ve ey mübarek hayvanlar, ben sizin dostunuzum. Beni parçalamayınız ve Atın Köşk’e nasıl gideceğimi gösteriniz. Çünkü ben Elmas Kafesteki beyaz güvercinlerin boyunlarında asılı olan tılsımı alacağım.”
1995
80
Ve ol makamda fenerlerin söndürüp kuyunun ağzında işbu duayı okuyalar: Eyyüha’r-ravdu a’tini tarika’n ene üridü’l-münure beyne’l-esedi ve’n-nemri ve ene eyyühetü’l-hayvanati’l-mübareke sadikan lekün. Felâ takatta’neni ireben ireba ve beyyin li keyfe ezhebü ila köşk-iz-zehebi feiinneni seehizü’t-talseme min eğaki’l-hamamati’l-beyzü’l-lati fi kafesi’l-elmas*.
*Bu uydurma duanın anlamı aşağı yukarı şöyledir: “Ey güzel çayırlık, bana yol ver. Arslan’la kaplanın arasından geçmek istiyorum. Ve ey mübarek hayvanlar, ben sizin dostunuzum. Beni parçalamayınız ve Atın Köşk’e nasıl gideceğimi gösteriniz. Çünkü ben Elmas Kafesteki beyaz güvercinlerin boyunlarında asılı olan tılsımı alacağım.”
2009
69
Ve ol makamda fenerlerin söndürüp kuyunun ağzında işbu duayı okuyalar: “iha-ül-ravz a’tini tariken erid-ül-mürur beyn-el-esed vel-nah ve ena ihazül-hayvanat el-mübareke sadıkan lakin. Fela taki’nini ezben ezba ve binli keyf ez-zeheb ilaköşk-ez-zeheb fanini sehaz-üy-tılsım men ağak-ül-hamamat-ül-beyaz-ül-lati fi kafes-ül-elmas”*
*Defineyi bulmak için uydurulmuş “sözde” dua.
In this instance, the intralingual translations employ different micro-strategies. The 1954 translation completely omits the praying passage and employs the deletion strategy. The 1966 and 1995 editions use footnotes and employ extratextual gloss to offer some explanation of the meaning through translation from Arabic into Turkish. The 2009 edition also uses extratextual gloss. However, rather than translating the phoney praying from Arabic, it essentially describes it as a "so-called" prayer.
Here, Ebufazl Enveri, Agop and Kirkor have now come to the well for the treasure. Around the well, the talismanic Arabic prayer written in the book will be recited. In fact, although the prayer has absurd meanings, neither the ignorant Enveri nor Agop and Kirkor know the meaning of these Arabic words and repeat them as in the book and think that they are reciting a prayer.
The key point to highlight in this example is that the intralingual translation, which was published in 1954, exhibits a pattern we have observed in earlier instances, where Arabic-Persian words are excluded, and the text is distorted.
Again, the fact that the Arabic-Persian parts are omitted only in the 1954 edition strengthens the belief that there is ideological intervention in this translation. The lines of
158
the fabricated prayer are transcribed in the 1966 and 1995 intralingual translations, whereas they are briefly explained in the 2009 edition as "[t]he "so-called" prayer invented to find the treasure". The exclusion of any Arabic-Persian terms that may imply fraudulent prayer in the initial intralingual translation in 1954, along with other instances demonstrate the ideological standards of the times in which they are created and illustrate the historical nature of discourse.
The 1954 intervention on intralingual translation in discourse illustrates the implementation of the de-secularisation macro-strategy, which specifically focuses on readdressing the use of fabricated religious language elements.
Year
Page No
3. Example
1924
116
انوری اوکده، ا یکی ملک آرق هده "ا یهالارض اعط ی نی طر یق ا ....." دعاس نی اوقو ی هرق قو یونك
اطرافنده دولا ب ب یک یری ک بی دونمکه باشلاد یلر.
Transcription
Enverî önde, iki melek arkada “Eyyüha’r-ravdu a’tini tarika’n” duasını okuyarak kuyunun etrafında dolap beygiri gibi dönmeye başladılar.
1954
81
Enverî önde, iki melek arkada [Omitted] duayı okuyarak kuyunun etrafında dolap beygiri gibi dönmeğe başladılar.
1966
82
Enverî önde, iki melek arkada “Eyyüha’r-ravdu a’tini tarikan…” duasını okuyarak kuyunun çevresinde dolap beygiri gibi dönmeğe başladılar.
1995
87
Enverî önde, iki melek arkada “Eyyüha’r-ravdu a’tini tarikan…” duasını okuyarak kuyunun çevresinde dolap beygiri gibi dönmeye başladılar.
2009
77
Enverî önde, iki melek arkada [Omitted] duayı okuyarak kuyunun etrafında dolap beygiri gibi dönmeğe başladılar.
In this example, similar to the previous one, the 1954 edition omits the Arabic name of the prayer and uses the deletion strategy. In this instance, the fabricated Arabic prayer described in the previous example is as follows: "Eyyüha'r-ravdu a'tini tarikan...". In the 1966 and 1995 intralingual translations, the prayer is referred to by the same name as in the first edition of Efsuncu Baba. However, in the 1954 and 2009 intralingual translations, these Arabic phrases are once again left out, and the prayer is simply characterised as such. In the 1954 translation, the Arabic words denoting the prayer are excluded, consistent with the treatment of earlier instances.
In the 2009 translation, this absence might be considered an uncommon occurrence as it is observed for the first time. Conversely, the exclusion of fabricated prayer in the 1954 translation might be seen as an intentional interference based on ideology. Nevertheless,
159
the intralingual translations carried out in 1954 and 2009 should not be considered a form of secularisation, as they eliminate the practice of fabricated prayer, which can be seen as a means of preserving the faith. The omission of pseudo-religion from the text serves to the protection of religion since it is not contaminated with fake expressions.
The present example demonstrates going beyond mere language alterations and showcasing ideological interventions through the omission of phrases associated with a pseudo-religion. Thus, consistent with prior instances of secularisation, the 1954 intralingual translation in this situation demonstrates a shift away from secularisation.
Year
Page No
4. Example
1924
101
کندی ده جانب حقه یورور.. .
Transcription
Kendi de canib-i Hakk’a yürür.
1954
71
Kendi de canibî hakka yürür..
1966
72
Kendi de Tanrısına kavuşur…
1995
78
Kendi de Tanrısına kavuşur…
2009
67
Kendi de Cenab-ı hakka yürür.
In this instance, the intralingual translations of 1966 and 1995 employ the strategy of absolute universalization, where translators eliminate foreign connotations and choose a neutral reference that is easily understood by their readers. On the other hand, the intralingual translations of 1954 and 2009 simply replicate the source text without making any changes.
The fifth example shows an example of the naming of God in each different translation, which can be seen as a consistent pattern throughout the translation. For example, the word which is usually translated as "Tanrı” (God) in the 1966 and 1995 translations is usually described through words such as "Allah, cenab, cenab-ı hak" in the 1954 and 2009 translations. In a way that is similar to the source. The intralingual translations of 1966 and 1995 may be characterised as pertinent to the process of secularising the source text, whilst the approaches of 1954 and 2009 can be regarded as pertaining to the process of de-secularizing.
The choice of the word God/Allah in intralingual translation can also be considered an indicator of ideological intervention in the translation process. In this vein, Özlem Berk
160
states that “the replacement of certain words, thought to be “old” or unacceptable by the current prevailing republican ideology by their ‘pure’ Turkish equivalents, became the prevailing approach for intralingual translations” (2015, p. 178). The prevailing attitude, in accordance with the predominant Republican ideology, is clearly seen in this instance of referring to "God". The identical approach towards the word “God” is observable in the different intralingual translations of Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç and Gulyabani. Thus, the consistent discourse found in various intralingual translations reflects the ideological position of both the translations themselves and the time period in which they were created.
5.3.1.2. Cultural Memory
The first two examples investigated through the lens of cultural memory are vivid examples of how intralingual translation can intervene in a source text. Collectively, they possess significant potential and relevance in terms of ideology. The initial two instances, whereby the author presents his thoughts on ideologies and political personalities of his day to the reader, are located towards the conclusion of the novel and are unrelated to the narrative of the story.
The macro-strategy of cultural memory is adopted especially for the first two examples because it is useful for explaining the role of intralingual translation in connecting the past to the present. The 1954 intralingual translation systematically omitted the part of the book stating the pure ideological stance of the writer:
Year
Page No
5. Example
1924
141-143
محاربه اخلاقی بوز دی. بوتون انسان ی تی فلسفه و عرفانا بر چوق سن هلر ک یر یلتدی. مثلا فرانسه ک بی بر
مملکتده مؤلفلر ینه مکافات و یرلم ه سی لازم کلن اثرلرك انتشاردن منع ا یدلدکلر ی نی کورو یورز .
وولترلرك، د یدرولرك و داها کچن عصردهکی زولالرك، موپاسانلرك حاضرلادقلری ذه ن یتلر نه
اولدی؟ ش یمد یکی حک یملرك، ادیبلرك، شاعرلرك اطرافه صاووردقلری فکرل ری کونلك قوقولر یل ه
مشبوع برر کل یسا موعظ هسی شکلنده و ادراکمزی او یوت هجق بر آغ یرلقده بولو یورز. بوتون رومانج یل ر
ا یسه خلقه بر خرافه دو ری آچد یلر. اسکی زمانك ماصاللر ینه یک یدن رواج و یرمکه اوغراش یورلر..
بوتون د ن یاجه فکرا او قادار تهلک هلی بر دورهده یزکه اسمایی اوستمه ص یچراتمامق ا یچ ین بح ث ی
در ینلشد یرمکدن قاچ یورم.
صوك زمانلرد ه یکی نظر ی هلر یل ه شهر ت آلان اسرا ئ یلی بر ف یلسوف منسوب اولماد یغی د ینلره
حرمتسزلکندن دولایی مختلف مملکتلردن ب یلمم قاچر آی حبس ه محکوم اول دی. ه ر وجدان اهلی ب و
161
محکوم یتلری یردن کوکه قدر حقلی بولدی. چونکه د ینلری تنق یده قالق یش هجقسه حک یم جهودك یهود یلکدن
باشلامهسی لازم کل یر دی .
)آ ینشتا ین( ك یهودی قال هرق ف یلسوف اولد یغی کورولو یور. زما ن یله )وولت هر( ه یچ بو یل ه یاپمادی. او
استهزاسی یمان قلمنك تنق ید ضرب هلر ی نی بوتون )دوغم( و عنعنهلر ی نی بر پاپاس قادار طا ن ید یغی
نصرا ن یتنه توج یه ا یتمشدی.
ک یم دی یور که اسرا ئ یل اولادل ری بوکون یر یوزنده ملت حاکمه دکلدر.
اسکی و یکی د ن یاده اك نافذ و قوتل ی سوزلرك هانکی دوداقلردن چ یقد یغ نی و اك اوست هلقلی
أنتر یقهلرك هانکی فابر یقهلرك معمولا تی اولد یغ نی فرق ا یدنلر حق یق تی سزمش اولورلر. .
Transcription
Muharebe ahlakı bozdu. Bütün insaniyeti felsefe ve irfanen birçok seneler geriletti. Mesela Fransa gibi bir memlekette müelliflerine mükâfat verilmesi lazım gelen eserlerin intişardan menedildiklerini görüyoruz.
Voltairelerin, Diderotların ve daha geçen asırdaki Zolaların, Maupassantların hazırladıkları zihniyetler ne oldu? Şimdiki hakîmlerin, ediplerin, şairlerin etrafa savurdukları fikirleri, günlük kokularıyla meşbu birer kilise mevizası şeklinde ve idrakimizi uyutacak bir ağırlıkta buluyoruz. Bütün romancılar ise halka bir hurafe devri açtılar. Eski zamanın masallarına yeniden revaç vermeye uğraşıyorlar.
Bütün dünyaca fikren o kadar tehlikeli bir devredeyiz ki esmayı üstüme sıçratmamak için bahsi derinleştirmekten kaçıyorum.
Son zamanlarda yeni nazariyeleriyle şöhret alan İsrailî bir feylesof, mensup olmadığı dinlere hürmetsizlikten dolayı muhtelif memleketlerden bilmem kaçar ay hapse mahkûm oldu. Her vicdan ehli bu mahkûmiyetleri yerden göğe kadar haklı buldu. Çünkü dinleri tenkide kalkışacaksa hakîm-i Cühud’un Yahudilikten başlaması lazım gelirdi.
Einstein’ın Yahudi kalarak feylesof olduğu görülüyor. Zamanıyla Voltaire hiç böyle yapmadı. O istihzası yaman kaleminin tenkit darbelerini bütün dogma ve ananelerini bir papaz kadar tanıdığı Nasraniyet’ine tevcih etmişti.
Kim diyor ki İsrail evlatları bugün yeryüzünde millet-i hâkime değildir.
Eski ve yeni dünyada en nafiz ve kuvvetli sözlerin hangi dudaklardan çıktığını ve en ustalıklı entrikaların hangi fabrikaların mamulatı olduğunu fark edenler hakikati sezmiş olurlar..
1954
99
[Omitted]
1966
98-99
Savaş ahlakı bozdu. Bütün insanlığı felsefe ve kültürce birçok yıllar geriletti. Örneğin Fransa gibi bir memlekette yazarlarına ödüller verilmesi gereken eserlerin yayımlarının yasaklandıklarını görüyoruz.
Voltaire’lerin, Diderot’ların ve daha geçen yüzyıldaki Zola’ların, Maupassant’ların hazırladıkları akılcılıklar ne oldu? Şimdiki filozofların, ediplerin, şairlerin etrafa savurdukları düşünceleri, günlük kokularıyla tıka basa dolmuş birer kilise va’zı biçiminde ve kavrayışımızı uyutacak bir ağırlıkta buluyoruz. Bütün romancılar ise halka bir hurafe çağı açtılar. Eski zamanın masallarına yeniden geçerlik kazandırmaya uğraşıyorlar..
Düşünce bakımından bütün dünyaca, o denli bir tehlike çağındayız ki esmayı üstüme sıçratmamak için bahsi derinleştirmekten kaçıyorum.
Son zamanlarda yeni kuramlarıyle ün alan İsrail soylu bir filozof, bağlı bulunmadığı dinlere saygısızlığından dolayı çeşitli ülkelerde bilmem kaçar ay hapse mahkûm oldu. Her vicdanlı insan bu mahkûmiyetleri yerden göğe kadar haklı buldu. Çünkü dinleri eleştirmeye kalkışacaksa çıfıt filozofun Yahudilikten başlaması gerekirdi.
(Ayniştayn)ın Yahudi kalarak filozof olduğu görülüyor. Zamanında (Voltaire) hiç böyle yapmadı. O, alaylarını yaman kaleminin eleştiri darbelerini bütün (dogm) ve geleneklerini bir papaz kadar tanıdığı Hıristiyanlığa yöneltmişti.
Kim diyor ki İsrail oğulları bugün yeryüzünde egemen ulus değildir.
162
Eski ve yeni dünyada en geçerli ve güçlü sözlerin hangi fabrikalarda işlendiğini anlayanlar, gerçeği sezmiş olurlar.
1995
100-101
Savaş ahlakı bozdu. Bütün insanlığı felsefe ve kültürce birçok yıllar geriletti. Örneğin Fransa gibi bir memlekette yazarlarına ödüller verilmesi gereken eserlerin yayımlarının yasaklandıklarını görüyoruz.
Voltaire’lerin, Diderot’ların* ve daha geçen yüzyıldaki Zola’ların, Maupassant’ların* hazırladıkları akılcılıklar ne oldu? Şimdiki filozofların, ediplerin, şairlerin etrafa savurdukları düşünceleri, günlük kokularıyla tıka basa dolmuş birer kilise vaazı biçiminde ve kavrayışımızı uyutacak bir ağırlıkta buluyoruz. Bütün romancılar ise halka bir hurafe çağı açtılar. Eski zamanın masallarına yeniden geçerlik kazandırmaya uğraşıyorlar..
Düşünce bakımından bütün dünyaca, o denli bir tehlike çağındayız ki esmayı üstüme*** sıçratmamak için bahsi derinleştirmekten kaçıyorum.
Son zamanlarda yeni kuramlarıyla ün alan İsrail soylu bir filozof, bağlı bulunmadığı dinlere saygısızlığından dolayı çeşitli ülkelerde bilmem kaçar ay hapse mahkûm oldu. Her vicdanlı insan bu mahkûmiyetleri yerden göğe kadar haklı buldu. Çünkü dinleri eleştirmeye kalkışacaksa çıfıt filozofun Yahudilikten başlaması gerekirdi.
(Ayniştayn)ın**** Yahudi kalarak filozof olduğu görülüyor. Zamanında (Voltaire) hiç böyle yapmadı. O, alaylarını yaman kaleminin eleştiri darbelerini bütün dogma***** ve geleneklerini bir papaz kadar tanıdığı Hıristiyanlığa yöneltmişti.
Kim diyor ki İsrailoğulları bugün yeryüzünde egemen ulus değildir.
Eski ve yeni dünyada en geçerli ve güçlü sözlerin hangi fabrikalarda işlendiğini anlayanlar, gerçeği sezmiş olurlar.
*Fransız düşünürleri.
**Fransız Yazarları.
***“Belayı üstüne çekmemek” anlamında bir deyim.
****Fizik bilgini.
*****Gözü kapalı inanılan düşünce
2009
91
Muharebe ahlakı bozdu. Bütün insaniyeti felsefe ve irfanen birçok seneler geriletti. Mesela Fransa gibi bir memlekette müelliflerine mükâfat verilmesi lazım gelen eserlerin intişardan menedildiklerini görüyoruz.
Voltaire’lerin, Diderot’ların ve daha geçen asırdaki Zola’ların, Maupassant’ların hatırladıkları zihniyetler ne oldu? Şimdiki hekîmlerin, ediplerin, şairlerin etrafa savurdukları fikirleri, günlük fotolarıyla meşbu birer kilise mev’izesi şeklinde ve idrakimizi uyutacak bir ağırlıkta buluyoruz. Bütün romancılar ise halka bir hurafe devri açtılar. Eski zamanın masallarına yeniden revaç vermeye uğraşıyorlar.
Bütün dünyaca fikren o kadar tehlikeli bir devredeyiz ki esmayı o semte sıçratmamak için bahsi derinleştirmekten kaçıyorum.
Son zamanlarda yeni nazariyeleriyle şöhret alan İsrailî bir feylesof, mensup olmadığı dinlere hürmetsizlikten dolayı muhtelif memleketlerden bilmem kaçar ay hapse mahkûm oldu. Her vicdan ehli bu mahkûmiyetleri yerden göğe kadar haklı buldu. Çünkü dinleri tenkide kalkışacaksa hekîm-i cehudun Yahudilikten başlaması lazım gelirdi.
Einstein’ın Yahudi kalarak feylesof olduğu görülüyor. Zamanıyla Voltaire hiç böyle yapmadı. O istihzası yaman kaleminin tenkit darbelerini bütün “doğum” ve ananelerini bir papaz kadar tanıdığı Nasraniyetine tevcih etmişti.
Kim diyor ki İsrail evlatları bugün yeryüzünde millet-i hâkime değildir.
163
Eski ve yeni dünyada en nafiz ve kuvvetli sözlerin hangi dudaklardan çıktığını ve en ustalıklı entrikaların hangi fabrikaların mamulatı olduğunu fark edenler hakikati sezmiş olurlar.
In this example, the first intralingual translation performed in 1954 completely omits the paragraphs and employs the deletion micro-strategy put forward by Aixelá. On the other hand, the 1995 intralingual translation uses footnotes and employs the extratextual gloss strategy. The 1966 and 2009 intralingual translations retain the source text without ideological omissions.
In the omitted paragraphs, Gürpınar first complains about the situation of humanity, stating that people are behind the writers and thinkers of the previous centuries and rely on superstitions, which is dangerous for the world. Then, Gürpınar denounces a Jewish philosopher of his time because of his ideas on other religions and defends the philosopher’s sentence in other countries due to his opinions. According to Gürpınar, the Jews were the prevailing nation on that particular day, just as they have been throughout history. This whole part is omitted in the 1954 intralingual translation, while all the other intralingual translations retain the ideologically-laden paragraphs.
According to Demircioğlu and Gençtürk-Demircioğlu, intralingual translations are conceptualised as sites of cultural memory where the past is constructed in the present (2022, p. 158). Therefore, in this example, we can see that while 1924 was reconstructed in 1954, the intralingual translation is used for foreignization of the contemporary Turkish readers to their past. That point results in the severing of the link between the modern readers and the Ottoman past. Intralingual translation is employed to foreignize readers and transport them to the past, namely the year 1924 as perceived in the consciousness of 1954. This process aims to reproduce the past inside the present context and environment, and not to allow the readers to experience a period they cannot directly access and not to comprehend the associated losses.
The novel was written in 1924, a chaotic era in the world between the two world wars and also a quite chaotic era in the very first year of the declaration of the Republic of Türkiye. The sentiment of nostalgia permeates Gürpınar's writings, however, the individuals of that time are often overlooked due to their inclination towards superstitious convictions. Negative thoughts towards the Jews are visible in Gürpınar’s writings in
164
1924. However, in the 1954 intralingual translation, these opinions are omitted. It might be because from 1924 to 1954, in 30 years, the world changed fundamentally during and after World War II. After the genocides and holocaust against the Jewish communities in Europe, the antisemitic thoughts would be hard to articulate in 1954. Besides, it should be noted that 1954 was the year after the Turkish military joined the Korean War to make Türkiye a member of NATO. In the Western block, antisemitic opinions were stigmatised after World War II. Thus, this ideological movement towards being a part of the West required Türkiye to conform to its politics and ideologies. It can be claimed that the parts of the book containing negative connotations towards the Jews are deleted due to the historical and sociocultural zeitgeist. It is quite compatible with Maurice Halbwachs' collective memory theory, which states that memory is created socially at present. Memories are constantly formed in relation to the social and cultural frameworks that are readily available (Caldicott & Fuchs, 2003, p. 12), which is visible in the present example of the study.
According to CDA, ideology may not be readily apparent on the surface of culture. It is a more latent and concealed form of common views that are frequently passed off as conceptual metaphors and analogies (Wodak, 2009, p. 8). Thus, it might be argued that the underlying ideology of the 1950s is revealed in this particular instance of the 1954 intralingual translation. Compared to the 1954 edition, on the other hand, the intralingual translations of 1966, 1995 and 2009 do not reveal any ideological intervention.
Year
Page No
6. Example
1924
144-145
ب یل یرم یسکز اطرافمزده انوری ت یپنه بکزه ین نه قادار چوق انسان واردر. و بونلر بر یکندن داها
تهلکهل یدرلر. چونک ه انور ی بودالالغ یله معروف دی. اوت هک یلر ط ب یعة اوکا بکز ه یو بده عقللی
کوروننلردر. اوزرلرند هکی یالد یزی قاز ی ینجه آلتدن مکمل برر ابوالفضل انو ری چ یقار. ا یشته هپ
بزم، بوتون انسانلرك فلاکتمزك اساسی بودر. اکر حق یقت بو یله اولماسه د ن یاده نه بر ناپولئون ظهور
ا یده ب یل یردی. نهده کند ی نی تورکلك و اسلام ی تی قورتارما یه مأمور ب یلن انور پاشا... تخل یصه
اوغراشد یغی تورکلکی بوسبوتون خراب ا یتدی. بو ظفرسز قهرمانك کفنلند یرمهدن کومدورد یک ی
انسانلرك حساب نی اکر جناب حق اوندن صوراجقسه آمان یار بی... صورما ی هجقس ه شو یله بو یل ه
کناهلری ا یشل همکدن هیچ قورقما ی هلم.
انور صوك نفسنه قادار کند ی نی پك بو یوک بر ا یشله مبشر ب یلدی. مکرر و مدهش موفق یتسزلکلر ی
اونك نفسنه اولان اعتماد ی نی ق یرد یرهمادی. س یاسی و عسکری مهارتنك صوك افلاسی فلاکتنده
استانبولدن جرائم عاد یه اربا بی کبی ناه قو یروق فرار ا یتدی. حم ی تی او نی د یکر بر اسلام بلدهسنه
قوشدوردی .
ه یچ بر ملت و حکمدارك اثر تو ج یهی اولما یهرق کندی کند ینه احرا ز ا یتد یکی رتبهلرك شرفلر ی نی
حر یص روحی ا یچ ین ه یچ بر وقت کافی کور همدی. یوکسلمك، بولوطلرك اوزرنده تخت قورمق ا یسته
165
یوردی. یاورئ طالع و اقتدار یل ه چ یق هماد یغی بو اك صوك مقامه بر بولش هو یك قورشو نی او ن ی
اوچور دی. .
مرحوم ظن ا یتدی که جها نی یڭمك عبدالحم یدی قورقوتمق قادار قولا یدر.
Transcription
Bilir misiniz etrafımızda Enverî tipine benzeyen ne kadar çok insan vardır. Ve bunlar berikinden daha tehlikelidirler. Çünkü Enverî budalalağıyla maruftu. Ötekiler tabiaten ona benzeyip de akıllı görünenlerdir. Üzerlerindeki yaldızı kazıyınca alttan mükemmel birer Ebulfazl Enverî çıkar. İşte hep bizim, bütün insanların felaketimizin esası budur. Eğer hakikat böyle olmasa dünyada ne bir Napolyon zuhur edebilirdi ne de kendini Türklük ve İslamiyet’i kurtarmaya memur bilen Enver Paşa. Tahlise uğraştığı Türklüğü büsbütün harap etti. Bu zafersiz kahramanın kefenlendirmeden gömdürdüğü insanların hesabını eğer Cenab-ı Hak ondan soracaksa aman ya Rabbi… Sormayacaksa şöyle böyle günahları işlemekten hiç korkmayalım.
Enver, son nefesine kadar kendini pek büyük bir işle mübeşşer bildi. Mükerrer ve müthiş muvaffakiyetsizlikleri onun nefsine olan itimadını kırdıramadı. Siyasi ve askerî maharetinin son iflası felaketinde İstanbul’dan ceraim-i âdiyye erbabı gibi nah kuyruk firar etti. Hamiyeti onu diğer bir İslam beldesine koşturdu.
Hiçbir millet ve hükümdarın eser-i tevcihi olmayarak kendi kendine ihraz ettiği rütbelerin şereflerini haris ruhu için hiçbir vakit kâfi göremedi. Yükselmek, bulutların üzerinde taht kurmak istiyordu. Yaveri-i tali ve iktidarıyla çıkamadığı bu en son makama bir Bolşevik kurşunu onu uçurdu. Merhum zannetti ki cihanı yenmek, Abdülhamit’i korkutmak kadar kolaydır.
1954
99
[Omitted]
1966
100-101
Bilir misiniz, etrafımızda Enverî tipine benzeyen ne kadar çok insan vardır. Ve bunlar berikinden daha tehlikelidirler. Çünkü Enverî, budalalığıyle tanınmıştı. Ötekiler huyca ona benzeyip de akıllı görünenlerdir. Üzerlerindeki yaldızı kazıyınca, alttan eksiksiz birer Ebüfazıl Enverî çıkar. İşte hep bizim, bütün insanların, felaketimizin temeli budur. Eğer gerçek böyle olmasa dünyada ne bir Napolyon çıkabilirdi; ne de kendini Türklüğü ve İslamlığı kurtarmaya görevli bilen Enver Paşa… Kurtarmaya uğraştığı Türklüğü büsbütün yıktı. Bu zafersiz kahramanın, kefenlendirmeden gömdürdüğü insanların hesabını eğer Tanrı ondan soracaksa aman ya Rabbi!.. Sormayacaksa şöyle böyle günahları işlemekten hiç korkmayalım.
Enver, son nefesine değin, kendini pek büyük bir işle müjdelenmiş bildi. Art arda gelen korkunç başarısızlıkları onun nefsine olan güvenini kıramadı. Siyasi ve askeri maharetinin son iflası felaketinde İstanbul’dan bayağı suçları işleyenler gibi nah kuyruk kaçtı. Hamiyeti onu başka İslam ülkesine koşturdu.
Hiçbir ulusun ve hükümdarın beğenci olmayarak kendi kendine elde ettiği rütbelerin şereflerini doymaz ruhu için hiç bir vakit yeter göremedi. Talihinin yardımıyle ve öz gücüyle çıkamadığı bu son makama bir bolşevik kurşunu onu uçurdu.
Rahmetli, sandı ki cihanı yenmek, Abdülhamit’i korkutmak kadar kolaydır.
1995
102-103
Bilir misiniz, etrafımızda Enverî tipine benzeyen ne kadar çok insan vardır. Ve bunlar berikinden daha tehlikelidirler. Çünkü Enverî, budalalığıyla tanınmıştı. Ötekiler huyca ona benzeyip de akıllı görünenlerdir. Üzerlerindeki yaldızı kazıyınca, alttan eksiksiz birer Ebüfazıl Enverî çıkar. İşte hep bizim, bütün insanların, felaketimizin temeli budur. Eğer gerçek böyle olmasa dünyada ne bir Napolyon çıkabilirdi; ne de kendini Türklüğü ve İslamlığı kurtarmaya görevli bilen Enver Paşa… Kurtarmaya uğraştığı Türklüğü büsbütün yıktı. Bu zafersiz kahramanın, kefenlendirmeden gömdürdüğü insanların hesabını eğer
166
Tanrı ondan soracaksa aman ya Rabbi!.. Sormayacaksa şöyle böyle günahları işlemekten hiç korkmayalım.
Enver, son nefesine değin, kendini pek büyük bir işle müjdelenmiş bildi. Art arda gelen korkunç başarısızlıkları onun nefsine olan güvenini kıramadı. Siyasi ve askeri maharetinin son iflası felaketinde İstanbul’dan bayağı suçları işleyenler gibi nah kuyruk* kaçtı. Hamiyeti onu başka İslam ülkesine koşturdu.
Hiçbir ulusun ve hükümdarın beğenci olmayarak kendi kendine elde ettiği rütbelerin şereflerini doymaz ruhu için hiçbir vakit yeter göremedi. Talihinin yardımıyla ve öz gücüyle çıkamadığı bu son makama bir bolşevik kurşunu onu uçurdu.
Rahmetli, sandı ki cihanı yenmek, Abdülhamit’i korkutmak kadar kolaydır.
2009
92
Bilir misiniz etrafımızda Enverî tipine benzeyen ne kadar çok insan vardır. Ve bunlar daha tehlikelidirler. Çünkü Enverî budalalığıyla maruftu. Ötekiler tabiaten ona benzeyip de akıllı görünenlerdir. Üzerlerindeki yaldızı kazıyınca alttan mükemmel birer Ebulfazl Enverî çıkar. İşte hep bizim, bütün insanların felaketimizin esası budur. Eğer hakikat böyle olmasa dünyada ne bir Napolyon zuhur edebilirdi ne de kendini Türklük ve İslamiyet’i kurtarmaya memur bilen Enver Paşa... Tahlise uğraştığı Türklüğü büsbütün harap etti. Bu zafersiz kahramanın kefenlendirmeden gömdürdüğü insanların hesabını eğer Cenab-ı Hak ondan soracaksa aman yarabbi… Sormayacaksa şöyle böyle günahları işlemekten hiç korkmayalım.
Enver, son nefesine kadar kendini pek büyük bir işle mübşer bildi. Mükerrer ve müthiş muvaffakiyetsizlikleri onun nefsine olan itimadını kırdıramadı. Siyasi ve askerî maharetinin son iflası felaketinde İstanbul’dan ceraim-i âdiye erbabı gibi kuyruk sallayarak firar etti. Hamiyeti onu diğer bir İslam beldesine koşturdu.
Hiçbir millet ve hükümdarın eser-i tevcihi olmayarak kendi kendine ihraz ettiği rütbelerin şereflerini, haris-i ruhu için hiçbir vakit kâfi göremedi. Yükselmek, bulutların üzerinde taht kurmak istiyordu. Yaveri-i tali ve iktidarıyla çıkamadığı bu en son makama bir Bolşevik kurşunu onu uçurdu...
Merhum, zannetti ki cihanı yenmek Abdülhamit’i korkutmak kadar kolaydır.
In this example, the 1954 version totally eliminates the paragraphs that discuss the ideology and political personalities of that era. This is done using the deletion micro-strategy.
In this example, Gürpınar explicitly and furiously satirises Enver Pasha, a military and political figure of the time. Starting from his “stupidity” (budala), he criticises Enver Pasha for being guilty of demolishing Turkishness and killing thousands of soldiers. As a result, he states that Enver Pasha “runs away with his tail between his legs” (nah kuyruk) and dies with the help of a “Bolshevik bullet”. These paragraphs are omitted in the 1954 intralingual translation, which might prove that there is political interference in this edition. The novel was written in 1924, two years after the death of Enver Pasha in 1922. Enver Pasha was a controversial historical figure in Turkish history. Thus, he is criticised by Gürpınar in the 1924 edition.
167
Just like the first case, the past is reconstructed 30 years later using intralingual translations, but with the involvement of the 1950s. For Lewis, social constructions of the past are mostly, if not entirely, influenced by current issues (1992, p. 25). Therefore, the concerns of 1954 related to a controversial historical figure of his time are effective while the past is socially reconstructed in this example. Gürpınar may not have faced a political problem when he wrote the source text in 1924. However, publishing the same political writings in 1954 may create problems due to the historical and sociological zeitgeist. As a result, the 1954 intralingual translation of the novel excludes the problematic section that is unrelated to the main plot, and the reader is foreignized to the depiction of the past in the 1950s. By the foreignization of the reader, it is emphasised that the modern Turkish reader of the 1950s get alienated from their 30 years old past. In other words, the contemporary reader is cut off from his or her own history. Conversely, the subsequent intralingual translations employ a different macro-strategy that aims to make the reader more familiar with their past by including the relevant ideological passages. Therefore, it can be inferred that the intralingual translations carried out in the subsequent decades reflect the conflict with previous eras and outdated views that have gradually diminished over time.
According to Isbuga-Erel “translated texts offer a readily available and reliable source of research to bring ideology to the surface and to explore social and political conditions in a given society at a given time” (2008, p. 61). Thus, taken together with the previous example, the social and political conditions of Turkish society in the 1950s can be explored in light of CDA and of the investigation of intralingual translations. Thus, the ideology may be uncovered using CDA, which aims at “de-mystifying ideologies and power through the systematic and retroductable investigation of semiotic data” (Wodak, 2009, p. 3).
Year
Page No
7. Example
1924
7
م یخانه می بو؟ بزم کرخا نۀ عجمی ؟
Transcription
Meyhane mi bu? Bezm-i kerhane-i Acem mi?
1954
6
Meyhane mi bu? Bezmi kerhanei Acem mi?
1966
9
Meyhane mi bu? Bezm-i kerhane-i Acem mi?
1995
25
Meyhane mi bu? Bezm-i kerhane-i Acem mi?*
* Acem kerhanesindeki içkili toplantı
168
2009
6
Meyhane mi bu? Bizim kerhane-i acem mi?
In this example, the intralingual translations of 1954 and 1966 transliterate the source text and do not alter it. However, the 2009 translation alters the source text that uses the Persian noun phrase and adapts it into Turkish, resulting in the loss of the meaning. Only the 1995 intralingual translation uses footnotes and employs the extratextual gloss strategy.
The phrases "bezm" and "kerhane" used in this example, as well as the concept of noun phrase creation, have Persian origins. This may need clarification for Turkish readers who are unfamiliar with these terms. The translation of the phrase into English is “is it the drinking meeting at the Persian brothel?”. Only in the 1995 intralingual translation, the footnote explanation is available for the readers. Therefore, in cultural memory terms, the 1954, 1966 and 1995 intralingual translations retain the Persian word formation. Besides, the 1995 version additionally helps modern readers to familiarise the Ottoman past through extratextual gloss. On the other hand, the 2009 intralingual translation foreignizes the readership to the source text and its history.
Year
Page No
8. Example
1924
63
- حس ی نی، لاهور ی :
تو در سخن ش دی و لذت از شکر کم ش د
تو لب کشو دی و س یرا بی از کهر کم شد
آغوب – آم ین .. .
ک یرقور – آم ین .. آم ین ...
Transcription
Hüseyni-i Lahuri:
Tu der-sühen şüdi vü lezzet ez-şekker kem şüd
Tu leb güşudi vü sirabi ez-güher kem şüd
Agop — Amin..
Kirkor — Amin.. amin...
1954
44
[Omitted]
1966
47
Hüseynî, Lâhuri:
Tu der sühen şüdiy ü lezzet ez şekker güm şüd
Tu leb güşu diy ü sirabi ez güher güm şüd*
Agop — Amin…
Kirkor — Amin… Amin…
*Sen konuşmaya başlayınca şekerin tadı kayboldu.
1995
57
Hüseynî, Lâhuri:
Tu der sühen şüdiy ü lezzet ez şekker güm şüd
Tu leb güşu diy ü sirabi ez güher güm şüd*
169
Agop — Amin…
Kirkor — Amin… Amin…
*Sen konuşmaya başlayınca şekerin tadı kayboldu.
2009
43-44
Hüseynî, Lâhuri
Teveddür sahn şeddi velezzet ez-şükr keşt
Tevellüb güşudi ve sirabi ez-keher-gem şed”
Agop — Amin…
Kirkor — Amin… Amin…
In this example, the intralingual translations employ different micro-strategies. While the 1954 edition completely omits the part and employs the deletion strategy, the 1966 and 1995 editions use footnotes and employ extratextual gloss to offer an explanation of the meaning.
Ebufazl Efendi goes down to Binbirdirek Cistern and meets Agop and Kirkor. Enveri tries to derive the angel names, Lahur and Mahur, from Agop and Kirkor by repeating and changing the names of the young people "by making ilal and idgam from his mind" (Gürpınar, 1924). In the meantime, he utters some Persian words that are talismanic for him but not meaningful. Agop and Kirkor take these Persian words as prayers and say "Amin" (Amen). In the 1954 intralingual translation, this snapshot is entirely omitted. In the 1966 and 1995 editions, it is translated into Turkish with a footnote. On the other hand, in the 2009 edition, it is retained intact. It is noteworthy that the Persian part is omitted in the 1954 translation. The omission of the section in question does not pertain to other Turkish phrases on the page, but rather to the segment that is intended to be a prayer written in Persian. This might be interpreted as an ideological intervention.
This is because Persian was one of the languages selected for purification from Turkish during the language reform. Moreover, the fact that the removed part is mistaken for a prayer strengthens the possibility that this removal is an ideological intervention, and hence the foreignization macro-strategy is employed. As a result, the contemporary reader is foreignized to the past. The 1966, 1995 and 2009 intralingual translations, on the other hand, endeavour to retain the Ottoman past through the use of the Persian language and employ the familiarisation macro-strategy, which leads to the familiarisation of modern readers with their past.
The body of literature produced in the Arabic script was suppressed due to the alphabet reform during the ideological change in the 1930s. It was “partly the result of deliberate
170
attempts to break people’s ties with their Ottoman heritage, largely associated with Islam and the ‘East’ (Şark)” (Tahir-Gürçağlar, 2008, p. 103). The works that have been translated and transmitted into the contemporary Turkish language, including the current example, necessarily encounter interventions aimed at the ideals of the state, such as secularisation. The omission in the 1954 example of intralingual translation clearly exemplifies the tendency towards de-secularisation in intralingual translation since it removes the fabricated religion while preserving the authentic religion. The use of the words 'fabricated religion', 'pseudo-religion' or 'false religion' refers to the words that the naive characters in Gürpınar’s novels take to be the Koran, but which are in fact invented by the author.
Furthermore, it may be argued that the contemporary readers' engagement with Ottoman history is specifically addressed in this instance. The involvement of the 1954 intralingual translation guarantees a disconnect between the Ottoman text and the contemporary reader. The lack of visibility of this intervention in the subsequent intralingual translations may be attributed to the gradual resolution of the struggle with the Ottoman past throughout the Republican era.
5.3.1.3. Linguistic Hospitality
The examples regarding the intralingual translation of Arabic and Persian lexical elements used in Ottoman Turkish into modern Turkish are investigated via the notion of linguistic hospitality. The conflict between remembering the past and mourning for the past is scrutinised. Remembering is a crucial duty that needs to be fulfilled on the domestic and foreign fronts of translation’s double resistance. In the present study, the ‘foreign’ refers to the Ottoman past, while the ‘home’ refers to the Republican present. Through an investigation of the intralingual translations, an implicit and explicit conflict between the Oriental past and the modern present can be unearthed.
Year
Page No
9. Example
1924
41-
42
)علم الکهانه( )علم الخوا ص( )علم الرقی( )علم العزائم( )علم الاستحضار( )علم دعوۃ الکواکب(
)علم الغلقط یرا ت( )علم الخفأ( )علم الاخ ت یارات( )علم القرعه( )کتاب تجارب العرب( )مثلثات اابن
171
محفوف( )کتاب زنا نی( )علم الص یرۃ و الزجر( والخره انور ینك علم و عرفان دولا بی عصرلرك
توزلری آلتنده او یو یان بو کتابلرله دولو ا یدی .
Transcription
İlmü’l-kehane, İlmü’l-havass, İlmü’r-rakiy, İlmü’l-azaim, İlmü’l-istihzar, İlm-i Davetü’l-kevakip, İlmü’l-galak-tıyrat, İlmü’l-ihfa, İlmü’l-ihtiyarat, İlmü’l-kur’a, Kitab-ı Tecaribü’l-Arab, Müsellesat-ı İbn-i Mahfuf, Kitab-ı Zenanî, İlmü’t-tayretü ve’z-zecr ve ilahiri Enverî’nin ilim ve irfan dolabı asırların tozları altında uyuyan bu kitaplarla dolu idi.
1954
30
Gaipten haber verme, efsunlama, hafızayı besleme, yıldızları konuşturma, talih tecrübesi gibi ilimlere ve kadınlarla alış verişe ait bahisler v.s. Enveri’nin ilim ve irfan dolabı asırların tozları altında uyuyan bu kitaplarla dolu idi.
1966
31
(İlmü’l-kehane) (İlmü’l-Havas) (İlm-ür-Rakiy) (İlm-ül-Azaim) (İlm-ül-İstihzar) (İlm-i Davetü’l-Kevakip) (İlm-ül-Galaktıyrat) (İlm-ül-İhfa) (İlm-ül-İhtiyarat) (İlm-ül-Kur’a) (Kitab-ı Tecarib-ül-Arab) (Müsellesat-ı İbni Mahfuf) (Kitab-ı Zenanî) (İlmü’t-tayretü ve’z-zecr) vb. Enverî’nin bilgi ve kültür dolabı yüzyılların tozları altında uyuyan bu kitaplarla dolu idi.
1995
44
(İlmü’l-kehane) (İlmü’l-Havas) (İlm-ür-Rakiy) (İlm-ül-Azaim) (İlm-ül-İstihzar) (İlm-i Davetü’l-Kevakip) (İlm-ül-Galaktıyrat) (İlm-ül-İhfa) (İlm-ül-İhtiyarat) (İlm-ül-Kur’a) (Kitab-ı Tecarib-ül-Arab) (Müsellesat-ı İbni Mahfuf) (Kitab-ı Zenanî) (İlmü’t-tayretü ve’z-zecr) vb. Enveri’nin bilgi ve kültür dolabı, yüzyılların tozları altında uyuyan bu kitaplarla dolu idi.
2009
28-29
“İlmü’l-kehane”, “İlmü’l-havass”, “İlmü’r-rakiy”, “İlmü’l-azaim”, “İlmü’l-istihzar”, “İlm-i Davetü’l-kevakip”, “İlmü’l-galak-tıyrat”, “İlmü’l-ihfa”, “İlmü’l-ihtiyarat”, “İlmü’l-kur’a”, “Kitab-ı Tecaribü’l-Arab”, “Müsellesat-ı İbn-i Mahfuf”, “Kitab-ı Zenanî”, “İlmü’t-tayretü ve’z-zecr”* ve ahirihi Enverî’nin ilim ve irfan dolabı asırların tozları altında uyuyan bu kitaplarla dolu idi.
*Burada sayılar tılsım ve basiret bağlamaya ilişkin çeşitli ilimlere ilişkin uyduruk isimlerdir.
In the present example, the 1954 translation employs the absolute universalization micro-strategy. The words this edition uses also belong to the source culture; however, they are more comprehensible to the modern Turkish reader. The 2009 intralingual translation uses a footnote and employs an extratextual gloss strategy. In the footnote, it is stated that “[t]he numbers here are invented names for various sciences related to talismans and clairvoyance”.
In this instance, Gürpınar counts part of the library of Ebufazl Enveri's late father, Nasrullah Efendi, who, like him, spent most of his life and fortune on trifles. Nasrullah Effendi spent most of his gold in search of a secret formula that he firmly believed existed, a formula that transformed matter into gold. In his book, Gürpınar describes the father-son relationship and their madness in the following paragraph, and then lists the names of the fabricated books as follows:
172
Ebulfazl Enveri grew up in such a household and under the upbringing of a father with this mentality. Although Nasrullah Efendi had spent all his gold to find the composition of gold, he still left his son an inheritance sufficient to live on. However, along with this small fortune, poor Enveri also inherited a large part of his father's madness. In the library left by the deceased, many volumes would drive the minds of those who read them to ridiculous madness (Gürpınar, 1924, s. 31).
The initial intralingual translation dated to 1954 diverges from the others by rendering the Arabic and Persian book titles into Turkish. In contrast, the subsequent translations have preserved the book titles as they appeared in the first edition, which was first published in 1924. In the 2009 edition, a footnote is included that states "[t]he numbers provided here are fictional names of different fields of study associated with talismans and clairvoyance". Additionally, an explanation is provided to the reader.
On Ricoeur’s translation philosophy and translator’s test, Kearney explains “[i]t refers to the common experience of tension and suffering which the translator undergoes as he/she checks the impulse to reduce the otherness of the other, thereby subsuming alien meaning into one’s own scheme of things” (Kearney, 2006, p. xv). Here, the 1954 intralingual translation reduces the Otherness of the Ottoman language and employs a mourning macro-strategy. In contrast, the 1966, 1995, and 2009 intralingual translations retain the source-text passages and employ a macro-strategy of remembrance, reminding current Turkish readers of Ottoman history.
Year
Page No
10. Example
1924
42
ابو الفضل انو ری ا یچ ین بو د ن یا یوزنده وقوعه کلن هر حرکتك سعد و نحس یع نی اوغورلو
اوغورسز اولمق اوزره ا یکی معناسی واردر .
Transcription
Ebulfazl Enverî için bu dünya yüzünde vukua gelen her hareketin sa’d u nahs yani uğurlu uğursuz olmak üzere iki manası vardır.
1954
30
Ebulfazl Enverî için bu dünya yüzünde vukua gelen her hareketin “Saadü nahs” yani uğurlu uğursuz olmak üzere iki manası vardır.
1966
31
Ebulfazl Enverî için bu dünya yüzünde vukua gelen her hareketin uğurlu uğursuz olmak üzere iki anlamı vardır.
1995
44
Ebulfazl Enverî için bu dünya yüzünde vukua gelen her hareketin uğurlu uğursuz olmak üzere iki anlamı vardır.
2009
29
Ebulfazl Enverî için bu dünya yüzünde vukua gelen her hareketin sa’d ve nahs yani uğurlu uğursuz olmak üzere iki manası vardır.
173
In this instance, the translators of 1966 and 1995 omit the Arabic expression “sa’d ve nahs”, meaning ‘happiness and misfortune’, and use the deletion strategy, while the 1954 and 2009 intralingual translations retain the Arabic lexical elements.
In the source text, Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar incorporates Arabic terms and then provides Turkish explanations for them. Eliminating Arabic vocabulary might be seen as an attempt to disregard historical events while retaining such vocabulary aids readers in recalling the past and connects their thoughts to Ottoman history while reading.
Hence, by retaining the Arabic-Persian origin terms in 1954 and 2009, it is possible to argue that intralingual translations may be utilised as a remembering strategy and to keep the Ottoman heritage alive. On the other hand, the 1966 and 1995 intralingual translations employ the mourning strategy.
Year
Page No
11. Example
1924
120
ا یشته هپ تبش یرات من طرف الرحمن ظهور ا یدی یور. .
Transcription
İşte hep tebşirat min tarafi’r-Rahman zuhur ediyor.
1954
84
İşte hep tebşirat min tarafi’r-Rahman zuhur ediyor.
1966
85
İşte hep müjdeler, Tanrı tarafından, kendini gösteriyor.
1995
90
İşte hep müjdeler, Tanrı tarafından, kendini gösteriyor.
2009
79
İşte hep tebşirat min tarafi’r-Rahman zuhur ediyor.
The present instance corroborates the previous example findings. The 1954 and 2009 intralingual translations maintain the Arabic terms without any changes, but the 1966 and 1995 intralingual translations employ the strategies of absolute universalization and deletion.
The translators of the 1966 and 1995 editions choose a Turkish reference by eliminating Arabic vocabulary elements, so eliminating foreign implications for their audience. This instance may be analysed using both the establishment of (de)secularisation and the achievement of linguistic hospitality macro-strategies. It involves religious implications and language aspects that can be utilised to remember or forget the past, which contains Arabic elements.
This example is extracted from the part of the book where Efsuncu and Lahur talk with Mahur at the bottom of the well. Efsuncu believes in and tries to convince Lahur about
174
the ridiculous things Mahur says from the bottom by stating that “these words are good news from the most merciful Allah, and you shouldn’t question them”. The Arabic expressions “tebrişat” and “min tarafi’r-Rahman” are no longer used in modern Turkish, and the readers would not probably comprehend them. “Tebrişat” can be translated as “müjdeli haber” (good news); and “min tarafi’r-Rahman” can be translated as “Rahman olan Allah/Tanrı tarafından” (by Allah, the Most Merciful) into Turkish. Therefore, they are translated in the 1966 and 1995 intralingual translations as “müjdeler” (good news) and “Tanrı tarafından” (by Tanrı). Besides, the adjective of “Tanrı” meaning “the most merciful” is removed from these intralingual translations. In accordance with the previous example, the 1966 and 1995 intralingual translations employ the mourning strategy. Therefore, the 1966 and 1995 intralingual translations move beyond the duality of serving two ends and employ a mourning strategy. On the other hand, the 1954 and 2009 intralingual translations keep the Arabic-Persian lexical elements and use the remembering macro-strategy.
Year
Page No
12. Example
1924
65
انوری- ش یمدی کافرل ر اسرار سما و یه و اله ی هیی کشف ا یچون ط یار هلر ا یله تا اورالره چ یق یورل ر .
Transcription
Enverî — Şimdi kâfirler esrar-ı semaviyye vü ilahiyyeyi keşif için tayyareler ile ta oralara çıkıyorlar.
1954
45
Enverî — Şimdi kâfirler esrar-ı semaviyye ve ilahiyyeyi keşf için tayyareler ile ta oralara çıkıyorlar.
1966
48
Enveri – Şimdi kâfirler göklere ve Tanrı’ya ait sırları keşif için tayyarelerle ta oralara çıkıyorlar.
1995
58
Enveri – Şimdi kâfirler göklere ve Tanrı’ya ait sırları keşif için tayyarelerle ta oralara çıkıyorlar.
2009
45
Enverî — Şimdi kâfirler esrar-ı semaviye ve ilahiyeyi keşif için tayyareler ile ta oralara çıkıyorlar.
In this example, the intralingual translations of the Arabic origin words “esrar-ı semaviyye ve ilahiyye” can be translated as ‘celestial and divine secrets’. The 1954 and 2009 intralingual translations replicate the source-text passage without making any changes. This allows for the interpretation that a macro-strategy of remembering is employed, and the Ottoman past is brought to the attention of contemporary readers. However, similar to the aforementioned occurrences, the intralingual translations in 1966
175
and 1995 deliberately abandon the Arabic origin terms and employ a mourning macro-strategy.
The 1966 and 1995 intralingual translations employ mourning macro-strategy. According to Ricoeur, this particular type of mourning is the fundamental concept that leads to successful translation. Linguistic hospitality arises from this state of contentment.
5.3.1.4. Concluding Remarks
During Gürpınar's lifetime, his works were published exclusively by İbrahim Hilmi Çığıraçan, a close friend of his. Çığıraçan was the owner of Hilmi Kitabevi and also held the position of president at the Republican People's Party Istanbul-Yeşilköy People's House (Ocak, 2008). As can be seen in Table 1, it was Çığıraçan, who published the 1924 Arabic-letter text while Gürpınar was still alive; and the 1954 intralingual translation was published after his death, in the Kitabhane-i Hilmi and Hilmi Kitabevi publishing houses. Çığıraçan, who frequently expressed his commitment to Atatürk's principles in his speeches, stated that the Turkish language could be used as a political tool and that the language should definitely be simplified and gain independence against Arabic and Persian, and that the nation's continued existence depended on language in the booklet he published in 1911 titled "Tasfiye-i Lisana Muhtaçıyız mi?" (Ocak, 2008, p. 90).
Çığıraçan's political views, ideological stance and remarks reveal his views on the simplification of the language and its use as a political tool as early as 1911. From this perspective, it may be argued that Çığıraçan's ideological perspective influenced the translation, as he released the first intralingual translation in Latin letters in 1954, following Gürpınar's death in 1944, through his own publishing business.
The intervention, which could not be made in the first edition, was possible in the first intralingual translation made after the author's death. Due to the limitations of the present study, it is not feasible to investigate the publishing houses and agents involved in the production of other intralingual translations, such as translators, editors, and publishers, where the ideological influence is not as pronounced as in the 1954 edition.
5.3.2. Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç and its Intralingual Translations
176
The novel starts with the rumours of the women living in the slums of Istanbul about the probable impact of Halley’s Comet (Kuyruklu Yıldız) in 1910. The main character İrfan Galip Bey, who lives in one of these slums, is a young and intellectual man in his early twenties. He sends his writings to a small newspaper and a few of his writings are published. One day he sees a veiled woman in his neighbourhood and approaches her, but she does not show any interest in him. Then, he is frustrated and to get revenge on the women, he starts to give fearmongering seminars to the women about Halley’s Comet impact. He starts to share posts and write articles about the comet striking the earth and bringing the apocalypse. İrfan Galip starts to combine scientific facts with his judgements and tries to make people believe that the apocalypse will break out soon. One day, İrfan Galip Bey receives a letter from a veiled woman. In the letter, a young girl writes that she is very curious about the Comet, wants him to tell her everything and wants to be friends with him. This girl observes the sky every day from the roof of her house. According to the letter, the one who brings this letter is not herself but another woman. İrfan Galip Bey, who is a misogynist, is astonished after reading this letter. He falls under the influence of the letter and falls in love with the girl without seeing her. He thinks that this girl is among those who come to listen to the conference and writes a reply to the letter. He declares his love in the letter. Then, in a reply letter, the girl writes that İrfan Bey misunderstands her very much, that she only wants to be friends with him, and that girls who behave a little freely like her are immediately misunderstood in the country. One day, İrfan Galip Bey follows the woman carrying the letters. Another woman stops him, stating that the woman writing letters deceives and tempts many men with her letters. Although İrfan Bey grieves for a few days, he thinks that the woman of his dreams is not such a person and writes a letter and asks for their marriage to take place before the Comet disaster. Feriha, who receives the letter, tells him to send his family to arrange the wedding on one condition. According to the condition, they marry on the day the comet hits the Earth, and he will not see Feriha's face until then. If this disaster does not happen, he can see Feriha's face. İrfan Galip Bey accepts Feriha’s condition. The wedding is held on the day Halley's Comet will appear. The time comes but there is no change in the world. İrfan begs Feriha to see his beloved's face for once and she shows her face. They have a long conversation, look at the sky, and their marriage has a happy ending.
177
The intralingual translations of Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç examined in this study can be seen in the table below:
Table 4. Dates and Publishers of Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç’s Intralingual Translations
Year of Publication
1911
1958
1969
1995
2007
Publishing House
Kitabhane-i İslam ve Askerî İbrahim Hilmi
Hilmi Publishing House
Atlas Publishing House
Özgür Publishing House
Everest Publishing House
Translator
Source Text
Not Specified
Zahir Güvemli
Kemal Bek
Not Specified
Publisher/Editor
İbrahim Hilmi
İbrahim Hilmi Çığıraçan
Mustafa Nihat Özön, Tahir Nejat Gencan ve Zahir Güvemli
Not Specified
Sevengül Sönmez
The following are examples taken from the Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç that address different points.
5.3.2.1. Secularisation and De-Secularisation
Year
Page No
13. Example
1911
83
تا بدا یت بشر یتدنبری اذهان عوامده کوکلشمش بو یل ه افسان هلره دها در ت کونلك صای یلان حقا یق و
معقولات ف ن یه غلبه ا ید هم یور. انسانلر بواطل ظنوندن اوزاقلاشوب.. .
Transcription13
Ta bidayet-i beşeriyetten beri ezhan-ı avamda kökleşmiş böyle efsanelere daha dört günlük sayılan hakayık ve makulât-ı fenniye galebe edemiyor. İnsanlar bevatıl-ı zünundan uzaklaşıp […]
1958
48
İnsanların yaradılışlarından beri halkın zihninde yer etmiş, kökleşmiş daha dünkü sayılan insanlara sözde ilmî hakikatler ve uydurma bilginler galebe çalıyor. İnsanlar bu boş zanlardan uzaklaşıp […]
1969
42
Ta insanlığın başlangıcından beri halk dilinde kökleşmiş böyle masallara daha dört günlük sayılan ilim ve fen gerçekleri üstün gelemiyor. İnsanlar saçma inançlardan uzaklaşıp […]
1995
64
Ta insanlığın başlangıcından beri halkın dilinde kökleşmiş böyle masallara daha dört günlük sayılan ilim ve fen gerçekleri üstün gelemiyor. İnsanlar saçma inançlardan uzaklaşıp […]
13 All the transcriptions are quoted from Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç published in 2021 by Türk Dil Kurumu Yayınları (Turkish Language Association Publications), edited by Emine Gürsoy Naskali and prepared by Arzu Öztürk and Erhan Kıvanç (Gürpınar, 2021c). The transcriptions are then checked by Dr. Ahmet Özmen, an expert in Eastern languages and literatures.
178
2007
43
İnsanların yaradılışlarından beri halkın zihninde yer etmiş, kökleşmiş daha dünkü sayılan insanlara sözde bilimsel hakikatler ve uydurma bilginler üstün geliyordu. İnsanlar bu boş inançlardan uzaklaşıp […]
This instance includes two examples of intralingual translations. The first translation is "Ta bidayet-i beşeriyetten beri", which means ‘since the inception of mankind’. The 1958 and 2007 intralingual translations render the Arabic term into Turkish as ‘since the creation of humanity’, but the 1969 and 1995 intralingual translations render the phrase as ‘since the beginning of humanity’ without implying any reference to the act of ‘creation’. The concept of ‘creation’ is a theological belief that pertains to the belief in the divine origin of human beings. Materialist and secular worldviews tend to disregard this idea.
The second example is the translation of “bevatıl-ı zünun”, which means ‘superstitious beliefs’. Similar to the first example, the 1958 and 2007 translations do not fundamentally change the meaning while translating. The 1958 translation uses “boş zanlar” (inert opinions), and the 2007 translation uses “boş inançlar” (inert beliefs). Contrarily, the 1969 and 1995 intralingual translations use “saçma inançlar” (absurd/nonsensical beliefs). This helps the reader interpret the ideological implications of the intralingual translation. Both the 1958 and 2007 intralingual translations employ the limited universalization micro-strategy, whereas the 1969 and 1995 translations utilise absolute universalization.
These systematic interventions in the texts through the removal or addition of religious connotations and referring to superstitious beliefs as ‘absurd beliefs’ make the reader think of the ideological interventions in the 1969 and 1995 translations in terms of the secularisation of the source text. With the interventions, these intralingual translations become more secularised than the source text. On the contrary, intralingual translations in 1958 and 2007 might be argued to remove secular elements from the text by introducing religious overtones in their discourse. A literary work's various intralingual translations can be useful in illuminating the linguistic, translational, and ideological standards of the eras in which they were created (Berk Albachten, 2013, p. 268). It is observable in this example as well. The fluctuations in ideology and politics throughout the history of Türkiye may be observed through intralingual translations, as is the example currently.
179
From a CDA perspective, ideology is implicit in language. Likewise, the ideology can be deeply ingrained in translations within the same language, as seen in this particular instance. Consequently, the integration of CDA with DHA, which incorporates historical context in the assessment of discourse, is crucial for uncovering and examining the underlying ideology in intralingual translations carried out across different time periods.
Year
Page No
14. Example
1911
124
...واعظ افندی مثلا ق صۀ یوسف )ع س(می آکلا ت یر. فقط منقب هیی اتمام ا یتمز. حضرت یوسفی ق یوده
براق یر.
Transcription
Vaiz Efendi meselâ kıssa-i Yusuf (A.S.)’yi anlatır. Fakat menkıbeyi itmam etmez. Hazret-i Yusuf’u kuyuda bırakır.
1958
70
[…] vaiz Efendi mesela Hazreti Yusuf’u anlatır. Fakat menkıbeyi bitirir bitirmez, Hazreti Yusuf’u kuyuda bırakır.
1969
59
[…] vaiz efendi, mesela Yusuf Hikayesi (Allah ona selamet versin) ni anlatır, ama hikâyeyi tamamlar tamamlamaz, hazreti Yusuf’u kuyuda bırakır.
1995
85
[…] vaiz efendi, mesela Yusuf Hikayesi’ni (Allah ona selamet versin) anlatır, ama hikâyeyi tamamlar tamamlamaz, hazreti Yusuf’u kuyuda bırakır.
2007
63
[…] Vaiz Efendi mesela Hazreti Yusuf’u anlatır. Fakat menkıbeyi bitirir bitirmez, Hazreti Yusuf’u kuyuda bırakır.
In this instance, there are two translation examples to be highlighted as “kıssa-i Yusuf” and “menkıbe”. On the one hand, in the 1969 and 1995 intralingual translations, “kıssa-i Yusuf” is translated as “Yusuf Hikayesi”. Absolute universalization is employed. On the other hand, the intralingual translations from 1958 and 2007 use "Hazreti Yusuf" and employ a limited universalization strategy. The second example of the instance is the translation of “menkıbe”. Similarly, in this example, the 1969 and 1995 versions translate the word as “hikaye” (story) and employ the absolute universalization strategy while the others do not intervene in or modify the word.
This part of the novel is extracted from the childhood memories of İrfan Galip when the imam of the mosque tells his stories a little at a time to keep his listeners in suspense. The TDK Dictionary defines "kıssa" as a "narrative, event to be learnt from" and "menkıbe" as "a story about the lives and extraordinary behaviours of religious leaders or famous historical figures" (TDK Sözlük, n.d.). Both words are commonly used in the context of Islamic religious stories from the past. While the 1958 and 2007 translations use “Hazreti Yusuf” (Yusuf his holiness) for “kıssa-i Yusuf”, they maintain the religious connotation
180
by assigning holiness to the prophet Yusuf (Prophet Yusuf is Joseph the Great in the Christian context). Besides, the 1958 and 2007 translations do not change the word “menkıbe” in their translations.
However, these religious connotations are removed and hence articulated in a more secularised discourse in the 1969 and 1995 intralingual translations. For “kıssa-i Yusuf”, they use “Yusuf Hikayesi” (story of Yusuf) and add “Allah ona selamet versin” (may God give him peace). For the religiously referenced word “menkıbe”, they use “hikaye” (story) which removes the religious connotations and secularises the connotations. The term "menkıbe" refers to a religiously linked narrative that may be learned from, as opposed to the term "story" which implies fabrication. This usage in terms of discourse demonstrates a political divide “[a] preference for ‘old’ words of Arabic and Persian origin or ‘pure’ Turkish words and intralingual translation in Turkey still reflects a linguistic and political division” (Berk Albachten, 2015, p. 178). The political divide is seen explicitly in the 1969 and 1995 intralingual translations’ secularisation versus the 1958 and 2007 intralingual translations’ de-secularisation in their discourse.
Year
Page No
15. Example
1911
198
یاخود اشکال ط ب یع یهکز هر ن هدن عبارتسه.. .
Transcription
Yahut eşkâl-i tabiiyeniz her neden ibaretse […]
1958
109
Yahut tabiî yaratılışınız her neden ibaretse […]
1969
91
Yahut tabiî biçiminiz her neden ibaretse […]
1995
122
Yahut tabiî biçiminiz her neden ibaretse […]
2007
98
Yahut doğal yaratılışınız her neden ibaretse […]
In this instance, the translation of the word “eşkal-i tabiyeniz” (your natural shape) is performed differently in different intralingual translations. In the 1958 and 2007 intralingual translations, it is translated as “tabiî/doğal yaratılışınız” (your natural creation) through the use of limited universalization. On the other hand, in the 1969 and 1995 translations, it is translated as “tabiî biçiminiz” (your natural shape) and the absolute universalization strategy is employed.
This line is extracted from İrfan Galip’s letter to Feriha in which İrfan Galip tries to imagine Feriha without seeing her. The 1958 and 2007 intralingual translations use the
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word “creation”, whereas the 1969 and 1995 intralingual translations use the word “shape”. Since creationism is a religious idea, the use of "a man being created" or "not created" shows how the publisher feels about this issue. It can be said that the 1969 and 1995 translations secularise their texts by taking away this religious meaning. On the other hand, the discourse in the 1958 and 2007 intralingual translations shows the opposite approach, which is de-secularisation. In this example, this endeavour can be seen in the secularisation and de-secularisation of the source text in different intralingual translations of different decades. The political situation of Türkiye in the decade that the intralingual translations are produced has an impact on the discourse of the translations.
Year
Page No
16. Example
1911
229
یا بو حاد ثۀ عظ یمه ختام ح یات ارضله ن ت یج هلنهجکسه نامراد اول هرقمی رهروان عدم اول ه یم؟
Transcription
Ya bu hadise-i azime hitam-ı hayat-ı arzla neticelenecekse namurat olarak mı rehrevan-ı adem olayım?
1958
125
Ya bu azim hadise dünyamızın hayatının bitmesiyle neticelenecekse namurad olarak mı âhirete gidelim?
1969
103
Ya bu büyük olay dünyanın hayatının sona ermesiyle bitecekse murada ermemiş olarak mı yokluğa yollanayım?
1995
137
Ya bu büyük olay dünyanın hayatının sona ermesiyle bitecekse murada ermemiş olarak mı yokluğa yollanayım?
2007
112
Ya bu büyük olay dünyanın hayatının bitmesiyle neticelenecekse muradımıza ermeden mi ahirete gidelim?
In terms of the (de)secularisation macro-strategy, a similar alignment to the previous instance is observable in this example, as well. In the source text, a Persian-origin idiom “[r]ehrevan-ı adem olalım” (we shall be a traveller to death) is used. On the one hand, the 1958 and 2007 intralingual translations use the idiom “ahirete gidelim” (we go to hereafter) and employ the absolute universalization strategy. On the other hand, the 1969 and 2007 intralingual translations use the idiom “yokluğa yollanayım” (be sent to nothingness) and employ the absolute universalization strategy.
In this example, İrfan Galip begs Feriha to marry him before the Halley Comet strikes the world and asks, “shall I die due to Halley Comet strike before marrying you?”. As one can see the action of dying is translated in two ways: the 1958 and 2007 intralingual translations add an Islamic connotation to their context by using “ahiret”, (i.e., the afterlife, the next world, the afterlife). The 1969 and 1995 intralingual versions take away
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any religious meaning and describe the action as "going to nothingness," which could be seen as a nihilistic view of death. In the 1969 and 1995 versions, the text is secularised. When we look at these points together, the systematic secularisation of the 1969 and 1995 translations makes us think that there is ideological influence in their discourse. The way the intralingual translations operate in Türkiye shows that it's more than just a language practice; it's also a cultural and social project that needs to be looked at using translational ideas (Berk Albachten, 2013, pp. 268-269).
5.3.2.2. Cultural Memory
Year
Page No
17. Example
1911
302
یوصم هلرم اورت هلق آغاردی .
Transcription
Yosmalarım ortalık ağardı.
1958
164
Yosmalarım ortalık ağardı.
1969
135
Yosmalarım ortalık ağardı.
1995
172
Yosmalarım ortalık ağardı.
2007
148
Yavrularım ortalık ağardı.
In this instance extracted from Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç, all intralingual translations except the 2007 edition retain the word “[y]osmalarım”. However, in the 2007 intralingual translation, the word is translated as “[y]avrularım” and the limited universalization micro-strategy is employed.
This dialogue is seen at the end of the book when a woman enters İrfan Galip and Feriha’s room in the morning after their marriage night and salutes them. As language evolves, the meanings of some words also change. This phenomenon is referred to as "sözcükte anlam değişmesi" (i.e., change in the word) or "semantik değişim" (semantic change) in Turkish, and as "semantic change" or "semantic shift" in English. Semantic change is the process of how the meaning of words evolves over time. It is a form of linguistic change when the current meaning of a term becomes considerably different from its original usage in the past.
Kearney states “[w]ords exist in time and space, and thus have a history of meanings which alter and evolve” (2006, p. xvii). The word “[y]osma” is used to refer to ‘a beautiful
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woman’. However, its meaning has evolved into ‘cocotte, scarlet woman’. As a result, the term underwent a diachronic shift in connotation, prompting the 2007 intralingual translation to modify it and use the euphemism "[y]avrularım" (my children). The 2007 intralingual translation presents the past in a way that may seem foreignized to the reader, since they may not be able to recognise the change in meaning from the more recent past.
Consequently, in the present example, the historical aspect of language is of great importance. As it has been stated, DHA is well suited for analysing the present example since discourse is always historical. When examining the diachronic changes in language and discourse, it is important to analyse the historical component, much like in the current situation.
Additionally, the sociocultural context must be taken into consideration in the evaluation of the examples. As Isbuga-Erel states, “it is not produced without context and cannot be understood without taking the context into consideration. In this respect, intertextuality and sociocultural knowledge are at work within the concept of context” (2008, p. 65). The investigation of the evolution of “[y]osma" can be facilitated by sociocultural and historical understanding and can be assessed using the DHA.
Year
Page No
18. Example
1911
242
اوط هچی کل هرك معهود چارشافلی قاد ینك ورود ی نی خبر و یردی. .
Transcription
Odacı gelerek mahut çarşaflı kadının vürudunu haber verdi.
1958
132
Odacı gelerek mahut çarşaflı kadının geldiğini haber verdi.
1969
108
Odacı gene o kadının geldiğini haber verdi.
1995
144
Odacı gene o kadının geldiğini haber verdi.
2007
118
Odacı gelerek o çarşaflı kadının geldiğini haber verdi.
This instance may be examined from the perspectives of both cultural memory and (de)-secularisation macro-strategies since it encompasses components that are relevant to both. The term "çarşaflı" (veiled) is omitted in the 1969 and 1995 versions, employing the deletion method. The translations utilise the word "o" to refer to the lady. The word "çarşaflı" remains unchanged in both the 1958 and 2007 versions.
İrfan Galip receives a letter from Feriha sent by a lady who conceals her identity. The lady serves as the intermediary for their correspondence. The significance of this example
184
lies in its focus on women's clothing, which has been a subject of contention for a century in Türkiye. Eliminating the phrase "çarşaflı" causes a disturbance in relation to historical continuity. In the context of cultural memory, the translations from 1969 and 1995 generate a "foreignization" effect on the reader's association with the past. The recipients of these translations within the same language would not perceive the clothing worn by women in the latter years of the Ottoman Empire, and it is not possible to construct a cultural memory based on the historical facts in this particular example. Thus, the involvement of intralingual translations of 1969 and 1995 might be interpreted as an ideological intervention in the discourse surrounding women's clothes, particularly their veils, which has been a contentious political issue.
Over time, ideas may undergo transformation. This has been the situation during the Republican administration. While the term "veiled" (çarşaflı) may appear neutral in one decade or age, it might be perceived as unpleasant and distant in other periods. Thus, the historical component of DHA is highly significant in uncovering the changes in discourse throughout different historical periods.
The current attitudes and ideologies that influence the past and contribute to cultural memory are clearly evident in this particular situation. The explicit use of intralingual translation as a method for the foreignization of modern readers to Ottoman history is evident in this example, facilitating the reconstruction of the past. Thus, the current situation is assessed based on cultural memory, with the instances of 1969 and 1995 foreignization of the modern reader, while the examples of 1958 and 2007 familiarisation the reader with Ottoman history within the Republican framework.
Year
Page No
19. Example
1911
42
خان هسی خلقنك، محله اهال یسنك، حاصلی بتون سک نۀ پا یتختك جهالتلرندن پك ب یزاردی.
Transcription
Hanesi halkının, mahalle ahalisinin, hasılı bütün sekine-i pay-i tahtının cehaletlerinden pek bizardı.
1958
27
Ev ve mahalle halkının, hasılı bütün İstanbul halkının cehaletlerinden pek bizardı.
1969
25
Ev halkının, mahalle ahalisinin, kısaca hükümet merkezinde yaşayanların bilgisizliklerinden pek bezmişti.
1995
44
Ev halkının, mahalle ahalisinin, kısaca hükümet merkezinde yaşayanların bilgisizliklerinden pek bezmişti.
2007
23
Ev ve mahalle halkının, bütün İstanbul halkının cehaletinden çok bunalmıştı.
185
This example demonstrates the different intralingual translations of the Arabic and Persian-rooted noun phrase “Sekene-i Payitaht” meaning the people living in the capital city. Each intralingual translation employs an absolute universalization strategy for the phrase by translating it as “İstanbul halkı” (people of Istanbul) in the 1958 and 2007 intralingual translations, or “hükümet merkezinde yaşayanlar” (those living in the government centre) in the 1969 and 1995 intralingual translations.
In this line, the alienation feelings of İrfan Galip towards the people around him due to his intellectuality is stated at the beginning of the book. This sample may be analysed via the lens of cultural memory since it encapsulates the essence of the time period by expressing the historical, cultural, and ideological distinctions in a single noun phrase. The term "Payitaht" denotes the specific location where the Sultan's throne, known as the "taht," is situated. Thus, it denotes the metropolis of Istanbul, carrying the implication of the Sultanate and its subjects (the inhabitants of the city where the sultan's seat of power is situated).
However, with the proclamation of the Republic, fundamental changes took place in this regard, such as the sultanate being abolished and the change of the capital city from Istanbul to Ankara. The readers of the 1969 and 1995 intralingual translations would not detect this change; and eventually, it would lead to the foreignization of the readers. However, the 1958 and 2007 intralingual translations effectively convey the main message of the source text by specifically mentioning the residents of Istanbul. These translations may be seen as examples of the familiarisation macro-strategy.
The Ottoman history, which had a separate capital and government, is reconstructed in the context of the current Republican era. This allows us to realise that intralingual translations serve as a means of making the past more familiar or foreign to the modern reader.
Year
Page No
20. Example
1911
128
... ١ تموز یوم مبجلنده . ...
Transcription
10 Temmuz yevm-i mübeccelinde…
1958
72
10 Temmuz bayramında […]
186
1969
61
10 Temmuz kutlu gününde […]
1995
88
10 Temmuz* kutlu gününde […]
*Eski takvime göre 2. Meşrutiyet’in ilan tarihi (1908)
2007
65
10 Temmuz bayramında […]
In this example, the source text phrase with Arabic origin referring to the first national holiday of the Ottoman Empire “yevm-i mübeccel” (a big, important day) is translated as “bayram” (holiday/festival) in 1958 and 2007 translations and as “kutlu gün” (auspicious day) in the 1969 and 1995 intralingual translations. Therefore, the intralingual translations employ the absolute universalization strategy. Additionally, the 1995 translation uses footnotes to explain the old day and employs the extratextual gloss strategy.
This example is extracted from the letter of Feriha Davud where she criticised that there were no free theatre plays for the poor on the important national day. “10 Temmuz” is translated as 10th July which marks the first and only national holiday celebrated in the Ottoman Empire after 1909. The celebration commemorates the proclamation of the Second Constitutional Era in 1908. The celebration of this initial national holiday persisted in the Republic of Türkiye until 1935. “The 10th of July holiday is an example of the phenomenon of political regimes, especially in Europe since the 19th century, inventing national holidays to meet their growing legitimacy needs and to serve their nation-building projects” (Yamak, 2008).
With regard to cultural memory, with the exception of the 1995 intralingual translation, the remaining translations might be considered as foreignization of the reader to Ottoman history. The 1995 version is the only one that provides an explanation of the lost national festival through a footnote, specifically referring to it as the "[d]eclaration of the Second Constitutional Monarchy according to the old calendar (1908)". This serves as a reminder of the Ottoman past to the reader and allows for the reconstruction of the past through intralingual translation.
Jann Assmann explains this kind of national festival as follows:
Cultural memory has its fixed point; its horizon does not change with the passing of time. These fixed points are fateful events of the past, whose memory is maintained through cultural formation (texts, rites, monuments) and institutional communication (recitation, practice, observance). […] (Assmann, 1995, p. 129).
187
Therefore, the 10th of July had significant importance in the collective cultural memory of the Ottoman Empire. Nevertheless, due to the establishment of new significant events and national holidays that contribute to the process of nation-building in Türkiye, this former festival from the Ottoman era has been disregarded and the textual choices of intralingual translations distort the past, foreignizing the modern-day Turkish reader and alienating them from the Ottoman cultural atmosphere. When rebuilding the past in the present, discourse is altered to align with the current mindset, so confirming the historical nature of discourse (van Dijk, 2009).
5.3.2.3. Linguistic Hospitality
Year
Page No
21. Example
1911
35
آ هذ ا ک ب یرا.. آلا یمی بو؟..
Transcription
A hazen kebira.. Alay mı bu?
1958
23
A! HazenKebirâ.. (Azamkebirâ demek ister) Alay mı bu?..
1969
21
A.. Hâzen Kebira… Alay mı bu?
1995
40
A.. Hazen Kebira…* Alay mı** bu?
*Şaşınca söylenen bir ünlem
**Eskiden bir tür eğlence
2007
20
Vay başımıza gelenler! Eğlence alayı mı bu?..
In this example, the translation of the Arabic-origin phrase “hazen kebira”, which was used for exclamation in the Ottoman times, is investigated in the different intralingual translations. The expression might be translated into English as the exclamation of “wow”. The expression is not changed in the 1969 intralingual translation; however, both the 1958 and 1995 intralingual translations employ the extratextual gloss. The 1958 intralingual translation provides an explanation for the word by placing an explanation in brackets, indicating that the lady intends to pronounce "azamkebirâ". In contrast, the 1995 translation employs footnotes to clarify that the phrase is a cry of astonishment for the readers. This intralingual translation, dated 1995, employs the remembering macro-strategy. It is noteworthy to highlight that the intervention, which took place in 1958, aims to elucidate the writer's use of wordplay. However, current readers may find it difficult to understand the meaning in brackets, as it is written in Arabic, archaic, and no
188
longer part of contemporary language. In contrast, the 2007 intralingual translation fully renders the Arabic language by employing the absolute universalization strategy.
In this excerpt, Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar makes the women living in the neighbourhoods of Istanbul chat ignorantly, they talk about Halley’s Comet and scare each other with the made-up news. This exclamation is heard when one woman frightens another in the street.
Remembering is an essential task that must be completed on both fronts of double resistance, at home and foreign. In our study, the ‘foreign’ refers to the Ottoman past, while the ‘home’ refers to the Republican present. Thus, by the employment of remembering as a macro-strategy, the first three intralingual translations of 1958, 1969 and 1995 overcome “a secret resistance motivated by fear, indeed by hatred of the foreign”, i.e., the Ottoman past which is accepted as “a threat against our own linguistic identity” (Ricoeur, 2006), i.e., the Republican present. Only the 2007 intralingual translation employs the mourning macro-strategy. That is, it severs the language links between Ottoman Turkish and Republican Turkish, causing readers to lose sight of the novel's historical context.
Year
Page No
22. Example
1911
69
قو یروغ یله بزه دوقون هجغی شا یع هسی چ یقان "هال هی" ی یلد یزی 1835 س نۀ م یلاد یهسنده...
Transcription
Kuyruğuyla bize dokunacağı şayiası çıkan “Haley” yıldızı 1835 sene-i miladisinde […]
1958
41
Kuyruğu ile bize dokunacağı şaiyası çıkan “Haley” yıldızı Milâdî 1835 senesinde […]
1969
36
Kuyruğuyla bize dokunacağı söylentileri çıkan Halley yıldızı 1835 yılında […]
1995
57
Kuyruğuyla bize dokunacağı söylentileri çıkan Halley Yıldızı 1835 yılında […]
2007
36
Kuyruğu ile bize dokunacağı söylentisi çıkan “Haley” yıldızı miladi 1835 senesinde […]
In the present example, the attitudes of intralingual translations towards welcoming or rejecting the past are evaluated from the different interpretations of the calendar. As it is studied in the previous chapters under the Republican reforms, the use of the calendar is changed through the history of the Ottoman Empire and Türkiye. Although in the past centuries the Islamic calendar (Hijri) was used, towards the end of the Ottoman Empire, the Gregorian calendar also started to be used. Therefore, there emerged a duality of
189
calendars in the last term of the Empire. This duality continued in the first years of the Republic until the reforms made it compulsory to use the Gregorian calendar as a part of modernisation efforts.
That is the reason why the source text written in the Ottoman era states the year as “seneyi miladi” (Gregorian year), in order to avoid confusion. While the 1958 and 2007 intralingual translations continue stating the name of the calendar as “[m]iladi 1985 senesinde” (in the Gregorian year 1835), the 1969 and 1995 intralingual translations omit the word “[m]iladi” and translate it as “1835 yılında” (in 1985) and employ the deletion micro-strategy. Besides, the translation of ‘year’ should be highlighted in these different translations. On the one hand, the 1958 and 2007 intralingual translations use “sene” which is a word of Arabic-origin; on the other, the 1969 and 1995 intralingual translations use “yıl”, a Turkish-origin word.
Hence, the intralingual translations of 1958 and 2007 employ the macro-strategy of remembering and serve as a reminder to contemporary readers of Ottoman history. The intralingual translations of 1969 and 1995 employ a mourning strategy with regard to linguistic hospitality.
In addition, the linguistic patterns or discourses of different translations within the same language indicate the social systems of the time in which these translations are created. Patterns in intralingual translation attitudes and discourse creation let us conclude that the eras in which intralingual translations are produced are critical.
Year
Page No
23. Example
1911
55
اخ ت یار، کنج بتون جوار قاد ینلر ی نی طوپلا ی هرق بر قاچ "قونفرانس" و یرمکی قرارلاشدردی. بو
قونفرانسلر علم ه یئت حقنده پک ساده...
Transcription
İhtiyar, genç bütün civar kadınlarını toplayarak birkaç “konferans” vermeyi kararlaştırdı. Bu konferanslar ilm-i heyet hakkında pek sade […]
1958
34
İhtiyar, genç bütün civar kadınlarını toplıyarak birkaç “konferans” vermeği kararlaştırdı. Bu konferanslar Kozmoğrafya hakkında pek sade […]
1969
30
İhtiyar, genç bütün yakınlardaki kadınlarını toplayarak birkaç konferans vermeyi kararlaştırdı. Bu konferansa astronomi üzerine pek sade […]
1995
50
İhtiyar, genç bütün yakınlardaki kadınlarını toplayarak birkaç konferans vermeyi kararlaştırdı. Bu konferansa astronomi üzerine pek sade […]
2007
30
Etraftaki ihtiyar, genç bütün kadınlarını toplayarak birkaç konferans vermeyi kararlaştırdı. Bu konferanslar astronomi hakkında pek sade […]
190
This instance shows us the evolution of language. The noun phrase "ilm-i hey'et", which has Arabic origins and refers to ‘astronomy’, undergoes intralingual translation and diachronic evolution. The term ‘astronomy’ undergoes changes in its meaning and usage across time and within the same language. In the 1958 translation, the word "kozmografya" is used to translate to a Greek-origin word. However, subsequent translations have used the French-origin word "astronomi". In the current example, all the translations inside the same language utilise the absolute universalization micro-strategy. The progressive alteration might be attributed to the efforts made to discover synonyms for terms of Arabic-origin. While the source text and its translations in the same language convey the same idea, it is important to emphasise the progressive evolution of the contemporary Turkish language through efforts to substitute an Arabic-derived term.
This example is taken from the part of the novel about İrfan Galip’s conferences with women where he tells scientific issues about Halley’s Comet. Since this instance is related to the evolution of language, it is explored through linguistic hospitality macro-strategy. In terms of linguistic hospitality, the Ottoman past with strong Arabic influence is forgotten in the intralingual translations. Hence, the Turkish reader of today is unable to understand the Arabic-derived noun phrase "ilm-i hey'et," and as a result, all intralingual translations of this term employ the mourning macro-strategy.
The second example to underline in this instance is the use of “konferans” (conference). As a Western origin word, it is used in double quotes in the 1958 intralingual translation. However, as the word has been embraced in language over time, the 1969, 1995 and 2007 intralingual translations accept it and stop using double quotes which can also be linked with mourning in translations. Therefore, linguistic hospitality seems to be guaranteed by various intralingual translations that pertain to different periods of Türkiye. Every attempt to adhere to linguistic hospitality and achieve a harmonious equilibrium between “the pleasure dwelling in the other’s language” and “the pleasure of receiving the foreign word at home” is shaped by the prevailing discourse surrounding the word.
Year
Page No
24. Example
1911
63
شمدی بو "فضا" "س یاره" "جملۀ شمس یه" و "محرك" تع ب یراتنه أی یجه دقت ا یتمکزی رجا ا یلرم .
191
Transcription
Şimdi bu “feza”, “seyyare”, “cümle-i şemsiye” ve “muharrik” tabiratına iyice dikkat etmenizi rica eylerim.
1958
38
Şimdi bu “feza” “seyyare” “cümle-i şemsiye” ve “mahrek” tabirlerine iyice dikkat etmenizi rica eylerim.
1969
54
Şimdi bu “feza, gezegen, güneş sistemi ve yörünge” sözlerine iyice dikkat etmenizi rica ederim.
1995
33
Şimdi bu “uzay, gezegen, güneş sistemi ve yörünge” sözlerine iyice dikkat etmenizi rica edeceğim.
2007
33
Şimdi bu “uzay” “gezegen” “Güneş Sistemi” ve yörünge” terimlerine iyice dikkat etmenizi rica eylerim.
Similar to the previous instance, the present example demonstrates the evolution of scientific terms. The Arabic term "feza" undergoes a transformation to "uzay" in the translations of 1995 and 2007. Similarly, the Arabic word "seyyare" is translated as "gezegen", "cümle-i şemsiye" as "güneş sistemi,", and "mahrek" as "yörünge" in the intralingual translations of 1969, 1995, and 2007. These three recent intralingual translations employ the absolute universalization micro-strategy. The transformation of scientific terminology from Arabic to Turkish indicates that language reforms played a crucial role in the process of Turkifying scientific language. This success may be attributed to the efforts of cultural planners. The utilisation of Turkish in scientific terminology is well established in these instances.
Hence, it may be asserted that there exists a disparity for contemporary readers between the historical Arabic and Persian-influenced eras and the current state of Turkified present, particularly in relation to scientific terminology. While the 1958 intralingual translation uses the remembering macro-strategy, the 1969, 1995 and 2007 intralingual translations use the mourning macro-strategy.
The clash between foreign and indigenous elements is paralleled by the clash between the Ottoman historical era and the current Republican era. Therefore, the conflict or reconciliation between the past and the present is evaluated in this example. The present instance demonstrates the memory dimension of the initial intralingual translation in 1958, as well as the mourning/renunciation dimension of the intralingual translations in 1969, 1995, and 2007.
5.3.2.4. Concluding Remarks
192
A detailed analysis of intralingual translations of Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç demonstrates a constellation among different intralingual translations made in different eras. Both the 1958 and 2007 versions of the book maintain the religious terminology, phrases, cultural elements, and linguistic components from the source text. This suggests that the secularisation of the source text does not occur. In contrast, the intralingual translations of 1969 and 1995 consistently altered the wording, particularly in religious connotations, to promote the secularisation of the book. Occasionally, this occurs in a situation involving superstitious beliefs, where they are described as ‘absurd’ or ‘nonsensical notions’. It also occurs in examples concerning Islamic references to death, where it is described as ‘going to nothingness’. Additionally, a significant detail from the source text may be omitted, such as transforming a veiled woman into a woman without any mention of the veil.
These interventions for the creation of a more secularised text in the intralingual translations of 1969 and 1995 are indeed coherent with the examples collected from Efsuncu Baba. Thus, it is anticipated that a comparable process of secularisation in the intralingual translations will be observed in the subsequent section, examining the instances found in Gulyabani.
5.3.3. Gulyabani and its Intralingual Translations
The main character of the novel beautiful Muhsine loses both her parents when she was young. She is raised with her neighbours’ help and gets married. She runs away from her husband due to his mistreatment. With the help of her mother’s friend Ayşe Hanım, she finds a maid job in a mansion in a far corner of Istanbul. In this mansion called “Yedi Çobanlar Çiftliği” with a mystical atmosphere two other maids Ruşen Kadın and Çeşmifelek Kalfa work. Muhsine finds out the mansion is haunted and gets scared but cannot return. She finds out that the previous maid tried to escape and died. The mansion is full of bogeys and every night, they scream and make scary noises. In time, Muhsine gets used to this mansion and she follows superstitious rituals to escape from the wrath of bogeys. In time she cannot help her curiosity and discovers the lady of the mansion in a room. The lady of the mansion is almost insane due to bogeys’ sounds and threats. Muhsine thinks she is healthy but cannot construe the meaningless things the lady repeats.
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One night, a bogey enters Muhsine’s room and tries to convince her to be with her. Then, another handsome man named Hasan enters and fights with this bogey, stating that he would save her from this haunted mansion. Afterwards, one night when three maids and the lady of the mansion are staying at the penthouse, a very tall and the scariest and most powerful bogey “Gulyabani” approaches them with threats because they come together with the lady of the mansion. Although they are on the top floor of the house, they see a head of Gulyabani on the same level as the windows. While the women are scared of death because of Gulyabani, the peasants including Hasan come, beat the other bogeys and the men disguised under Gulyabani costume, and save the women. When their costumes are removed, it is uncovered that these bogeys and Gulyabani are Zekeriya Efendi, the farm butler, and the farm labourers. Then, Hasan explains the inside story. This order in the mansion is organised by the two nephews of the lady of the mansion, to spend the money and property of their aunt, whom they have declared insane to be appointed as her legal guardian. The lady of the mansion, who learns everything from the last incident, gives money and property to Hasan, makes him the head butler of her mansion, and marries him to Muhsine.
The following table presents the intralingual translations of Gulyabani that have been examined and analysed in this research. These translations have been published by different publishers and span over various periods.
Table 5. Dates and Publishers of Gulyabani’s Intralingual Translations
Year of Publication
1913
1938
1971
1995
2007
Publishing House
Kitabhane-i İslam ve Askerî İbrahim Hilmi
Hilmi Publishing House
Atlas Publishing House
Özgür Publishing House
Everest Publishing House
Translator
Source Text
Not Specified
Zahir Güvemli
Kemal Bek
Not Specified
Publisher/Editor
İbrahim Hilmi
İbrahim Hilmi Çığıraçan
Mustafa Nihat Özön, Tahir Nejat Gencan ve Zahir Güvemli
Not Specified
Sevengül Sönmez
194
The following are the examples taken from the Gulyabani that address different points.
5.3.3.1. Secularisation and De-Secularisation
Year
Page No
25. Example
1913
61
الحمدلله قورقو، اوزونتو یورغونلغندن باشقه کندمده حس اولونو ر بر فنالق کور همدم.
Transcription14
Elhamdülillah korku, üzüntü yorgunluğundan başka kendimde hissolunur bir fenalık göremedim.
1938
38
Elhamdülillâh korku, üzüntü yorgunluğundan başka kendimde his olunur bir fenalık göremedim.
1971
32
Çok şükür korku, üzüntü yorgunluğundan başka kendimde hissedilir bir kötülük görmedim.
1995
51
Çok şükür korku, üzüntü yorgunluğundan başka kendimde hissedilir bir kötülük görmedim.
2007
38
Çok şükür korku, üzüntü yorgunluğundan başka kendimde hissedilir bir kötülük görmedim.
This sample clearly demonstrates the process of secularisation of the source text. In this instance, the Arabic word "elhamdüllilah," which means ‘thank god’, is translated as "çok şükür" (thankfully) in the intralingual translations of 1971, 1995, and 2007. The limited universalization strategy is employed in these translations, while the 1938 intralingual translation transcribed the source text without any alterations.
This line is extracted from the novel after Muhsine spends her first night in the mansion with great fear. She is thankful not to witness anything other than just being scared. While translated into English both “Elhamdülillah” and “çok şükür” refer to the similar meaning. However, the first version is in Arabic and, although it is still employed in contemporary Turkish, the translators of the 1971, 1995, and 2007 versions eliminated the Arabic rendition and substituted it with Turkish.
The phenomenon of secularisation in the discourse may be elucidated by examining the three most recent intralingual translations in this example. Eliminating the Arabic use
14 All the transcriptions are quoted from Gulyabani published in 2021 by Türk Dil Kurumu Yayınları (Turkish Language Association Publications), edited by Emine Gürsoy Naskali and prepared by Nilüfer Tanç (Gürpınar, 2021b). The transcriptions are then checked by Dr. Ahmet Özmen, an expert in Eastern languages and literatures.
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resulted in a loss of link with the past for the following translations. Furthermore, the text's secularisation is facilitated by this elimination and alteration.
The study of language and its connection to power and ideology is made feasible by the framework introduced by CDA. The process of secularisation of discourse in subsequent decades, both in this example and in comparable ones, may be analysed in conjunction with the information presented in the preceding chapters using CDA methodology. Hence, CDA can serve as a valuable tool in this study to analyse and establish connections between the data on the secularisation process of Türkiye and the cases discussed in this chapter.
Year
Page No
26. Example
1913
121
جناب حق سزه صبر و متانت و یرسون.
Transcription
Cenabıhak size sabır ve metanet versin.
1938
76
Cenabıhak size sabır ve metanet versin.
1971
60
Tanrı size sabır versin.
1995
81
Tanrı size sabır versin.
2007
74
Tanrı size sabır versin.
This instance demonstrates that the intralingual translations of 1938, 1971, 1995, and 2007 follow the same process as mentioned earlier. In the intralingual translations of 1971, 1995, and 2007, the Arabic word "Cenabıhak," which signifies ‘god’ is rendered as ‘Tanrı’ and the absolute universalization micro-strategy is employed. In the 1938 intralingual translation, the text remains unaltered but is transcribed.
In this scene, Muhsine wishes the lady of the mansion peace and patience while leaving her alone in her room. Muhsine both scares and leaves as the bogeys compel her to leave. The translation of the word “Cenabıhak” can be claimed to be unnecessary as it is still in use in modern Turkish today. However, we can read this intervention of the 1971, 1995 and 2007 translations as an ideological move to secularise the text. This example proves Özlem Berk’s argument that “the goal of modernising language is not necessarily achieved with more recent intralingual translations. These translations, however, furnish good examples for revealing the current state of the language situation in Turkey” (Berk Albachten, 2014, pp. 579-580). The more recent intralingual translations do not
196
modernise the language, as Özlem Berk states, but secularise the discourse and language, which shows their ideological stance.
According to CDA, ideology is not openly proclaimed in society, but rather it manifests as subtle versions of accepted concepts, often in the form of conceptual metaphors (Wodak, 2009, p. 8). Therefore, the subtle and covert versions of ideologies in the subsequent intralingual translations can be unearthed via CDA. In addition, the presence of diverse variants in various historical periods prompts us to analyse the examples using the DHA. We also assess the cases in conjunction with the historical facts offered in the preceding chapters of this thesis.
Year
Page No
27. Example
1913
203
س نك نه حضور رب العالم ینه، نهده بر محکمه ه یئ تی قارش یسنه چ یق هج ق یوزك یوقدر .
Transcription
Senin ne huzuru Rabbülalemine, ne de bir mahkeme heyeti karşısına çıkacak yüzün yoktur.
1938
129
Senin ne huzuru Rabbilâlemine, ne de bir mahkeme heyeti karşısına çıkacak yüzün yoktur.
1971
99
Senin ne Tanrı huzuruna, ne bir mahkeme heyeti karşısına çıkacak yüzün yoktur.
1995
124
Senin ne Tanrı huzuruna, ne bir mahkeme heyeti karşısına çıkacak yüzün yoktur.
2007
123
Senin ne Tanrı huzuruna, ne bir mahkeme heyeti karşısına çıkacak yüzün yoktur.
The back translation of the Arabic-origin word “Rabbilalemin”s can be ‘god of the universes’. This word is not changed in the 1938 intralingual translation but solely transcribed; however, it is translated as “Tanrı” in the 1971, 1995 and 2007 intralingual translations. The absolute universalization micro-strategy is employed.
This line is taken from the moments before the fighting between Hasan and another bogeyman who wants to deceive and be with Muhsine. Hasan wants to save Muhsine from this man that dressed as a bogey and attacks him.
By the elimination of religious associations and substituting the Arabic word with a Turkish word, the intralingual translations of 1971, 1995, and 2007 seem to secularise the text in alignment with the other instances examined in this study. Indeed, in the context of Türkiye, intralingual translations have a dual purpose. They not only update the
197
language but also provide insights into the linguistic, translational, and ideological norms of the time they were produced (Berk Albachten, 2013, p. 257). The term ‘language modernisation’ is insufficient to capture the scope of these intralingual translations because they “secularise” the discourse of the source text.
Year
Page No
28. Example
1913
109
هله غول یبا ن یدن بحث ه یچ جائز دکلدر.
Transcription
Hele Gulyabaniden bahis hiç caiz değildir.
1938
69
Hele Gulyabaniden bahis hiç caiz değildir.
1971
55
Hele Gulyabani’den söz etmeye hiç yer yoktur.
1995
75
Hele Gulyabani’den söz etmeye hiç yer yoktur.
2007
68
Hele Gulyabani’den söz etmeye hiç yer yoktur.
In this example, another Arabic-origin word “caiz değildir” (not permissible according to religion) remains unchanged and it is just transcribed in 1938 intralingual translation. On the other hand, the 1971, 1995 and 2007 intralingual translations alter this word into “hiç yer yoktur” (no need to). The absolute universalization micro-strategy is employed.
In this scene, the lady of the mansion advises Muhsine to keep away from bogeys and especially not to speak about Gulyabani. The word “caiz” is an Arabic-origin word referring to “something that is permitted to be done in terms of religion, law, custom, etc.” (TDK Sözlük, n.d.). Thus, by removing this word and adding expressions with no reference to the religion, the 1971, 1995 and 2007 intralingual translations help secularise the source text’s discourse. The discourses of the subsequent intralingual translations of 1971, 1995 and 2007 are secularised systematically, while the 1938 intralingual translation does not intervene in the source text. It is seen in light of CDA and DHA that the Republic has undergone a progressive process of secularisation, as implied in the languages of the different intralingual translations.
5.3.3.2. Cultural Memory
198
Year
Page No
29. Example
1913
139
باشی صار یقلی حافظ قرأن بر امام وساط ت یله... اصول شرع یه اوزره...
Transcription
Başı sarıklı hafız-ı Kuran bir imam vesatetiyle. Usul-i şer’iye üzere.
1938
88
Hafızı Kur’an bir imam vesatatile… Usulü şer’iye üzerine […]
1971
69
Kur’an’ı ezbere bilen hafız imam vasıtasıyle… şeriata uygun olarak […]
1995
91
Kur’an’ı ezbere bilen hafız imam vasıtasıyla… Şeriata uygun olarak […]
2007
87
Kuran’ı ezbere bilen hafız imam vasıtasıyla… Kurallara uygun olarak […]
In this instance, the source text is written in Arabic letters in 1913 and is translated into Latin letters as "[b]aşı sarıklı hafız-ı Kuran bir imam vesatetiyle… Usulü şer’iye üzerine…" (Through a turbaned Qur'anic Hafiz imam... In accordance with the Sharia…). The words "turbaned" "Qur'anic Hafız," and "Sharia" stand out in this instance. In all intralingual versions, the first word "turbaned" is left out, and the deletion strategy is used. There is an Arabic word phrase called "Hafızı Kuran" that means ‘hafiz who knows the Quran by heart’. This phrase is translated as "Kur'an'ı ezbere bilen hafız" in the 1971, 1995, and 2007 versions and the intratextual gloss strategy is employed. Finally, the meaning of "Sharia" is translated as "şeriata uygun" in 1971 and 1995, and the limited universalization is used. It is important to note that "Sharia" is left out of the 2007 version, which uses the deletion strategy.
The different approaches of distinct intralingual translations to the words “sharia”, “Qur'anic Hafiz” and “turbaned” demonstrate different attitudes towards the Ottoman past. Looking at intralingual translations from the point of view of cultural memory, the fact that "turbaned" is missing from all of them could be seen as making the modern reader alienated from the Ottoman past when this past is reconstructed through intralingual translations. The other major change is that the word "sharia" was left out of the 2007 version. Modern readers also lose touch with old laws and customs when they read about them, in a way that makes them seem foreignized.
In this example, the historical context of the Republican term scrutinised in the previous chapters should be taken into consideration. Because the historical perspective makes it possible to recreate how recontextualization works as a crucial mechanism that connects texts and discourses throughout time, both intertextually and interdiscursively (Wodak, 2015, p. 2).
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Year
Page No
30. Example
1913
26
بر توکل صامتانه ا یله اطرافمه باقمغه باشلادم .
Transcription
Bir tevekkül-i sâmitane ile etrafıma bakmaya başladım.
1938
15
Samitane bir tevekkül ile etrafıma bakmaya başladım.
1971
16
Sessizce boyun eğerek etrafıma bakmaya başladım.
1995
34
Sessizce boyun eğerek etrafıma bakmaya başladım.
2007
16
Sessizce boyun eğerek etrafıma bakmaya başladım.
In this example, the intralingual translations differ in the translation of the Arabic-origin noun phrase “tevekkül-i samitane”, which means ‘trusting god’s will silently’. The 1938 version retains the same. The 1971, 1995, and 2007 versions, on the other hand, change the noun phrase to "sessizce boyun eğerek" (submitting quietly) and use the absolute universalization micro-strategy.
In this part, Ayşe Hanım, a friend of Muhsine’s mother, tries to convince Muhsine to hop on the carriage to the mansion. This line is extracted from Muhsine’s inner voice when she accepts the offer. The word “tevekkül” is an Arabic-origin word that means “doing one's best in any matter and leaving the rest to Allah, trusting in Allah” (TDK Sözlük, n.d.). However, by removing the Islamic reference related to “Allah”, the 1971, 1995 and 2007 intralingual translations seem to secularise the context. This alters cultural memory because “[u]pdating novels in Ottoman Turkish, as a practice of production and consumption, undoubtedly shapes contemporary readers' perceptions of Ottoman society” (Demircioğlu & Gençtürk-Demircioğlu, 2022, p. 160). The Turkish readers’ perception of Ottoman society is shaped via intralingual translations in the present example. The modern readers may get alienated and foreignized to their Ottoman past. The alteration of cultural memory is made possible by the different interpretations of the Ayşe Hanım’s behaviours. In Ottoman times, people followed their religion and did what they were told. But in intralingual translations, traditional habits and customs are seen in a different light. So, this way of looking at things can be seen as making the Ottoman past seem different and changing how people remember their culture.
Wodak’s DHA model highlights the value of the involvement of a historical perspective for CDA by stating that the social processes are dynamic (Isbuga-Erel, 2008, p. 65). The evaluation of different interpretations of behaviour related to religion in the Ottoman
200
Empire is made possible via the DHA, which investigates discourse by incorporating the historical perspective.
Year
Page No
31. Example
1913
267
ن یاز تسل یت و توکلندن صوکره "رب یسر" دعاس نی اوچ دفعه تکرار ا یتدرد یکی حالده بن،
صامصامك )غارا غارون(لر یله غول یبا ن ی نك اوزون صقال نی بر دورلو اونوت همامشدم..
Transcription
Niyaz-ı teslimiyet ve tevekkülünden sonra “Rabbi yessir” duasını üç defa tekrar ettirdiği hâlde ben, Samsam’ın (Gara garun)lariyle, Gulyabani’nin uzun sakalını bir türlü unutamamıştım.
1938
170
Niyaz, teselli ve tevekkülünden sonra “Rabbi yessir” duasını üç defa tekrar ettirdiği hâlde ben, Samsamın (Gara garun) larile, Gulyabaninin uzun sakalını bir türlü unutamamıştım.
1971
128
Yalvarışından, tesellisinden ve boyun eğişinden sonra Rabbi yessir duasını üç defa tekrarlattığı halde ben Samsam’ın “Gara garo” larıyle, Gulyabani’nin uzun sakalını bir türlü unutamamıştım.
1995
157
Yalvarışı, avuntu ve boyun eğişinden sonra Rabbi yessir duasını üç defa tekrarlattığı halde ben Samsam’ın “Gara garo”larıyla, Gulyabani’nin uzun sakalını bir türlü unutamamıştım.
2007
162
Yalvarışından, tesellisinden ve boyun eğişinden sonra Rabbi yessir duasını üç defa tekrarlattığı halde ben Samsam’ın “Gara garo”larıyla, Gulyabani’nin uzun sakalını bir türlü unutamamıştım.
A similar approach of the 1971, 1995 and 2007 intralingual translations can be found in the examples that are the Arabic and Persian-origin words related to religion: “[n]iyaz-ı teslimiyet” (praying to surrender to God) and “tevekkül” (to do one's best in any matter and leave the rest to God, to trust in God) (TDK Sözlük, n.d.). These words are translated differently in different intralingual translations. The 1938 intralingual translation uses “niyaz, teselli ve tevekkül”. On the other hand, the 1971 and 2007 intralingual translations use the phrase “[y]alvarışından, tesellisinden ve boyun eğişi” (his supplication, solace and submission) and the 1995 intralingual translation uses it as “[y]alvarışı, avuntu ve boyun eğişi” (his supplication, consolation and submission) two examples of which refers to same meaning more or less. Therefore, the religious meanings of the words "niyaz-ı teslimiyet" and "tevekkül" in the source text are toned down in the versions of 1971, 1995, and 2007, and the absolute universalization micro-strategy is used.
This line is from the last sentence of Gulyabani. The narrator of the story shares how scared he was at night after he listened to the story of Gulyabani as a child, no matter how much he prayed the God before sleeping. The elimination and neutralisation of phrases
201
associated with outdated traditional behaviours and religious implications in the intralingual translations suggest an ideological intervention in the intralingual translations of 1971, 1995, and 2007. This can also be seen as a process of foreignization of the Ottoman past, which means that the Turkish reader is being distanced from their Ottoman heritage. This occurs through intralingual translations, where the readers of these translations are not able to perceive the historical life and experiences of the people during the Ottoman era.
According to Maurice Halbwachs, our memories are socially constructed at present time (Halbwachs, 1992). Therefore, in reconstructing the Ottoman past, the intralingual translations of 1971, 1995 and 2007 serve as a foreignization tool which leads the modern readers to forget the past with religious connotations. This is in line with the CDA which sees ideology as implicit in language.
Year
Page No
32. Example
1913
229
بن ذکر و توح یدله مشغول اول هجغم. الله ا یمانمی یولداش ا یتسون.
Transcription
Ben zikir ve tevhitle meşgul olacağım. Allah imanımı yoldaş etsin.
1938
145
Ben zikir ve tevhitle meşgul olacağım. Allah imanımı yoldaş etsin.
1971
11
Ben Tanrı’nın adını söylemekle uğraşacağım. Tanrı inancımı yoldaş etsin.
1995
138
Ben Tanrı’nın adını söylemekle uğraşacağım. Tanrı inancımı yoldaş etsin.
2007
142
Ben Tanrı’nın adını söylemekle uğraşacağım. Tanrı inancımı yoldaş etsin.
The Arabic-origin words related to religion comprise the examples “zikir” (worship and rituals performed by saying the name of God repeatedly) and “tevhit” (believing in the oneness of God, counting as one, looking at as one) (TDK Sözlük, n.d.) and “Allah”. The 1938 translation transcribes the source language without making any modifications. However, the intralingual translations in 1971, 1995, and 2007 deviate from the source text and phrase it as ‘I will endeavour to recite the name of the God. May God make my faith my companion’ employing the absolute universalization strategy.
In this line, all the maidens Ruşen, Kalfa, Muhsine and the lady of the mansion expect certain death because of Gulyabani. The lady of the mansion wants to wait for death by praying the God in her last moments. The act of intralingual translation, which involves translating the phrases "zikir", "tevhit", and "Allah" and removing their religious
202
overtones, can be seen as an attempt to secularise the source text and distance the Ottoman past from cultural memory.
In this instance, the formation of discourse in the consecutive translations within the same language is clearly seen. The role of intralingual translations in socially reconstructing discourse in the present can be associated with both the notion of cultural memory and CDA. Therefore, the process of remembering and reconstructing the past is shaped by the awareness of the translations within the same language. The modern readers are foreignized to the Arabic terms associated with religion in the 1971, 1995, and 2007 intralingual translations.
5.3.3.3. Linguistic Hospitality
Year
Page No
33. Example
1913
29
اناه مع الصبر ین...
Transcription
İnnallâhe ma’as-sâbirîn…
1938
18
İnnahale maassabirîn…
1971
18
Hay Rabbim, sen sabırlar ver bana …
1995
36
Hay Rabb’im, sen sabırlar ver bana…
2007
19
Hay Rabbim, sen sabırlar ver bana…
The source text mentions the Arabic phrase "İnnallâhe ma’as-sâbirîn" and its provenance. It once served as an exclamation denoting "patience". In the 1938 translation, the text is not rendered into Turkish but only transcribed with the Latin alphabet. However, the 1971, 1995, and 2007, intralingual translations clarify and alter the exclamation to "[h]ay Rabbim, sen sabırlar ver bana," which means ‘o Lord, give me patience’. This is done by employing the absolute universalization strategy, which involves eliminating or reducing the religious connotation.
This example is from the book where Ayşe Hanım gets angry when Muhsine hesitates to go into the mansion about which she hears some scary rumours. Upon Muhsine’s hesitations, Ayşe Hanım gets frustrated and asks for patience from God. “İnnallâhe ma’as-sâbirîn” is the verse in the Koran in 2/153 meaning “Allah is with the patient”, which is also seen as an exclamation in the sense of ‘patience’ in the old times. By
203
removing the Arabic-origin verse from the Koran and interpreting it into Turkish, the intralingual translations of 1971, 1995 and 2007 serve to use the mourning macro-strategy from the perspective of linguistic hospitality. In the last three intralingual translations, it may be argued that there is a deliberate attempt to break away from the Ottoman past and make the source text more secular.
The 1938 intralingual translation’s use of the remembering macro-strategy can be linked with Katiboğlu’s findings on the self-intralingual translation of Halid Ziya, where she reads Ziya’s efforts as a counter-gesture for remembering the eradicated Ottoman Other, which struggles against “extreme national purification efforts and demands for loyalty to those efforts” (2023, p. 3). Similarly, the 1938 intralingual translation helps readers remember the Ottoman Other in the Republican context. On the other hand, the 1971, 1995 and 2007 intralingual translations renunciate the Ottoman Other. Thus, they employ the mourning macro-strategy. Therefore, the following intralingual translations reveal the disparity between Ottoman history and the Republican present.
The preceding chapters delve into the process of secularisation and the dissemination of language reforms throughout Türkiye’s history, as well as the investigation of linguistic hospitality. Hence, the collected data on the social and historical development of Türkiye is aimed to be correlated with the results of case studies. Therefore, the intralingual translations from 1971, 1995, and 2007 show a renunciation of the Ottoman past. Over time, Türkiye became more secular and evolved a language distinct from Ottoman Turkish, which had significant Arabic and Persian influences.
Year
Page No
34. Example
1913
111
آز قالدی هلاك اول یوردم .
Transcription
Az kaldı helâk oluyordum.
1938
75
Az kaldı helâk oluyordum.
1971
56
Az kaldı ölüyordum.
1995
76
Az kaldı ölüyordum.
2007
69
Az kaldı ölüyordum.
In the present instance, the translation of the Arabic-origin expression “helak olmak” is evaluated. The phrase's original meaning is "to die," but its Arabic-origin and religious
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connotation are changed in succeeding translations within the same language. "Helak olmak" is a word of Arabic-origin that is mostly seen in religious writings. In the 1938 intralingual translation, the source text phrase is retained, but in the successive intralingual translations from 1971, 1995, and 2007, the phrase is changed to "ölüyordum" (I was about to die) by eliminating the Arabic expression and employing the absolute universalization micro-strategy.
The instance is taken from the novel where the lady of the mansion, Muhsine Hanim, Ruşen Kalfa and Arap Baci, stay at the rooftop of the mansion scaring from the Gulyabani. The Lady of the mansion shares her fears with the other women and states that she is about to die of fear of Gulyabani. While the 1938 translation transcribes the source text and does not alter anything, it serves as a reminder of the Ottoman times and employs the remembering macro-strategy. The 1971, 1995 and 2007 intralingual translations, however, change the source text by moving beyond a simple transcription and use the mourning macro-strategy.
By referring to Halid Ziya Uşaklıgil’s intralingual self-translation, Monica Katiboğlu states that “[i]n the drive for legibility in the republican context, his translation is profoundly fraught with tension between erasure and preservation of the historical memory of language” (2023, p. 5). Similarly, this example demonstrates that the different intralingual translations of Gulyabani are “fraught with tension between erasure and preservation of the historical memory of language” to reach the readers in the Republican context. While the first intralingual translation employs preservation, the following intralingual translations accept the erasure and mourning.
Year
Page No
35. Example
1913
261-262
جن پری نامنه بو کوشکده اجرا ا ید یلن مظالم و ملعن تك ا یچ یوز ی نی جمل هکزك انظار نفرت و
استغرا بی اوکنده م یدانه قو ی هرق همتکز ا یله ا یشته الحدلله موفق اولدم. .
Transcription
Cin peri namına bu köşkte icra edilen mezalim ve melanetin iç yüzünü cümlenizin enzâr-ı nefret ve istiğrabı önünde meydana koyarak himmetiniz ile işte elhamdülillâh muvaffak oldum.
1938
166
Cin peri namına bu köşkte icra edilen mezalim ve mel’anetin iç yüzünü cümlenizin nefret ve istiğrab nazarlarınız önünde meydana koyarak himmetinizle işte elhamdülillâh muvaffak oldum.
1971
126
Cin, peri adına bu köşkte yapılan zulüm ve alçaklıkların içyüzünü hepinizin garipseyen bakışları önüne koymayı, çok şükür başardım.
205
1995
154
Cin, peri adına bu köşkte yapılan zulüm ve alçaklıkların içyüzünü hepinizin garipseyen bakışları önüne koymayı, şükür başardım.
2007
160
Cin, peri adına bu köşkte yapılan zulüm ve alçaklıkların içyüzünü hepinizin garipseyen bakışları önüne koymayı, çok şükür başardım.
The current example includes several instances of translating Arabic-derived terms into Turkish-derived words, which may be examined using the linguistic hospitality macro-strategy. In the subsequent intralingual translations of 1971, 1995, and 2007, the Arabic-origin words used in the source text are changed. For example, "icra etmek" (to do) is translated as "yapmak", "mezalim ve melanet" (cruelty and baseness) as "zulüm ve alçaklık", "cümlenizin" (all of you) as "hepinizin", and "istiğrab nazarlarınız önüne" (before your eyes) as "bakışları önüne". The absolute universalization micro-strategy is employed. In the 1938 version, these words are transcribed.
At the end of the example, there are also absolute universalization strategy uses for the Arabic-origin words such as “elhamdülillah” (thank Allah/Hallelujah) intralingually translated into “şükür/çok şükür”, which can also be evaluated from the secularisation point of view, and “muvaffak oldum” (I accomplished) into “başardım”. It is possible to see the deletion micro-strategy for the word “himmetinizle”, which can be translated as “with your help” in the successive intralingual translations of 1971, 1995 and 2007. As one can see, the last three intralingual translations Turkified and changed the Arabic-origin words. From the perspective of linguistic hospitality, this may be described as the process of forgetting the Ottoman past. It is examined within the framework of the mourning macro-strategy.
Only the first, the 1938 intralingual translation employs the remembering macro-strategy, which helps contemporary readers to understand that the text belongs to the Ottoman era. However, the employment of remembering macro-strategy may provide challenges for the readers’ reading comprehension due to the disparity between modern Turkish and Ottoman Turkish.
DHA evaluates the discourses by taking historicity into consideration. Therefore, the historical background discussed in the preceding chapters is taken into account while analysing the current example, which suggests that the process of secularisation in both Türkiye and the Turkish language is apparent in this particular example.
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The example is extracted from the end of the novel where Hasan, the saviour of the women and the husband-to-be of Muhsine, explains the story of how he engaged in the bogeys, and Gulyabani and how he fell in love with Muhsine, and decides to rescue her from the malicious employees of the mansion. This sentence appears in the last part of the novel where Hasan proudly explains how he managed to persuade the peasants to come for help of the women under the bogeys’ terror.
Year
Page No
36. Example
1913
216-
217
الفبانك اوچ و ایکی نقط هلی حرفلرندن نقطه چال هرق نقط هسز حرفلره علاوه ایتملی، لامالفلری ترس
چویرملی، دیکر حرفلری ایصیرماسون دییه )س(لرك دیشلرینی سوکم هلی، )ع(لرك )غ(لرك
اغزلرینی باغلاملی، )ج(لرك )ح(لرك )خ(لرك قارنلرینی طویورملی، )ش(لرك )ن(لرك تکن هلرینه
بال قویمالی، هپسی بر آر هیه طوپلای هرق بو قیزی توتسول هملی.
Transcription
Elifbanın üç ve iki noktalı harflerinden nokta çalarak noktasız harflere ilave etmeli, “lâmelif”leri ters çevirmeli, diğer harfleri ısırmasın diye “sin”lerin dişlerini sökmeli, “ayın”ların “gayın”ların ağızlarını bağlamalı, “cim”lerin “ha”ların “hı”ların karınlarını doyurmalı, “şın”ların “nun”ların teknelerine bal koymalı, hepsini bir araya toplayarak bu kızı tütsülemeli.
1938
138
Elifbanın üç ve iki noktalı harflerinden nokta çalarak noktasız harflere ilave etmeli, lâmelif’leri ters çevirmeli. Öteki harfleri ısırmasın diye “ س”lerin
dişlerini sökmeli, “ ع”ların “ غ”ların ağızları bağlanmalı, “ج”lerin “ح”ların “خ”ların karınlarını doyurmalı, “ ش”ların “ ن”ların teknelerine bal koymalı, hepsini bir araya toplayarak bu kızı tütsülemeli.
1971
105
Alfabenin üç ve iki noktalı harflerinden nokta çalarak noktasız harflere ilave etmeli. Lâmelif’leri ters çevirmeli. Öteki harfleri ısırmasın diye “sin”lerin dişlerini sökmeli, “ayın”ların “gayın”ların karınlarını doyurmalı, “şın”ların “nun”ların teknelerine bal koymalı, hepsini bir araya toplayarak bu kızı tütsülemeli. *
*Arap harfleriyle alfabede bulunan harf biçimlerine göre Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar, benzerliklerden faydalanıp kelime oyunları yapıyor.
1995
131
Elifbenin üç ve iki noktalı harflerinden nokta çalarak noktasız harflere ilave etmeli. Lâmelif’leri* ters çevirmeli. Öteki harfleri ısırmasın diye “sin”lerin dişlerini sökmeli, “ayın”ların “gayın”ların ağızlarını bağlamalı, “cim”lerin “ha”ların “hı”ların karınlarını doyurmalı, “şın”ların “nun”ların teknelerine bal koymalı, hepsini bir araya toplayarak bu kızı tütsülemeli. **
*Eski alfabede bileşik bir harf.
**Arap harfleriyle alfabede bulunan harf biçimlerine göre Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar, benzerliklerden yararlanıp kelime oyunları yapıyor.
2007
132
Alfabenin üç ve iki noktalı harflerinden nokta çalarak noktasız harflere ilave etmeli. Lâmelif’leri ters çevirmeli. Öteki harfleri ısırmasın diye “sin”lerin dişlerini sökmeli, “ayın”ların “gayın”ların karınlarını doyurmalı, “şın”ların “nun”ların teknelerine bal koymalı, hepsini bir araya toplayarak bu kızı tütsülemeli. *
207
*Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar, Arap alfabesindeki harflerle söz oyunu yapmaktadır.
The last example of Gulyabani holds a distinct significance in relation to the linguistic hospitality macro-strategy discussed in the study. The example is extracted from the section of the book where Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar employs wordplay at the level of individual letters. Nevertheless, due to his use of Arabic script in the work, his wordplay posed a difficulty for later translations within the same language. Given that the alphabet change occurred in 1928 and the 1938 edition was not translated until much later, it is possible that the publisher of this intralingual translation presumed that the readers would be familiar with the previous Arabic letters. Consequently, the publisher may deem it unnecessary to transcribe the letters, unlike the subsequent translations, the 1971, 1995, and 2007 versions need the transcription of the letters together with a footnote to elucidate the context and employ the extratextual gloss strategy. The 1971 and 1995 versions clarify the puns by stating that “Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar use the resemblances in the letter shapes of Arabic letters to create puns”. In 2007, the intralingual translation is used to interpret the puns as “Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar makes puns with the letters of the Arabic alphabet”.
Linguistic hospitality of the intralingual translations performed during the Republican period is explicit in this example. The intralingual translations necessarily remind their readers of the Ottoman difference in this example due to Gürpınar’s puns in the Arabic letters. However, only the 1938 intralingual translation uses Arabic letters and employs the remembering macro-strategy.
Thus, by evoking the past, a connection is established for the readers to the Ottoman era, serving as a reminder that the book they are presently reading is a fragment of history. In contrast, the extratextual gloss micro-strategy is used in 1971, 1995, and 2007 to elucidate the Arabic characters by intralingual translations. However, they fail to showcase the authentic Arabic letters and acknowledge the sense of mourning.
5.3.3.4. Concluding Remarks
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Upon analysing the examples of Gulyabani, one can explicitly detect a similar pattern of gradual secularisation of the text in the intralingual translations. The 2007 intralingual translation uses similar strategies employed by the 1971 and 1995 intralingual translations. The 1938 intralingual translation, on the other hand, tends to keep most of the religious references. Hence, it stays closer to the source text in terms of these references. Based on the case study of the Gulyabani, the source text has been systematically made less religious in the 1971, 1995, and 2007 intralingual translations.
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CHAPTER 6 DISCUSSION
The present thesis has set out to illuminate the role and function of intralingual translations within the framework of the establishment of (de)secularisation, the construction of cultural memory and the achievement of linguistic hospitality. The cross-temporal analysis of the novels written in Ottoman Turkish and their intralingual translations in different decades of the Republican era is expected to reveal implicit and explicit relations and tensions of modern Türkiye with its Ottoman past. While the reconceptualization of intralingual translation serves as a tool for unearthing the diachronic evolution of the Turkish language, secularisation/de-secularisation, familiarisation/foreignization, and remembering/mourning dichotomies serve as key notions in the evaluation of the examples presented above. Türkiye’s relation with its Ottoman past and its gradual secularisation and modernisation trajectory have been illuminated through the investigation of cross-temporally conducted intralingual translations.
The investigation is made on the different historical layers of the Turkish language, which are linguistically, politically, socially, and ideologically connected with the terms they are produced. Intralingual translations can illuminate the covert and overt conflict between the Ottoman and Republican cultures in Türkiye, as well as between the old and the modern. The relationship between the Ottoman and the Republican culture is the conflict between old and new, traditional and modern, religious and secular. On the one hand, in the Ottoman Empire, the traditional Islamic governing culture was the basis. On the other hand, the Republican era reflected national sovereignty and independence as its base (Konuralp, 2016, p. 124). As a result, the fundamental ideas of the newly formed nation-state that emerged from the fall of the Empire were shifted. The Republican period’s essential motivation was revolutionary, and the Ottoman period’s motivation was traditionalism (Berkes, 2002, p. 522). To achieve its primary goal of bringing Turkish society into the modern era, two major tasks needed to be accomplished: first, the conservative mindset needed to be eliminated, and then new institutions, organizations, and norms were to be developed. The implicit conflict between the Ottoman and the
210
Republican culture has been observed in examples such as the change of the word “payitaht” (Istanbul, the capital city of the Ottoman Empire) (Gürpınar, 1911) to “the inhabitants of Istanbul” (Gürpınar, 2007b) in the 19th example or the omission of the first and only national holiday of the Ottoman Empire in the 20th example in the intralingual translations conducted in the Republican period. Readers who do not know Ottoman Turkish and who cannot reach the source text to compare it with intralingual translations would not notice this implicit conflict. The removal of source text’s pages, on the other hand, is an example of explicit conflict.
In this regard, the current study delved into intralingual translations of selected writings from Ottoman Turkish into modern Turkish in order to examine the conflict and struggle between the past and present. Through a meticulous analysis of the 36 examples chosen in the case study section above, a nuanced understanding of intralingual translation patterns and tendencies are revealed from three different perspectives.
The comprehensive examination of 36 examples in this research leads us to some key findings and patterns that help us answer the research questions stated in the Introduction Chapter. Therefore, the recurring patterns and themes that emerged in the example examinations have been identified and interpreted. For each of the three novels, Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç, Gulyabani, and Efsuncu Baba, 12 representative examples are investigated. Then, these 12 examples have been divided into three groups in line with each macro-strategy. Therefore, each macro-strategy has been represented via 4 examples. It should also be underlined that the example covers one source text written in Arabic letters, its transcription into Latin letters and four intralingual translations conducted in different decades throughout the history of the Turkish state. Therefore, in 36 examples, a total of 144 distinct intralingual translations are analysed comparatively with their 36 source versions in the Arabic script.
It is worth emphasising the type of lexical elements to which these macro-strategies are employed. The construction of cultural memory is employed to the examples related to the culture, social and traditional life in general. The establishment of (de)secularisation is employed to the examples related to religion and superstitious beliefs. The achievement of linguistic hospitality is employed in the examples related to language and lexical items
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with Arabic and Persian roots In the following pages, examples are to be identified, evaluated, and interpreted in line with the macro-strategies presented in this order.
6.1. FINDINGS REGARDING SECULARISATION/DE-SECULARISATION
The intralingual translation examples with regard to the secularisation macro-strategy are evaluated through the dichotomy of secularisation and de-secularisation. On the one hand, the secularisation of the source text refers to the elimination of the lexical items related to religion and the preservation of superstitious terms. On the other hand, the de-secularisation of the source text refers to the preservation of lexical items related to religion and the deletion of lexical items related to pseudo-Koranic and superstitious beliefs.
An illuminating example can be provided to enhance comprehension and clarity: if the source text contains religious words, especially of Arabic origin, and the intralingual translation removes it or translates it into modern Turkish, then this intralingual translation secularises the source text. Intralingual translation of “Rabbilâlemin” into “Tanrı” is an example of secularisation. On the other hand, the 13th example demonstrates the de-secularisation of the intralingual translations by retaining allusions related to Islam. The expression in the example is the translation of "Ta bidayet-i beşeriyetten beri” (Gürpınar, 1911) (since the inception/creation of mankind). While the 1958 and 2007 versions retain the Islamic allusion and translate it as ‘since the creation of humanity’ they employ the de-secularisation strategy. However, the 1969 and 1995 versions translate the phrase as ‘since the beginning of humanity’ without reference to the act of ‘creation’. The theological notion of ‘creation’ refers to the belief that humans have a divine origin. Secular and materialist worldviews typically reject this notion. Therefore, 1969 and 1995 intralingual translations seem to secularise the intralingual translations.
Regarding the superstitious or pseudo-Koranic words, if they are retained in the translations, it may be argued that the source text is not exposed to de-secularisation. This is because words that could potentially offend or undermine religion are maintained in the text, even if it is being reconstructed for contemporary readers, thereby allowing the harmful content to persist. Nevertheless, if superstitious lexical elements are excluded from the intralingual translation, one may argue that it serves to safeguard religion from
212
a detrimental and aberrant mindset. Exclusively the examples in Efsuncu Baba include examples of eradicating phoney prayers and superstitious beliefs while also protecting religion, which is connected to the text's de-secularisation. For instance, the name of the fabricated praying, “eyyüha’r-ravdu a’tini tarikan…” is removed in the first intralingual translation of Efsuncu Baba and de-secularisation is employed. On the other hand, the phrase is preserved in the intralingual translations conducted in the 1970s and 1990s.
To put it more clearly, it is claimed that transferring or not transferring pseudo-Koranic texts from the past to the present also shows an inclination towards secularisation or de-secularisation. For instance, in a country currently governed by Sharia law, it requires bravery to republish the falsified prayers found in ancient writings and conclude them with the word "amen," as seen in the fourth example within the case study section. By engaging in self-censorship and removing some elements, the source writing becomes less influenced by secular ideas.
Table 6. Secularisation in Efsuncu Baba Efsuncu Baba Year No Secularisation/De-secularisation Micro Strategy 1954 1
De-secularisation
2
De-secularisation
Deletion
3
De-secularisation
Deletion
4
De-secularisation
1966 1
Secularisation
Absolute Universalization 2
Secularisation
Extratextual Gloss 3
Secularisation
4
Secularisation
Absolute Universalization 1995 1
Secularisation
Absolute Universalization 2
Secularisation
Extratextual Gloss 3
Secularisation
4
Secularisation
Absolute Universalization 2009 1
De-secularisation
2
Secularisation
Extratextual Gloss 3
De-secularisation
Deletion
4
De-secularisation
Upon the examination of Efsuncu Baba's examples with regard to secularisation, certain patterns emerge as forms of a consistent discourse. The consistent tendency towards
213
(de)secularisation of several intralingual translations from different historical periods has been discovered. Comparing and contrasting the patterns across the examples highlight both the commonalities and divergences in the different intralingual translations. While the first intralingual translation made in 1954 and the last intralingual translation made in 2009 opt for the de-secularisation of the source text, the intralingual translations produced in 1966 and 1995 secularise the source text.
In the identification of the macro-strategy as either secularisation or de-secularisation, the micro-strategies help us to scrutinise the examples. It is detected that the extratextual gloss strategy is employed for both secularisation and de-secularisation. Absolute universalization generally serves for secularisation while the deletion micro-strategy led the text to de-secularisation.
The examination of Efsuncu Baba in relation to secularisation has revealed a significant and major conclusion. It has been discovered that the intralingual translations carried out in the 1950s and 2000s remove the secular discourse from the source text. Considering the broader context, the implications of these patterns resonate with the political atmosphere of the terms they are produced. Here, it should be remembered that throughout the mentioned decades, the governments belonged to conservative parties, the Democrat Party in the 1950s and the Justice and Development Party in the 2000s. This finding corroborates the idea that “intralingual translations in Türkiye cannot be divorced from the nationalist agenda and that they reveal linguistic, translational and ideological norms of the period when these translations were produced” (Berk Albachten, 2015, p. 165). Furthermore, in shaping the discourse, prevalent ideologies and politics are influential, as the CDA research suggests. The Democrat Party of the 1950s and the Justice and Development Party of the 2000s follow a conservative ideological path, which is reflected in the discourse of intralingual translations conducted in these decades. The Democrat Party’s ruling is referred to as conservatist in the field of culture that is “felt both in politics and in the cultural practices” (Tahir-Gürçağlar, 2008, p. 86). That is explicit in the intralingual translation conducted in 1954. Similarly, the Justice and Development Party’s ruling is also conservative in terms of its claims for neo-ottomanism and its conservative policies (Göçek, 2011). These findings hold significant implications for intralingual translation researchers, especially in the Türkiye context both from historical and discursive perspectives.
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Table 7. Secularisation in Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç
Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç Year No Secularisation/De-secularisation Micro Strategy 1958 1
De-secularisation
Limited Universalization 2
De-secularisation
Limited Universalization 3
De-secularisation
Limited Universalization 4
De-secularisation
Absolute Universalization 1969 1
Secularisation
Absolute Universalization 2
Secularisation
Absolute Universalization 3
Secularisation
Absolute Universalization 4
Secularisation
Absolute Universalization 1995 1
Secularisation
Absolute Universalization 2
Secularisation
Absolute Universalization 3
Secularisation
Absolute Universalization 4
Secularisation
Absolute Universalization 2007 1
De-secularisation
Limited Universalization 2
De-secularisation
Limited Universalization 3
De-secularisation
Limited Universalization 4
De-secularisation
Absolute Universalization
De-secularisation
Absolute Universalization
Through a meticulous examination of the examples in Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç from a secularisation point of view, several recurring and common characteristics appear in the intralingual translations. The consistent secularisation and de-secularisation patterns across intralingual translations belonging to the same decades demonstrate the presence of the effect of the eras in which these intralingual translations are generated.
Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç’s intralingual translations in the 1950s and 2000s cluster around de-secularisation. On the other hand, the intralingual translations made in the 1970s and 1990s cluster around secularisation. The change of language policies depending on the politics of the state and its official institution of the Turkish Language Society is explained by Doğançay-Aktuna as follows:
Things were to change in 1950, however, when the more conservative Democrat Party came into power. The TDK’s ties to the Ministry of Education were severed, thus cutting the language planners off from their most important means of implementation. […] In 1960, the sociopolitical tide shifted again in favor of language purification, under the ruling of the army who overthrew the democrats. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, the government supported TDK’s activities (Doǧançay-Aktuna, 2004).
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The military intervention of 1980 created a political environment that, unlike the two previous military interventions, favoured the traditionalists. And the new TDK, after 1983, put an end to the movement of language Turkification initiated by the modernists (Bingöl, 2012, p. 13). By the 1990s, however, efforts to purge the language had already reached the point where words of Turkish origin predominated more than before. Additionally, the political atmosphere of the 1990s when the military became involved in politics, as explored in Chapter 2, justifies the secularisation approach of the intralingual translations carried out in that decade.
The relationship between the micro and macro-strategies should be underlined, as well. Similar to the previous novel, the employment of absolute universalization leads to the secularisation macro-strategy, while limited universalization mostly results in de-secularisation. The finding regarding the link between the use of absolute universalization and the application of secularisation is consistent with the findings of the other two novels. It should be underlined that the use of absolute universalization leads to secularisation in all three novels.
As previously mentioned, Ruth Wodak defines CDA as “being fundamentally interested in analysing opaque as well as transparent structural relationships of dominance, discrimination, power and control as manifested in language” (2009, p. 10). The present examination of the examples from a (de)secularisation point of view suggests the relationship between dominance, power, and control has been manifested in the diverse discourses of the intralingual translations conducted in different decades. These findings also show that discourse is historically formed and influenced by the dominant powers of the terms, supporting van Dijk’s statement that “discourse is historical” (2009).
Table 8. Secularisation in Gulyabani Gulyabani Year No Secularisation/De-secularisation Micro Strategy 1938 1
De-secularisation
2
De-secularisation
3
De-secularisation
4
De-secularisation
1971 1
Secularisation
Limited Universalization 2
Secularisation
Absolute Universalization 3
Secularisation
Absolute Universalization 4
Secularisation
Absolute Universalization
216
1995 1
Secularisation
Limited Universalization 2
Secularisation
Absolute Universalization 3
Secularisation
Absolute Universalization 4
Secularisation
Absolute Universalization 2007 1
Secularisation
Limited Universalization 2
Secularisation
Absolute Universalization 3
Secularisation
Absolute Universalization 4
Secularisation
Absolute Universalization
The analysis of the four examples and 16 intralingual translations unveils a recurring pattern in Gulyabani. The first intralingual translation conducted in 1938 demonstrates a concrete de-secularisation trend. On the other hand, repeated secularisation patterns have been found in intralingual translations of 1971, 1995 and 2007.
The patterns imply a common feature in the cases of secularisation and de-secularisation. The investigation of Gulyabani’s intralingual translations made in the 1970s, 1990s and 2000s indicates a secularisation pattern. The secularisation pattern encountered in the 2007 intralingual translation contradicts the prevalent conservative ideology of the Justice and Development Party period. The similarity of the 2000s to the 1990s and 1970s intralingual translation in terms of the secularisation pattern in Gulyabani is also found in terms of cultural memory and linguistic hospitality. Not only secularisation, but also the foreignization and mourning macro-strategies are employed in the 2007 intralingual translation of Gulyabani similar to the 1971 and 1995 intralingual translations.
The tremendous popularity of Gulyabani might be the explanation for this exception. As mentioned above, being among the Ministry of National Education's 100 Fundamental Works and one of Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar's most famous works, intralingual translators and editors may have been hesitant to de-secularise the source text. Furthermore, Gulyabani gained its popularity from the comedy film Süt Kardeşler directed by Ertem Eğilmez in 1976, one of the most famous films in the history of Turkish cinema. This popularity and its unshakable place in modern Turkish culture may explain the exception of its intralingual translation carried out in 2007.
Consistent with the previous examples, the recognition of repetitive patterns highlights the interrelatedness of the time periods in which intralingual translations take place. The discourses of the intralingual translations are clustered in the same periods that
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correspond to either secularisation or de-secularisation. Hence, the historical context of the discourse of the translations allows for the interpretation of recognised patterns.
As Wodak and Ludwig suggest, “[d]iscourse is always historical, that is, it is connected synchronically and diachronically with other communicative events which are happening at the same time or which have happened before” (1999, p. 12). Thus, the historical developments and political shifts in Türkiye lead to a change in language and discourse.
The changes that have occurred in the history of Türkiye, as discussed in Chapter 2, are analysed using CDA and DHA, which are explained in Chapter 4 of this research. By considering all the facts offered in the earlier chapters, we are able to approach the examples in a comprehensive manner.
6.2. FINDINGS REGARDING CULTURAL MEMORY
In terms of cultural memory, four representative examples have been explored for each of the three novels. The subsequent pages will initially emphasise the consistent patterns of intralingual translations in each work. In the following paragraphs, the recurring patterns in the intralingual translations of each novel are to be highlighted initially, either as familiarisation or foreignization of the modern reader, while reconstructing the Ottoman past in the Republican era. Then, intralingual translations made in similar decades are to be compared and contrasted. By doing so, common patterns and pervasive themes are indicated, and key findings answering the research question are expected to emerge.
In Efsuncu Baba, the patterns that crystallise suggest a unifying theme across the diverse set of examples: 4 examples from the source text written in 1924 and 16 intralingual translations conducted in 1954, 1966, 1995 and 2009 respectively.
Table 9. Cultural Memory in Efsuncu Baba Efsuncu Baba Year No Cultural Memory Micro Strategy 1954 1
Foreignization
Deletion
2
Foreignization
Deletion
3
Familiarisation
4
Foreignization
Deletion
1966 1
Familiarisation
218
2
Familiarisation
3
Familiarisation
4
Familiarisation
Extratextual Gloss 1995 1
Familiarisation
Extratextual Gloss 2
Familiarisation
3
Familiarisation
Extratextual Gloss 4
Familiarisation
Extratextual Gloss 2009 1
Familiarisation
2
Familiarisation
3
Foreignization
4
Familiarisation
An exploration of the diverse array of the 4 examples and 16 intralingual translations reveals a pervasive theme that emerged consistently throughout 1966, 1995 and 2009 intralingual translations. While these intralingual translations familiarise the reader with their Ottoman past, the first intralingual translation dated 1954 predominantly foreignized the readers to the Ottoman heritage.
It is evident that the examples of familiarisation generally display the extratextual gloss micro-strategy and explain the historical points to its readers through footnotes. The utilisation of this strategy signifies a connection between providing an explanation and the attempt to resurrect and reflect the historical nature of the text to contemporary readers. It serves as a reminder that the text being read is originally older and belongs to a forgotten past, some parts of which have been erased due to language reforms. However, using the deletion micro-strategy might result in a text in which the contemporary reader is foreignized to the cultural memory. The removal of cultural and linguistic allusions from the source text leads to a phenomenon where readers become oblivious to their own cultural and linguistic background, resulting in a process of foreignization.
Therefore, intralingual translations become a site for the reconstruction of the past in the modern Republican era. In the production of Efsuncu Baba, which was written in 1924, the intralingual translations of 1966, 1995 and 2009 remind the modern Turkish reader of their prior Self and reconstruct the past to make the reader familiarise themselves with their forgotten side.
However, it should be noted that here the reconstruction of the past refers to the initial years of the Republic of Türkiye as the book was written in 1924. This exception does not disprove the hypothesis that the majority of contemporary readers, during the
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Republican era, are mostly exposed to a foreignization perspective while reconstructing Ottoman history. This is because the original book itself was produced after the establishment of the Republic. In other words, if the source text was produced in the earlier eras of the Ottoman Empire, the temporality and cultural distance would be greater, then the modern Republican readers of intralingual translations would be exposed to foreignization. Since Efsuncu Baba was written in the Republican era, cultural proximity is close, so contemporary readers become acquainted with their past through intralingual translations. Therefore, the table substantiates the assertion that the content generated during the Republican era does not necessitate foreignization in subsequent intralingual translations, since it aligns with the Republican rhetoric and ideology because of the temporal and cultural proximity.
The contrasting elements between the various examples shed light on the divergence of the 1954 intralingual translation from the following intralingual translations. The intralingual translations done in the 1950s exhibit a consistent divergence across the macro-strategies of the establishment of (de)secularisation and the achievement of linguistic hospitality. This will be addressed in the following pages, after the exploration of the construction of cultural memory for the books.
The distinction of the 1954 intralingual translation in Efsuncu Baba is the result of its foreignization inclination, while the 1966, 1995 and 2009 translations familiarise contemporary readers with their past. Deletion micro-strategy and foreignization of the reader during the reconstruction process suggest that the translator and editor of this work exercised greater autonomy in the creation of the text. However, due to certain limitations of the present study, the translation agents’ roles have not been included in the discussion part. That is, only the cross-temporality of the intralingual translations is taken into consideration.
The investigation of Efsuncu Baba within the context of the construction of cultural memory reveals two noteworthy findings, which are the first two instances examined in the case study chapter. The initial two examples (no 5 and 6) examined in this thesis are of the highest significance since they contain ideological aspects spanning a total of 2 pages, and they are completely absent from the 1954 intralingual translation. The instances of omission support Özlem Berk’s claim that “the practice of intralingual translation is not merely a linguistic activity where identical reproductions of the original
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are made by replacing words with their synonyms. Rather, it is a cultural, historical and political endeavour […]” (2014, p. 583).
The exclusion of the sections inside the book that encompass Gürpınar's political and ideological perspectives is closely associated with the intervention in intralingual translation. These parts are related to the politics of the time. They represent one of the most prominent and evident interventions that an intralingual translation made in the present study. These findings also illustrate Özlem Berk’s statement that "[...] intralingual translations of a literary work are therefore good sources that reveal linguistic, translational, and ideological norms of the periods during which these translations were produced" (2012, p. 268). Hence, it may be asserted that the content deemed acceptable to articulate in the original text during 1924, as well as in the 1970s, 1990s, and 2000s, was deemed unsuitable for dissemination within the political climate of the 1950s. To reiterate, the first two examples included parts demonstrating the author’s political views encompassing antisemitic ideas and highly negative thoughts about a Turkish historical figure Enver Pasha. Since it may have been hard to articulate these thoughts in the 1950s after the World War II and under the Democrat Party rule, the 1954 intralingual translation omitted the related pages. The aforementioned distinction serves as evidence of the extent to which the (re)production period has influenced intralingual translations.
Table 10. Cultural Memory in Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç Year No Cultural Memory Micro Strategy 1958 1
2
Familiarisation
3
Familiarisation
Absolute Universalization 4
Foreignization
Absolute Universalization 1969 1
2
Foreignization
Deletion
3
Foreignization
Absolute Universalization 4
Foreignization
Absolute Universalization 1995 1
2
Foreignization
Deletion
3
Foreignization
Absolute Universalization 4
Familiarisation
Extratextual Gloss 2007 1
Foreignization
Limited Universalization 2
Familiarisation
3
Familiarisation
Absolute Universalization 4
Foreignization
Absolute Universalization
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In Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç, the identification of common patterns underscores the intertextual relationship among 1969, 1995 and 2007 intralingual translations with some exceptions. It should also be emphasised that only the 2007 intralingual translation of Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç differs in terms of the macro-strategies, and it resembles the first intralingual translation performed in 1958. This resemblance contains the deletion of the same sentences and mistranslations in the same lines.
The comprehensive examination of the 4 examples and 16 intralingual translations illuminates a strong foreignization pattern, especially in 1969 and 1995 intralingual translations. The 1958 and 2007 intralingual translations of Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç reveal similarities in terms of the macro-strategies.
Similar to Efsuncu Baba, the deletion micro-strategy is employed in order to foreignize the readers to the Ottoman past. Additionally, the absolute universalization micro-strategy is linked with the foreignization examples as well. Therefore, the widespread use of deletion and absolute universalization micro-strategies suggests that the intralingual translations predominantly foreignized the readers while reconstructing the Ottoman past in the Republican era.
The results reveal the emergence of recurring patterns, indicating a shared translatorial approach throughout the numerous instances. Intralingual translations are employed as dynamic instruments for the reconstruction of historical events. Particularly, the following intralingual translations function as a foreignization mechanism, resulting in a disruption between an old text and the contemporary reader.
This tendency is compatible with Demircioğlu and Gençtürk-Demircioğlu’s claims that in the context of the objectives that are sought to be remembered, forgotten, erased, or relocated in the cultural memory of Turkish society in line with the spirit of the period, intralingual translations can serve as active instruments of familiarisation or foreignization (Demircioğlu & Gençtürk-Demircioğlu, 2022, p. 161). The analysis of the examples of Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç demonstrates that while the 1969 and 1995 intralingual translations actively contribute to the eradication of cultural memory within society, the 1958 and 2007 intralingual translations demonstrate a more balanced
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approach of familiarisation and foreignization of the readers to the Ottoman past. Thus, the investigation of Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç indicates a foreignization pattern regarding Türkiye’s traditional past in harmony with the spirit of the time in the Republican era.
Table 11. Cultural Memory in Gulyabani Gulyabani Year No Cultural Memory Micro Strategy 1938 1
Foreignization
Deletion
2
Familiarisation
3
Familiarisation
4
Familiarisation
1971 1
Foreignization
Limited Universalization 2
Foreignization
Absolute Universalization 3
Foreignization
Absolute Universalization 4
Foreignization
Absolute Universalization 1995 1
Foreignization
Limited Universalization 2
Foreignization
Absolute Universalization 3
Foreignization
Absolute Universalization 4
Foreignization
Absolute Universalization 2007 1
Foreignization
Deletion
2
Foreignization
Absolute Universalization 3
Foreignization
Absolute Universalization 4
Foreignization
Absolute Universalization
Through a meticulous examination of the selected examples, a thorough understanding of recurring patterns emerged in Gulyabani. The comprehensive examination unearths a recurring pattern that continuously surfaced in the intralingual translations. The first intralingual translation dated 1938, diverges itself from the subsequent versions in terms of reconstructing the cultural memory. The 1971, 1995 and 2007 intralingual translations distance the modern readers from the Ottoman cultural heritage and employ a foreignization macro-strategy. While doing so, the intralingual translations mostly use absolute universalization together with deletion and limited universalization micro-strategies, which proves a strong link between the use of these micro-strategies and the employment of foreignization. Therefore, it can be claimed that the usage of absolute universalization and deletion in intralingual translations leads to the foreignization of the readers to their Ottoman past.
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A solid pattern of foreignization in the 1971, 1995 and 2007 intralingual translations emerges in the examples of Gulyabani. As one of the most well-known and prestigious novels of Gürpınar and being on the list of the Ministry of National Education’s 100 Fundamental Works, Gulyabani’s intralingual translations made throughout Türkiye’s history have intervened in the connection between the past and present. Thus, the significance of intralingual translations, which may be seen as a cultural memory site where the past is created in the present becomes evident. This finding can also answer one of the fundamental research questions that the intralingual translations load ideological interventions in addition to linguistic ones.
The identification of common patterns of Gulyabani demonstrates the interconnected nature of the impact of the eras in which intralingual translations are made. It can be deduced that the eras influence intralingual translations made in the 1970s, 1990s and 2000s, which supports one of the main arguments of the collective memory framework that forms the basis for the notion of cultural memory: “the beliefs, interests, and aspirations of the present shape the various views of the past as they are manifested respectively in every historical epoch” (Lewis, 1992, p. 25). Additionally, as time passed and the Ottoman past was distanced day by day in the 20th and 21st centuries, the realities of yesterday started to become history. While remembering or reconstructing history/collective memory, we employ the present mind: “[o]ur conceptions of the past are affected by the mental images we employ to solve present problems, so that collective memory is essentially a reconstruction of the past in the light of the present” (Lewis, 1992, p. 34). Therefore, the 1970s, 1990s and 2000s differ themselves in reconstructing the cultural memory and foreignizing the present readers to the Ottoman past. Each decade can be claimed to see itself in a distant position to the Ottoman past and, therefore reconstruct the past in accordance with their present minds.
Among the myriad findings, a particularly noteworthy point is that the intralingual translations of Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar's books mostly employ the foreignization macro-strategy, which involves updating the earlier material to the present time. The patterns become evident in the intralingual translations of Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç and Gulyabani. Furthermore, it should be highlighted that examining the similarities and differences between the examples of different eras provides insights into how the initial intralingual translations diverge from the subsequent intralingual translations. In other
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words, the first intralingual translations of the novels dated 1954, 1958 and 1938 follow a different path than the intralingual translations conducted in the 1970s, 1990s and 2000s.
The intralingual translations of Efsuncu Baba follow a different path from the other two novels of Gürpınar in terms of reconstructing the cultural memory. The variation can be explained by the production date of the novels. While Efsuncu Baba was written in 1924 during the initial years of the Republic of Türkiye, Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç was written in 1911, and Gulyabani was written in 1913 during the reign of the Ottoman Empire. The difference between production dates can be interpreted as the reason behind familiarisation or foreignization patterns of the texts through intralingual translations. Occasionally, a span of ten years may bring about transformations in a country's trajectory that are equivalent to a century's worth of changes, as is shown in the case of Türkiye. The years 1911 and 1913 were the final years of a conventional Eastern Empire that was on the brink of disintegration, as World War I erupted in 1914. In 1924, Efsuncu Baba was composed within the context of a newly established nation-state that embraced a secular and contemporary ideology.
6.3. FINDINGS REGARDING LINGUISTIC HOSPITALITY
The examination of intralingual translation examples from a linguistic hospitality point of view has been undertaken using the dichotomy of remembering and mourning. By remembering, the translator effectively overcomes the resistance of both the source text and target language and does not necessarily renounce or remove any part of the source text during intralingual translation. The mourning, on the other hand, refers to giving up the dream of perfect translation. In this context, renunciation of perfect translation refers to acknowledging “the difference between adequacy and equivalence, equivalence without adequacy” (Ricoeur, 2006, p.10). That is, accepting there is no perfect translation and giving up certain elements of the source text. According to Paul Ricoeur, who devised the notion of linguistic hospitality, “[i]n translation too, work is advanced with some salvaging and some acceptance of loss” (Ricoeur, 2006, p. 3), in which the acceptance of loss relates to sorrow, whereas salvaging refers to remembering.
Linguistic hospitality is initially created by Paul Ricoeur (2006) for interpreting translation actions between various national languages or interlingual translations.
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However, the present study sought to broaden the scope of the notion of linguistic hospitality and include intralingual translation research by moving beyond the boundaries of national languages. Therefore, the present study contributes to the ongoing discourse by affirming the inclusion of intralingual translation. Monica Katiboğlu states in her study as follows:
Paul Ricoeur proposed the concept of “linguistic hospitality” as a labour of translation between discrete national languages. But in the instance where what is designated as foreign was once intimately part of one’s own language, linguistic hospitality becomes a potential project for reconciliation within a single language (Katiboğlu, 2023, p. 1).
In the context of Türkiye, as it has been investigated meticulously in the previous chapters, the conflict between the Ottoman past and the Republican present is apparent in language and language use. The temporal dimension is of utmost importance due to the significant interventions that the Turkish language has undergone during the history of the Republic of Türkiye, particularly during its early years.
The alphabet reform and removal of Arabic and Persian languages from Turkish have resulted in a linguistic divide throughout Türkiye’s history. In which linguistic hospitality may be seen as a useful instrument for investigation. The disruption or intervention brought an evolution in the modern Turkish language, and this process necessitates some form of renunciation of the past. Therefore, this renunciation or mourning of the past has been seen in the examples.
In Efsuncu Baba, certain patterns emerge, indicating two different inclinations, though with certain exceptions.
Table 12. Linguistic Hospitality in Efsuncu Baba Efsuncu Baba Year No Linguistic Hospitality Micro Strategy 1954 1
Mourning
Absolute Universalization 2
Remembering
3
Remembering
4
Remembering
1966 1
Remembering
2
Mourning
Deletion
3
Mourning
Absolute Universalization 4
Mourning
Absolute Universalization
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1995 1
Remembering
2
Mourning
Deletion
3
Mourning
Absolute Universalization 4
Mourning
Absolute Universalization 2009 1
Remembering
Extratextual Gloss 2
Remembering
3
Remembering
4
Remembering
Through a thorough analysis of the examples in Efsuncu Baba, it becomes evident that there are consistent patterns in the translation of words of Arabic and Persian-origins within the same language. The comparative study illustrates two distinct approaches to intralingual translation in the data.
The first and final intralingual translations, which were conducted in 1954 and 2009 respectively, employ the remembering macro-strategy and do not remove or erase old Arabic and Persian lexical elements. However, we can observe a consistent pattern of using the mourning macro-strategy in the intralingual translations conducted in 1966 and 1995.
In terms of the link between the micro-strategies and the macro-strategies, it is not surprising to detect a correlation between the employment of deletion and absolute universalization micro-strategy and the mourning macro-strategy. Given the inherent nature of mourning, which involves renunciation throughout the process of translating within the same language, translators often have to give up certain elements of the source text in order to achieve linguistic hospitality. In this context, the most appropriate micro-strategies to employ seem to be deletion or absolute universalization. Furthermore, it is essential to recognise the utilisation of extratextual gloss in situations that include the application of the macro-strategy of remembering. In extratextual gloss, rather than omitting the foreign (i.e., Arabic or Persian) lexical item, the translator chooses to provide an explanation in footnotes or brackets.
The present analysis reveals that the first and final intralingual translations of Efsuncu Baba do not modify or eliminate the old words that have Eastern origins. Nevertheless, the intralingual translations from 1966 and 1995 exclude these specific words and employ the mourning macro-strategy. Accepting the elimination of Arabic and Persian-origin
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lexical items in this term can be explained by the ideological and political changes in the government in the respected periods as follows:
As with the 1960 coup, the military intervention of 12 March 1971 creates a political atmosphere in favour of the modernists. […] The Prime Minister of the government, Nihat Erim, was a member of both the CHP and the TDK and a fervent advocate of the movement of [language] Turkification. With the support of the government, in the early 1970s, TDK again accelerated its efforts to simplify the language, concentrating on the simplification of a large number of concepts used in various disciplines (Bingöl, 2012, p. 11).
Besides the military presence over politics in the 1990s, such as in the 28 February 1997 military memorandum helps us explain the employment of the mourning macro-strategy of 1995 intralingual translation.
The initial intralingual translation's approach to remembering is a predictable pattern that occurs because of the close temporal relationship with the source text. However, the remembering pattern appearing in the 2009 intralingual translation can be considered an exception. The exception, in this case, can be understood based on the personal decisions made by the intralingual translator and/or editor. It is crucial to recognise the limits of the study here, as it does not investigate the involvement of translation agents or publishing houses.
Table 13. Linguistic Hospitality in Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç
Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç Year No Linguistic Hospitality Micro Strategy 1958 1
Remembering
Extratextual Gloss 2
Remembering
3
Mourning
Absolute Universalization 4
Remembering
1969 1
Remembering
2
Mourning
Deletion
3
Mourning
Absolute Universalization 4
Mourning
Absolute Universalization 1995 1
Remembering
Extratextual Gloss 2
Mourning
Deletion
3
Mourning
4
Mourning
Absolute Universalization 2007 1
Mourning
Absolute Universalization 2
Remembering
3
Mourning
Absolute Universalization 4
Mourning
Absolute Universalization
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The case study analysis of Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç uncovers consistent trends in the intralingual translations. The initial intralingual translation, performed in 1958, mostly utilises the remembering macro-strategy. In 1950, the transfer of power from the CHP to the Democratic Party took the state's political and cultural plans in a different direction (Erkazancı Durmuş, 2014), resulting in the transformation of the reformist and secular trajectory of the state. Additionally, a new form of nationalism, inspired by Islam, was introduced by the Democrat Party government between 1950 and 1960 (Karpat, 1959, p. 455). The Democrat Party’s proximity to Islam and its conservative nature explains the remembering macro-strategy for Arabic and Persian lexical items in the intralingual translations carried out in the 1950s. However, the subsequent translations employ the mourning macro-strategy, leading to the acknowledgement of the loss of Arabic and Persian lexical elements in the intralingual translations. The employment of the mourning macro-strategy of the subsequent intralingual translations towards Arabic and Persian words is explained by the political upheavals throughout Republican history. Türkiye saw many instances of military intervention in politics after the 1960s and subsequent decades. The influence of politics on language use is akin to a chain reaction. It is crucial to emphasise that these renunciations specifically apply to words of Arabic and Persian origin.
With regard to the connection between micro and macro-strategies, the present examples show parallels with the Efsuncu Baba instances. While the deletion and absolute universalization micro-strategies are strongly linked with the mourning macro-strategy, which results in the deletion of the lexical item, the employment of the extratextual gloss micro-strategy is linked to the remembering macro-strategy. The patterns that emerged in the following decades in the history of Türkiye have become clear.
The initial intralingual translation process tends to retain the previous lexical features that were the focus of language reforms. However, the succeeding intralingual translations carried out in the 1970s, 1990s, and 2000s tend to eliminate and utilise the mourning macro-strategy.
As we approach the current day, intralingual translations progressively diverge from the language of the source text. It is important to highlight that due to the cumulative impact of language reforms, Arabic and Persian terms that were approved and retained 50-60
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years ago may no longer be included in present intralingual translations. The purging of Arabic and Persian words increases gradually throughout Republican history after the language reforms and modernisation efforts together. The elimination of the first years is added to the elimination of the following years, and the purge grows cumulatively. The observed tendency can be attributed to the Turkish people's adoption of the state's linguistic policy. However, it is crucial to recognise that the language reforms led to substantial improvements. Nonetheless, it took a substantial amount of time for these modifications to be accepted and employed, as seen by the patterns of first and subsequent intralingual translations.
Table 14. Linguistic Hospitality in Gulyabani Gulyabani Year No Linguistic Hospitality Micro Strategy 1938 1
Remembering
2
Remembering
3
Remembering
4
Remembering
1971 1
Mourning
Absolute Universalization 2
Mourning
Absolute Universalization 3
Mourning
Absolute Universalization 4
Mourning
Extratextual Gloss 1995 1
Mourning
Absolute Universalization 2
Mourning
Absolute Universalization 3
Mourning
Absolute Universalization 4
Mourning
Extratextual Gloss 2007 1
Mourning
Absolute Universalization 2
Mourning
Absolute Universalization 3
Mourning
Absolute Universalization 4
Mourning
Extratextual Gloss
The investigation of Gulyabani’s examples in terms of linguistic hospitality unveils consistent findings. The present findings are the most concrete ones in terms of consistency of the remembering and the mourning macro-strategies. An important finding from the investigation is the influence of the era of producing translations within the same language and the gradual shift towards a strategy of mourning over time.
The employment of absolute universalization is directly linked with mourning in the present case, supporting the connection between the aforementioned micro and macro-
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strategies. The use of extratextual gloss is an exception in this table since it mostly leads to remembering the examples. This finding can be attributed to the exceptional nature of the recent analysis examining Gulyabani from a linguistic hospitality standpoint.
It is important to note that the example in question (the last example in the case study chapter) involves a wordplay using Arabic characters, which necessitates an explanation through a footnote. Therefore, only in that unique instance extratextual gloss is linked to mourning macro-strategy. To illustrate this point, the source text’s wordplay is transcribed into Latin letters in the 1938 intralingual translation as “[ö]teki harfleri ısırmasın diye “ س”lerin dişlerini sökmeli, “ ع”ların “ غ”ların ağızları bağlanmalı, “ج”lerin “ح”ların “خ”ların karınlarını doyurmalı, “ ش”ların “ن”ların teknelerine bal koymalı […]” (Gürpınar, 1938). The subsequent intralingual translations translate the passage employing extratextual gloss as “[ö]teki harfleri ısırmasın diye “sin”lerin dişlerini sökmeli, “ayın”ların “gayın”ların karınlarını doyurmalı, “şın”ların “nun”ların teknelerine bal koymalı […]” (Gürpınar, 2007a), and explaining the wordplay in the footnotes.
When looking at the historical aspect of intralingual translation production, these results have implications that align with the investigations conducted on the history of Türkiye and the gradual evolution of modern Turkish studied extensively in the previous chapters.
Drawing parallels with the prior chapter’s findings with regard to the language policies and the evolution of the Turkish language in the progress of time, the key findings of the present examples investigating linguistic hospitality reinforce the understanding that Turkish language reform started in the Single Party era is successful. This success is observable in the subsequent intralingual translations made in the 1970s, 1990s and 2000s. Because they find it necessary to eliminate the Arabic and Persian origin-words, so that modern readers would comprehend the texts. The progressive implementation of the mourning strategy throughout the history of Türkiye may be seen as the language reform's effectiveness in severing connections with the languages of Arabic and Persian that Ottoman Turkish had been deeply intertwined with.
By synthesising these findings, a comprehensive perspective arises, encompassing the evolution of secularism and the Turkish language reforms that have significantly influenced the contemporary Turkish language, resulting in fewer connections with Arabic and Persian compared to the Ottoman era.
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CONCLUSION
The present study has set out to shed light on the intricate relationship between Ottoman Turkish and modern Turkish by investigating a specific set of cross-temporally re-constructed intralingual translations within the framework of translation studies. By exploring various linguistic, social, historical and cultural factors, the present study sought to contribute to a deeper understanding of intralingual translations in the context of modern Türkiye.
It is crucial to reiterate the study’s objectives and establish a connection with the main findings in order to effectively address the research questions. The current study has established a set of interconnected objectives. In line with these objectives, first, the role and function of intralingual translations played in the evolution of the Turkish language and discourse have been explored within the framework of the concepts of secularisation, cultural memory, and linguistic hospitality. Second, through cross-temporal analysis of intralingual translations made in successive decades throughout Türkiye’s history, the gradual secularisation in the country has been explored as reflected in the languages of successive intralingual translations. Finally, the present thesis has provided insights into the reconceptualisation of intralingual translation, principally in Turkish translation history, scrutinising the works written in Ottoman Turkish and their intralingual translations throughout different periods of the Republic.
The findings of Chapter 1 contribute significantly to the reconceptualisation and recontextualisation of intralingual translation within translation studies. Through examining the various types, histories and theoretical frameworks of intralingual translation both within Türkiye and around the world, the present study has revealed several key findings regarding the subject. It has become evident that the practice of intralingual translation goes beyond time and language borders. The present thesis has contributed to the reconceptualization of intralingual translation in diachronic and historical aspects of Turkish culture. The in-depth analysis of the data from the resources in the 1930s has provided valuable insights into the instrumentalization of intralingual translation for political interventions in the cultural sphere. The data provided by the
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research demonstrate explicit intervention of the state and call for intervention of the intelligentsia in intralingual translation after the language reforms.
By drawing parallelism with the translation history and language planning trajectory of Türkiye, the research on the history of intralingual translation provides an essential understanding of relocating the intralingual translation into the Turkish translation studies context, foregrounding the role of intralingual translation in the Westernisation and modernisation endeavours of the nation.
By conducting a thorough examination of the relevant scholarly works pertaining to the political history, secularisation trajectory of Türkiye, the concept of cultural memory, and the notion of linguistic hospitality, this thesis has unveiled a number of significant results in Chapter 2.
One of the main conclusions of the political and secular trajectory analysis of Türkiye is that two conservative parties, the Democrat Party in the 1950s, and the Justice and Development Party in the 2000s have ruled the country for long periods that impact Türkiye. Accordingly, the present study shows that the evaluation of intralingual translations conducted in the 1950s and 2000s tended to remove secular discourse from the source text. In a wider context, the implications of these patterns correspond to the political atmosphere of the periods in which they are produced. The dominant ideologies and politics of the relevant period are influential in shaping the discourse. The discourse of intralingual translations reflects the conservative tendencies of the 1950s and 2000s. In the conservative governments, the Ottoman memory is revived, which can be observed in the Justice and Development Party and in the Democrat Party.
Consequently, the findings of Chapter 2, on the political and secularisation trajectory of Türkiye, help to reveal and explain the secularisation or de-secularisation tendencies of intralingual translations. These findings have important historical and discursive implications for scholars of intralingual translation, particularly in the Türkiye context.
In the first part of Chapter 2, it has been affirmed that the gradual language change towards secularisation in cross-temporal intralingual translations reflects language policies and the secularisation of the country. Consequently, it is found that intralingual translations were born as a result of the political intervention of the state through language
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reforms in the 1930s, and they are fostered and shaped according to the political developments throughout the history of modern Türkiye. This connection sheds light on a profound relationship between intralingual translations and the dominant politics of the time.
In Chapter 2, through a detailed analysis and interpretation of data on the secularisation trajectory and political history of Türkiye, the present study has named three major strategies to investigate the cases of intralingual translation conducted cross-temporarily: the establishment of (de)secularisation, the construction of cultural memory and the achievement of linguistic hospitality.
Hence, in Chapter 2, a dichotomy is established inside the secularisation macro-strategy to examine the intralingual translation examples from the macro perspective of secularisation. This dichotomy is referred to as secularisation versus de-secularisation. The examination of political and historical pivotal moments in Türkiye, as presented in Chapter 2, served as the foundation for the current study, which also established the framework for the construction of cultural memory macro-strategy. Accordingly, intralingual translations are conceptualised as sites where the cultural memory is reconstructed in the present; and a dichotomy is created to investigate intralingual translations from a cultural memory point of view. Two ends of this dichotomy are familiarisation and foreignization. On the one hand, in familiarisation, the historical components remain intact, allowing readers to acquire knowledge about the past and develop familiarity with it. On the other hand, in foreignization, the historical elements in the text are removed, so the readers would not learn about their past, which results in the foreignization and alienation of the readers from their past.
Intralingual translations are analysed using the cultural memory macro-strategy, which involves the reconstruction of Ottoman history during the Republican era. These translations serve as a means for present readers to gain knowledge about their past. Thus, it is clear that intralingual translation may be used to study the reconstruction of cultural memory and can be seen as sites where the past is reconstructed in the present.
Integrating the notion of cultural memory to explain intralingual translation helps the present study to show that intralingual translation is of paramount importance in social construction (e.g., modernization, in the present case). Thus, it is evident that, much as
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interlingual translation, intralingual translation has been employed to shape society in accordance with the prevailing norms. The current study has also discovered that intralingual translation is employed to establish consensus among the community as a component of cultural planning.
This work is the first instance in the history of translation studies where the combination of cultural memory and linguistic hospitality with DHA has been proven in the examination of diachronic intralingual translations. This study's authenticity arises from its distinctive theoretical blend. Hence, the primary contribution is to amalgamate diverse concepts and theoretical frameworks and adapt them to examine intralingual translation.
Chapter 2 elucidates the use of Paul Ricoeur's concept of linguistic hospitality in the analysis of intralingual translations pertaining to the transformation of Arabic and Persian words into Turkish words. In line with Ricoeur (2006), who devised a dichotomy of remembering versus mourning, the present study sees the act of remembering as serving to recall the Ottoman past and keep the Arabic and Persian lexical elements within modern Turkish. On the other hand, the act of mourning acknowledges the loss, which is linked, in this thesis, with the loss experienced in intralingual translations from Ottoman Turkish into modern Turkish. Here, the loss refers to the purge of Arabic and Persian lexical elements that had been intensely used in Ottoman Turkish for hundreds of years. This study has achieved a harmonisation of methodology and theoretical frameworks by combining the three macro-strategies presented above with CDA and DHA.
The significant finding in this regard is that the present study instrumentalises intralingual translation by applying the notion of linguistic hospitality to investigate the conflict or reconciliation of modern Türkiye with its Ottoman past. The current study has shown that the examination of linguistic hospitality in relation to the reconciliation of cultures and national languages is also suitable for investigating the reconciliation between the past and the present. The indistinct boundaries of language between the past and the present do not always hinder the analysis of reconciliation or conflict. However, examining translations within the same language throughout different time periods using the concept of linguistic hospitality allows the researcher to thoroughly explore specific aspects and provide explanations for the various discourses, as demonstrated in this study.
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The books Efsuncu Baba, Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç, and Gulyabani by Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar, which serve as the cases for this thesis, exhibit a significant presence of religious and superstitious components of their production era. Gürpınar's aim is to show the internalisation of superstitious ideas among the people of his time. The intralingual translations of his novels, as rendered in the Republican period, are subject to scrutiny in terms of their ability to uphold this role by secularising the texts.
One of the main conclusions drawn in Chapter 3 is that the superstitious beliefs employed by Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar in his literary works exhibit a high level of sophistication and have deep historical origins. The examination of the secularisation trajectory of Türkiye conducted in Chapter 2, together with data on the evolution of superstitious beliefs, allow the present thesis to build a basis for seeing the cases from a CDA perspective.
The case study of the thesis is grounded on the theoretical framework of CDA and DHA, which are expounded upon in Chapter 4. The preceding chapters' significant discoveries and consequences about the evolving social, historical, and political conditions that influence intralingual translations expand the current thesis to encompass CDA and DHA.
At this point, it is crucial to emphasise for the sake of clarity that DHA is one of the approaches developed under the framework of CDA. CDA can be regarded as the superordinate and inclusive notion of DHA. In DHA, unlike other approaches within CDA, the focus is on the historical component of discourse and the historical context is given priority. Since this study analyses the diachronically shifting sociopolitical and sociohistorical conditions, as well as their implications on intralingual translations produced throughout the Republican term, DHA is instrumentalised and adopted as the theoretical framework for the present thesis. Therefore, one of the significant discoveries is that DHA is suitable for investigating and understanding intralingual translations that are created throughout different time periods.
The present study utilises the DHA approach within CDA to investigate power dynamics, language dominance, control mechanisms, and intralingual translations from different historical periods. This study employs the DHA framework to investigate the correlation between social knowledge construction and discourse. The primary objective of the present study has been to discover the alterations in discourse patterns within intralingual
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translations that are associated with political and social transformations in Türkiye across various time periods. Translation approaches can change over time in a society in reaction to the changes in its political milieu. It is shown in the case study section that, discourse is changed in different intralingual translations, showing the ideological norms of the times in which they are produced, which also proves that "discourse is historical" (van Dijk, 2009). That is, intralingual translations reveal the ideological norms of the times in which they are produced, thus illustrating the historical nature of discourse. Therefore, the relationship between the evolution of politics and discourse in intralingual translations across time has been examined using the theoretical lens provided in Chapter 4.
The findings of Chapter 4 contribute significantly to the interpretation and comprehension of the reasons behind the differences in the discourse of cross-temporal intralingual translations. Chapter 4's key findings indicate that Ruth Wodak's DHA is well-suited for analysing cross-temporal intralingual translation. This is because it offers the necessary historical context to examine how changing social, political, and historical contexts affect translation practice in a diachronic manner.
The cases have been studied and interpreted using macro-strategies outlined in Chapter 3 and the theoretical framework explored in Chapter 4. Chapter 4 holds significant implications for the application of CDA and DHA. It provides valuable insights into the utilisation of CDA and DHA as tools for uncovering the underlying ideologies embedded within intralingual translations carried out across various historical epochs. The theoretical framework has been utilised as a bridge, and it serves for the amalgamation of the data gathered through the detailed analysis of a diverse range of texts spanning various historical periods of previous Chapters and cases in Chapter 5. Chapter 5 has been dedicated to the case study covering Efsuncu Baba, Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç and Gulyabani of Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar written in Ottoman Turkish. In this chapter, the intralingual translation trajectory of each novel has been explored and demonstrated in separate tables. The chapter illustrates a table including information on the publishing houses, intralingual translation production dates, editors and intralingual translators. After the information on the publication and limitations is given, micro-strategies devised by Aixelá, and three macro-strategies are briefly explored. The micro-strategies are adapted for the present study to formulate
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interventions systematically. A key finding in this regard is the relationship between the micro-strategies and macro-strategies. It is revealed that the employment of certain micro-strategies is linked with macro-strategies. For example, the usage of absolute universalization results in the secularisation macro-strategy. However, the employment of limited universalization leads to a de-secularisation macro-strategy. One of the key findings of the research conducted in Chapter 5 is that the name of Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç was changed in a certain set of intralingual translations into Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir Evlenme. The significance of this finding lies in the fact that the title of the novel serves as the most prominent message underlying the text. The Atlas Publishing House in the 1970s and 1980s and the Özgür Publishing House in the 1990s published the book with the word “evlenme”. Although both “evlenme” and “izdivaç” mean “marriage” in English, “evlenme” is of Turkish origin, while “izdivaç” is an Arabic word.
In the Discussion Chapter, a number of significant findings have been presented, which allowed for the identification of recurring patterns in various production eras of intralingual translations. The Discussion Chapter of the research has examined patterns and major findings that offered valuable insights and implications for understanding and addressing the research questions listed in the Introduction Chapter.
The two sets of research questions have been posed in the Introduction Chapter. The first set contains research questions concerning intralingual translations and their impacts on the Turkish language. The second set of research questions is concerned with the intricate relationship between the gradual linguistic, social and political changes throughout Turkish history and successive intralingual translations spanning different decades.
The first set of research questions asked in the introduction chapter has been addressed as follows: Did intralingual translations provide comparable utility in fostering the acquisition of a novel linguistic repertoire when compared to interlingual translations performed from the West? It has been demonstrated that the politicians and intellectuals of the 1930s saw intralingual translations as an opportunity to support the creation of a new cultural repertoire. The utilisation of cultural memory helps the present study uncover that intralingual translations were employed for social construction, comparable to interlingual translations, particularly throughout the first decades of the Republican
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era. Therefore, the answer to this question is affirmative that intralingual translations were useful for the development of a new repertoire. Nevertheless, due to the lack of data and limitations of the present study, the extent of their influence is immeasurable; hence, it cannot be subjected to comparison with interlingual translations. The interlingual translation is loaded with the great expectations of the state and intelligentsia of the 1930s for bringing and reviving humanist, Western and secular notions in Türkiye. However, from intralingual translation, it is expected by similar circles and the state to transfer the old literature works by eliminating the ‘archaic’ thoughts from the old books and modernising them in a way that inspires the common people to familiarise them to the state’s reformist souls. This difference between interlingual and intralingual translation should be seen as two concepts that complement each other rather than creating a rivalry or dichotomy.
Were intralingual translations performed in an ideologically-neutral manner in Türkiye? According to the results of the case study, intralingual translations are practices that were deeply influenced by ideology, much as interlingual translations. Hence, it may be argued that intralingual translations in the Turkish context are not devoid of ideological influences. The prevailing attitude, according to the dominant Republican ideology, is clearly seen in the case study analysis. For example, the Arabic origin words referring to ‘God’ are translated with a neutral approach in translations conducted in the 1970s and 1990s by stripping the Islamic or Arabic connotation of the word as ‘Tanrı’. However, the Arabic names of ‘God’ with Islamic connotations are retained intact in the intralingual translations of the 1950s. Therefore, this discourse consistency between different intralingual translations reflects the ideological position of the era in which they were produced. In other words, the patterns in discourse found in different intralingual translations reflect the ideological position of the period in which they were produced.
What were the motivations for doing intralingual translations during the initial period of the Republican era? It is not possible to reduce complex and multiple reasons for conducting intralingual translations to a single reason. Even though it is evident that the primary reason for conducting intralingual translations is the ideologically conducted alphabet and language reforms, it has been demonstrated that intralingual translations were used to complement these reforms. The incentives for intralingual translations during the Republican period can be attributed to several factors. Firstly, there was a
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pressing demand for reading materials due to the scarcity of printed sources using the new alphabet following language reforms. Secondly, the aim was to provide texts with the new alphabet for the reading campaign of Türkiye. Thirdly, the objective was to eliminate unfavourable sections of the texts in accordance with the Single Party's agenda. Lastly, the incentives included the ideological promotion and dissemination of contemporary regime ideas such as Westernisation, humanism, and secularism. Thus, the research shed light on the implicit ideological motives in addition to the explicit need for intralingually translating the works written before alphabet and language reforms.
Did intralingual translations play a comparable role in culture planning as interlingual translations? As previously indicated, it is apparent that intralingual translations were employed in the context of culture planning in a manner akin to interlingual translations. Compared to intralingual translations, interlingual translations inherently attracted greater interest among the intellectuals and the state for transferring the Western, humanist, and secular ideas. Nevertheless, it is apparent that intralingual translations were also perceived as a tool for inculcating the Turkish state’s ideological perspectives of the 1930s among the populace. Therefore, intralingual translations have been demonstrated to be essential for community building, as the research on the construction of cultural memory shows.
In what ways might intralingual translations be employed to investigate the historical change in language ideology and hence discourse? In fact, the entirety of the present thesis can serve as an example for this question. By conducting a thorough examination of intralingual translations performed across various time periods, using the theoretical frameworks of CDA and DHA, it is feasible to identify historical and linguistic shifts in various eras. Nevertheless, it is imperative that the research is substantiated by historical, social, cultural, and linguistic evidence pertaining to the specific concepts under investigation. The integration of historical research data with the examination of intralingual translations through cases would yield valuable insights into the historical and discursive transformations observed in diachronic research. In addition, this study requires the use of macro-strategies such as cultural memory or linguistic hospitality to examine historical changes in discourse. For example, the application of the concept of linguistic hospitality promotes the current research in revealing the unease, disagreement, and resolution between modern Turkish and Ottoman Turkish.
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Regarding the cultural, linguistic, and ideological spheres, how have intralingual translations been utilised? The present study provides evidence that intralingual translations extend beyond mere revising of the source language, particularly within the Turkish context. The findings of the present study are consistent with the conclusion of Özlem Berk, who suggests that “concealed under the rubric of different terminology, intralingual translations in Turkey accomplish more than an updating of the language and reveal linguistic, translational, and ideological norms of the periods in which these translations were produced” (2013, p. 257). Through an in-depth analysis of the data on intralingual translations, it has been revealed that intralingual translations have been mobilised both by the government and the intellectual community to serve their cultural, linguistic, and ideological aspirations. Therefore, intralingual translations move beyond the ‘language modernisation/updating’ and serve the ideological, linguistic, and cultural aspirations of the dominant politics of the respective eras. They hence cannot be reduced to the transcription of Arabic letters or the elimination of foreign elements. For example, the intralingual translation of Gulyabani written during the Ottoman Empire’s period was carried out in the Republican era. The novel contains the old Ottoman customs and culture, some of the author's ideological views and lexical elements rooted in Arabic and Persian, which are no longer used in the Republican period after the language reforms. Through the use of intralingual translation, modern readers would not see the parts related to Ottoman culture or ideological components that are unfavourable to the government of the Republican era. At this point, intralingual translations are instrumentalised to serve the dominant politics of the time and remove or alter the unwanted parts of the book. It leads to the utilisation of intralingual translations in cultural, linguistic and ideological spheres together.
To what extent has intralingual translation been influenced by explicit or implicit censorship? Throughout the case study analysis, it became evident that intralingual translations were subject to overt or covert censorship. As it has been scrutinised throughout the thesis, the fundamental reason underlying the censorship in intralingual translations carried out in the Republican period is the conflict between the old and the new, the traditionalism and the modernism, the conventional Ottoman heritage and the reformist Republican spirit. Due to this conflictual relationship with the past, intralingual translations employ censorships either implicitly or explicitly. The sixth and seventh
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examples of Efsuncu Baba, have shown explicit censorship through the removal of two pages of the source novel that contains Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar’s political and ideological views in the 1954 intralingual translation. In terms of covert censorship, the case study analysis also has provided many examples. For example, the 18th example can illustrate covert censorship. While the source text states “[o]dacı gelerek mahut çarşaflı kadının geldiğini haber verdi” (the concierge came and announced the arrival of the woman in the burka), the 1958 and 1969 versions translate the sentence by omitting the word ‘burqa’ as “[o]dacı gene o kadının gediğini haber verdi” (the concierge again announced the arrival of that woman). Intralingual translation readers who do not know Ottoman Turkish in modern times would not understand this covert censorship. The hidden ideological intervention, as in this intralingual translation, would therefore be missed by the reader.
The second set of research questions focuses on the connection between the subsequent intralingual translations and the gradual language change that has occurred in the course of events throughout the history of Türkiye. To start with, the first question is as follows: to what extent did pivotal moments in Turkish politics shape language policies? Chapter 1 has comprehensively explored the diachronic evolution of language policies within the framework of language planning and state interventions. Chapter 2 supported the findings of Chapter 1 by providing data on the political turning points in Republican history. When read together, the key findings of both chapters have revealed that the turning points in Turkish politics were highly influential on the changing language policies in Türkiye. The government's political stance, (i.e., whether it adheres to traditional values), had a direct impact on the language. It also impacted the stance of the state institutions such as the Turkish Language Society. The gradual language change shaped by Turkish politics is visible in cross-temporal intralingual translations.
Could these linguistic policies be situated within the framework of secularism? Secularism has been a fundamental notion in the history of the Republic of Türkiye since its foundation. Various Turkish governments have had different interpretations of secularism throughout history. In certain instances, it has been observed that under the governance of more conservative political parties, such as the Democrat Party or the Justice and Development Party there is a tendency to preserve Arabic and Persian origin terms to a greater extent. Conversely, when the government is affiliated with non-
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conservative parties like the Republican People's Party, it is evident that the language experiences more transformation towards the elimination of words originating from Arabic and Persian sources. The present thesis has suggested that the two distinct stances towards language are related to the ideology of secularism.
Can intralingual translations serve as evidence for language policy changes or the growing secularisation of the country? Through an in-depth analysis of the intralingual translations produced cross-temporally in various decades throughout the Republican period, the present study has revealed recurring patterns towards gradual secularisation in the discourses of diachronic intralingual translations. The findings have been systematically analysed in the discussion section. By revisiting cases and demonstrating patterns, it becomes evident that the discussion has made significant contributions to the interpretation of the differences in the discourses of diachronic intralingual translations towards language policy changes and gradual secularisation of the country. Hence, the current investigation may be regarded as an illustrative instance whereby intralingual translations might be utilised to track the evolution of language policies and the advancement of secularisation.
To what extent intralingual translations can be utilised for demonstrating the language policies throughout specific time periods? The present study sheds light on the intricate relationship between intralingual translations and language policies. The findings underscore that intralingual translations can be instrumentalised to analyse language policies in various periods of Türkiye. It is evident that they are useful for unearthing the changing discourses across different eras, which helps researchers trace language policies in related eras throughout history. An illustrative example of this change is shown in the 17th example. The instance of the intralingual translation demonstrates the evolution of the language over time. On the one hand, the 1958, 1969 and 1995 intralingual translations retain the source text word “[y]osmalarım” (my cocotte/scarlet women). However, the 2007 intralingual translation changed the word to “yavrularım” (my children). The study of cross-temporal intralingual translations reveals the evolution of language in this example. Because words exist in time and space, they have a history of meanings that change and evolve (Kearney, 2006, p. xvii). In older times, "a beautiful woman" is referred to by the word "yosma", but its meaning has evolved to have a negative connotation in contemporary language. Consequently, the word has undergone
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a diachronic shift in meaning, leading the 2007 intralingual translation to adapt it and replace it with a euphemism.
To what extent have intralingual translations had a role in the process of language secularisation in Türkiye? The examination of the state's and intelligentsia's statements after the language reforms in the 1930s indicates their desire to intervene in the transition from the Arabic script, which was used in the older literature, to the Latin alphabet, which is used in modern Turkish. The current study supports this evidence by conducting a diachronic analysis that compares the works of Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar, written in Ottoman Turkish, with their intralingual translations carried out during the Republican period. The contribution of intralingual translations in the secularisation of language in Türkiye is evident when the religious expressions are removed or altered from Arabic into Turkish. The obvious example can be given in the expression of “God”. The early intralingual translations retain the Arabic terms, such as "Rabbelalemin" or "Cenab-ı Hak". However, following intralingual translations tend to diminish the Islamic connotation of the word and render it as "Tanrı", which lacks any relation to Islam.
In the context of secularisation, how have superstitious beliefs evolved in Türkiye and can intralingual translations be utilised in revealing this evolution in the last hundred years? The comprehensive research into the evolution of superstitious beliefs in Türkiye from the first immigrations of Turkic tribes in Anatolia to the present day is supported by the findings towards the gradual secularisation of Türkiye. The superstitious beliefs are demonstrated as an amalgam of various cultures, such as Turkic, shamanic, Eastern Roman, pagan and Islamic, which have evolved throughout history. Being one of the richest spots in the world as a multicultural state, in the Ottoman Empire, the people mostly lived their lives according to these superstitious beliefs, which Gürpınar took as the subject of his novels. The superstitions in Gürpınar's novels were subjected to changes in diachronic intralingual translations.
When considering these modifications in conjunction with the evidence indicating the progressive secularisation of Türkiye, this study reveals that intralingual translations serve as valuable tools for examining the evolution of superstitious beliefs. The shift in approach observed in future intralingual translations pertaining to lexical elements
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associated with superstitions indicates that while this form of belief is not eradicated, its prevalence was significantly reduced during the Republican era.
By revisiting the research aims and questions and aligning them with the key findings provided throughout the chapters, it becomes evident that the present study has made significant contributions to the understanding of cross-temporally performed intralingual translations in the Turkish context. The findings of the present thesis addressed the specific questions posed. It also provided novel insights into the intricate relationship between intralingual translations and historically changing politics, ideologies, culture, and language in the Turkish context.
Most fundamentally, the findings of the present research highlight the significance of considering cross-temporal intralingual translation processes in evaluating the changing social, cultural, linguistic, and historical contexts in Türkiye. The present study has set out to recontextualise and relocate intralingual translation within the academic field of translation studies and contribute to the expansion of the field’s boundaries. To this end, the study evaluates cross-temporal intralingual translations by reconceptualising and instrumentalising the notions of cultural memory, linguistic hospitality, and secularism as macro-strategies, within the theoretical framework of DHA under CDA.
The present study showcases its originality by examining intralingual translations via the lens of macro-strategies, as well as drawing upon the theoretical frameworks of DHA and CDA. DHA provides a historical framework for the analysis of the discourses of intralingual translations produced cross-temporarily. Building on this historical framework, the thesis instrumentalises the theories of cultural memory and linguistic hospitality to evaluate the cases of Efsuncu Baba, Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç, and Gulyabani. Given its unique approach within CDA, DHA takes into account the historicity of the discourse of the conversation. Therefore, since the present study categorises intralingual translations according to their production dates and analyses them accordingly, DHA plays out as the most suitable approach. The study confirms the importance of historicity in evaluating the discourse as DHA suggests. The implications of this integration also reveal that DHA is quite applicable for analysing diachronically made intralingual translations’ discourses, which opens avenues for further inquiries.
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By contextualising the implications of the findings within the broader framework of translation studies, this study underscores the importance of intralingual translations for understanding the relationship between translation and language policies connected to the dominant politics of the era. This research also emphasises that the inclusion of sociocultural and historical contexts of intralingual translations would broaden and enrich the field of translation studies and contribute to a better understanding of translation history.
The existing knowledge of translation history in the Turkish context mostly remains limited to interlingual translation research, which creates gaps in the relevant scholarly framework of studies. This research has addressed the gaps in the existing literature by the inclusion of cross-temporal intralingual translations conducted by the various private publishing houses throughout Republican history. Furthermore, it also links the changing language policies of the country with the discourses of intralingual translations by taking into consideration the political and secularisation trajectory of Türkiye. However, the present study is not only limited to the private publishing industry but also considers the ideas and role of the state and the intelligentsia in conducting intralingual translation, especially in the early post-language reform era. Consequently, by incorporating intralingual translation history and practices into the translation studies field, the present study contributes to the understanding of translation history in Türkiye’s context, advances knowledge in the translation studies field in Türkiye, and offers novel insights into the interpretation of the complex relationship between the Republic of Türkiye and the Ottoman Empire.
It is also necessary to scrutinise here the limitations of the study. The qualitative methodology employed in this study allowed for an in-depth analysis of the discourses on and around intralingual translation cases. While the selected methodology provided rich implications and insights into the diachronic evolution of discourses in cross-temporally conducted intralingual translations throughout the history of Türkiye, due to the limitations of the present study, the impacts of the translation agents, such as the publishing houses, publishers, intralingual translators, and editors have not been analysed. Chapter 5 provided a table demonstrating the publishing houses, publishers, editors, and intralingual translators. The present thesis did not delve into the roles specifically played
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by these agents because the main focus of the study is on the historicity of intralingual translations, not on the translation agents.
Hence, it is essential to recognise the limits of the study, particularly with regard to its generalizability in intralingual translations made in the Turkish context. In future research, complementing the case study findings by incorporating the impact of translation agents in the analysis may provide a more comprehensive understanding of intralingual translation.
The evaluation of the limitations of the present study also reveals that the sampling quantity is limited by three novels penned by Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar. Furthermore, only twelve intralingual translations were scrutinised. The source texts are taken from the first two decades of the 20th century and the intralingual translations are taken from the different decades of Republican history according to the publishing houses subsequently owning the publishing rights and the critical incidents coinciding with these decades in the Republican history. Therefore, the historical eras studied in the present study are limited to the production dates of intralingual translations throughout the 20th century and the first decade of the 21st century.
Building on the findings, the present study has achieved its aims and answered the research questions posed in the Introduction Chapter. Achieving the objectives and answering the research questions lay the groundwork for further exploration of the unexplored avenues in translation studies, particularly in translation history.
The examination of intralingual translations from Ottoman Turkish into modern Turkish throughout different time periods presents opportunities for future scholarly inquiry into comparative analysis including additional languages and cultures. Comparative research with other language pairs and cultures could provide critical insights into the universality versus specificity of the phenomena of discoursal change, depending on the politics and historicity observed in the intralingual translation.
Based on the gaps identified in this study, in terms of translation agents, future research could explore the publishing houses or the publishers’ political stance, worldviews and publishing policies by comparing their other publications and the paratextual data about the cases. A similar approach can be applied to intralingual translators or editors for
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comparatively analysing intralingual translations from the translation agents’ point of view or habitus. Furthermore, a paratextual analysis could also be conducted for further investigation.
In terms of translation history, this thesis has sought to open up avenues for further research into different eras throughout history. The period can be modifiable based on the specific historical periods under investigation and can be expanded to encompass both shorter and longer durations within the Ottoman Empire and the Republic of Türkiye. It can even be argued that the intralingual translations conducted from the earlier periods into the Ottoman Empire can provide implications for reading history.
The present study has set out to investigate and reconceptualise intralingual translation in the Turkish context in a unique way by providing rich data on Turkish history, culture, politics, and linguistics, and by devising a methodology that combines DHA, CDA along with the concepts of cultural memory, linguistic hospitality and secularism. In pursuance of achieving the research objectives and answering the research questions, the author has dedicated a significant amount of time to the acquisition of Ottoman Turkish. During this process, the author has gathered and synthesised extensive data, while also integrating and utilising several methodologies for analysing intralingual translations from Ottoman Turkish into modern Turkish. Consequently, the present thesis has shed light on intralingual translation as a process and a product in the Turkish context and offered a comprehensive understanding of the historical, cultural and linguistic dimensions that influence this intricate phenomenon. As a consequence, this study has advanced the understanding of intralingual translation within the academic field of translation studies, and the synthesis of the findings contributes to the existing body of translation studies literature from a historical point of view.
Looking ahead, I hope that the value of this research will extend beyond the academic realm of translation studies to influence people's perceptions of how cross-temporal intralingual translations not only update language but also provide rich data about the eras in which they are produced. Finally, by incorporating intralingual translation into the history of translation, the horizons of translation studies can be broadened, and a more inclusive and holistic approach can be developed.
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APPENDIX 1. DIFFERENT PUBLICATIONS OF EFSUNCU BABA, KUYRUKLU YILDIZ ALTINDA BİR İZDİVAÇ, AND GULYABANİ AFTER 2014
Different Publications of Efsuncu Baba after 2014
1. Bilgi Yayınevi, 2019
2. Billur Yayınları, 2022
3. Dorlion Yayınları, 2022
4. İthaki Yayınları, 2015
5. Kapra Yayıncılık, 2021
6. Karbon Kitaplar, 2018
7. Katip Yayınları, 2022
8. Kızıl Panda Yayınları, 2021
9. Maviçatı Yayınları, 2017
10. Oğlak Yayınları, 2021
11. Özgür Yayınları, 2015
12. Papersense Yayınları, 2015
13. Tema Yayınları, 2022
14. Türk Dil Kurumu Yayınları, 2021
15. Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları, 2015
Different Publications of Kuyruklu Yıldız Altında Bir İzdivaç after 2014
1. Afam Yayıncılık, 2021
2. Akçağ Yayınları, 2018
3. Alter Yayıncılık, 2015
4. Anonim Yayınları, 2016
5. Bay Tilki Yayınları, 2018
6. Beşir Kitabevi, 2017
7. Bilge Kültür Sanat Yayınları, 2015
8. Bilgi Yayınevi, 2016
9. Bookcase Yayınevi, 2015
10. Can Yayınları, 2020
11. Çizge Yayınevi, 2019
24. İthaki Yayınları, 2021
25. Kaldırım Yayınları, 2016
26. Kapı Yayınları, 2018
27. Kapra Yayıncılık, 2021
28. Karbon Kitaplar, 2017
29. Kırmızı Çatı Yayınları, 2018
30. Kırmızı Kedi Yayınları, 2015
31. Kızıl Panda Yayınları, 2020
32. Kolyos Yayınları, 2016
33. Maviçatı Yayınları, 2019
34. Mühür Kitaplığı, 2017
35. Müjde Yayınları, 2015
260
12. Dekalog Yayınları, 2020
13. Dorlion Yayınevi, 2021
14. Elips Yayınları, 2018
15. Erasmus Yayınları, 2019
16. Everest Yayınları, 2015
17. Ez-de Yayınları, 2015
18. Final Kültür Sanat Yayınları, 2023
19. İBB Yayınları, 2020
20. İletişim Yayınevi, 2019
21. İlk Kitap Yayıncılık, 2017
22. İnkılap Yayınevi, 2015
23. İskele Yayıncılık, 2016
36. Olympia Yayınları, 2019
37. Özgür Yayınları, 2014
38. Palet Yayınları, 2015
39. Puslu Yayıncılık, 2019
40. Remzi Kitabevi Yayınları, 2020
41. Ren Kitap, 2017
42. Teas Press (in Azerbaijani), 2017
43. Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları, 2018
44. Tutku Yayınevi, 2018
45. Yakamoz Yayınları, 2017
46. Yason Yayınları, 2015
Different Publications of Gulyabani after 2014
1. Afam Yayıncılık, 2021
2. Alter Yayıncılık, 2015
3. Anonim Yayıncılık, 2016
4. Beşir Kitabevi, 2017
5. Beyaz Balina Yayınları, 2019
6. Bilge Kültür Sanat Yayınları, 2015
7. Bilgi Yayınevi, 2016
8. Billur Yayınları, 2020
9. Bookcase Yayınevi, 2016
10. Can Yayınları, 2019
11. Dekalog Yayınları, 2020
12. Dorlion Yayınevi, 2020
13. Everest Yayınları, 2015
24. Kırmızı Kedi Yayınları, 2019
25. Kızıl Panda Yayınları, 2020
26. Kolyos Yayınları, 2016
27. Koridor Yayıncılık, 2021
28. Maviçatı Yayınları, 2019
29. Mühür Kitaplığı, 2017
30. Müptela Yayınları, 2019
31. Oğlak Yayınları, 2020
32. Olympia Yayınları, 2020,
33. Özgür Yayınları, 2014
34. Palet Yayınları, 2015
35. Panama Yayıncılık, 2015
36. Parga Yayıncılık, 2018
37. Remzi Kitabevi Yayınları, 2020
261
14. Fom Kitap, 2015
15. Gram Yayınevi, 2016
16. Halk Kitabevi, 2017
17. İBB Yayınları, 2020
18. İlk Kitap Yayıncılık, 2017
19. İnkılap Kitabevi, 2015
20. İskele Yayıncılık, 2016
21. İthaki Yayınları, 2015
22. Kapra Yayıncılık, 2022
23. Karbon Kitap Yayınları, 2019
38. Ren Kitap Yayınevi, 2017
39. Romos Yayınları, 2016
40. Say Yayınları, 2019
41. Sınırsız Kitap ve Yayıncılık, 2015
42. Türk Dil Kurumu Yayınları, 2021
43. Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları, 2015
44. Tutku Yayınevi, 2018
45. Yason Yayıncılık, 2015
262
APPENDIX 2. ETHICS COMMISSION FORM
263
264
APPENDIX 3. ORIGINALITY REPORT
265
266