Anahtar Kelimeler: kılıç, yataghan, osmanlı, tılsımlar, sihr
ABSTRACT
TALISMANIC SYMBOLISM IN LATE OTTOMAN PERIOD SWORDS
This study explores talismanic symbolism embodied as well as manifested on swords within the
Islamic context through the examination of religious narrative, as well as related artifacts. Most
notably, Late Ottoman Period yataghans are surveyed as this period in which these blades were
manufactured was a time of social, cultural, and artistic change due to increasing influence from
Europe infiltrating Ottoman institutions. Through a lens of symbolic analysis certain notions,
beliefs, and cultural trends are made evident within the Late Ottoman zeitgeist through the
examination of swords and their related talismanic symbolism elucidating norms and aspects of
identity construction and adherence.
Keywords: sword, yataghan, Ottoman, talismans, magic
CHAPTERS
Chapter 1: Introduction
1.1 Subject and Purpose………………….……………………………………….…….1
1.2 Scope and Limitations………………….………………………………….………..3
1.3 Methodology………………….……………………………………………….....…5
1.4 Contribution ……………………..…………………………….……………..…….7
1.5 Literature Review………………….……………..……………………….……..…7
1.6 Background……………………………………………………………………..….12
Chapter 2: Symbolism
2.1 Symbols and Meaning…………………………………………...……….………..16
2.2 Non-Symbol……………………………………………………………...………..23
2.3 The Interpreter and the Confines of Culture……………………………..………..28
2.4 Talismans and Symbols………………………………………………….………...32
2.5 Belief and Symbolism………………………………………………………..….....34
Chapter 3: Magic and Talismans
3.1 What is Magic………………….….…………………………………………..……38
3.2 Magic v. Religion?………………………………………………….………...…….40
3.3 Apotropaic Magic……………………………………………………………….......46
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3.4 Talismans………………………………………………………….…………….......49
Chapter 4: The Sword
4.1 The Sword in Popular Imagination………………………………………………..62
4.2 Situating Swords………………..………………………………………………….65
4.3 The Turkish sword/kilij/kılıç……………………………………………………….86
4.4 Swords of Muhammad……………………………………………………………..90
Chapter 5: Symbols Redux: Narratives and Meaning
5.1 Sword as Symbol: Dhul Faqar and the Swords of the Prophet………………..…..106
5.2 Dhu’l Faqar Amongst the Ottomans……………………………………………….111
5.3 Yataghan: Late Ottoman Sabers and Symbols………………………………….…113
5.4 Talismanic Motifs……………………………………………...……………..……118
A. Seal of Solomon…………………………………………………………….119
B. The Seven Sleepers………………………………………………………….121
C. La feta illa Ali la seyfe illa zulfikar………………………………………….123
Catalog ………………………………………………………………….……………………...125
1.1 Asker Muze………………………………………………………………………………...126
1.2. Christie’s………………………………………………………………………………..….136
1.3 Bonhams……………………………………………………………………………...…….140
1.4 Sotheby’s…………………………………………………………………………………....142
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1.5 La Gazette Drouot…………………………………………………………………………..149
Chapter 6: Conclusion
The Sword and Identity…………………………………………………….…………..195
Works Cited..………………………………………………………………………………...…205
Works Consulted…...………………………………………………………………………...…209
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LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Dhu’l Faqar image on banner from Istanbul Naval Museum……………………….…26
Figure 2: Photograph of caption related to Ensignia of Barbaros at Istanbul Navel Museum…..27
Figure 3: Harut and Marut……………………………………………………………………….44
Figure 4: Nazar amulets………………………………………………………………………….48
Figure 5: Barong with talismanic formulas and image of Dhu’l Faqar……………………….....50
Figure 6: Dhu’l Faqar sword stamp……………………………………………………………...53
Figure 7: Turkish battle amulet…………………………………………………………………..57
Figure 8: 17th century Qur’an talisman (sançak)………………………………………………...58
Figure 9: 18th century talismanic seal…………………………………………………………….59
Figure 10: 19th century sword……………………………………………………………………60
Figure 11: Map – Roman Empire at its height…………………………………………………...67
Figure 12: Map – Hellenistic World……………………………………………………………..67
Figure 13: Swedish “Viking” ring inscribed with “for Allah”…………………………………...74
Figure 14: Meme about Islamic swords………………………………………………………….80
Figure 15: 7th century coin featuring Caliph Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan………………………...81
Figure 16: Plaster statue from Khirbat al-Mafjar………………………………………………...82
Figure 17: Turkish saber………………………………………………………………………....85
Figure 18: Turkic swords………………………………………………………………………...88
Figure 19: “Zulfikar” sword and scabbard, 18th century…………………………………………89
Figure 20: Miniature depicting scene from the Battle of Badr…………………………………..90
Figure 21: Hatf…………………………………………………………………………………...92
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Figure 22: al-Battar……………………………………………………………………………....93
Figure 23: al-Battar with inscriptions…………………………………………………………...95
Figure 24: al-Battar with inscription and image of King David………………………………...95
Figure 25: Qal’i………………………………………………………………………………….96
Figure 26: Qal’i inscription……………………………………………………………………...97
Figure 27: Ma’Thur al-Fijar………………………………………………………………….…..98
Figure 28: Historically inaccurate “reproduction” of Dhu’l Faqar……………………………..100
Figure 29: Stylized Dhu’l Faqar on flag, Philippines, 1887……………………………………102
Figure 30: Dhu’l Faqar……………………………………………………………………….....103
Figure 31: Image of Dhu’l Faqar on Fatimid Period Bab al-Nasr gate in Cairo……………….104
Figure 32: Images of Dhu’l Faqar on a flag and swords………………………………………..110
Figure 33: Yataghan from Court of Süleyman the Magnificent………………………………...116
Figure 34: “Ya Ali” embossed inscription on saber blade that morphs into Dhu’l Faqar……....124
Figure 35: View of entire length of “Ya Ali” saber blade………………………………………124
Figure 36: 19th century yataghan with gold inlay, left side………………….………………….126
Figure 37: 19th century yataghan with gold inlay, right side……………...…………………….126
Figure 38: 19th century yataghan, close up of gold inlay design and inscription……………….127
Figure 39: 19th century yataghan with silver inlay………………………………………..…….128
Figure 40: 19th century yataghan, close up of silver inlay talismanic design and inscription…..128
Figure 41: 19th century yataghan with silver inlay……………………………………………...129
Figure 42: 19th century yataghan, close up of Zulfikar inscription and silver inlay design…....129
Figure 43: 19th century yataghan with silver inlay, no hilt…………………………………......130
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Figure 44: 19th century yataghan, close up of silver inlay design and inscription……………..130
Figure 45: 19th century yataghan, view of length…………………………………………...….131
Figure 46: 19th century yataghan, close up of hilt……………………………………………...132
Figure 47: 19th century yataghan with silver inlay inscription, minimal designs……………...133
Figure 48: 19th century yataghan, close up of inscription……………………………………...133
Figure 49: 18th -19th century yataghan, highly recurved………………………………………..134
Figure 50: 18th-19th century yataghan, close up of talismanic imagery………………………..134
Figure 51: 18th century yataghan, image of length of blade and close up of hilt……………….135
Figure 52: 19th century yataghan with scabbard……………………………………………….136
Figure 53: 19th century yataghan, close up of gold inlay inscription…………………………..137
Figure 54: 19th century yataghan, close up of Seal of Solomon symbol……………………….138
Figure 55: 19th century yataghan with scabbard……………………………………………….139
Figure 56: 19th century yataghan scabbard chape……………………………………………...140
Figure 57: 19th century yataghan close up of talismanic symbol……………………………....140
Figure 58: 19th century yataghan with gold inlay and scabbard………………………………..141
Figure 59: 19th century yataghan with gold inlay and scabbard……………………………..….143
Figure 60: 18th century yataghan with marbled-jade hilt and scabbard………………………...144
Figure 61: 18th century yataghan, close up of inscription and hilt……………………………...145
Figure 62: 18th century yataghan, close up of inscription and hilt, opposite side…………..….146
Figure 63: 18th century yataghan, close up of Seal of Solomon & Seven Sleepers talismans….147
Figure 64: 18th century yataghan, close up of inscription inside cartouche…………………….148
Figure 65: 19th century yataghan with unique hilt……………………………………………...149
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Figure 66: 19th century yataghan, close up of Seal of Solomon designs on hilt………………..150
Figure 67: 19th century slightly recurved yataghan……………………………………………..151
Figure 68: 19th century yataghan, close up of design on blade near hilt………………………..152
Figure 69: 19th century yataghan, close up of design near hilt and etched inscription………...152
Figure 70: 19th century yataghan, close up walrus ivory hilt in kulak form…………………...152
Figure 71: 19th century yataghan, close up of Seal of Solomon talisman……………………...153
Figure 72: 19th century yataghan, close up of etched design…………………………………...153
Figure 73: 19th century yataghan, close up of inscription near fuller…………………………...153
Figure 74: 19th century yataghan with horn and bronze hilt……………………………………155
Figure 75: 19th century yataghan, close up of Seal of Solomon image………………………....156
Figure 76: 19th century yataghan, close up of bronze and horn hilt…………………………….156
Figure 77: 18th century Caucasian yataghan, close up of Seal of Solomon design……………..157
Figure 78: 18th century Caucasian yataghan, multiple views…………………………………...158
Figure 79: 19th century typical yataghan with scabbard………………………………………...159
Figure 80: 19th century yataghan, close up view of hilt area and Seal of Solomon on blade…..160
Figure 81: 19th century highly ornate yataghan with gold inlay………………………………..162
Figure 82: 19th century ornate yataghan, close up of Dhul Faqar image and inscriptions……...162
Figure 83: 19th century highly ornate matching scabbard……………………………………....163
Figure 84: 19th century yataghan with oxidized steel blade and horn hilt…………………..….164
Figure 85: 19th century yataghan of typical style and scabbard, right side………………….….165
Figure 86: 19th century yataghan of typical style and scabbard, left side…………...………….165
Figure 87: 19th century yataghan, close up of silver-inlaid Seal of Solomon design…………...166
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Figure 88: 19th century yataghan, close up of silver-inlaid inscription within cartouche……....166
Figure 89: 18th-19th century North African yataghan…………………………………………...167
Figure 90: 18th-19th century North African yataghan, close up of horn hilt…………………....168
Figure 91: 18th-19th century North African yataghan, close up of gold inlay Seal of Solomon
design…………………………………………………………………………………………...168
Figure 92: 18th-19th century North African yataghan, close up of gold-inlaid inscription……..168
Figure 93: 19th century yataghan with blade of Damascus steel and gold inlay…………….….169
Figure 94: 19th century yataghan of Damascus steel and accompanied scabbard……………....170
Figure 95: 18th century yataghan with standard type kulak hilt………………………………...171
Figure 96: 18th century yataghan with close up of inscription……………………………….....172
Figure 97: 18th century yataghan, cutting edge………………………………………………....172
Figure 98: 18th century yataghan, close of up hilt……………………………………………....172
Figure 99: 18th century yataghan, Seal of Solomon design on blade…………………………...173
Figure 100: 19th century yataghan with unique metal hilt, blade with gold inlay……………....174
Figure 101: 19th century yataghan, close up of gold-inlaid inscription and Seal of Solomon….175
Figure: 102: 19th century yataghan, close up of gold-inlaid floral designs……………………..175
Figure 103: 19th century yataghan and ornate scabbard, multiple views…………………….....177
Figure 104: 19th century yataghan and scabbard, close up of hilt and chape…………………...178
Figure 105: 19th century yataghan and scabbard, full; plus close up of hilt…………………….180
Figure 106: 19th century yataghan, close up of gold inlaid inscription within a cartouche and Seal
of Solomon design……………………………………………………………………………...181
Figure 107: 19th century yataghan, close up of gold inlaid medallion with inscription………...181
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Figure 108: 19th century yataghan, close up of back of kulak pommel………..….……………182
Figure 109: 19th century yataghan, close up of from of kulak pommel with coral decorations...182
Figure 110: 19th century Greek yataghan scabbard with Seal of Solomon design……………...183
Figure 111: 19th century Greek yataghan and accompanied scabbard………………………….184
Figure 112: 19th century yataghan with silver kulak hilt and silver scabbard………………….185
Figure 113: 19th century silver yataghan scabbard with Seal of Solomon……………………..186
Figure 114: 19th century yataghan, close up of Seal of Solomon talisman near fuller………....187
Figure 115: 19th century yataghan and scabbard, full; close up of hilt…………….……..…….188
Figure 116: 18th-19th century yataghan with Ta’liq inscription and accompanied scabbard..…..190
Figure 117: 18th-19th century yataghan with Ta’liq inscription, full length……………………..191
Figure 118: 18th-19th century yataghan with closeup of gold inlaid Ta’liq inscription and
decoration………………………………………………………………………………………192
Figure 119: Early 19th century yataghan with typical kulak pommel and gold inlaid
inscription………………………………………………………………………………………193
Figure 120: Ottoman banner with image of Dhu’l Faqar……….……….……….…………….201
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1. INTRODUCTION
1.1 SUBJECT AND PURPOSE
The objective of this study is to explore talismanic symbolism related to swords in the
Islamic and Ottoman context with a focus on yataghans predominantly from the Late Ottoman
period as examples are more prevalent in this period and offer greater insight due to the
particularities of the time. The study explores the topic through a two-pronged approach by first,
understanding the importance of the sword within the defined contexts, i.e. delving into the
Islamic ideological and historical background which feeds the eventual manifestations and
conceptualization of swords and talismanic imagery there of centuries later amongst the
Ottomans; and second, by the symbolism embedded in and on swords, their physical
manifestations and what these symbols and inscriptions in their addition to the construction and
aesthetics of the blades, and in particular yataghans, imbue the sword an apotropaic character.
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This is done to illustrate and elucidate that swords belong to certain broader cultural and
symbolic frameworks which transcends the practical utility of the weapon. The addition of
certain aesthetic and religio-symbolic elements may serve to make the blade more potent, but
that potency resides in belief rather than the physical construction of the sword—a sword without
embellishment still cuts, does it not? By looking at these two components that interweave with
each other, as the value of the sword is culturally contingent due to history and belief, and what
is associated with the sword in the religio-ideological context is also embedded in the cultural
understandings that construct said value as well as what manifestations are associated with the
sword by extension. It is through this understanding of this perpetual feedback loop that aids in
this analysis allowing the ability to explore and parse out what these symbols may represent in
regards to the question of identity adherence. As identity, in my opinion, is the axis in which all
things revolve around in some manner—the expression, the communication of everything be it
manifest or hidden conveys a certain reality that is meant to be relayed about identity to others
both within and outside a specific cultural domain.
Through the examination of yataghans, which may be of particular interest due to most
examples coming from a period of greater exterior cultural influence in terms of aesthetics and
ideology, the aim of this study is to illustrate that swords themselves are symbols and
manifestations of broader cultural understandings and that their manufacture belongs to a certain
zeitgeist, that what a sword is is not bound by its physicality and utility. The zeitgeist in this case
being that of a certain period in the Muslim-Ottoman consciousness where influences from
outside the empire were making headway in numerous sectors of Ottoman thought and society. It
is here, in these dynamic situations where the expression of identity is most clear because what is
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valued most is expressed with more fervor due to conflict. Thus ultimately by exploring
narratives about and around swords as symbols and symbols on swords this study hopes to parse
out ideological trends in identity.
1.2 SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS
The scope of this project focuses more on the metaphorical rather than the material, but to
a certain extent the physical nature of swords are of import as their construction and manufacture
within the Islamic cultural milieu showcases important considerations and influences that allow
for more comprehensive understandings. This holds true for the addition of religious and
talismanic accouterments as well since the manner in which such are applied, etched, inlaid, etc.
are not of the utmost concern compared to the presence of such. It is the meaning that these
symbols imbue the sword with, the added layer of meanings that the sword then conveys which
points to a greater cultural identity. The swords, in this case yataghans in particular, that are
being examined come from the Late Ottoman Period. This is due to the fact that around the 18th-
19th century is when these swords tend to be found in a greater abundance, though the
manufacture of yataghans spans from the 16th to the 19th centuries. The Late Ottoman Period in
which most of these examples are found also provides an interesting backdrop in terms of
aesthetics and manufacture of yataghans as it is a period of greater European influence both
culturally and militaristically. The Ottoman Empire on its wane by this time and looking to
maintain relevance and in its endeavor to modernize, which for much of the world is conflated
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with “westernization,” started to incorporate European elements into its material cultural and
other facets of Ottoman life with an emphasis on the political and militaristic. Due to this one can
readily see the syncretic nature of design elements used to adorn blades and hilts of the time—
say the mix of European floral elements coupled with Islamic inscriptions and imagery.
Limitations relating to this project rest mainly in what literature was available to consult
given that this particular topic is rather niche. Most works related to instruments of war in
Muslim lands tended to be catalogs enumerating various arms and armor from a descriptive
perspective rather than any deep dive into any cultural or ideological underpinnings that resulted
in a particular manufacture. Another limitation is access to artifacts for analysis as my access
depends on the permission of collection owners of the swords and/or the copyright owners of the
sword images. Though I was fortunate enough to have Professor Furat aid me with images from
his collection along with his expertise on the topic. Beyond this is of course the fact this research
was being conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic where limited access to materials was
further exacerbated by being in lockdown on top of the typical constraints of time and money,
and at times not so typical constraints on productivity.
1.3 METHODOLOGY
The methodology employed is an analysis of artifacts, i.e. yataghans as well as swords of
particular interest, and the examination of related literature to parse out meaning behind the use
of talismanic imagery related to swords. So in short, this study employs an descriptive and
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exploratory research approach. From a reading of the literature related to swords in the Islamic
context through the lens of symbolic analysis derived from modern philosophy and
anthropological theory, strains of possible interpretive meaning in relation to the larger context in
which the swords and/or talismans were manufactured would provide certain indications of
identity construction as well as elucidate a broader cultural framework, including trends and
influences of the period. Much of the work consulted regarding symbolism comes from a
modern, European domain as there exists much more depth of theoretical research on the topic,
though this of course creates a more “western” skewed view and interrogation regarding the use
of symbols. But, there has been an effort to look into more Islamic conceptions where applicable.
In order to gain familiarity with blades, I visited local sword, particularly yataghan,
collections in Istanbul, specifically those housed at Topkapı Palace Museum and the Istanbul
Military Museum. Unfortunately, I was not able to travel outside Istanbul to view other
collections. Due to the constraints placed on me during the pandemic lockdown, I sought
literature and images through online sources such as auction houses and digitized museum
collections. I also reached out to my contacts in the academic and cultural sectors with access to
collections in former Ottoman territories. Unfortunately, my reaching out was not exactly
fruitful.
Due to the nature of the government response to pandemic and a dearth of available
resources that fit within the framework of the study, a rather limited quantity of works and a
paucity of artifacts were available for analysis. Thus an emphasis towards a focus on theoretical
underpinnings was employed over that of the presentation of physical objects allowing for a
synthesizing and building from works within philosophical and anthropological perspectives.
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The preference for interpretative analysis within those domains are wholly due to the fact of my
previous training and therefore I held more familiarity with the literature and theories.
I constructed a catalog of examples from auction houses, with many of the examples
coming from Gazette Drouot, and a few from the larger UK auction houses. Unfortunately,
many examples had low quality images that rendered them unusable. I also viewed materials
from Turkish auction houses, but due to the quality of the photographs provided and the
yataghans not containing any specific talismanic markings I was looking for, they were not
included. The yataghans span from the 18th to the 19th century and all contain some sort of
Islamic talismanic imagery or inscription. The origins of almost all the blades is Ottoman Turkey,
but there are a few outliers coming from the Ottoman Balkans and North Africa.
1.4 CONTRIBUTION
Works on Islamic arms and armor generally focus on the description of the arms
themselves and often forgo an in-depth discussion related to the religio-cultural framework from
which they originate; whereas works related to Islamic talismans and amulets focus mainly on
medical related charms leaving out battle talismans. The study offers a synthesis by providing
some insight into what could perhaps be termed “magical” hoplology of the Islamicate. This
work seeks to address this oversight and merge the research on talismans and arms through a
specific discussion related to Islamic swords.
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1.5 EVALUATION OF SOURCES: LITERATURE REVIEW
Talismans and Magic
In Muravchick’s doctoral thesis, “God is the Best Guardian: Islamic Talsmanic Shirts from the
Gunpowder Empires,” she outlines a short history of talismans from Near Eastern antiquity until
the modern era. Her analysis revolves round the body and the shirts as a textile that evokes the
body and the religious and ideological extensions “embodied” in the utility of the textile. This
embodied ideological understanding that surrounds the wearing of the textile was helpful in
helping this study’s approach to talismanic symbolism as something beyond the physical
manifestations of such on objects likes swords.
In Al-Saleh’s “Licit Magic: The Touch and Sight of Islamic Talsmanic Scrolls,” she describes
textual talismans as a form of “licit” magic, an extension of “ilm” and wholly within the confines
of the Islamic faith. Both Muravchick and Al-Saleh place the use of talismans within the larger
framework of Islamic religiosity with the power of the talismans and/or charms being derived
from God, an idea that also informs this study.
Persis Berlekamp’s work entitled: Wonder, Image, & Cosmos in Medieval Islam discusses
medieval manuscripts, elucidating on the figural image in Islam and the philosophical meanings
embodied in talismanic manuscripts. Berlekamp’s work is beneficial in how it frames how
artistic representations further religious purposes, which is also a notion that this study explores.
Coran et talismans: Textes et pratiques magiques en milieu musulman, edited by Constant
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Hames contains both ethnographic related studies about talismanic and ritual practices in some
Muslim societies as well as Qur’anic and commentary textual analysis relating to the legitimacy
of magic as it pertains to Islamic faith. Several chapters on this work were of particular interest,
most notably: “La notion de magie dans le Coran” by Constant Hames and “Magie : le point de
vue d’Ibn Khaldun” by Abderrrahmane Lakhsassi that aided in framing conceptions of magic in
relation to Islam.
Osmanlı Tılsım Mühürleri: Haluk Perk Koleksiyonu published by the Haluk Perk Muzesi
Yayınları is a catalog of various inscribed talismans. While the examples within the work do not
deal with military related objects, it does offer further explanations and examples of certain
textual inscriptions that may be held in common on weaponry. This work is solely useful as an
aid in familiarizing certain design and textual objects within the specified religio-cultural milieu.
Amulets and Superstitions by E.A. Wallis Budge discusses amulets, talismans and superstitions
spanning the Near East through various time periods. Budge provides, how ever dated, a
background on amulets and talismans specific to the region which may have some bearing on the
continued use of evolution of utilization of such charms within the Islamic context. He also
offers a very brief discussion relating to battle talismans in the context of a 20th century Yemeni-
Ottoman conflict that was of particular interest to this study.
Edited by Noegel, Prayer, Magic and the Stars in the Ancient and Late Antique World is a book
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that primarily focuses on Near Eastern regions and religions of, as the title suggests, ancient and
late antiquity periods. While not specifically discussing the matter of this project, the book does
provide some insight to ideas regarding magic in relation to Islam.
Hoplology
Ottoman Art in the Service of the Empire by Zdzislaw Zygulski, Jr. details much of Ottoman
military artifacts, including their use as protective amulets by way of textual and visual
compositions which was a useful aid for this study. This work offers a broad survey of military
related materials.
The Arts of the Muslim Knight: The Furusiyya Art Foundation Collection, complied by Bashir
Mohamed is a collection weaponry and war related materials from the Muslim world. Several of
the artifacts within the book were of interest to this study and it most notably contains Turkic
related prototypes of Ottoman war artifacts. This work also provides a concise intro to the
ideological underpinnings of armaments in the Muslim world which helped inform conceptions
relating to ideology in this study.
Hilmi Aydın’s work on the weapons within the Tokapı Palace Collection entitled: The Arms of
the Sultans (Sultanların Silahları) catalogs and analyzes the collections weaponry and provides
historical insight into their design and use. The book was useful in helping me gain familiarity
with various sorts of Ottoman arms and the particular aesthetic and textual trends used to adorn
said arms.
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Fuat’s work, “A Brief Study on Swords” provides much valuable information relating to swords
crafted by Muslims by describing the variety of words and offering analysis on notable
examples. This work was valuable in providing more information particularly related to
yataghans.
Ottoman Empire
Hanioglu’s A Brief History of the Ottoman Empire discussed the late period of the Ottoman
Empire focusing on the historical trends and challenges the Ottoman Empire faced especially in
the spheres of politics and socio-economics, thus providing this work with context of the broader
cultural milieu that might offer insight to certain trends in the adornment of weaponry and the
choice of particular talismanic symbolism placed there in.
Politicization of Islam: Reconstructing Identity, State, Faith and Community in the Late Ottoman
State by Karpat focuses on the politicization of Muslim identity and is relationship with the
Ottoman reforms under Abdulhamit II. This work helps understand the importance of Muslim
identity in the Late Ottoman period, something this work tangentially grazes upon through the
manifestation of certain Islamic religious and/or talismanic imagery presented on weapons.
Shaw’s Possessors and Possessed: Museums, Archaeology and the Visualization of History in
the Late Ottoman Empire discusses the emergence of museums in the Late Ottoman Empire
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during the 19th century and how these institutions and the categorization of collections reflected
changes and trends in the creation of Ottoman identity. This work in a broad sense offers insight
into the particular ideological trends in Late Ottoman identity construction which is of
importance to this study as talismanic symbolism is often an expression of certain identity
understandings and conceptualizations.
Islam and Influence
Brannon Wheeler’s work, Mecca and Eden: Ritual, Relics, and Territory in Islam offers a
chapter relating to the swords of Prophet Muhammad and offers a well-informed discussion of
what these swords mean in the broader religious legacy. This particular part of the work was
valuable as there is a dearth of information related to the swords of Prophet Muhammad and the
particular narratives surrounding them.
The Oriental Obsession by Sweetman centers on the influence of Islamic artistic aesthetics and
the European conceptualizations regarding Islam and how these motifs and ideas are reproduced
in art within the West. This work offers insight into the cross-pollination of aesthetics across the
boundaries of the Ottoman Empire and into the “West”, providing a greater understanding of
how these cultural domains influenced each other.
The Middle Eastern Jewellery: Reflection of Islam on the Forms and Symbols by Meri and
Uginovska is a book that delves into the symbolic representations found in Middle Eastern
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jewelry related to nature. The book does meander and discusses vastly different time frames that
do not fall under the Islamic period and the authors fail to understand that symbols are subject to
change over time and across cultures, but despite the book’s faults it does provide relevant and
useful information on symbology within the Middle East and due to this it proved somewhat
valuable to this study.
1.6 BACKGROUND
SITUATING THE LATE OTTOMAN PERIOD AND THE ISLAMIC CULTURAL MILIEU
What is the point of situating this study in the Late Ottoman Period over any other
stylistic periods? The Late Ottoman period is one of particular interest because it is the Empire,
how ever decentralized, on the verge of upheaval due to forces coalescing from the outside and
within. The tumult due to these coalescing outside political forces and the introduction of foreign
cultural trends along with the reformulation of cultural aspects within the Ottoman Empire
formed a unique cultural milieu in which Islamic hegemony was affirmed.
While different cultures have always left a mark on the artscape of the Ottomans, this
period is characterized by a more obvious incorporation of European (so-called “Western”) styles
in art and architecture—it is a time that found European architects erecting buildings in Istanbul
and local architects such as the Balyan family seeking education in Europe (France to specific in
the Balyan case).
12
The interest in this mixing speaks to the Late Ottoman identity and a re-conceptualization
of the empire going through modernization and the rise of secularization and its effort to
maintain an identity that was still as “Oriental” as it was Islamic while progressively approaching
modernity. Like European Romanticism pushed against the ideas of the Enlightenment to seek
authenticity in the folk and pre-Christian, the Ottomans embraces a sort of self-Orientalizing that
drew from a well of European Orientalist forms and tropes to establish a sense of authenticity
through manufactured fantasy much like European Romanticism did.
As Ottoman rule stretched across North Africa, down the coast of the Red Sea to Eritrea,
the Arabian Peninsula, the Levant and Iraq, to Southeastern Europe the Empire’s power was
decentralized and vested in provincial governors that oversaw Ottoman territories, but with
varying degrees of efficiency and effectiveness. Administrative power was not consistent across
the empire. This period saw threats to Ottoman lands from encroaching European and Russian
powers as well as dissent and contestations fomenting within its lands. For example the rise of
al-Wahhab’s teachings in Arabia challenged Ottoman religious authority in that region; they
mounted a deft challenge to the orthodoxy sponsored by the Ottoman state, denouncing
traditional Ottoman religious practices as polytheistic innovations.
The Wahhābīs condemned such Ottoman traditions as the construction of tombs and
shrines, the decoration of holy buildings in Mecca and Medina, and various religious ceremonies,
including pilgrimages to shrines and tombs and the celebration of the Prophet’s birthday. The
challenging of certain religious traditions to affirm political aims is a particular interest in that
much of the discussion relating to the symbolism of swords is very much vested in these religio-1
political narratives as will be further discussed later in the work.
1 Hanioglu, p.12.
13
The rise of competing ideologies and European colonial interference were helping to
steadily erode the Ottoman borders and Ottoman cultural influence. The Late Ottoman period
was a time of upheaval in many ways—economic, social, and religious. To keep such a
heterogeneous empire together a narrative that cut threw the divisions had to be popularized. One
of the ways to instill that narrative was through art and symbolism.
The Ottoman built upon a religious legacy to help bind the empire together. This religious
legacy is seen manifested in décor and art. Despite the increased use of European motifs, Islamic
related symbolism maintained a presence in Late Ottoman art. This is seen in the designs of
yataghans incorporating European aesthetics on blades and on hilts alongside religious-related
symbols and inscriptions such as the Seal of Solomon, the Seven Sleepers, and references to
Dhu’l Faqar or Zulfikar. Thus despite the various forces tearing at the empire’s loose seams, a
sense of unity is maintained at least superficial at the level of a shared belief in the Muslim
nature of the empire.2
This time period is also important in that the particular blades in which this study focuses
its discussion are the recurved yataghans which were utilized from the 16th to the 19th centuries
and were particularly in use by the Janissary corps as a sidearm. A broader discussion on
Ottoman blades will be provided late in the work in order to situate the distinction and evolution
of these common swords used in the Ottoman Empire.
2 Though of course the Ottoman Empire was heterogeneous both ethnically and religiously, but the identity of the Empire
itself was very much Muslim.
14
2. SYMBOLISM
2.1 SYMBOLS AND MEANING
Ideology underpins material culture and in an interpretative anthropological approach,
symbols then become the basis for the inspection of cultural understanding. Symbols are
culturally distinct and malleable; they offer a shorthand expression of values that are often
complex and multifaceted within specific cultural frameworks. The use of a symbol offers a
societal cohesiveness as well as a source of identity for those that adhere to it. Given how
amorphous interpretation can be, discussion ends up limited. A symbol embodies the entirety of a
description that reached beyond analytical language. A symbol itself does not “mean” anything,
but is a herald of meaning.
Though what constitutes a symbol? How does a symbol come into being? A symbol as
defined by Pierce, who was preoccupied with the study of semiotics for most of his intellectual
life is: “a sign which refers to the object that it denotes by virtue of a law, usually an association
15
of general ideas, which operates to cause the symbol to be interpreted as referring to that
object.”3 Thus a symbol stands for or correlates to another “object.” The nature of that object to
which is being referred may be material or intangible.
Within the discipline of semiotics, a sign is anything that conveys meaning of the
signified, that is what the signifier is referring to through being the signifier, or thing which
elicits the signified, such as a word or image. Continuing to draw from Pierce’s model regarding
signs, a symbol would be in contrast to an icon, a sign that resembles the thing which it
references—it merely stands in for that reference. The dividing line between symbol and icon
being the depth of meaning each sign is intended to convey. The symbol in its representation is
not a superficial reference and holds in it the abstract logic of attached meanings derived from a
larger framework of understanding in order for any sort of meaning to be derived.
Sperber’s theories regarding understanding the mechanism of symbolism in the larger
framework of cognition critiques previous work and accepted understandings of symbolic
meaning making, in his conceptualization of a symbol he states that, “Symbols are not signs.
They are not paired with their interpretations in a code structure. Their interpretations are not
meanings”4 In his efforts to push his own theoretical framework regarding a cognitive
mechanism and turn previous theoretical conceptualizations on their heads, his considerations are
unique yet lacking in terms of social anthropological application. If humans are the only
creatures on this planet capable of symbolic thought then a theory that does not adequately
interrogate the diverse mechanisms that allow for that symbolic thought may not be the best of
theories. I contest if symbols are not signs and if their interpretations are not meanings what are
3 Pierce, p 143.
4 Sperber 1975, p. 85.
16
symbols truly? A symbol can only be a symbol due to an embedded meaning applied to a
signifier. Its meaning derived from a cultural framework in which individual interpreters are
socialized in.
While works on symbolism through the scope of cognition are valuable, the cognitive
processes related to the understanding and expression of symbolism and symbolic thought are
not within the scope of this research. What this work is concerned with is the associated meaning
placed in a symbol and for this work talismans or talismanic objects, not necessarily the genesis
of symbolic meaning. For the sake of this work, I put forth that a symbol is an object that gains
meaning through a network of associations. Associations that are derived and conceived through
an ideological framework that a society is socialized in.
Thus a symbol by its construction is some sort of embodied abstraction, a vehicle which
points to to a greater framework to which the symbol ideologically hints towards. What is
signified by a symbol within a shared cultural context may on the surface bear little parallel to
the representation that is utilized as shorthand to convey what is signified. The association of the
representative symbol with its meaning is a product of cultural and historical evolution and it is
due to the flux of culture and history that a symbol carries and transforms its meaning or
meanings. Ricoeur famously stated: “Le symbole donne a penser.”5In his work “La Symbolique
du Mal,” he tries to encapsulate the “essence” of what a symbol is:
That symbols are signs is certain: They are expressions that communicate a
meaning; this meaning is declared in an intention of signifying which has
speech as its vehicle. Even when the symbols are elements of the universe
(sky, water, moon) or things (tree stone set up), it is still in the universe of
discourse that these realities take on a symbolic dimension (words of
consecration or invocation, mythical utterances)...6
5 The symbol gives rise to thought.
6 Ricouer, (1986) p14.
17
Ricouer follows the line of understanding that symbols are signs and the purpose of such is to
communicate or signify meaning. He notes that even if these symbols are naturalistic elements,
with his examples being the sky, water, moon, tree, etc., they are not as Pierce would call them
“icons” as they do not stand in mere representation for themselves and there exists a “symbolic
dimension” that surrounds and embeds these to place them beyond the realm of signs. Ricouer
continues:
But to say that the symbol is a sign is to draw too large a circle, which must
now be made smaller. Every sign aims at something beyond itself and stands
for that something; but not every sign is a symbol. We shall say that the
symbols conceals in its aim a double intentionality....Thus contrary to
perfectly transparent technical signs, which say only what they want to say in
positing that which they signify, symbolic signs are opaque, because the first,
literal, obvious meaning itself points analogically to a second meaning which
is not given otherwise that in it....This opacity constitutes the depth of the
symbol, which, it will be said, is inexhaustible...7
In his rather prolix prose, Ricoeur’s idea of symbol draws borders around the
conceptualization of this particular sign that aids in further understanding what makes symbols
unique. For Ricoeur a symbol is multifaceted and layered in its meaning. It is of itself, yet
transcends itself in meaning—the “double intentionality” he refers to in his work. A symbol can
on one level offer a one to one correlation between the signifier and say, its naturalistic reference,
but embodied in it is a deeper meaning. A sign and a symbol are are not necessarily one to one
7 Ricouer, P. (1986), p. 15.;
Original French:
Mais dire que le symbole est signe, c'est tracer un cercle trop grand qu'il faut maintenant resserrer. Tout signe vise au-delà de
lui-même quelque chose et vaut pour ce quelque chose; mais tout signe n'est pas symbole; nous dirons que le symbole recèle
dans sa visée une intentionnalité double...Ainsi, à l'opposé des signes techniques parfaitement transparents qui ne disent que
ce qu'ils veulent dire en posant le signifié, les signes symboliques sont opaques, parce que le sens premier littéral, patent,
vise lui-même analogiquement un sens ·second qui n'est pas donné autrement qu'en lui...Cette opacité fait la profondeur
même du symbole, inépuisable comme on dira. Ricouer, P. (1960), p 22.
18
correspondences. Thus in a symbol these exists some sort of imbued ideology that lends to the
further abstract considerations that do not exist on the level of just sign.
The symbol is a vehicle, a representation, that signifies a meaning or meanings, but will
never mean what it signifies. For example, the cross signifies Christian salvation, but it does not
“mean” salvation. White may symbolize purity, but the essence conceptualized in the idea of
purity transcends the symbolic linkage to the term “white.” Thus the signifier while being wholly
tangible to some aspect of human senses or at least more solid in conceptualization than the
signified, which is an abstract thought or value. The thought, that is the signified, is made all the
more real in its symbolic linkage to the signifier.
Then what helps formulate certain attached meanings to the signified? Let us look at two
passages by Ricoeur:
...in the symbol, I cannot objectify the analogical relation that connects the
second meaning with the first. It is by living in the first meaning that I am
lead by it beyond itself; the symbolic meaning is constituted in and by the
literal meaning which effect the analogy in giving the analogue.8
and
...the symbol is the movement of the primary meaning which makes us
participate in the latent meaning and thus assimilates us to that which is
symbolized without our being able to master the similitude intellectually. It is
in this sense that the symbol is donative; it is donative because it is a primary
intentionality that gives the second meaning analogically.9
These two passages illustrate that Ricoeur believe that symbolic meaning is derived from the
initial sign and an analogous meaning is something that would follow in natural course. That the
8 Ibid.
9 Ricouer, P. (1986), p. 16
French:
...le symbole est le mouvement du sens primaire qui nous fait participer au sens latent et ainsi nous assimile au symbolisé
sans que nous puissions dominer intellectuellement la similitude. C'est en ce sens que le symbole est donnant; il est donnant
parce qu'il est une intentionnalité primaire qui donne analogiquement le sens second. Ricouer, P. (1960), p 22.
19
meaning is manifest in the signifier giving way to a multitude of signified meanings. Contrast
this with Pierce where a symbol’s manifested meaning is constructed through social and
historical means in linking the signified to the signifier.10 From the text it seems to Ricoeur that a
mechanism exists within a symbol to elicit a certain manifested meaning in the mind of the
interpreter. This mechanism is, I presume, vested in the culturally socialized associations that
would prompt certain linkages.
In a way it seems rather mystical for a symbol to be imbued with meaning in such way.
Of course interactions with certain signifiers lend themselves to certain interpretations and from
there the construction of certain symbols. Though it is the interaction with the signified that
matters in the formulation of meaning, there must be a practice that elicits a certain interpretation
to the exclusion of others. In this Pierce’s conceptualization is valuable in that history and society
help shape meaning and the associated signs that represent that meaning. For example, the
crescent as a symbol for Islam is not a readily understood connection when looking at the
signifier, i.e. the crescent. It is only through an associated history of pre-Islamic Turkic celestial
symbols and the eventual conversion to Islam of these Turkic peoples that the connection
between the crescent and the Islamic faith is made. The meaning imbued and proliferated is a
matter of history, contingent on various cultural frameworks. There is an irony in the fact that the
symbol that comes to represent the Islamic religion is in its origin a vestige of Central Asian
shamanistic beliefs.
Some may consider the relationship between the signifier and signified in the creation of
a symbol arbitrary, though I believe this opinion denies the inherent cultural logic within
societies in their formation and reproduction of symbols. It also denies the historical intricacies
10 Fornäs, p. 44.
20
at which certain associations and derivation of meaning arises. Perhaps to those from the outside
that which is signified bears little connection to the signifier, but a natural logic exists in the
emic11framework.
Perhaps an understanding found in Brunschvicg’s statement on symbol: “...le symbole
s'oppose au signe artificiel en ce qu'il possède un pouvoir interne de représentation; par exemple
le serpent qui se mord la queue, symbole de l'éternité.12 A symbol is not an artificial sign
therefore there is something natural in its construction leading it to something that “possesses an
internal power of representation.” Perhaps this is what Ricoeur means in that the “double
intentionality” is made through some sort of internal mechanism or that its initial meaning or
intentionality gives rise to the second.
Though I still contend that the associated meaning, the interpretation of the signifier to
birth a symbol needs an overarching ideological framework in which these relationships bear
logical connection. A symbol cannot arise out of nothing. Sperber rejects that symbols stem
from a sense of irrationality. In his 1975 work, Rethinking Symbolism, Sperber critiques the
notion that the symbolic construction is some sort of “primal” endeavor prior to rational thought
as explained by Toren:
Sperber is concerned to show that the production and comprehension of
symbolism pre-supposes rational thought and the existence of cognitive
processes that are common to everyone. In this view symbolic thought cannot
be used to differentiate our own cognitive processes from those of nonliterate,
non- industrial peoples. This is a radical reversal of the notion that
symbolic thought is cognitively, ontogenetically and phylogenetically prior
to rational thought.13
11 i.e. within a culture rather than outside of it.
12 Lalande, p. 1080.
13 Toren, p. 261.
21
Despite any issues with Sperber’s overall model, aspects of his theoretical framework are
indeed valuable in critiquing what may be viewed as the deficiencies of previous theories. Again,
to put a finer point on it, in order for a symbol to be constructed in the mind of an individual and
then propagated throughout a society, adherence to a line of thinking that would be considered
logical in the association of a signifier and the signified within a certain context is necessary. The
association that renders the symbol need not be universal in its logical consideration as these
links, these associations, are culturally contingent. They do not arise from pre-thought as they are
thought-objects which individual interpreters learn and maintain a certain associated meaning or
meanings for a duration of time as the symbol penetrates the consciousness of a people and
embeds itself within their cultural and ideological framework.
Again it must be reiterated that of course what constitutes reasonable consideration of
referential “materials” in relation to ideas is itself a construction dictated by constructed
ideologies in specific cultural frameworks. Though it must be stressed that symbols cannot exist
prior to any sort of socialization, I would postulate even symbol on an individual level one would
have to be socialized in the process of symbol-making and the associations made are still wholly
within a certain cultural framework. Their construction is based in reference to an education, a
learning of associated meanings. Prior explanations of symbolic thought in ethnographic works
that presuppose some sort of “primitive” irrationality point towards a colonial mindset by nonnative
researchers endeavoring to contrast their societies and cultures from the ones being
studied. The utilization of symbols in practice as a way to relay information and situate an
audience into a deeper meaning of understanding is something in itself that belies a complexity
masked as facile.
22
2.2 NON-SYMBOL
So let us delve into the components and negations that shape what a symbol is. For this
we will consider the intersections and juxtapositions of sign and symbol. All signs must fulfill
their function as signs or else be relegated a non-signs, though a symbol may lose its “double
intentionality” yet still fulfill its role as a sign, but not a symbol. Thus being relegated to a nonsymbol
as the abstractions of values that populated whatever could be derived as meaning are no
longer being observed.
So to define a sign in the consideration for the work here is that a sign being a product of
an agreed upon social convention rather than anything arising forthright from the mind. Take for
example a sign on the side of the road that says “watch out for falling rocks” with an image of a
falling rock, this sign is a warning offering a one to one in its meaning. There is nothing that is
being symbolized in the sign beyond the surface level meaning. As society and cultural change
this may alter or even erode symbolic meaning over time; it should never be assumed that
meaning is static or that meaning will forever be derived from a sign to create a symbol.
Meaning is of course imbued by humans into whatever constitutes the signifier and when
that process no longer continues, when others are no longer educated and involved in the
reproduction of this particular knowledge a symbol ceases to be a symbol. Thus this is how a
symbol becomes a non-symbol sign—if that. A loss of meaning may also be due to a change in
understanding transforming the signified, but not the signifier. In this case an abstraction replaces
another abstraction forming a new conceptualization of signified meaning. Here a symbol
maintains its status as a symbol but the meaning associated with it, byway of interpretation
through a shift in cultural understanding have morphed the signified.
23
For example, the Naval Museum in Istanbul, according to an accompanying text found
near the banner, states that the image on Zulfikar is somehow a representation of the Christian
concept of the Trinity14The text reads:
16. yüzyılda Osmanlı donanması üç dinin de hüküm sürdüğü ticarî
coğrafyaya eğemen olmuştur. Bu nedenle, Hiristiyanlığın simgesi de sancağa
işlenmiştir. [In the sixteenth century, the Ottoman navy achieved hegemony
over the commercial geography where [all] three religions [i.e., Islam,
Christianity, and Judaism prevailed. For this reason, a symbol of Christianity
is embroidered on the flag.15
Perhaps the hilt seemed reminiscent of a cross to someone unfamiliar with Christian
iconography and so outside the faith that there was no one to double check their assertion. The
writer of the above quoted text is wholly unaware that this scissor-esque design is that of Dhu’l
Faqar. The assumption that it represented the Christian faith is perhaps furthered by the addition
of the Seal of Solomon found at the bottom at the banner. While it is true that the Seal of
Solomon or the Star of David has become a symbol of Judaism this is a more recent turn of
events. The 6-pointed star was initially a symbol used amongst the Arab Muslims and later later
adopted by the European Jewry before it spread widely in the 19th century.
So it is very unlikely that a 16th century item would include a Seal of Solomon as a
representation of Judaism. So in this, the forgotten or misattributed meaning of both the Dhu’l
Faqar and the Seal of Solomon has not rendered them non-symbol in this context despite their
original meaning and purpose being forgotten, a new symbolic meaning has been reapplied albeit
through a misunderstanding of the symbols representation due to an incorrect thesis that does not
bear weight in regards to the historical use of these sign symbols.
14 Hathaway, p. 1.
15 Ibid.
24
As the contemporary interpretation of symbols on the banner is mistaken, it would not be
a great stretch to think that these symbols may lose their symbolic meaning as the history of their
representations are forgotten instead of reimagined. Thus in future when such socialization in
these religio-cultural symbols no longer bear any consideration these symbols may be rendered
into non-symbols.
Though upon a recent visit in 2022 to the Naval Museum, I saw that the initial
misconceptions relating to the imagery of the banner had indeed been rectified. The text relating
to the banner now includes a discussion on the actual intended meanings of the symbols and all
seem to have been correctly identified. There also seems to be an addition of a hand motif that
was not mentioned by Hathaway and was not initially showcased in the images of the
reproductions of the banner in the past. So it seems much updating and revamping has been done
to create a more accurate understanding of this particular banner.
25
26
Figure 1: Dhu'l Faqar image on banner from Istabul Maritime Museum.
Image Credit: Helmut Föll, Iron, Steel and Swords webpage:
tf.uni-kiel.de/matwis/amat/iss/kap_b/advanced/tb_5_2
27
Figure 2: Photograph of the caption related to the Ensignia of Barbaros at Istanbul's Naval
Museum. (Photo taken by author, Jan. 2022).
A non-symbol exists contained within a mundanity which a symbol references and yet
transcends. Sometimes a cigar is just a cigar vs. ceci n'est pas une pipe. The metaphysical
vacancy of the non-symbol is contrasted with that of the symbol engorged in meaning. Jung
plainly states: “...a word or an image is symbolic when it implies something more than its
obvious and immediate meaning.”16 For our purpose, a symbol holds something esoteric in its
embodied meaning in relation to its signifer. Though again that meaning can only be
“deciphered” by way of interpretation.
2.3 THE INTERPRETER AND THE CONFINES OF CULTURE
Symbols are shared within cultures, at the very least on the superficial level of the
“signifier,” where as the meaning attached to the symbol may mutate and change over time and
within certain cleavages within a culture, or perhaps even on the level of an individual. This
would draw us further into discussions on shared conceptualizations of symbols and meaning if
meaning is understood or can be understood in identical ways across the spectrum of unique
individuals found within a shared cultural unit.
Symbolic anthropology concerns itself with how symbols can be utilized to gain insight
into local communities and their spiritual beliefs. Besides anthropology being a former area of
study for myself and thus an area I’m more readily comfortable pulling theories from, the fact
that specific cultural interpretations relating to imagery and texts that reference particular
religious-related stories is of interest to this study lends itself to the considerations found within
16 Jung, p. 20.
28
the symbolic anthropological perspective. Geertz, considered one of the greats in the field of
anthropology, viewed symbols as a model for reality; a way for people to orient themselves
within their particular cultural systems, thus for this orientation to work “meaning” attached to
symbols must be more or less static. In Geertz’s conceptualization symbols held an important
place in the transmission and maintenance of culture. He states that culture is:
a historically transmitted pattern of meanings embodied in symbols, a system
of inherited conceptions expressed in symbolic forms by means of which men
communicate, perpetuate, and develop their knowledge about and their
attitudes toward life.17
Here symbols are the main unit of cultural knowledge transmission. Meanings are
derived and perpetuated through symbols. For Geertz the study of symbols holds interest insofar
as it is a tool that can be utilized to explain culture. For symbols to be tools of cultural and
ideological socialization in order to promote societal paradigms, they must be more or less static
in their meaning and interpretation. If the meaning embedded within symbols fluctuated within
every generation, the process of orienting the youth would be difficult if not impossible. In order
for socialization and education in the predominant societal framework to be successful the
symbols and their associated meanings must in a way be stagnant over a long duration of time in
order to be useful in perpetuating cultural values and practices.
Though what happens if symbols are contested or interpreted by an individual in an
alternative way within a cultural system? Is the employment of symbolism always a community
affair? A few questions to posit while thinking about the importance of shared meaning-making
in a society in order to foster social cohesion and stay any disruptive discourse due to difference.
Though one may speculate about the infrastructures put in place to maintain certain
17 Geertz, p 89.
29
understandings and how specific they are to societies with varying levels of acceptance when it
comes to individuality and deviancy from the norm.
Interpretation is the key ingredient in meaning-making. As stated previously a symbol is a
sign and a sign is a thing which conveys meaning, but for that meaning to be communicated
there must be someone to interpret and internalize the meaning that is being put forth. The
derivation of meaning or non-meaning can never divorce itself from the cultural context which
the interpreter is socialized in. A symbol is a construct meant to be understood, as what would be
the use of reference, of signification, if communication were not the ultimate goal? For such
communication to be fruitful, the individuals parsing out meaning must be socialized in the
significance of symbolism to understand that behind the object, the image, the word, exists an
understanding that transcends the superficial, naturalistic reality of the vehicle embodying the
symbolic meaning.
In this way symbols are a medium to reproduce culture and socialize members in
prevailing ideologies and likewise the ideologies feed into the perpetuation of the symbols. The
anthropologist Victor Turner believes “...a symbol is the smallest unit of ritual which still retains
the specific properties of ritual behavior; it is a “storage unit” filled with a vast amount of
information”.18 Again, as I said before, a symbol is “shorthand.” Encapsulated within it is much
more information that the superficiality of the “object” suggests on its face. The varied
associations that come about due to ideological and ritual considerations allow for a variety of
linkages and further meanings to become associated with the symbol. Much like Ricoeur, Tuner
understands that a symbol has the potential to hold multiple meanings:
18 Turner, (1968), p. 1.
30
many things and actions are represented in a single formation... a dominant
symbol is a unification of disparate signification... interconnected by virtue of
their common possession of analogous qualities or by association in fact or
thought.19
Thus a symbol in Turner’s view is condensed data, condensed culturally specific data. In
my understanding of it, a symbol is a tool to which grand narratives and culturally and
ideologically specific values which can be embedded not just within the mind, but also
emotionally. Within a symbol is a language, a history, an ideology that can only be understood
through the mediation of an interpreter who has been immersed in the specific context to make
sense of the symbolic logic attached to the signifier. Again, a symbol is shorthand.
Take for example the crucifix. The object itself represents Christ’s crucifixion, but it also
represents so much more for believers—it is not just a story of the suffering and persecution of a
rabbi whose teachings rocked the religious and political establishment of Roman occupied Judea,
but is a symbol for the redemption and salvation of humankind and ultimately God’s mercy. And
in association with the symbol of the crucifix is rituals of reverence when upon seeing the
symbol. Yes, it is an object, but it is an object the elicits veneration. It is not a mere carving it is a
reminder of faith and sacrifice for the love of man, to which a believer in their reverence will
genuflect and replicate the symbol of the cross through gesture. This symbol becomes a
microcosm for a certain understanding of history, dogma, and associated religious
manifestations.
Symbols offer a wealth of information contained in an object or idea which are conveyed
through the interpretive understanding of an ideological framework in which the interpreter is
apart. A sort of zip file awaiting extraction by the appropriate party. The understanding of a
19 Turner, (1967), p. 28.
31
symbol can only happen if the interpreter is socialized in the meaning-making of symbolic
ideologies, if this is not done then the symbol loses it status as symbol and is then relegated to
that of a sign. Again, an overarching ideological framework is necessary in the construction of
symbols.
2.4 TALISMAN AND SYMBOLS
Why is the nature of symbols important in relation to talismanic iconography? The
symbol and the thing which is being symbolized by way of the visual or textual manifestation
follows a line of cultural logic that exposes particular understandings that illustrate the
relationship between the signifier and the signified. Thus I contend that the relationship and the
meanings attached and then extrapolated over various other contexts by way of diffusion help
infer possible origins of why the relationship between the manifestation and the ideology are
what they are. Talismans are symbols that represent more than their physical manifestation and
while the figure, object, or epigraphic text exists in a sense of blatancy on the surface, a deeper
representation resides in an associated history, an associated ideology, which evokes a culturally
related but albeit “different” understanding.
This is to say that these talismanic symbols only exist and hold meaning due to the larger
cultural and ideological framework. This framework of which the individuals that manufacture
and/or own these talismanic objects or talismanic adorned objects is something they were
oriented in and internalized the value of such objects and their associated meanings. In the
acceptance of these forms of talismanic symbols, an understanding of identity construction can
32
also be assumed. This will be discussed more later in the work, but the acceptance and adherence
to certain symbols are markers of certain conceptualizations of identity being.
In terms of talismanic symbols, what is referenced is often not a naturalistic sign, but a
narrative. Yes, an image or text is utilized as short hand for the meaning inherent in the symbol,
but does not offer a one to one correlation. Take for example, the Seal of Solomon—a talismanic
symbol which will be discussed in more detail in a later chapter. The interlocking triangles that
create the 6-pointed star known as the Seal of Solomon represents an understanding of a
particular Qur’anic narrative that tells of the power Solomon wields over the djinn. It is in this
understanding of the story of how God granted Solomon the power to bend djinn to his will is
how this “seal” comes to be understood as an apotropaic talisman. The 6-pointed star does not
signify a star it makes reference to a man, but does not mean a man. The Seal of Solomon as
utilized as a talisman represents adherence to an ideology and a belief in a particular religious
understanding. It ultimately represents the power of Solomon over the djinn and contained in this
talisman is a piece of that power that offers protection from the ills of the djinn. The origin of
this rather ubiquitous icon across cultures bears no significance to the story and the belief in it as
a symbol in the adherence and interpretation. It is the associated narrative the gives the symbol
meaning beyond its “shape” that bears more importance in the mind of the interpreter.
Let’s take another look at the crucifix as well as the bare cross this time in their use as
protective charms. They are very much a layered symbol and in practice are used as a talismanic
sort of charm for protection. The cross in and of itself is a punitive device of torture, but in the
narrative that imbues the crucifix and the cross with its apotropaic power—the suffering morphs
into salvation and to the redeeming power of Christ, and ultimately Christ’s power over evil.
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These objects memorialize an event, but it is the story associated with the figure of the cross that
grants it, in the eyes of believers, a divine power.
A talisman is a symbol and is always a symbol as it represents an abstraction, a
consideration beyond what it is as an object or text. Though in particular for talismans of a
religious based nature they are understood through narrative from which its meaning is made
manifest and that meaning is the supremacy of the divine. In this way, I put forth that talismans
and talismanic objects are to be considered stories contained within a symbol, but beyond that
there needs to be an element of religio-magical appeals or embodiment of the divine for there to
be any power derived by the utilization of the talisman.
2.5 BELIEF AND SYMBOLISM
What separates mere aesthetic ornamentation from the talismanic? Or, to revisit the
previous section an icon from a symbol? While a talismanic inscription or representation may
also serve to beautify an object, the talisman itself points to a larger cultural and/or religious
milieu—a symbol inherent. A belief must precede the use of a talisman, the use of the symbol, a
lack of belief would render a talismanic symbol unnecessarily. I contend that a talisman is a
symbol that must embody a religio-magical ideology. Without such a framework there would
exist no need for such as the meaning would be impossible to communicate.
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Cultural constraints not withstanding, a talisman embodies a symbolism that is absent
from mere aesthetics. Of course, I will say, symbolic representation is a difficult and nebulous
thing to pin down given all societies and cultures operate within a symbolic framework that is so
integral to its continued operation that meaning may have disappeared from the forefront of the
minds of those within in it. To deconstruct this would be the deconstruction of reality or more
accurately, perceived reality itself.
The talismanic symbolism at the forefront of this work is in relation to weaponry,
specifically the sword. For all that is assumed about Islam and its relationship with the sword,
the sword is not a common motif within the Qur’an. It is within tafsirs,20 folklore, and traditions
of Islamic cultures that the sword develops connection with the word of God. Of course as is
often with the nitty-gritty of textual interpretation in Qur’anic commentaries, many exegetes
argue over the correct cutting implements being utilized in stories given nebulous descriptions.
While not a direct reference to swords, surah Al-Hadid (the iron) discusses the divine importance
of iron in ayat 25:21
افِعُ لِلنَّاسِ وَلِيَعْلَمَ f دِيدٌ وَمَنَ f أْسٌ شَ f هِ بَ f لَقَدْ أَرْسَلْنَا رُسُلَنَا بِالْبَيِّنَاتِ وَ أَنْزَلْنَا مَعَهُمُ الْكِتَابَ وَالْمِيزَانَ لِيَقُومَ النَّاسُ بِالْقِسْطِ وَ أَنْزَلْنَا الْحَدِيدَ فِي
اللَّه مَنْ يَنْصُرُهُ وَرُسُلَهُ بِالْغَيْبِ إِنَّ اللَّه قَوِيٌّ عَزِيزٌ
Iron being described in this case as being “sent down” indicating its divine origin leading
to more literal-minded interpretations of iron being obtained in heaven by Adam as posed by
20 Qur’anic exegesis literature.
21 We have already sent Our messengers with clear evidences and sent down with them the Scripture and the balance that
the people may maintain [their affairs] in justice. And We sent down iron, wherein is great military might and benefits for
the people, and so that Allah may make evident those who support Him and His messengers unseen. Indeed, Allah is
Powerful and Exalted in Might. (Sahih International).
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medieval scholar Ibn Abbas and with other commentaries that suggest iron was procured through
mines.22Though commentaries mostly concern themselves with iron being utilized for weapons
in battle. With the reference to iron and its association with weapons even in exegetical texts, it
does seem to showcase that armed conflict is justifiable and even necessary. As a note, Shi’i
works tend to conflate the divine origin of iron with Dhu’l Faqar/Zulfikar, a topic that will be
discussed further later. Though in the acquisition of Dhu’l Faqar from its original narrative there
exists nothing particularly mystical or divine about it and gains its legendary profile due to the
association with Prophet Muhammad and his cousin/son-in-law Ali, who wielded it in battle.
Verse 5 of surah at-Tawbah23has become popularly known as “ayat al-sayf” or the “sword
verse” which reads:
امُوا f ابوا وَ أَق f إِن ت f دٍ فَ f لَّ مَرصَ f دوا لَهُم كُ f روهُم وَاقعُ f ذوهُم وَاحصُ f فَ إِذَا انسَلَخَ ا لأَشهُرُ الحُرُمُ فَاقتُلُوا المُشرِكينَ حَيثُ وَجَدتُموهُم وَخُ
الصَّلاةَ وَآتَوُا الزَّكاةَ فَخَلّوا سَبيلَهُم إِنَّ اللَّه غَفورٌ رَحيمٌ
While there is no direct reference to a sword within this verse and many Qur’an,
commentaries have discussed the actual permissibility of killing “polytheists” and of course the
idea of slaying a person with a sword comes to mind. The name, “ayat al-sayf,” as the verse is
referred to does point to a sort of symbolic religious violence embodied in the idea of the sword.
This more militant narrative is bolstered by a certain peculiarity of the surah—the lack of a
bismillah.
22 Al Thalabi 9:246 and al Mahalli al Suyuti 1:544
23 And when the sacred months have passed, then kill the polytheists wherever you find them and capture them and besiege
them and sit in wait for them at every place of ambush. But if they should repent, establish prayer, and give zakah, let them
[go] on their way. Indeed, Allah is Forgiving and Merciful. (Sahih International).
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Bismillah is a ubiquitous phrase in whatever one could broadly define as an Islamic
culture. It is a phrase that is invoked in every permissible action a Muslim undertakes. While the
lack of bismillah most likely lies in that Surah Tawbah is not a separate surah, but part of the
surah that precedes it: Al Anfal—though there exists an alternative understanding. There exists a
line of reasoning that states the lack of bismillah is deliberate due to the nature of the topic of the
surah. Since the surah concerns itself with war with the polytheists that wished injury on the
Muslim community, therefore the bismillah is omitted because the phrase is a mercy, a sign of
goodwill and friendship. It is a mercy that could not be extended to the enemies of the early
Muslim community.
So here the reality of the reason is not as important as the reality of belief in the reason—
as any one from politics would know. The fact that this alternative view exists and is adhered to
as a reason indicated that this line of thinking has an impact. It illustrates the divergence in
understanding due to interpretation and through the making of meaning these interpretations
could populate and reinforce ideas that are tied to talismanic symbolism while not offering any
inherent indication of such in the origin.
The interpretation of symbols is what gives symbols meaning. Even within the same
cultural framework there are differences of opinion, elaborations on symbols that exist for part of
those within the same cultural domain and in this symbolism begins to morph, change, or end up
disregarded entirely. A symbol cannot exist without an ideology that predates it. This example
provides us with one such example.
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3. MAGIC
3.1 WHAT IS MAGIC?
The term magic can span a range of meanings from slight of hand ticks for entertainment
to supernatural and unworldly. In early ethnographic works “magic” was often viewed as a sort
of primitive construction of a world view that would eventually progress to a more complex
religious system. Though as interest in the theoretical conceptions and implications of magic as a
practice and framework through lenses across a variety of cultures began to grow, less dismissive
and colonial tinted interpretations arose.
What could be defined as magic in an anthropological sense in a variety of established
religions may rarely if ever be deemed as such by the average adherent. Magic is often viewed as
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something in contrast with religion, or most often opposed to religion. The term magic generally
conveys a sense of practice that is sinister and in conflict with orthodox religion. In order to
purify the faith, efforts by religious authorities attempt to forbid folk practices of adherents
considered incongruous with the religion designating these practices as pagan or Satanic, a
corruption of true religious practice. Magic’s imbued sense of alterity has been a long standing
one according to Otto and Stausberg:
“Magic” belongs to the conceptual legacy of fifth-century Greece (BCE).
Etymologically, the term is apparently derived from contact with the main
political enemy of that period, the Persians, and “magic” has ever since
served as a marker of alterity, of dangerous, foreign, illicit, suspicious but
potentially powerful things done by others (and/or done differently). From
referring to concrete objects and practices, “magic” eventually turned into a
rather abstract category.24
The term magic in English comes form the term “magus” in Latin that crossed over from
the Greek (μάγος) which was borrowed from Old Persian (𐎶𐎦𐎢𐏁). As Otto and Stausberg
point out, the Persians were adversaries of the Ancient Greeks and the adoption of and meanings
surrounding the term in the Ancient Greek lexicon was colored by the animosity they held
towards the Persians. Thus relegating “magic” to that which is foreign, dark, and arcane. In the
land of its origin, the word magic was closely associated with religion as Zoroastrian priests
were known as magi where the term magic is believed to be derived.25
The conception of magic even in antiquity bears in it something sort of nefarious. A
practice done by others that one should be on the look out for due to a perceived inherent danger
in it. Though in all honesty, such sentiments exist to this day in both the developed and
24 Otto and Stausberg, pg 3.
25 Seyed-Gohrab, p. 71.
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developing world. The illegitimate magic is contrasted by the legitimacy of organized religious
belief.
3.2 MAGIC V. RELIGION?
What separates religion from magic? Is there a meaningful distinction? Especially in
within the boundaries of ritual and supplication? The boundaries that demarcate these realms are
fuzzy and are often drawn by those who seek to promote their own beliefs over a “fraudulent”
faith wrapped up in a hierarchy of power and authenticity. The negative connotations of “magic”
imagined by the Greeks were then passed into the Roman and ultimately the Christian
understanding of the term, associating it with illegitimate practices that are counter to normative
religious rites and practices. This conceptualization had a devastating impact later on as
European colonization, and with it forced conversions, destroyed indigenous belief systems and
cultures. The accusations of magic being used to delegitimize other forms of religion and
worship and assert dominance within the political power structure. Ancient religions and cults
had their rites and practices written off as “magic” while contemporary faiths utilizing similar
rites do not face such an accusation. Thus the term magic and all its derogatory associated
meanings applied to the other is a manifestation of power that leads to delegitimization.
Mauss tries to establish a distinction between magic and religion vis-a-vis rites. Mauss
contents that even “licit” magic is characterized by secrecy: “Isolation and secrecy are two
almost perfect signs of the intimate character of a magical rite.”26 Magic is then defined by its
opposition to the regulations and openness of religion. Mauss’ understanding of magical rites fits
26 Mauss, p. 29.
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within the standard and historical Western narrative of magic. Though how much these
conceptions hold true in all societies and times, one might imagine this characterization to be
more narrow than universal.
Mauss’ distinction indicates a belief that there is a defined line between magic and
religion. I contend that the distinction is not based on practice, but on the social acceptability of a
religious framework. To put it another what is considered legitimate versus illegitimate is matter
of power dynamics. What is the fundamental difference between a blessing ceremony of a
Wiccan versus a Catholic, besides the pervading acceptability of the Catholic blessing being
normative and the Wiccan one ascribed as “magic” due to the marginality of the belief system
that is believed to stem from “adversarial” ancient and folk beliefs that have been delegitimzed
by Christian authorities. Thus “magic” is very much in the eye of the beholder.
The formulations of systematic prayer, the reverence bestowed on the Hajar al-Aswad,
the recitation of scripture on important nights—these practices are deemed legitimate
manifestation of religious adherence. Though in the context of another belief system, or in the
mind of Islamophobes such practices may be labeled “magic”. Thus defining something as magic
or religious ritual and belief rests upon hierarchies of power and polemics designed to denigrate
rather than any sincere understanding of particular forms of worship.
Sihr
Moving to the Islamic understanding of magic, the Arabic word “sihr” ( سِحْر ) can mean
magic, bewitchment, or sorcery.27 The understanding of sihr parallels that of the English
27 Unfortunately, I have not been able to discern the origin on the term. Etymology sections do not seem to be common in
Arabic dictionaries.
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“magic” in that it is something exterior to orthodox belief and is deemed secretive and sinister, it
goes against divine injunction. This is illustrated in the words of Ibn Khaldun:
...tous les exercices de magie consistent à tendre l’esprit ver les sphères
célestes, les étoiles, les mondes supérieurs, ou vers les démons, en leur
donnant diverses marques de vénération et d’adoration, de soumission et
d’humiliation. On voit donc que la pratique magique revient à adorer
d’autres [êtres] qu’Allah, ce qui est impie (kufr). La magie est donc impie.
En tout cas, sa substance et ses mobiles le sont.2829
Thus magic is seen as firmly in the domain of the kufirun, the unbelievers, as it is understood to
be the exultation of other entities than God according to this excerpt from Ibn Khaldun. The act,
the motivations are “impious,” such acts are outside the right veneration of God. While owing to
a different etymological root, the overlapping cultural domains and the shared history may have
heavily informed the conceptualization of the definitions of sihr and magic. Given the advent and
expansion of Islam, certain modes of say, pre-Islamic belief systems and rituals were to be
delegitimized in order to prove the superiority of Islam. Yet, even as Islam was adopted across
varying geographies these demonized practices that pre-date the faith were reworked and
incorporated into the faith by various practitioners, though could quite often still be percieved as
illegitimate displays of religiosity and religious adherence.
To extend the consideration to talismans, Al Ghazali in his work, The Revival of
Religious Knowledge or Iḥyā′ ‘Ulūm al-Dīn ( إحياء علوم الدين ), magic, prestidigitation, talismans,
charms, are considered as condemnable acts.30 And yet, “Islamic” talismans exist to this day. So
what is it in that such a condemnation does not hinder the continued manufacture and creation of
28 Lakhassi, p. 95.
29 I hazard a translation with my rusty French: “...all magic exercises consist of reaching out to the celestial spheres, stars,
higher worlds, or demons, offering them various marks of reverence and adoration, submission and humiliation. So we see
that the magical practice amounts to worshiping others [beings] than Allah, which is impious (kufr). Magic is therefore
impious. In any case, its substance and its motives are.
30 Lakhassi, p. 95.
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talismanic objects and talismanic adorned objects? How is it such practices occur far and wide
and are able to be readily conceptualized as legitimate due to the origin of symbolism? Questions
to hold on to for later.
In the Qur’an magic is mentioned in the polemic verses where non-believers state that
Islam and the Qur’an are brought about by magic, the inference being that Islam is a false
religion. Again the term “magic” is used as a tool of delegitimization. Even among the Meccan
pagans, the accusation of magic could slur a religion such as Islam and where the adherents of
the new faith would return the accusation.
In surah al-Baqarah brief mention is made concerning Harut and Marut, two angels that
would test the people of Babylon by teaching them magic:
زِلَ عَلَى f آ أُن f حۡرَ وَمَ f ونَ ٱلنَّاسَ ٱلسِّ f رُواْ يُعَلِّمُ f رَ سُلَيۡمَ ٰنُ وَلَ ٰكِنَّ ٱلشَّيَ ٰطِينَ كَفَ f ا ڪَفَ f وَٱتَّبَعُواْ مَا تَتۡلُواْ ٱلشَّيَٰطِينُ عَلَىٰ مُلۡكِ سُلَيۡمَ ٰنَۖ وَمَ
فَ لَا تَكۡفُرۡۖ فَيَتَعَلَّمُونَ مِنۡهُمَ ا نَحۡنُ فِتۡنَةٌ۬ ٱلۡمَلَڪَيۡنِ بِبَابِلَ هَٰرُوتَ وَمَٰرُوتَۚ وَمَا يُعَلِّمَانِ مِنۡ أَحَدٍ حَتَّىٰ يَقُو لَآ إِنَّمَ
مَا يُفَرِّقُونَ بِهۦِ بَيۡنَ ٱلۡمَرۡءِ وَزَوۡجِهِۚ وَمَا هُم بِضَآرِّينَ بِهۦِ مِنۡ أَحَدٍ إِلَّا بِ إِذۡنِ ٱللَّه وَيَتَعَلَّمُونَ مَا يَضُرُّهُمۡ وَ لَا يَنفَعُهُمۡۚ وَلَقَدۡ
عَلِمُواْ لَمَنِ ٱشۡتَرَٮٰهُ مَا لَهُ فِى ٱ لۡأَخِرَةِ مِنۡ خَلَٰقٍ۬ۚ وَلَبِئۡسَ مَا شَرَوۡاْ بِهۤۦِ أَنفُسَهُمۡۚ لَوۡ ڪَانُواْ يَعۡلَمُونَ 31
Though as this story filtered down, was added upon, and later portrayed in art there are
some glaring theological issues in consideration regarding the text. Yes, the text does show that
magic is considered deviant and impious—though what exactly this magic shown to the people
31 Qur’an 2:102: And they followed [instead] what the devils had recited during the reign of Solomon. It was not Solomon
who disbelieved, but the devils disbelieved, teaching people magic and that which was revealed to the two angels at
Babylon, Hārūt and Mārūt. But they [i.e., the two angels] do not teach anyone unless they say, "We are a trial, so do not
disbelieve [by practicing magic]." And [yet] they learn from them that by which they cause separation between a man and
his wife. But they do not harm anyone through it except by permission of Allah. And they [i.e., people] learn what harms
them and does not benefit them. But they [i.e., the Children of Israel] certainly knew that whoever purchased it [i.e., magic]
would not have in the Hereafter any share. And wretched is that for which they sold themselves, if they only knew.(Sahih
International).
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entailed is not discussed at any length to know what were the particulars of the impropriety.
Though from the verse it states that practicing magic leads to disbelief, as if practicing magic
nullifies religious adherence.
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Figure 3: Harut and Marut forced to hang upside down as punishment
until the day of judgement. Falname, 1703.
Image credit: Minyatürlerle Osmanlı-İslam Mitologyası
Back to the theological considerations: are angels inerrant and is it just that God
condemned them despite lacking free will? The artistic depictions are quite interesting as none of
what is presented is in the Qur’anic text. Continuing with the narrative, the people in pursuing
magic as taught by Harut and Marut had rejected the teachings of God, further illustrating how
magic is viewed as an opposition to the religion in the Qur’an. Narratives like this and the
evolution of the stories in the local imagination of Muslim communities illustrates how a certain
antagonistic view towards magic has informed cultures that have been Islamized with regards to
the understanding of magic. Though again while the text states that Harut and Marut taught the
people magic, it does not offer any detailed discussion about what constituted the magical craft.
Perhaps the vagueness allowed for a broad sweeping condemnation of whatever “magical”
practices and rituals of communities Islam expanded into.
Then there are narratives where magic or what one may define as magic is seen in a more
positive light. Though in comparison to Harut and Marut and owing to his special place among
the Chosen People, Solomon was gifted with domain over rebellious djinn who he commanded
to build his temple. He was also granted control of the winds and the ability to understand the
speech of animals. Is this considered magic by the Qur’an, or a religious gift? Are they different?
Or as discussed previously is what distinguishes this demarcation a manifestation of power and
delegitimization?
The fact that these special powers over the will of djinn and the wind, as well as the
ability to understand the languages of God’s living creation move what would often be
considered magic to a legitimate domain of “religious gifts”. If such a negative opinion of magic
exists, what explains the proliferation of practices and objects people would generally regard as
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“magic?” What of “licit” magic? Does the legitimized origin from which the power of rituals,
practices, artifacts, etc. derive their power the ultimate determiner of what is and what isn’t
magic? If a thing is indeed licit then can it truly be called magic? When is a prayer or a sacred
object a talisman? Dynamics of power and the continued proliferation of such practices and
rituals in religion make the dividing line incredibly blurry—maybe not from the standpoint of a
believer, be they accepting or rejecting of such practices, but as a researcher there are no neat
boxes in which to contain these realities.
Of course views on magic or what constitutes “magic” are not uniform across the Muslim
world. Though with the internet and social media allowing for a more readied access to religious
content and thus a sort of homogenization of doctrinal conceptualizations especially among lay
Muslims with little religious instruction outside these venues, there begins a consolidation of
religious opinions. Still, variations exist by region and by what ideological strand of Islam is
being followed, where Islam sits atop a pre-Islamic history and culture that makes itself known
in ways that may not be readily apparent. This liminal space existing between culture and
religion is where heterodoxic manifestations of belief can arise. If an object that can be deemed a
charm or talisman draws its power from Allah, then why should it be forbidden as it affirms
God’s dominion over all creation?
3.3 APOTROPAIC MAGIC
Apotropaic magic is found throughout popular culture—from horror films where holy
water and crucifixes dispel malevolent spirits to the use of “good luck charms” that protect the
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wearer or possessor from harm and cultivate fortuitous events. I should say American films in
specific, as these objects point to a broader Western Christian cultural milieu, though due to the
propagation and proliferation of US popular culture to all corners of the world, I would assume a
sort of global familiarity. The term “apotropaic” comes from the Greek for “to ward off” and is a
type of magic used to ward off evil influences, essentially it is a fancy term for protection magic.
Though again to consider what is and isn’t magic is a matter of discourses of power
rather than clear cut definitions of a technical nature as I’ve stated prior. Most charms and
talismans, even those that are on the margins of organized religious belief fall in the apotropaic
category. Holy water for example is apotropaic, but again a believer would not necessarily label
it “magical” as magic is deemed an illegitimate practice to those in organized religions. The use
of such apotropaic charms, talismans, or prayers owing their power to a supernatural power, most
commonly some sort of divinity, also would suppose in some instances a sort of supernatural
enemy or force that requires one to seek protection from. Be this the devil, malevolent spirits,
curses, hexes, etc.
So again talismans and amulets most often fall into the apotropaic category though could
extend beyond this or be used for other advantageous gains, but here I am specifically concerned
with those used to protect the possessor from harm. The ever ubiquitous nazar is one such
example of an apotropaic charm that has made its way into common fashion elements. It is an
object that supposes an evil and is in its existence seeks to remedy this evil. The term nazar is
derived from Arabic and means something along the lines of sight or surveillance and is used to
protect against the “evil eye” a sort of curse of misfortune, a concept that has been held in the
Near East since antiquity an up to the present day.
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A reference to the evil eye is made in the Qur’an, consisting of ayats 51 and 52 of Surah
Al-Qalam, known as the “Evil Eye Verse”32 which is as follows:
وَ إِن يَكَادُ ٱلَّذِينَ كَفَرُوا۟ لَيُزْلِقُونَكَ بِ أَبْصَٰرِهِمْ لَمَّا سَمِعُوا۟ ٱلذِّكْرَ وَيَقُولُونَ إِنَّهۥُ لَمَجْنُونٌ
وَمَا هُوَ إِلَّا ذِكْرٌۭ لِّلْعَٰلَمِينَ
The context of these ayats discuss how those who disbelieved the message of Prophet
Muhammad sought to bring about his illness and death with the evil eye and accused him of
insanity in his preaching of the revelation. Thus illustrating the concept of the evil eye was and is
viewed as legitimate due to its inclusion in the religious scripture, and thus a threat with real
32 And indeed, those who disbelieve would almost make you slip with their eyes [i.e., looks] when they hear the message,
and they say, "Indeed, he is mad." But it is not except a reminder to the worlds. (Sahih International)
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Figure 4: Nazar amulets to protect against the evil eye. Contrapoints. "Envy." YouTube.
Note:The context for this photo is a video essay which references the idea that the “evil
eye” is caused by envy or jealousy which is a normative belief across cultures where the
evil eye is a legitimate fear. I would suggest viewing the video as it is a fascinating and
theatrical look into the concept of envy.
implications that must be dealt with. One could see how the continued utilization of charms and
talismans to ward off the evil eye would continue across various Muslim communities despite
injunctions against the use of such.
For example a condemnation of the use of talismans is found Ibn Khaldun’s
Muqaddimah. In the section, “The sciences of sorcery and talismans” he states that sorcery is
forbidden as it appeals to beings other than God.33 Ibn Khaldun considers talismans a degree
lesser than sorcery, but no less forbidden and states that a talisman “exercises its influence with
the aid of the temper of the spheres and the elements, or with the aid of the property of
numbers.”34 Thus showing that the creation and use of talismans were practiced and believed to
be exterior to proper religious manifestations.
For Ibn Khaldun these talismanic objects exist outside of Islamic religious belief, but as
we will see talismans can and do exist within a religious milieu and informed by normative
religious belief. So thus, the question I have posed before, one must consider that if all Islamic
talismans are granted the ability to protect by the power of God, then again, is this considered
magic or does it occupy some sort of liminal space where many heterodoxic manifestations of
religious beliefs reside?
3.4 TALISMANS
A talisman exists in the same domain as amulets and charms, quite often the terms tend to
blur and fold over upon themselves being used interchangeably though some definitions relay
33 ʿabd Al-Raḥmān B Muḥammad Ibn Ḵaldūn et al., p. 572.
34 ʿabd Al-Raḥmān B Muḥammad Ibn Ḵaldūn et al., p. 574.
49
minute differences. A talisman is an object considered to have “magical” powers that grant the
possessor some benefit—quite often good fortune or protection. While traditionally seen as
baubles that are worn on one’s person similar to amulets, talismans are
things that can be inscribed on any material by way of symbols or texts that imbue materials such
as clothing, weapons, scrolls, etc. with power. Within the Ottoman milieu, talismans could be or
be found on a variety of objects ranging from miniature Qur’anic manuscripts to talismanic shirts
or tılsımlı gömlek35 worn by the sultans. Jewelry and other wearables would also contain
talismanic symbols and inscriptions that not only served as objects of protection but also
35 For more information on talismanic shirts see Muravchick’s thesis (2014) discussed in the Literature Review.
Felek’s article entitled “Fears, Hopes, and Dreams: Talismanic Shirts of Murād III” provides some additional
insight.
50
Figure 5: Barong (knife) with talismanic formulas and an image of Dhu'l Faqar. Jolo,
Philippines, 19th century. Image credit: M. Daneshgar, Mizan.
The term talisman made its way into English through the French lexicon by way of
Arabic (tilsam). Though its ultimate origin being Greek (telesma).36 For further insight to what a
talisman is defined as in the domain of Arabic, Edward William Lane’s “Arabic-English
Lexicon” entry on talisman states:
طِلَسْمٌ , or, accord. to MF, طِلَّسْمٌ , [also written طَلِسْمٌ , and طِلِسْمٌ , and طِلِّسْمٌ , and طَلْسَمٌ , and
طَلْسِمٌ , and طِلْسَمٌ ,] said by MF to be a Pers., or foreign, word; [perhaps from a late
usage of the Greek τέλεσμα;] but [SM says] in my opinion it is Arabic; a name for
a concealed secret; [i. e. a mystery: hence our word talisman: accord. to common
modern usage, it signifies mystical devices or characters, astrological or of some
other magical kind: and a seal, an image, or some other thing, upon which such
devices, or characters, are engraved or inscribed; contrived for the purpose of
preserving from enchantment or from a particular accident or from a variety of
evils, or to protect a treasure with which it is deposited, or (generally by its being
rubbed) to procure the presence and services of a Jinnee,, &c.:] pl. طَ لَا سِمُ (TA)
[and طِلَسْمَات or طِلَّسْمَاتٌ , &c.].37
This definition is in a sense broad, but fully encapsulates what a talisman is understood to
be in the Arabic language context from what I have gleaned from other works and in
conversations with those more knowledgeable on the subject of Arabic linguistics. Or, at least
one could say how the definition of talisman was conceptualized at the time the dictionary was
written to be on the safe side. In viewing the definition of talisman, it is stark how little change
exists in its definition when the term was adopted into French and later English.
36 Entry for talisman from the Online Etymology Dictionary
[https://www.etymonline.com/word/talisman]:
talisman (n.)
1630s, "magical figure cut or engraved under certain observances," from French talisman, in part via Arabic
tilsam (plural tilsaman), from Byzantine Greek telesma "talisman, religious rite, payment," earlier "consecration, ceremony,"
originally in ancient Greek "completion," from telein" perform (religious rites), pay (tax), fulfill," from telos"end,
fulfillment, completion". The Arabic word also was borrowed into Turkish, Persian, Hindi.
37 Lane, p. 1867.
51
The term tılsım also enters the Turkish from the Arabic and holds the same definition of
talisman, illustrating certain ideas and words related to the introduction of Islam overtaking
similar words of Turkic origin such as büyü, which from my understanding, not only
encapsulates the meaning of talisman, but also of magic, the term sihir entering Turkish by way
of Arabic again. The Turkic term being related to and derived from the idea of shaman or
magician. Thus linguistically with the addition of more Arabic derived words, it suggests that the
introduction of Islam helped shape and even replace previous notions of these related ideas.
Now for a talisman and its function as a symbol to be truly understood, it must be
understood in relation to the cultural context of which it exists as discussed previously. For
example, let’s return to the symbol of the cross. Holding up a cross or a crucifix to ward off evil
is not something that necessarily needs to be explained to those within a Christian society as it is
understood given the prevailing religious adherence and cultural landscape. Using a cross to
ward off evil in a non-Christian society removes any potency of that symbol and with it its
perceived power. How effective would a crucifix have over Dracula if he was Jewish?38 Symbols
and symbolic forms that are utilized as and on talisman objects or talismanic texts make
reference to a present ideology from which it draws its meaning and power. The talismanic
devices are symbolic of an over arching order, in this case within this work specifically that over
arching order is Islam.
For a further analysis of talismans and religious considerations let us look at the work of
Tawfik Canaan, a famous Palestinian Nationalist born in Ottoman Palestine. He utilizes Lane’s
definition of talisman in his work “The Decipherment of Arabic Talismans” thus illustrating it is
a definition that was operationalized within at least one Muslim dominant context by one
38 Granted a Jewish vampire would run into issues regarding Kashrut laws to start with.
52
particular scholar who held expertise on the subject. Canaan was an ethnographer and medical
doctor who conducted ample study on talismans found and used in Ottoman Palestine and other
parts of the Empire, be they Muslim, Christian, or Jewish in origin. His work gives insight into
specifically the medical talismans he encountered within the social-cultural frameworks of his
region and time. He points to the strength of the talisman is in being written, the word made
manifest and thus more powerful than an ephemeral, oral recitation.
This may owe the importance of the word in Islam. The very fact that the Qur’an itself is
a considered a miracle points to the importance of literature and literacy and this emphasis put on
words and language hearkens back to the importance of oral traditions of ancient and medieval
Arabia where Islam arose. While recitation is deemed important, it seems that holding a written
talismanic script was considered more powerful. Is it perhaps in it being tangible that garners it
more power or lasting effect?
53
Figure 6: Dhu'l Faqar sword stamp. Tawfik Canaan Amulet Collection.
Birzeit University Museum.
While much has been erroneously said about Islam and the figurative arts, it is notable
that much of what is labeled “Islamic art” features and moreover favors calligraphic text over
figural representations. It is not the images are forbidden per se it is that within the cultural
framework of the Islamic faith value is places on words—spoken and written—over figural
representations.
The word of God is elevated into elaborate art where the beauty of the calligraphic works
encapsulate and transcend the meaning of the text itself. One does not need to understand the text
to be touched by the artistry and craftsmanship in which the textual inscriptions are wrought. The
textual design being a sign in itself. In this way one may not have to understand the text that is
written to gain whatever power or influence the text would bestow on the one who possesses it.
Maybe here too is a reason that a written talismanic text gained favor especially among those
who were perhaps not knowledge about specific duas or prayers to recite in their hour of need
and the ease and comfort of holding a written prayer. The text then becomes a talismanic symbol
and its applied use transcends the materiality of it.
In a similar vein, a talisman transcends its textual composition by symbolic
representation which points to and draws power from the divine. A talisman may be many things,
but it is considered something beyond its text or imagery on an object. It is transformed by the
addition or the fashioning of a symbol into physical reality. It is an object of a contained symbol
that signifies the power of a larger ideology from which it draws its apotropaic magic from.
A short note on “battle talismans” as most works regarding Muslim talismans tend to
focus on healing and/or protective talismans off the battlefield, though these are very large
domains. There is less discussion of talismans and amulets relating particularly to the territory of
54
the battlefield, though of course these talismans would often be related to the broader category of
apotropaic talismans and charms. Battle talismans can often be found on numerous
accouterments for war though they are not limited to such. A battle talisman does not bear any
marked difference from other protective talismans in its physical conceptualization and
manufacture, though battle talismans are those talismans that pertain to battle and warfare, quite
obvious and apparent by their name. The design or words found on battle talismans are quite
similar or often the same found on other talismans as they are standard apotropaic texts or
designs as previously alluded to. These common textual and figural talismanic motifs would be
found as wearable jewelry and also adorn armor and weaponry, again obvious inclusions
especially for battle talismans.
E.A. Wallis Budge, the 19th century British Orientalist, briefly describes talismans worn
by Turkish soldiers during the Late Ottoman Period39 but makes no mention of talismanic
imagery on their weapons in his chapter focusing on Arab and Persian amulets and talismans. In
my search on literature related to battle talismans of the Islamic world, I unfortunately found
very little on the subject except maybe a few scant lines. The inclusion of battle talismans found
in Budge’s work was one of the very few examples I was able to find. Budge writes:
The Turkish soldiers who during the reign of 'Abd al-Hamid fought in
Southern Arabia wore amulets made of stone and metal....The desert Arabs
in the Yaman regarded these brass amulets as objects of very great value, and
there is no doubt that they murdered many of the Turkish soldiers in order to
cut the brass amulets from their jackets.40
So much for their apotropaic magical power if the talismans and amulets are being cut
out of the jackets of Turkish soldiers who were already cut down. While Budge mentions that the
39 Budge, p. 74.
40 Ibid.
55
brass amulets were “objects of great value” there is no mention why they would be of particular
value. Is it due to their being made of brass or is it that possessing the amulet in itself beyond it
being a war trophy what imparts its value. There does seem to be speculation on Budge’s part in
that there is “no doubt” that many Turkish soldiers were murdered for brass amulets as proof that
they were not only desirable, but murderously coveted. He provides no evidence to back up such
a statement and hints towards some unpleasant notions about “desert Arabs.”41
It is particularly interesting in that much is written on Islam’s “military history” from the
time of the Arab Conquests onward and the intra-religious fighting between Muslim polities.
Despite the fact that Islam is often described as a “militant” and “militaristic” faith one would
think there would be more on the subject if due to this discourse no matter the reality of the
matter regarding such a multifaceted religion. As I stated before there is a paucity of work related
to this particular subject or the intersection of Islamic weaponry and talismans.
41 Though being very familiar with Budge’s work, he was a product of his time. That is to say a racist product of a racist
time.
56
57
Figure 7: A amulet taken from the left arm of a Turkish soldier described by Budge (p, 74): “It is formed of three oval agate
plaques,mounted in thick silver cases, and inscribed with texts from the Kur'an, viz. the declaration of the Unity of Allah, the
opening prayer, etc. On the stone to the right is the name of Muhammad, which is here regarded as a word of power. The cord by
which these stones were fastened to the left arm of their owner is made of silk, and the eyelets at the ends of the cord are bound
round with wire.”
58
Figure 8: 17th century portable Qur'anic talisman known as sançak or banner Qur'ans as they were attached to military
standards to offer protection to the troops. Image credit: Metropolitan Museum of Art. Accession Number: 89.2.2156
59
Figure 9: 18th century seal stamp containing the names of the 4 Caliphs and
Prophet Muhammad as well as the names of the Seven Sleepers and their dog.
Image credit: Metropolitan Museum of Art. Accession Number: 1983.135.11
Moving on to the specific type of object on which talismanic motifs can be ascribed or
adorned, and despite the sword being ubiquitous, it is also special. It is a canvass for narratives
and symbolism, strength and anxieties. Thus in the physical object or the notion of the sword
already embodies symbolic conceptions on which other symbols may be displayed. Here is
where the theory of symbolic associations meets the reality of the object manifest. And yet, with
60
Figure 10: 19th century sword.
Image credit: Metropolitan Museum of Art, Accession Number:
36.25.1296
the sword, and by “the sword” I mean the concept of swords broadly, spanning across time and
cultures there exists very little on talismanic symbolism inscribed upon blade and hilts—at least
in the literature that I had access to both physically and linguistically, i,e. meaning in languages I
could possibly read to a sufficient degree. Literature related to talismans tends to be more
prevalent regarding jewelry and medical charms rather than weaponry. Though there tends to be
more information regarding swords in the context of medieval Christendom from what I could
glean. I ended up consulting books on weaponry and books on amulets and talismans, rarely did
the twain ever meet. More on that in the next chapter.
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4. SWORDS
4.1 SWORDS IN POPULAR IMAGINATION
While spears may have beat out swords historically as the favored weapons of warfare,
the sword occupies a more ubiquitous space in folklore and popular consciousness around the
world. A portable piece of protection, the sword was viewed as a constant companion of the
warrior due to its convenience as a sidearm. From this close association with warriors and
warfare the symbol of the sword made easy reference to strength and power. It exudes numerous
qualities, the sword is given a name, the sword is praised in poetry and song—the sword is no
more a mere object it is endowed with its own sort of being. A sword is an item of prestige and
heritage, legitimacy and power. Did not Excalibur legitimize Arthur as sovereign? Did not Dhu’l
Faqar/Zulfikar solidify Ali’s spiritual inheritance?
The sword linked god and man, and justified the actions taken on behalf of the faith as is
commonly seen within the revealed desert religions of the “Orient.” The sword is a potent
62
symbol across many cultures and is and has been bolstered by cultural symbolism within
cultures. This study is less concerned with the manufacture and technology behind the forging of
swords and more preoccupied with the sword as a cultural object that conveys meaning and is a
medium for meaning-making in a broader cultural framework. Of course, the utility of the blade
and its use as a weapon are immutable from its symbolism, but as with all symbols its physicality
is transcended by ideology. Burton’s work, Book of the Sword, makes plain the great importance
the sword had in many cultures and how it transcends itself into a sort of anthropomorphized
being held in great affection as he states in his verbose prose:
Uniformly and persistently personal, the Sword became no longer an abstraction but a
Personage, endowed with human as well as superhuman qualities. He was a sentient
being who spoke, and sang, and joyed, and grieved. Identified with his wearer he was an
object of affection, and was pompously named as a well-beloved son and heir. To
surrender the Sword was submission; to break the Sword was degradation. To kiss the
Sword was, and in places still is, the highest form of oath and homage.42
Here Burton describes the sword on par with a companion or kinsmen, imbued with
“superhuman qualities,” ultimately an object of reverence. He shortly later expounds about how
societies consider the sword a divine object to be “worshiped” and how it is associated with the
heavens in many cultures. The sword itself holds a special place, and is quite often described in
myth and legend as a sacred object. That contained in the sword was the strength and power
rendered onto it by God.
For whatever distaste there is in militarism in religious ideologies in our contemporary
age, it must be noted that warfare and conquest were often considered a manifestation of God’s
(or other deities) power and truth.. The term “sword” morphs into symbolic abstraction so often
42 Burton, p. 17.
63
due to the fact it embodies a multitude of understandings that reinforce certain values, especially
those of militaristic cultures. Take this Biblical verse for example: “Take the helmet of salvation
and the sword of the Spirit, which is the word of God.”43 Even in the less militant Gospels, when
viewed in comparison with the Old Testament, within the Biblical codex the sword is still
referenced due to its symbolism regarding strength and protection. Even in metaphor of
militaristic imagery what is being conveyed is a sort of notion that the faithful are warriors
fortifying themselves in the faith as a bulwark against the evil of the world to declare the word of
God. Again this illustrates that the imagery of the sword is valuable beyond its materiality.
Though in modern times the sword, obviously having fallen out of use in warfare due to
the advances in military technology, still maintains space in military ceremony and pop culture
especially in television and films within the sphere of historical dramas and medieval fantasy.
Interest has been also bolstered by contemporary politics especially since 9/11 as parallels are
drawn in shows and movies that feature the historic or contemporary Middle East or a fantastical
stand in for the region despite a lack of authenticity and nuance.
Sword imagery abounds in discussions of Islam and in the oft repeated phrase that the
Islamic religion is a “religion spread by the sword” whether it bears historic reality or not in the
complex expansion of the Islamic faith through the Arab conquests in the early medieval period.
The imagery of crusaders, quite often represented by depictions of Knights Templar, wielding a
sword in the name of Christ—and within certain white supremacist circles—white European
Christian hegemony over the brown barbarian masses.
Popular fantasy series like “The Game of Thrones” bring forth both historical and
fantastical narratives regarding swords and their importance in the fictional cultures
43 Ephesians 6:17
64
imagined by George R.R. Martin. From a mythical blade tempered in the blood of a beloved wife
to the importance of family lineage in sword inheritance. The swords of fantasy being drawn
upon real world examples in history and “rituals” related to their importance as a cultural artifact.
The sword offers something deeper and far more mystical in narrative due to cultural
conditioning than say, an M-16 semiautomatic would. There is a certain mystique to the low-tech
weapons of the past. But, the sword would offer no symbolic meaning if the idea of it as a
symbols was not built upon centuries upon centuries of metaphorical understandings that imbued
it with certain cultural values from which the shorthand of implied meaning could be readily
comprehended. What is the point in looking at current popular notions regarding swords in
globalized culture? Well, I believe it indicates that sword imagery even in societies where swords
are no longer prevalent illustrates how hearty symbolic meaning and associations are when tied
to their object of reference. That the sword as object, now transcends its use and functions as a
canvass for culturally specific values and narratives which is something that ties us now with the
people of the past.
5.2 SITUATING SWORDS
Let’s move onto the history and manufacture of swords, the object to which the
abstractions append. Is there a difference in cultural considerations of the sword along the most
repeated East-West dichotomy when Islam is invoked in particular? Dividing the world thus does
not provide the insight polemicists seem to believe it does as cultural exchange and syncretism
are the norm and that the ideas of East and West are a more recent invention. Looking into the
65
domains of European Christendom and the Islamicate of the Mediterranean region and Central
Asia, these areas often thought as thoroughly disparate, do indeed share in the cultural
hegemonic spheres of Hellenism and Roman Imperial culture to varying degrees. This is seen
manifest in the construction and preference of sword types along with the spread of certain
talismanic forms. In terms of swords one would see the preference for certain double edged
straight blades over the curved blades often imagined to be popular in the Islamized locales.
The religions that would come to dominate both realms emerged out of ideologies in the
Near East both Islam and Christianity drawing upon and reformulating certain Judaic beliefs,
thus one would expect overlap in certain manifestations of culture and practice to some extent no
matter how minor. Or, at least perhaps a common origin point from manifestations that would
eventually diverge given the largely shared spheres of influence along with continual contact and
trade that would reintroduce or reinforce certain cultural or aesthetic manifestations. Thus the
ancestral cultural backdrop from which both European Christendom and the Islamicate of the
Mediterranean and further east develop is that of the Hellenistic and Roman imperial cultures.
And again that is seen manifested in certain artistic, architectural, and cultural manifestations
owing to these dominating cultural domains.
Medieval or Late Antiquity swords found in the regions of the former Roman Empire are
descended from and were influenced by Ancient Roman sword types.44 Namely double-edged,
straight swords. The gladius Hispaniensis, as the name would suggest its origins in the Iberian
peninsula, was a sword that became standard among Roman legionaries following the Punic
44 Perhaps more accurate to say what became typified as “Roman” sword types as both the gladius and the spatha owe their
origin to the Iberian and Celtic warriors, respectively, who fought in the Second Punic War.
66
67
Figure 11: Roman Empire at its height, lighter areas are vassal states. Source: Wikipedia Commons
Figure 12: Hellenistic World. Source: Encyclopædia Britannica
Wars in the 2nd century BCE. The sword was not of considerable length, possessed a doubleedged
blade, and was ideal for close combat. The gladius was later replaced by the longer spatha,
also made known to the Romans during the Second Punic War. The Roman spatha being
descended from the Gallic/Celtic swords used by Celtic mercenaries employed by both the
Romans and the Carthaginians during the war.45
As Europe was being Christianized and pre-Christian regional practices were being
displaced or incorporated into the new dominant belief system, where as Islam at around the
same time—and various strains of Islam—were spreading and melding with cultures across the
Mediterranean region and further east. Though unlike some parts of Europe, particularly the
Northern reaches, places within the emerging Islamicate were a longstanding part of the milieu
of Jewish and Christian cultures and thus undergoing a slightly different syncretization in the
evolution of religious symbolism given the common origins. With this perhaps, due to the dearth
of information relating to swords particularly in parts of the medieval period and within
particular geographies, details on sword manufacture, ornamentation, and sword symbolism
could aid in educated suppositions despite geographical and ideological distinctions. I suppose
this given the robust trade that continued, especially around the Mediterranean region. These
trade routes allowing for a dispersal of ideas and the introduction of certain cultural artifacts,
which has quite often been attested to in the archaeological record of these regions under
consideration.
As the literature on late antiquity to medieval Islamic swords is sparse, looking to swords
in adjoining geographical domains may provide additional insight that translates to “Islamic”
sword cultures. Given the history of trade and warfare it is safe to assume a degree of
45 Bishop, p. 8.
68
technological and cultural exchange. Of course this is not a given, but perhaps it may offer a sort
of jumping off point in similarities and differences regarding not just sword manufacture, but
also certain ideological formations.
Swords were a common motif in stories and narratives before and during the Medieval
period, again they were a ubiquitous weapon. The chansons de geste of the Middle Ages
illustrate what reverence a warrior had regarding his sword. As Geary notes in his work, Living
with the Dead in the Middle Ages, the sword in the early medieval European context was of great
cultural and ideological import:
The long sword, termed the spatha or ensis, was a weapon of great
importance in the migration period of the early Middle Ages. The techniques
of manufacture and the great investment of scarce steel made the sword more
that a weapon: it was a symbol of status and an object of magic. Its magical
character was in fact on of its essential qualities; it had not only its own name
(Tyrfing in the Hervarar Saga, Durendal in the Chanson de Roland) but its
own personality as well. Its forces came from the otherworld, either
supernatural or subterranean, an in Germanic tradition it was frequently the
handwork of dwarfs. As Edouard Salin has pointed out, the fate of the user
was attached to his sword in a mysterious and fatal way, and thus anyone able
to acquire the sword thereby acquired the virtures of its previous owner.
Small wonder then that the sword attained a priviledged role as a symbol of
legitimacy and continuity.46
As Geary states in this passage the sword was given certain anthropomorphic attributes
such as its own personality, it was given a name, it was not an inanimate object it was magical.
It’s manufacture was likewise magical and in the lore of some cultures attributed to magical
beings, as Geary notes Germanic tradition where it is believed that it is dwarfs who smith
46 Geary, p. 62.
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swords. The sword and the person who wielded it held a special bond in which the qualities of
the warrior were transferred into the sword.
This mystical conceptualization of swords is something that is also shared within Muslim
cultures, namely illustrated by the swords of Prophet Muhammad. Many of the swords that were
in his possession were believed to hold certain lineages that helped legitimize religious and
political authority. The tradition of a sword’s lineage and the stories and legends associated with
the blade is something ancient, the swords in Prophet Muhammad’s arsenal were even believed
to tie to the Jewish prophets of antiquity, be this true or not it does illustrate that this tradition of
viewing a sword as a sort of magical object is something rooted deep in the past and is something
shared at the very least across the specific “Eastern” and “Western” medieval regions under this
study’s consideration.
Swords were often inscribed with figures and/or texts both mundane and mystical.
While inscriptions and inlaid marks may point to manufacture and ownership, other marks
denote beliefs and adherence to certain ideologies or affiliations. Nickel, in his piece analyzing
an inscribed sword, notes that sword inscriptions are relatively common and generally these
inscriptions had a “religious or magical protective meaning.”47 These inscriptions also help
indicate places of manufacture and the spread of Christianity into the region due to the nature of
what these inscriptions often were.
Swords indicating influence of the Christian faith were inscribed with epigraphic texts
that could be said to be talismanic in nature indicating belief and appeals to God and associated
religious figures. The manufacture and application of these texts indicate at least some sort of
adherence, no matter how flimsy, to aspects of the Christian faith and the power offered by these
47 Nickel, p. 29.
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inscriptions—otherwise why go to the effort to include such inscriptions. On the application of
inlaid iron inscriptions Oakeshott, an amateur historian and an expert of medieval arms, states:
… these inlaid inscriptions were rather crude affairs, and were put into the blades
by the smith. They had to be. The method was to cut the letters into the un-tempered
blade with a cold chisel; then little strips of thick iron wire were cut; sometimes these
were twisted so that they gave a sort of snake-skin effect, like pattern-welding, to each
letter. Then the blade would be heated cherry-red, so would one by one of the strips of
wire, each laboriously hammered into the chisel cut letters. After that the blade would
be tempered, for blade and letters would have now become welded together as one unit.
Then it would be finished off with files and burnished.48
This passage showcases the amount of work necessary to include an inlaid inscription and it is by
no means a simple task. The effort to add such textual additions points to the value such texts had
in the contemporaneous cultural context. Interestingly, Oakeshott notes that this method would
render the bladesmith or workshop unidentifiable as he posits that the smith would have most
likely been illiterate and “would have worked his name from a pattern given to him by some
clerkly person.”49 So even in the case of an illiterate bladesmith or in hiring one for smithing a
sword, the addition of text or image was deemed to be of such import in order to go through the
trouble to include it in the manufacture process. This speaks to local beliefs and how integral
manifestations of religious adherence were to those having these swords manufactured.
Oakeshott also notes that contemporaneous to these more roughly inscribed swords were
swords of “finely lettered inscriptions” that were inlaid with silver and on occasion, gold. The
sophistication of the blade inscriptions pointing to a literate craftsman who may have also been
skilled in calligraphy. From this one could glean a bit of insight into the social and economic
hierarchy of the time. The laborious effort put into inscribing and inlaying texts, whether it be
48 Oakeshott (1991), pg. 5.
49 Ibid.
71
“crude” or “fine” indicates that there indeed was much significance to these inscriptions to
necessitate their addition to the crafting of a sword. That these protective religious elements
embedded in the blades and hilts of these swords bear witness to the larger overarching
ideological and cultural framework of the time.
Naturally, there would be no point in adding an inscription to what would most likely be
a very painstaking and expensive process if it did not bear cultural and personal significance for
whom the sword was to be manufactured. In a study of swords found in Finland with ferrous
inlays around between 700-1200 CE, it states that lettered inscriptions are found across quite a
wide geography:
Letter-like marks as a whole seem to be characteristic of Scandinavia, the
Baltic countries and Russia, the majority of them being from Sweden, Norway,
and according to this study, also Finland. Various geometric and symbolic
motifs are in general known from the territories of Germany, Estonia, Sweden,
Norway and the Netherlands, and some from Russia, Poland and the British Isles.
Noteworthy features are plain vertical and horizontal bars as well as St. John’s
Arms, which are known only from Germany besides Finland.50
The study also states that inscriptions of a Christian religious nature were found on
swords dating from the 11th century onward, featuring Latin text such as ME FECIT and IN
NOMINE DOMINI and other Christian Latin phrases which were abbreviated or misspelled.
The dating of these swords perhaps pointing to the acceptance of Christianity being more
widespread and integrated in these various European cultural areas in the 11th and 12th
centuries. These religious inscriptions imbued the sword with talismanic properties and
offered protection and aid to the person wielding it.
50 Moilanen, p. 174.
72
A work by Folklorist Hilda Roderick Ellis Davidson on Anglo-Saxon swords in England
states that inscriptions on blades were uncommon until the 9th century51 when names and symbols
started to become a usual occurrence. She also states that runes were rare on sword blades and
more often found on hilts and scabbards perhaps indicated that the blades were made in regions
where runes were no longer used and hilts and scabbards in places that were still utilizing such
runic ornamentation.52 Illustrating the cultural and ideological shifts occurring in the region at the
time. Though the inscriptions fulfilling the same objectives as seen in other regions.
While undoubtedly a different context to that of the increasingly Islamized Middle East
or Near East and beyond, the information gleaned from the localities of Scandinavia and England
may provide some relevant information or prime a certain understanding of how Islamic swords
of the same vintage may share similar traits in form, material, or manufacture due to trade and
cultural exchange. In both Christendom and the Islamicate, swords can and do feature religious
and talismanic symbols as well as more mundane inscriptions. The focus on the medieval period,
though to be fair this is a long spanning period, regarding in particular talismanic inscriptions on
swords is that this is where the discussion can be found.
I think this is in part due to a predominant interest in this period’s weaponry and history
especially within the European context, due to the religious and cultural change and exchange
happening over time that makes the inscriptions and other marks on swords all the more
interesting. In a sort of parallel, though far removed form the medieval period into the modern,
the yataghans that will be discussed are from a period of increased social and cultural change
which is made manifest in the designs found on the blades. Again, dealing with the paucity of
51 Davidson does not provide any speculation for why this may be.
52 Davidson, p. 43.
73
information regarding an in-depth discussion on inscriptions within the Muslim world, the
references of which I have at hand are what I can make do with despite not quite fitting into the
niche of the study. In there being shared cultural domains and a shared history regarding types of
swords utilized in Europe and the Middle East, there is a hope to use the more well-researched
area to discuss and make suppositions about the other.
Let us move to medieval or late antiquity Arabia while holding on to the discussions
surrounding medieval European swords. Swords of late antiquity Arabia andthrough to the Arab
Conquests are very reminiscent of the gladius and spatha types of the ancient Roman vintage,
being a double-edged straight blade with the hilt most likely possessing rounded pommels if the
scant representations in art and literature are anything to go by. As well as the examples of
swords dating from after Prophet Muhammad’s death, but within the time and scope of the Arab
74
Figure 13: A ring found in a Swedish Viking woman's grave with
inscribed glass that reads "for Allah". Indicating historical contact
between Scandinavians and Muslim traders. Image credit:
ScienceNordic
Conquests, which will be looked into further. The proliferation of sabers, a long held stereotype
of being “Arab” type blades, arriving into the region much later due to Turkic influence coming
from the East.
When specifically looking at literature on sword inscriptions it tends to be sparse on the
whole as has been said, so pinpointing commonalities in particular designs or textual inscriptions
may be of a particular difficulty here. Large studies on sword inscriptions within the Eastern
Mediterranean region around the whole breadth of the medieval period and are scant. One work
that focuses on sword construction in the medieval Near East has survived and that is al-Kindi’s
treatise “On Swords and their Kinds” which details late 9th century sword making within Abbasid
territory. It is particularly valuable since al-Kindi gathered his information from sword smiths
and documented their craft. Interested more in their manufacture of swords and smithing of iron
and steel over anything else, al-Kindi does describe a variety of blades and their origins from
within the Middle Eastern region, particularly Yemen, and outside of it—namely regions in
South Asia.
Looking at examples of swords from the Near East and adjoining areas of the
Islamicate, ornamentation is often an obvious feature yet there is no pronounced discussion
on the initiation of the practice of inscribing, etching, inlaying, etc. of symbol and text upon
swords. At least not in any texts that survive to our day from this period and none so far
published within this period. Thus, again looking to the works on blades manufactured and
ornamented in adjoining regions may give insight to how similar outcomes may have been
arrived at due to similar processes.
75
Moving on towards the abstract and symbolic considerations relating to the concept of
the sword in the increasingly Islamic context of the region, a look at religious scripture will help
us inform the conceptualization. For all that is assumed about Islam and its relationship with the
sword, the sword is not a common motif within the Qur’an. It is within tafsirs or Qur’anic
exegesis literature, folklore, and traditions of Islamic cultures that the sword develops a strong
connection with the word of God. Of course as is often with the nitty-gritty of textual
interpretation in Qur’anic commentaries many exgetes argue over the correct cutting implements
being utilized in stories given nebulous descriptions, since a sword is never mentioned outright.
While, not a direct reference to swords surah Al-Hadid (the iron) discusses the divine
importance of iron in ayat 25:53
عُ لِلنَّاسِ وَلِيَعْلَمَ ٱللَّهُ f دِيدٌ وَمَنَٰفِ f أْسٌ شَ f قَدْ أَرْسَلْنَا رُسُلَنَا بِٱلْبَيِّنَٰتِ وَ أَنزَلْنَا مَعَهُمُ ٱلْكِتَٰبَ وَٱلْمِيزَانَ لِيَقُومَ ٱلنَّاسُ بِٱلْقِسْطِ وَ أَنزَلْنَا ٱلْحَدِيدَ فِيهِ بَ
مَن يَنصُرُهۥُ وَرُسُلَهُۥ بِٱلْغَيْبِ إِنَّ ٱللَّه قَوِىٌّ عَزِيزٌ
Iron being described in this case as being “sent down” indicating its divine origin leading
to more literal-minded interpretations of iron being obtained in heaven by Adam as posed by
medieval scholar Ibn Abbas and with other commentaries that suggest iron was procured through
mines.54 Though commentaries mostly concern themselves with iron being utilized for weapons
in battle. Whereas Shi’i works tend to conflate the divine origin of iron with Dhu’l
Faqar/Zulfikar, a topic that will be discussed further later. Another verse in consideration when
53 We have already sent Our messengers with clear evidences and sent down with them theScripture and the balance that the
people may maintain [their affairs] in justice. And We sent down iron, wherein is great military might and benefits for the
people, and so that Allah may make evident those who support Him and His messengers unseen. Indeed, Allah is Powerful
and Exalted in Might.(Sahih International).
54 Al Thalabi 9:246 and al Mahalli al Suyuti 1:544
76
discussing the symbolic use of the sword is ayat 5 of surah at-Tawbah55 has become popularly
known as “ayat al-sayf” or the “sword verse” which reads:
امُواْ f ابُواْ وَ أَقَ f إِن تَ f دٍ فَ f لَّ مَرْصَ f دُواْ لَهُمْ كُ f رُوهُمْ وَاقْعُ f ذُوهُمْ وَاحْصُ f دتُّمُوهُمْ وَخُ f فَ إِذَا انسَلَخَ ا لأَشْهُرُ الْحُرُمُ فَاقْتُلُواْ الْمُشْرِكِينَ حَيْثُ وَجَ
الصَّلاَةَ وَآتَوُاْ الزَّكَاةَ فَخَلُّواْ سَبِيلَهُمْ إِنَّ اللّه غَفُورٌ رَّحِيمٌ
Now while there is no direct reference to a sword within this verse the inherent violence
contained within its edict is symbolically linked to the notion of the sword. Many Qur’anic
commentaries focusing on this verse have discussed the actual permissibility of killing
“polytheists” and if indeed this is what was to be sanctioned within a certain context or on a
more broad and unconstrained understanding of it. The name the verse is referred to does point
to the symbolic religious violence embodied in the idea of the sword. Though in regard to
religious scripture condoning acts of violence there is also considered to be a measure of justice
in that religiously sanctioned violence to which homicidal acts seem justifiable in the eyes of
certain adherents.
Despite the sword not being a frequent reference in Qur’anic scripture as previously
stated, the Hadith, a compendium of saying attributed to Prophet Muhammad, offers many
references to swords—from the militant to the mundane to the metaphorical. There are hadiths
about battle, descriptions of swords possessed by Prophet Muhammad, and swords being used as
poetic comparisons. For example when describing Prophet Muhammad’s face: "A man asked Al-
55 And when the sacred months have passed, then kill the polytheists wherever you find them and capture them and besiege
them and sit in wait for them at every place of ambush. But if they should repent, establish prayer, and give zakah, let them
[go] on their way. Indeed, Allah is Forgiving and Merciful.(Sahih International).
77
Bara: 'Was the face of the Messenger of Allah like a sword?' He said: 'No, like the moon.'"56 As I
hold no expertise in the metaphors and poetry of Arabian Antiquity, I will make no effort to
explain what is meant by this Hadith in detail besides it no doubt being very complimentary to
Prophet Muhammad. Another hadith that references a sword describes the detail of one of the
Prophet’s swords: "The metallic end of the scabbard of the Messenger of Allah was of silver, the
pommel of his sword was silver, and in between were rings of silver."57 This hadith more blatant
on its face, providing a description of the sword and scabbard.
Along with these is a more well-known hadith that alludes to battle and courage which
states: "Know that Paradise is under the shades of swords."58 The lyricism of the Arabs, often
destroyed by the literalism of today. I’ve only included a sample sahih59hadiths to indicate how
they illustrate the use of sword imagery in metaphor to again showcase the symbolic nature and
associations the sword contains. Though as the one hadith example that offers a description of
Prophet Muhammad’s sword, it also illustrates how the hadith can also serve as a sort of
historical record for the mundane aspects of life.
In summation, consulting the foundational literature of Islam, swords are not explicitly
mentioned in the Qur’an, but the wider cultural milieu that Islam arose out of in the Arabian
Peninsula did possess a sword culture and a way of talking about swords. What swords
56 صلى الله عليه وسلم
انَ وَجْهُ رَسُولِ ا للَّه
َ
ك
أََ بَْر اَء
لَ رَجُلٌ ال
أََ الَ س
َ
بِي إِسْحَاقَ، ق
أَْ نَا زُهَيْر ،ٌ عَن
َ
نَا حُمَيْدُ بْنُ عَبْدِ الرَّحْمَنِ، حَدَّث
َ
نَا سُفْيَانُ بْنُ وَكِيعٍ، حَدَّث
َ
حَدَّث
قَمَرِ
ْ
الَ لاَ مِثْلَ ال
َ
مِثْلَ السَّيْفِ ق . ا حَدِيثٌ حَسَنٌ
َ
بُو عِي سَى هَذ
أََ ال
َ
ق .
Jami at-Tirmidhi. Book 46, Hadith 3636. Vol. 1 [English]. Book 49, Hadith 3996 [Arabic].
صلى الله عليه وسلمَ 57
رَسُولِ ا للَّه عْلُ سَيْفِ انَ نَ
َ
الَ ك
َ
نَسٍ، ق
أَْ تَادَةُ، عَن
َ
نَا ق
َ
الاَ حَدَّث
َ
نَا هَمَّامٌ، وَجَرِيرٌ، ق
َ
الَ حَدَّث
َ
نَا عَمْرُو بْنُ عَاصِمٍ، ق
َ
الَ حَدَّث
َ
بُو دَاوُدَ، ق
أَ
خْبَر نََا
قُ فِضَّةٍ
َ
لِكَ حِل
َ
وَمَا بَ يْنَ ذ
ٌ
سَيْفِهِ فِضَّة
ُ
بِيعَة
َ
.مِنْ فِضَّةٍ وَق
أSunan an-Nasa'i 5374. Book 48, Hadith 5376, Vol. 6 [English]. Book 48, Hadith 335 [Arabic].
الَ 58
َ
اتِبَهُ ق
َ
انَ ك
َ
وَِك
عُبَيْدِ ا للَّه نِعُمَرَ بْ
لَْى ،ِ مَو
النَّ ضْر بِي
أَ
الِمٍ ، عَنْ سَ
َ
بُو إِسْحَاقَ، عَنْ مُو سَى بْنِ عُقْبَة
أَ
نَا
َ
بْنُ عَمْرٍو، حَدَّث
ُ
نَا مُعَاوِيَة
َ
بِْنُ مُحَمَّدٍ، حَدَّث
نَا عَبْدُ ا للَّه
َ
حَدَّث
الَ
َ
صِلى الله عليه وسلم ق
نَّ رَسُولَ ا للَّه
أَ
ر ضى الله عنهما
فَْى و
أَ
بِي
أَُ بِْن
عَبْدُ ا للَّه يْهِ
َ
إِ ل
تَبَ
َ
ك " تَحْتَ
َ
جَنَّة
ْ
نَّ ال
أَ
مُوا
َ
وَاعْل
ظِلاَلِ السُّيُوفِ ".
َ
بِي الزَِّنادِ عَنْ مُو سَى بْنِ عُقْبَة
أَ
نِابْ نِ عَُّ سِي
وَيْ
لأُ
تَابَعَهُ ا .
Sahih al-Bukhari 2818. Book 56, Hadith 34, Vol. 4 [English]. Book 52, Hadith 73 [Arabic].
59 I decided against using any of the other hadiths that weren’t deemed legitimate just to avoid getting wrapped up in
arguments about chains of narration and authenticity.
78
symbolized within that culture would then inform and influence religious discourse and
iconography which some hadith are indicative of, though mere readings being divorced from the
original context can and will produce certain misinformed understandings as these culturally
defined works travel as Islam expands into other locales. The expansion of Islam into new
territories would also further add to that “Islamic” sword culture and foster narratives that would
eventually proliferate around the whole Islamicate and fold back into each other. In the next
section on the topic on “Islamic” swords, let us look into one of the popular misconception
regarding blades.
As mentioned previously, the swords of the Arabs resembled Roman straight swords,
these blades were double-edged and could be fullered or non-fullered. The popular notion of
Arab Muslim warriors wielding scimitars and sabers is ahistorical to a point, as their arrival was
a mark of influence coming from further East. It was not until contact with Turkic warriors well
after the Arab Conquests and Islamic Expansion that curved sabers were introduced and
proliferated the war scene. During the early Islamic period, the evidence illustrates the use of
straight swords.
79
Alexander, a scholar who specializes in Islamic arms, points to artistic representations of
swords in early coinage and statuary which indicate the use of straight swords and how
ubiquitous the sword often is culturally in the early Islamic period, while the archaeological
evidence is not as robust the indications are there. Alexander elaborates thus:
The earliest representations in sculpture and on coinage, always show Arabs
with swords. This is the case with two eighth century examples from the
Umayyad period both representations of rulers holding swords which may be
dhu'l faqar. The first example is on coinage of the Umayyad caliph 'Abd al-
Malik where a figure is depicted holding a sword with a scabbard. The second
example from the Umayyad palace at Khirbat al-Mafjar in Jordan Valley is a
plaster statue of a ruler holding a sword. The early sword hilts depicted on the
coins and at Khirbat al-Mafjar all have rounded pommels, which are paralleled
by several excavated hilts and also by a hilt found in a tenth of eleventh century
Fatimid shipwreck off the coast of Turkey. Hilts of this type are also depicted in
the Suwar al-kawakin al-thabita of al-Sufi dated 444/1009-10.60
60 Alexander (2001), pp.193-195.
80
Figure 14: A meme concerning the erroneous idea about curved
blades during the early Islamic period. Source: Islamic History
Facebook page
81
Figure 15: Late 7th century coin featuring Caliph Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan, shown with a sheathed
long sword. Source: Ashmolean Museum.
82
Figure 16: Plaster statue of a ruler with sword from Khirbat al-
Mafjar, an Umayyad desert castle in Jericho, Palestine with
reconstructed torso.
Source: Hillenbrand, Robert. La Dolce Vita in Early Islamic Syria:
The Evidence of Later Umayyad Palaces. Art History, 1982, 5: 17.
As Alexander states, the earliest examples of depictions of swords in the early Islamic
period can be found in coinage and sculpture. What is depicted is straight, long blades or the
sheaths for such a blade. There is no evidence for saber type blades among the Islamized Arabs
at the time. The sword depictions are also of note because the are shown to have rounded
pommels, another sword trait that hearkens back to the Roman period.
Alexander’s examples hark from the Islamic Expansion in the 8th century so while some
generations removed from time of Prophet Muhammad, still early enough for educated
assumptions regarding blades and their associations, especially since sword technology in the
region had not veered very far from the ancestral Roman types in the shape of the blade and from
what Alexander describes, nor the pommels.
For further evidence of this, the preserved swords associated with the Prophet and the
Sahaba found at Topkapi Palace Museum, with the exception of one blade, are double-edged
straight swords. These blades being preserved in the Mamluk and later Ottoman treasuries
indicate that they were considered to be legitimate at least by the tail-end of the Late Medieval
period. While the hilts of these swords have been replaced and thoroughly adorned as venerated
objects, the features of the blades themselves seem to point to them belonging to the early
Ummayad period. Though if one were to follow the traditional narrative of these swords they
must be older than the Ummayad period as they were taken as war booty before the Ummayad
period was established.
In the possession of these swords as well as other objects associated with Prophet
Muhammad and the Sahaba, it served as a testimony to the political legitimacy and were thus
very important for rulers to procure to justify their right to lead. As many of the swords which
83
are presumed to be legitimate bestowed legitimacy and power upon Prophet Muhammad and in
turn their possession helped solidify the right to rule amongst later Muslim polities.
Another example of an Ummayad period straight sword to bolster our blade claim, was
discovered in Spain and found in association with some dirhams dating to 880 CE, thus currently
making it the oldest known example from Al-Andalus.61 All this evidence indicates that sabers
were not being utilized on a wide scale until much later and that the sword types consisted of
straight blades.
The reason why highlighting this prevalent misconception on the shape of early sword
blades used by the early Arab Muslims is important as it sheds light on the evolution of sword
manufacture and also symbolism be it rhetoric or artistic due to Islam’s expansion particularly to
the East of Arabia in regards to Dhu’l Faqar in particular, a legendary sword that is depicted
across the Muslim world that we will come to discuss. For in it, the design and manufacture of
the sword particularly in this context points to the cultural framework from which it arises, the
tracking of ideological dispersion, and conceptualization of values and narratives that begin to be
associated with the sword in general and of certain venerated swords in particular. Now as the
evidence for the use of double-edged straight blades among the early Arab Muslims has been
established through historical and archaeological evidence, let us turn to the sabers of popular
imagination.
61 Canto Garcia’s article “Una Espada de Época Omeya del Siglo IX D. C.”
84
85
Figure 17: Turkish Saber: hilt and guard: 17th
century, inscribed blade 18th-19th century. Image
source: Metropolitan Museum
4.3 The Turkish sword/kilij/kılıç
Though the curved blade did eventually make an emergence into the broader Islamized
medieval Middle Eastern region and began to become synonymous with “Islamic” Arab
weaponry, as has been discussed previously this type of sword did not originate in the region.
Sabers were introduced to the Middle East by enslaved Turkic mercenaries62 from Central Asia.
From there the saber blades began to proliferate across the Middle East and North African region
as elite Turkic slave-soldiers were utilized and favored across the medieval Islamic world.
The scholar al-Jahiz in his essay “Manaqib al Turk” extols the virtues of Turkic warriors
in comparison to the other groups employed in the caliphate’s multi-ethnic military believing
them to be the most skilled warriors of all, especially on horseback. This notion held throughout
the Islamic medieval period as various dynasties actively sought to add Turkic slave-soldiers to
their ranks, this Turkic migration and establishment of elite Turkic slave militaries would begin
to threaten the powers that enslaved them and eventually lead to the establishment of powerful
Turkic dynasties across the Middle East and the Turkification of Anatolia and beyond. The
establishment of these Turkic polities across the region introduced Turkic influences that would
meld and integrate with local cultures, as seen not only militaristically but also in the art and
architecture across the Middle East.
Swords by the time of the Late Ottoman period owing to the continued evolution of the
original Turkic type blades tend to have a pronounced curved structure in the case of sabers and
recurved when it comes to yataghans, again, features retained from earlier Turkic swords. The
62 Ghilman (plural), ghulam (singular): Arabic; term for enslaved soldiers or mercenaries.
86
curved blade is characteristic of Turkic swords and blades, and those influenced by the cultures
of the Central Asian Steppe.
Ögel in his work “Türk Kılıcının Menşe ve Tekâmülü Hakkında”, presents a number of
images of Turkic type swords or what he defines as “Turkic” type swords, from the areas of
Mongolia, the Central Asian Steppe, and into Eastern Europe. He considers all these regions and
the various cultures within part of the Turkic/Turkish cultural milieu. From the descriptions and
images presented in his work we see that these blades bear resemblances to and among each
other across these geographies owing to extended migration and cultural exchange amongst
groups. Obviously, not all that cultural exchange being made peacefully. Ögel also states that the
earliest found curved blades are from nomadic Asian Steppe cultures such as the Gokturks.
The blades that Ögel would describe as characteristically Turkish begin to take on a
curved dimension even during antiquity as seen in the depiction of swords in statuary and other
art of the various periods. This may be due to the advantages of a curved or recurved blade in
battle and in general for use as a tool. The utmost advantage is that a single-edged, curved blade
can be maneuvered one-handed, which is especially beneficial if a warrior is mounted on
horseback providing greater mobility—mounted warfare being common practice amongst those
in the Central Asian Steppe.
Curved blades are useful for slicing and hacking at an enemy and tend to hold up better in
battle than double-edged blades as the dull edge of a single-blade adds strength to the sword. Of
course the drawbacks of a single-edged blade are that it is not as effective in penetrating armor63
or in thrusting attacks as double-edged swords tend to be. Though given that since antiquity
63 I would like to note that while the blade might not be so effective against chainmail, most infantrymen would not be clad
in chainmail given it was cost prohibitive and only the richest warrior would have the ability to obtain it. Usually a warrior
would be wearing gambeson, a type fabric armor.
87
mounted warfare has been characteristic of the peoples in and surrounding the Central Asian
Steppe, single-edged, curved blades were favored as an efficient cutting weapon and tool.
88
Figure 18: Swords of the Göktürk cultural
milieu and Yenisey-Kyrgyz swords from
Ogel's work. p445.
89
Figure 19: "Zulfikar" sword and scabbard, 18th century. Military Museum, Istanbul.
Note that this imagined Zulfikar blade is a bifurcated saber.
4.4 SWORDS OF MUHAMMAD
Moving on to the swords believed to be held in Prophet Muhammad’s arsenal, these
swords offer additional evidence of early Muslim straight swords and to the embedded, yet
90
Figure 20: Minature depicting scene from the Battle of Badr. Dhu’l
Faqar/Zulfikar is depicted as a bifurcated blade to the point it resembles
scissors.
Image credit: Wikimedia Commons
culturally and religiously specific symbolic understandings that become embedded in and
associated with swords. The swords of Muhammad of course gain special significance due to
being possessions of God’s apostle so much so that the swords themselves become objects
worthy of veneration.
These sword relics serve an important function as many of these swords also reinforce
Muhammad’s religious and/or political claims by appealing to a lineage of prophets. The
possession of these relic swords impart legitimacy on whoever possessed them. This again points
to the symbolic power a certain sword has and its ability to grant the possessor of the sword this
symbolic power made manifest.
The swords also gain importance due to other associations, for example the origin of the
swords al-Battar, Hatf, and al-Qal’i are said to have been war booty taken from the Jewish tribe
Banu Qaynuqa. The Banu Qaynuqa were a Jewish tribe residing in what is now Madinah, and
any one with a passing familiarity will know, it is the area where Prophet Muhammad and the
early converts to Islam took refuge after leaving Mecca.
Following normative Islamic narrative, Muhammad had expelled the Banu Qaynuqa for
violating the Constitution of Madinah, an agreement that established a multi-religious
community under Muslim authority. The nature of the violation is debated by scholars. Whatever
the reason for the expulsion, there was growing resentment among the Banu Qaynuqa towards
Muhammad and the Muslims. Once expelled the Banu Qaynuqa (at least those that did not wish
to stay and convert) made their way to Syria where they assimilated with local Jewish tribes. The
tribes possessions were divided among the Muslim community. The before mentioned swords
named al-Battar and Hatf being of particular importance due to their association with Biblical
91
prophets. The origin of the swords and their acquisition provide a narrative that reinforces the
power and the legitimacy that the sword would then convey to who ever found them in their
possession. The following are images of the swords of Prophet Muhammad that are now housed
at Topkapi Palace Museum in Istanbul. Unfortunately, better images could not be sourced and
upon a visit to the museum to view these swords, I was not granted permission to take
photographs.
Hatf, al-Battar, and al-Qal’i
Hatf
Measurements: length 112cm; width 8cm
Description: Hatf is a straight, non-fullered, double-edged blade, with gold inlaid designs, most
notably at the top of the blade, as well as inlaid gold inscriptions throughout the length of the
92
Figure 21: Hatf.
Photo credit: Muhammad Hasan Muhammad al-Tihami, Suyuf al-Rasul wa 'uddah harbi-hi Cairo:
1992
blade. While the blade itself may be from the early Umayyad period, the hilt looks to be a sort of
Mamluk type, probably 15th century. Such hilts hold their origin and were popular during the
Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (1569–1795). The gold inlay also not contemporaneous to
blade manufacture. Hatf was said to be forged by King David, the ability to forge armor being a
direct gift from God given to David:
ۙوَلَقَدۡ اٰتَيۡنَا دَاوٗدَ مِنَّا فَضۡ لًا يٰجِبَالُ اَوِّبِىۡ مَعَهٗ وَالطَّيۡرَ وَاَلَنَّا لَهُ الۡحَدِيۡدَ
اَنِ اعۡمَلۡ سٰبِغٰتٍ وَّقَدِّرۡ فِى السَّرۡدِ وَاعۡمَلُوۡا صَالِحًا اِنِّىۡ بِمَا تَعۡمَلُوۡنَ بَصِيۡ 64
Al-Battar
Measurements: length 101 cm
Description: al-Battar is a straight, double-edged blade possessing no fuller. Etched inscriptions
are found on the blade as well as a depiction of King David beheading Goliath. The blade bears
64 Qur’an 34:10-11: And we certainly gave David from US bounty. [We said], "O mountains, repeat [Our] praises with him,
and the birds [as well]." And We made pliable for him iron [Commanding him], "Make full coats of mail and calculate
[precisely] the links, and work [all of you] righteousness. Indeed I, of what you do, am Seeing. (Sahih International).
93
Figure 22: al-Battar.
Photo credit: Muhammad Hasan Muhammad al-Tihami, Suyuf al-Rasul wa 'uddah harbi-hi Cairo: 1992
the characteristics of an early Umayyad sword, if indeed of that vintage the hilt and inscriptions
are not contemporaneous to the blade. Like Hatf, al-Battar also possesses a Mamluk type hilt.
Similarly, the sword al-Battar was also linked to King David. It is said that David took
al-Battar off Goliath after slaying him and upon the sword the victory is immortalized in
etching. Inscribed on the sword is a Nabatean65 inscription.
Wheeler, a professor at the Center for Middle East and Islamic Studies at the United
States Naval Academy, seems to be the source that points to the inscription being Nabatean. I
have not been able to source any sort of translation for the inscription and if it is related to the
inscriptions in Arabic. While the inscription is labeled Nabatean, it does feature some letters with
more angular features that are reminiscent of Northern Arabian scripts. This leads me to wonder
if the inscription was added later maybe even contemporaneous to the Arabic inscriptions to give
“legitimacy” to the blades antiquity and thus explains the inscriptions unique text which does not
seem to match the style of other Nabatean inscriptions I have so far come across. This may point
to an inscriber that was unfamiliar with ancient regional Arabian scripts trying to forge a more
ancient script to reinforce the legend.
Aside from the Nabatean inscription is an Arabic one that reads: “David, Solomon,
Moses, Aaron, Joshua, Zechariah, John, Jesus, and Muhammad.” The swords in narrative as well
as in textual and figural additions make blatant the connection between Muhammad and the
spiritual lineage of the Abrahamic prophets. Gaining these swords from a Jewish tribe that
claimed direct lineage to Prophet Abraham through Issac would only help to further aid in the
weapons’ credibility.
65 Wheeler, Brannon. "al-Battar". United States Naval Academy.
https://www.usna.edu/Users/humss/bwheeler/swords/batar.html
94
95
Figure 23: al-Battar with Arabic and "Nabatean" inscription. Image credit: B. Wheeler
Figure 24: al-Battar with Arabic inscription and an image of King David beheading Goliath
obscured by the crossbar. Image credit: B. Wheeler
Al-Qal’i
Measurements: length 100cm
Description: al-Qal’i is a double-edged, straight, fullered blade with later addition of a
Mamluk type hilt. Near the hilt and somewhat obscured by the cross guard is an etched
inscription in Arabic that reads: "This is the noble sword of the house of Muhammad the prophet,
the apostle of God." The image of the blade seems to suggest it is made of watered or Damascus
steel, if it is indeed Damascus steel then this may put into question the legitimacy of the sword as
belonging to Prophet Muhammad as Damascus steel sword manufacture is not seen in the region
until much later, it may also date the sword to after the Umayyad period.
The sword known as al-Qal’i on the other hand does not hold any specific narrative of
prophetic lineage of possession as war booty taken from the Banu Qaynuqa, but is of note due to
its “wave-like” design. Though there is a story that Muhammad’s grandfather discovered the
sword when “he uncovered the Well of Zamzam in Mecca.”66In this narrative, the connection to
66 Wheeler, Brannon. “al-Qal’i”. United States Naval Academy.
https://www.usna.edu/Users/humss/bwheeler/swords/qala.html
96
Figure 25: Qal'i.
Photo credit: Muhammad Hasan Muhammad al-Tihami, Suyuf al-Rasul wa 'uddah harbi-hi Cairo: 1992
Abraham and his progeny is thus understood. As I have not found other than a mere mention
regarding this version of the acquisition of al-Qal’i perhaps it is another apocryphal story to
imbue all swords possessed by Muhammad with some sort of spiritual lineage that would further
his legitimacy as a prophet.
Another source from Wheeler that I have found often repeated verbatim across several sites mentioning al-Qal’i. I have not
found any other sources discussing Muhammad’s grandfather and the discovery of al-Qal’i.
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Figure 26: Qal'i with Arabic inscription obscured by crossbar that reads: "This is the noble sword of
the house of Muhammad the prophet, the apostle of God."
Image credit: B. Wheeler
Ma’Thur al-Fijar
Measurements: length of blade 99cm.
Description: Ma’Thur al-Fijar is a double-edged, straight sword, with a golden jewel encrusted
hilt and jewel encrusted serpent quillons. The associated scabbard is also golden and jewel
encrusted. At the top of the blade is a Kufic inscription that reads: “Abdallah b. 'Abd al-
Muttalib.” Like the previous swords the hilt and scabbard are latter additions to the blade.
In a similar vein pointing to ancestral ties, Muhammad’s family sword, Ma’thur al-Fijar,
reinforces his Hashimite lineage and ties with the custodians of the holy sanctuary at
Mecca.67Thus situating Muhammad as a truly Arab prophet. This distinction as an Arab prophet
would have been important due to the various political factors and influences in Arabia at the
time. The former backwater of Ancient Rome found themselves between the Byzantine Empire
and the Sassanian Empire with various factions in Arabia allying with either of the two. The
reframing of power to an Arab locus by way of the advent of Islam and by the guidance of
Prophet Muhammad aided in the self-determination of the Arabs and poised them for expansion.
67 Wheeler, p. 34.
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Figure 27: Ma'Thur al-Fijar.
Photo credit: Muhammad Hasan Muhammad al-Tihami, Suyuf al-Rasul wa 'uddah harbi-hi Cairo: 1992
Dhu’l Faqar
Measurements: unknown
Description: Dhu’l Faqar, or the sword considered to be Dhu’l Faqar housed at Topkapi Palace
Museum, is a double-edged, straight blade with fuller, a small notch is found parting the tip of
the blade. The hilt, a latter addition to the blade, is somewhat curved as it reaches the top
reminiscent of Persian shamshir type hilts, the crossbar and quillions seem to form serpents on
either side.
The most well-known sword in Prophet Muhammad’s possession, but holds more
association with the Prophet’s cousin and son-in-law, the 4th Caliph Ali is of course Dhu’l Faqar. .
The sword is believed to have been one of the seven swords gifted to Queen Belquees of Sheba
by King Solomon.68 While there are many mystical narratives associated with the origin of the
sword and its acquisition, the sword was most likely taken as war booty at the Battle of Badr.
The sword is commonly depicted as having a bifurcated blade and often curved like a
saber and other depictions of sword bear more resemblance to scissors. These conceptualizations
of the sword in art have more to do with a misunderstanding and syncretic mythical and spiritual
associations of Dhu’l Faqar well after the early Islamic period. As previously stated if this sword
itself did/does exist then its style would bear similarity to the blades common in the Arabian
region at the time, that being straight and double-edged. As I mentioned before in the discussion
on the popular misconception of early Arab Muslim sword shape, the introduction of curved
blades is due to Turkic influence in the region as Turkic slave mercenaries were recruited to fight
in the various power struggles in the region and eventually establishing their own dynasties
68 Elassal, p. 2.
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. Thus in the conceptualization of Dhu’l Faqar being a curved saber, there is a culturally
specific proliferation of understandings related to Dhu’l Faqar that exist ideologically and not
necessarily historically.
Take for example the idea of the blade being split in many depictions and
“reproductions.” The latter commonly held idea that the blade was bifurcated may have been due
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Figure 28: A historically inaccurate "reproduction" of Dhu'l Faqar from the blade to the hilt.
Image credit: SwordBuy.com
to a literalist understanding of the sword being described at notched. Within Arabian pre-Islamic
and early Islamic culture a blade would be described as “notched”69 which meant the blade was
marked in battle and symbolized courage and heroism.70Mentions of notched blades can be found
in classical Arabic poetry, here are two examples:
...Bitter to meet in the battle: keepers they of their word, when many a
covenant falls unheeded, unfulfilled./Grave are their tempers, and staid, when
council gathers the tribe: their armour ever is ready, spears and ropes for the
steeds,/And swords of price, in their edges notches, record of fame in battle,
yea, and the hands in time of need quick to give...71
and
And threaten me not! Verily, if thou meetest me face to face (thou shalt find
that) I have a Mashrafite sword, with notches on its smiting edge from long
use.72
As these poems show, the blade being “notched” is not any indication of bifurcation. A blade is
“notched” due to its use by a skilled swordsman. Thus the ineffectual bifurcated sword that
Dhu’l Faqar is often depicted as would more likely be a well-worn, double-edged, straight sword
tested in battle. Housed within Topkapı Palace Museum is such a double-edged, straight sword
purported to be Dhu’l Faqar.
Though the bifurcation does not owe to only the misconception of what “notched” meant
in the culture of late antiquity Arabia, but also what this unique 2-pronged sword could represent
to communities in which Islam was expanding and gaining adherents.Dhu’l Faqar was especially
held in esteem by Shi’i communities during the medieval period as it was often held in
association with Ali and further mystical and magical narratives about its origin and its power
69 Talam in Arabic.
70 Alexander, (1999), p. 172.
71 Lyall, p. 51, (1913).
72 Lyall, p. 247 (1918).
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evolved out of local folklore and religious worldviews that Islam replaced. The bifurcated Dhu’l
Faqar of various designs would adorn all manner of things and was held as a talismanic emblem.
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Figure 29: Stylized Dhu'l Faqar on flag captured by Spanish troops. Philippines, 1887.
Image credit: Royal Panji
Other swords attributed to the Prophet’s collection include: al-'Abd, ar-Rasub, al-
Mikhdham, al-Qadib, but the acquisition and the lineage of these swords gain their preeminence
by being possessions of Prophet Muhammad compared to the swords mentioned above that have
special narratives attached that have far more religious and genealogical significance. It is
unfortunate that no in-depth research has been done on the swords of Prophet Muhammad. In
searching for works very little exists in English and interestingly little seemed to exist in Arabic,
at least from what works I could scrounge up at the time. Though in a way this follows similar
trends of sacral objects not being interrogated because they a venerated.
The swords of Prophet Muhammad as preserved by the Mamluk and Ottoman treasuries
illustrates what value these blades had to the faithful. Though not all these swords are on equal
footing as it is Dhu’l Faqar that permeated and continues to permeate the popular consciousness
of Muslims.
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Figure 30: Dhu'l Faqar.
Photo credit: Muhammad Hasan Muhammad al-Tihami, Suyuf al-Rasul wa 'uddah harbi-hi Cairo: 1992
The lore associated with the other swords is not as rich as it is with Dhu’l Faqar, Dhu’l
Faqar is also unlike the other swords associated with Prophet Muhammad and as it is also
associated with Ali, this no doubt that this has aided in its long standing reputation especially
amongst Shi’i religious communities and other aligned groups.
There is something uniquely peculiar about Dhu’l Faqar in that the narrative associated
with the sword resonated across the diverse Muslim world. How the lore evolved and evolved in
to something far more fantastical from being war booty from the Battle of Badr to being a sword
forged in heaven, the two-prongs of its blade becoming the new backdrop to older stories
stemming from dualistic Persian Zoroastrian stories. No other swords associated with Prophet
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Figure 31: Possible depiction of a straight blade Dhu'l Faqar
adorning the Fatimid period Bab al-Nasr gate in Cairo. (11th
century).
Image Credit: Hamada Al-Tayer /Egyptian Ministry of Tourism and
Antiquities
Muhammad have a similar reputation. The particulars, especially of cultural within the Late
Ottoman period domain will be discussed in the upcoming chapter.
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5. SYMBOLS REDUX: NARRATIVES & MEANING
5.1 SWORD AS SYMBOL: DHU’L FAQAR AND THE SWORDS OF THE PROPHET
While I have spoken a bit about the sword as symbol, let’s delve into the evolution of the
sword in the Islamic “mythos” by focusing on the most famous sword, Dhu’l Faqar as it is a far
reaching symbol that has been interpreted across many Islamized cultures. As previously
discussed in the portion relating to the swords of Muhammad, images of Dhu’l Faqar adorn
coinage, flags, amulets, etc. According to tradition it was a battle sword used by Prophet
Muhammad and later acquired by Ali, his cousin and son-in-law. It has ascended to the status of
relic and a symbol tied to legitimized political and religious power.
Upon the death of Prophet Muhammad in 632, the issue of succession came to a head.
The schism produced 2 camps that will become known as the Sunni and the Shia. According to
Sunni tradition Muhammad’s property could not be held by his family and was to be given to
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charity. The Shia tradition contends that Prophet Muhammad left his property and his vocation as
a religio-political leader of the community to Ali and his descendants, as found in the hadith
attributed to Jafar al-Sadiqi, the 6th Shia imam.
The pro-Abbasid historian Ahmad ibn Yahya al-Baladhiri relates a tradition that states it
was due to Abu Bakr that Duh’l Faqar came into Ali’s possession as Abu Bakr did not wish to
dispossess him of it. The Shia contend that the sword was given to Ali and that his possession
was evidence that he was indeed Prophet Muhammad’s heir. Again, showcasing how swords
bestow political legitimacy.
Alexander, an expert on Islamic arms and armor, believes that Dhu’l Faqar must have
been a straight, double-edged sword as single-edged blades were introduced later by al-
Mu’tasim’s Turkic soldiers during his reign. Turkic influence also introduced the use of sabers
into the wider Middle East, where as swords within the Arabian region prior were descendants of
straight, double-edged swords with rounded pommels. The Dhu’l Faqar was described as having
a hilt of silver and a scabbard of silver with a round silver piece that indicated that the bearer is
from the al-Abbas tribe.73
Initial representations of Dhu’l Faqar show a double-edged sword reminiscent of the
Roman gladius, later representations indicate a bifurcated blade. Alexander believes this notion
of a bifurcated may be traced to a misunderstanding of the Prophet’s dream: on the tip of my
sword I saw a notch.74 The mention of a notch (talam) on a blade indicates that it was marked in
battle and symbolized bravery in early Arabic poetry. This notch would not have been part of the
73 Al-San’ani, pp. 295-7.
74 Alexander (1999), p. 172.
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sword’s manufacture. This misunderstanding of the talam or notch led to depictions of a
bifurcated sword.
Alexander states that Dhu’l Faqar was probaly grooved which lends to its name.
“Mufaqar” being used to describe blades with lengthwise grooves.75 He also mentions an
alternative interpretation recorded by al-Tha’alibi which states that Dhu’l Faqar had “scallops”
along it’s edge. Though in all likelihood, Dhu’l Faqar, if existent, would have been a straight,
double-edged sword given the historical time period and the type of blades that were common in
the region. If Dhu’l Faqar was to be utilized in battle, strictly from a practical point, it could not
have been a bifurcated saber, or split to such a degree that it resembled scissors rather than a
sword. A sword of such design would have been useless in combat and would have put the
wielder in more danger than a standard straight sword.
A sword at Topkapı Palace Museum labeled as Dhu’l Faqar is indeed a double-edged,
straight sword. So why is the Dhu’l Faqar so often depicted in a such a fantastical way? How did
the idea of a bifurcated sword and quite often a saber blade become so dominant in iconography?
As previously mentioned, part of the reason may be a misinterpretation of the term “talam” or
notched, especially as Islam spread into neighboring regions and those that converted were not
well-versed in the metaphorical language of early medieval period Arabs in the Arabian
Peninsula as was discussed in the previous chapter. Thus they took a more literal approach to the
understanding and depiction of the blade.
Another factor would be the cultural syncretism that occurred as Islam spread into other
culture. It may be due to Zoroastrian ideology with its emphasis on duality that a bifurcated
sword became a preferred depiction in Persian art and eventually became the standard
75 Alexander (1999), p. 174.
108
representation of Dhu’l Faqar as stories of Prophet Muhammad and Ali were continually
elaborated on and the retelling of events morphed into legends. Thus Dhu’l Faqar, the Spine
Splitter, the bifurcated sword of the Prophet and Ali evolved into a symbol of power and
religious legitimacy.
Depictions of Dhu’l Faqar in miniatures from the Turkic-Islamic milieu depict it as a
bifurcated blade. Elassal, in his work on Dhu’l Faqar in Islamic miniatures showcases the
depiction of the sword in a variety of folios. Though throughout his work, Elassal seems to
conflate the term double-edged with bifurcated, for example when discussing a miniature from
the Turkish manuscript entitled Siyar-inabi he states:
DHU'L-FAQᾹR is represented by its normal depiction with two points or
double-edge, its width is fixed through its whole body and not gradually
taper as described for the sword preserved at the Imperial Treasury Section
in Topkapı palace Museum. The face of the blade is black with golden
decorations in three main parts; beginning, end before the edge of the 2
points, and the edges themselves. Miniaturist showed a clear interest in its
thickness and colors, so it is distinguished from all blades in the whole
depiction.76
The emphasis is mine. Elassal has misunderstood the nomenclature, much like others
misinterpreted the metaphorical nature of the term talam. The miniatures that Elassal chose to
highlight tend to be depicted as more saber-like with a pronounced split of the blade, giving the
sword a Y-shape. This artistic representation offers and reinforces a mystical sort of dimension to
the sword and to Ali who is often wielding the sword in these battle scenes.
76 Elassal, p 2.
109
110
Figure 32: Images of Dhu'l Faqar on a flag and swords. Note the pronounced bifurcation of the blade to the point it
resembles a pair of scissors.
Image credit: Helmut Föll, “Iron, Steel and Swords” webpage:
tf.uni-kiel.de/matwis/amat/iss/kap_a/advanced/ta_1_1a.html#Dresden%20zulfiqar
5.2 DHU’L FAQAR AMONGST THE OTTOMANS
While the Safavids ascribed to a militant sort of mystical Shi’ism, the Dhu’l Faqar did not
have the same significant iconographic hold that it had on the Ottomans despite the fact Dhu’l
Faqar was intimately tied to the veneration of Ali.77 The Dhu’l Faqar gained significance with the
Janissary Corps due to their association with the Bektashi Sufi order which was noted for its
“Alid tendencies.”78
Representations of Dhu’l Faqar found their way to the insignia (renk) of many Janissary
companies and on many Janissary tombstones. Hathaway’s work mentions one
“anthropormorphic” example of the Tomb of Molla Mehmed (1235/1819-1820) found outside
the Naval Museum where an image of a scissors-esque Dhu’l Faqar is found with “the addition
of hair-like projections to the pommel, and finger-like projections to the quillons.”79Around the
15th century Dhu’l Faqar became associated more with banners and wooden models than the
actual physical sword.
Due to the popularization and dissemination of these manifestations, the legends and
symbolism of Dhu’l Faqar spread. The lore of Dhu’l Faqar resonated with sword legends that
were found in other cultures which the Janissary recruits had come in contact with.80With the
Janissaries being a military corp made out of devshirme recruits (young boys taken from
Christian families residing in the Balkans and Anatolia), mercenaries, and prisoners of war from
various lands—these recruits may have been instrumental in trying to merge sword legends from
77 Hathaway, p 5.
78 Hathaway, p. 6
79 Hathaway, p. 7.
80 Hathaway, p. 10.
111
their respective backgrounds that were later incorporated in the Dhu’l Faqar myths. Hathaway
provides an example of the merging of the Arthurian legend with that of Dhu’l Faqar:
...Konstanty Michalovticz, a Serbian soldier who, after his capture in 1455 by
Mehmed II's forces south of Belgrade, served for twelve years as a Janissary
auxiliary recounts in his well-known memoirs a tale of Zulfikar that draws on
elements of the Arthurian legends of the sword in the stone and Excalibur.
On Muhammad's death, according to Michalowicz, 'All, wishing to destroy
Zulfikar, struck the sword against a rock "until it was completely hidden in
the rock." When his own hour drew nigh, 'Ali threw the sword into the sea,
which "bubbled and seethed" for three days in mourning for 'Ali. Here,
Muhammad plays the part of King Arthur while 'Ali takes the role of the Round
Table knight Percival, who later recovered the Holy Grail.81
The similar conceptualizations of swords and the associated legends that surrounds them is
something that can be inferred upon by the passage. It is due to this that allows the stories of
these legendary swords to merge, allowing for the evolution of Dhu’l Faqar stories to be made
more meaningful for different cultural audiences.
It is perhaps due to the assimilation of these stories that led to the ease of adoption when
it comes to Dhu’l Faqar sword reverence despite the diverse backgrounds of the Janissary corps.
The Dhu’l Faqar could become a unifying canvass on which various cultural stories could be
associated. Perhaps one could ponder if this aided in the Bektashi Order’s dominance within the
Janissaries and also helped proliferate Shi’i related or adjacent iconography. It seems no other
sword from the Islamic context equals the narrative power of Dhu’l Faqar.
The story of a legendary sword wielded by a legendary religious and political figure from
the East dovetailed easily with legendary sword narratives from the European region as the
overarching ideology of the sword as a magical implement of might and legitimacy was a
constant throughout these differing cultures. By the Late Ottoman period, Dhu’l Faqar had
81 Hathaway, p. 11.
112
transformed into a symbol of Ottoman military might. Though given the heterogeneity of the
Janissary corps and the wider empire, the understanding of Dhu’l Faqar was amorphous allowing
to accommodate lore and views, yet allowing the symbol a sense of unity by those who regarded
it.
5.3 YATAGHAN: LATE OTTOMAN SABERS AND SYMBOLS
Moving on to the examples to which the cultural and symbolic milieu as described in the
previous chapters help form the foundation of what is to be found on Ottoman yataghans. The
former discussion on Turkic swords continues, but what is of interest now is artistic and
talismanic additions to the blade rather than the history and evolution of the blade.
Similar conceptions about swords and power as mentioned previously also hold true for
the Ottomans. We have established that the curved and recurved blades evolving from ancestral
swords of the Central Asian Steppe arrived into the Middle East due to westward expansion of
Turkic people, especially of Turkic mercenaries fighting for and against various Muslim rulers.
And much like elsewhere swords were used as tools and weapons, but also for pageantry and
ritual with certain signifiers to denote their use, as well as the preferences and identity of the
person who would wield it. Looking at specifically the ornamentation, Furat, a professor and
expert on swords, notes that what sets Turkish swords apart is their decoration:
The whole length of the blade is normally covered with plant and
geometrical motifs together with medallions and cartouches with inscriptions
in cufic[sic] or tuluth[sic] containing eulogies of the sultan, prayers for his
success or verses from the Qur'an. We also encounter inscriptions giving the
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name of maker of the sword together with the names of Allah and the prophet
Mohammed.82
The swords as Dr. Furat describes bear decoration that firmly puts them within the Ottoman-
Muslim cultural milieu, but this cultural sphere, especially by the Late Ottoman period is
pregnant with European cultural and artistic trends, more on that later. While this study is
interested in the manner of decoration, but in terms of aesthetics—the concern is what is being
symbolized with the inclusion of these “decorations.” The inscriptions etched on the Turkish
blades as well as many other embellishments point to a dominant cultural ideology and identity
of the manufacturer and quite often the individual that wielded it. The addition of these artistic
and scriptural elements mean something, they suppose an identity. Now if the sword were taken
off an enemy and added to one’s arsenal, it might not represent the current owner, but the object
then would possess a genealogy that would add to its mystique as previously discussed. It would
add to the militant prowess of the individual who had taken it, a common understanding in both
Europe and the Islamicate. Also in a sword that was taken off an enemy that addition of an
inscription to mark the event would not be deemed aberrant.
Thus swords can bear an extension of the owner’s identity in their decoration and
engravings. It also showcases trends in sword manufacture and object use, and helps elucidate
what artistic and associated ideological trends were prevalent at certain periods in time. This will
be readily apparent in the discussion of yataghans.
To reiterate the yataghan, or yatağan in Turkish, is an Ottoman short saber with a
forward-curving or recurved blade, thus making it a more advantageous chopping weapon rather
than one for sword play and was a common sidearm of the Janissary corps. Yataghans remained
82 Furat, p. 325.
114
in prominence from between the 16th to the 19th centuries and were found throughout the
Ottoman Empire though most notably in the Balkans and the Caucus region as well as the
Anatolian region. There, as of yet, exists no evidence in the archaeological or historical record
for yataghans prior to 16th century. So why is there a particular preference for Late Ottoman
yataghans? Well, most of the yataghan examples I was able to find where dated to the 18th-19th
centuries, earlier examples where not common.
The yataghan consists of a recurved blade that elegantly merges with a hilt with no cross
guard. Quite commonly the hilt is of a “kulak” or ear design.83 The blade itself would have a
fuller quite often than not, and could be inscribed with the name of the owner or the smith as
well as ornately embellished with floral motifs. Other additional designs include those of a
religious and/or talismanic nature including: “passion flower and seal of Solomon motifs, names
of the seven sleepers(eshab-ı Kehf) etc.”84 85
Most of the yataghan examples that survive to today are from the mid 18th century to the
mid 19th century, a time of increased European influence on Ottoman aesthetics. Though there
also exist earlier examples from the failed siege of Vienna in 1683. So again, the yataghan in its
recursive shape hearkens back to the Central Asian Steppe and showcases a unique Turkic
lineage that was still embedded in the popular imagination even up until the decline of Ottoman
power with yataghan blades being manufactured in Anatolia and Ottoman controlled
Southeastern Europe. The designs found upon the hilt and blades mix the aesthetics of the
Muslim Ottoman with that of the Western European. This is not particular to yataghans, but other
83 Furat notes that the common pommels of yataghans are very similar to examples from ancient Luristan in 1000BC, p 325.
Beyond this I’ve read a lot of conjecture on the origin and spread of “ear” pommels without any citations.
84 Furat, p. 327.
85 My understanding on “passion flowers” is that they are a Christian motif for the crucifixion and have no ascribed Islamic
symbolism.
115
Turkish sabers of the latter Ottoman period as well. Though it is notable because it encapsulates
in its ornamentation trends of the period.
116
Figure 33: Yataghan from the Court of Süleyman the Magnificent (16th century).
\Image credit: Metropolitan Museum of Art, accession number: 1993.14
Let us take note of the period and by this I mean the Late Ottoman Period, as discussed
much earlier on in the introduction. This is the backdrop to which these artifacts that are found
within the catalog are dated, in part due to what was available which was examples of 18th to 19th
century yataghans. Again, this period was characterized by social upheaval and change, the
Ottoman Empire and its institutions were in decline. This was a time of political and cultural
change as the Ottoman Empire waned and ideas from Europe infiltrated the region. Perhaps
infiltrated is the wrong word, as the Ottoman Empire was more than willing to asorb and
assimilate European cultural traits in an effort to “modernize” and also “Westernize.” Though in
their willingness to do so there was an effort to maintain Ottoman Muslim sense of identity.
A manifestation of this influence is seen in art, which of course is more within our focus
rather than anything decisively political, but as with everything aesthetics have political
implications. The common floral decorations found on yataghans during this time are more of a
rococo European flavor as Ottoman artists and craftsmen adopted European continental styles or
made efforts to approximate such styles as the reproductions are not usually as fine as their
European models. Though it should be noted that while certain European aesthetics of the time
are proliferating during this period, it is not a usurpation of Ottoman Muslim elements. The
continued inclusion of Islamic motifs be they talismanic or not, illustrate the continued dominant
religious culture of the Late Ottoman period despite pushes to “westernize” and “modernize”
away from religion and cultural traditions which were often characterized as superstition and a
hindrance to progress.
Thus in a way the yataghan bears witness to these specific factors and influences of the
Late Ottoman period. The blade points to a Turkic origin and cultural milieu, the artistic
117
additions to the push towards Western modernity and aesthetics while the Islamic talismanic
motifs firmly characterizes the Ottoman Muslim identity. A yataghan illustrates the nexus of
these various identities. Well, that is to say some yataghans illustrate this nexus, because of
course there are a myriad of factors to why yataghans and other blades are manufactured and
utilized, and quite often I would find unadorned blades. Now since this is a work related to the
symbolic nature of swords and the symbols that likewise imbue a sword with power, of course
those swords that did not possess any sort of talismanic motif were not considered. This is not to
say that they also don’t possess characteristics that elucidate particular conceptualizations of
identity and historical period, it’s just they’re not elucidating the particular religio-cultural
symbolism this study is interested in. And with that note, let us move onto that which imbues a
sword.
5.4 TALISMANIC MOTIFS
Recalling the previous discussion relating to talismans and the apotropaic nature of
talismans in a broader context, this section seeks to discuss specific talismans that will be
observed on the yataghans provided in the catalog. These motifs are the most common talismanic
additions I have found on yataghan blades. So here is where we’ll look into these talismanic
motifs with a bit of detail in order to understand how these came to be considered talismanic
symbols important for inclusion.
118
A. Seal of Solomon
The Seal of Solomon, though presently more commonly known as Magen David or Star
of David is more commonly associated as a symbol of Judaism. Though in its origin it never was
exclusively a Jewish symbol. The symbol of a six-pointed star consisting of overlapping triangles
has existed since ancient times within the Near East, but was not associated with any particular
group and may have served as a magical symbol for quite some time. The appropriation of the
Seal of Solomon may with all probability been taken from the Arabs as its use as symbol
amongst Jewish people came about much, much later. Gershom Scholem, a Jewish philosopher
and historian provides a background on the Seal of Solomon in his work interrogating what
eventually became know as the Star of David:86
This name is obviously related to the Jewish legend of Solomon's dominion
over the spirits, and of his ring with the Ineffable Name engraved on it. These
legends expanded and proliferated in a marked fashion during the Middle
Ages, among Jews and Arabs alike, but the name, "Seal of Solomon,"
apparently originated with the Arabs. This term they did not apply to any
one design exclusively; they applied it to an entire series of seven seals to
which they attributed extreme potency in putting to flight the forces of the
Demon.87
This talismanic symbol crossed ideological borders amongst different yet ideologically
adjacent religions of Islam, Christianity, and Judaism. From the usual conflation of ethnicity with
religion in discussions of Arabs, therefore the Seal of Solomon could be seen as a “Muslim”
symbol which eventually found its way to adorning Christian churches and then through the
association of Kabbalists made its eventual way to being the shorthand symbol of Judaism. The
symbol itself maintained its talismanic and mystical associations as magic—licit or illicit—is a
86 Though what “Arabs” and where and when?
87 Scholem, p. 246.
119
cross-cultural concept. Scholem continues on the magical nature of “seals” and ultimately the
protective or apotropaic quality they possess:
In this area a strong reciprocal influence was at work between the Jews and
Gentiles, for nothing is more international than magic. Magic signs and
designs pass from one people to another, just as "sacred" (i.e.,
incomprehensible) combinations of "names" wander back and forth, and
frequently become corrupted in their wanderings. In general, magic signs like
these were called "seals" in our literature, not only because they were
frequently engraved on rings-the production of magical rings of this kind was
a well defined trade, and we have textbooks in this science-but also because of
the common attitude that a man "seals himself" with these signs and protects
himself against the assaults of evil spirits.88
The Seal of Solomon is a notable example of the creation and destruction of signification
in relation to a form that embodies meaning. The spread and acceptance of this symbol amongst
Christians and Jews is very much tied to a shared cultural and religious milieu with Muslims,
which in a some sense makes the strong polemics flung at each other over the centuries to
delegitimize adjacent yet rival ideologies seem understandable. Thus the Seal of Solomon as a
talisman of protection is tied to the belief of Solomon’s dominion over spirits, an idea that gained
more prominence in the Medieval period.
On yataghans and other swords of the Late Ottoman period, it seems that quite often the
Seal of Solomon coincides with other talismanic motifs such as the Seven Sleepers (and their
dog) and inscriptions relating to Dhu’l Faqar. At times the Seven Sleepers inscriptions are found
within a Seal of Solomon. Does this association indicate anything beyond a stylistic choice? Did
the craftsmen and owners consider it a more potent to include multiple talismanic motifs on their
weapons?
88 Scholem, p. 245.
120
B. Seven Sleepers (Ashab al Kehf)
The Seven Sleepers was a Christian legend from late antiquity which gained more
prominence in the middle ages. The Christian legend concerns a number of young men who
concealed themselves in a cave to avoid religious persecution and emerged from the cave
hundreds of years later. Different narrations specifying differing numbers of men and years.
Zimmerman discusses the possible origin and reason behind the legend stating that the oldest
transmission of the story may have been in around 500 from the Syrian Jacob of Saruq, but
perhaps it could be predated by a Greek version from Ephesos in the mid-5th century.
Zimmerman writes that the story may have been concocted in order to establish Ephesos as an
important religious center for pilgrimage:
In the years between the Third Ecumenical (Marian) Council of 431 and the
›Robber‹ Council of 449, the Ephesian bishops had very close relationships
with the court of Theodosius II, and therefore this seems to be the best
historical moment for the ›invention‹ of a story about the resurrection of
seven men at Ephesos involving the emperor. The legend itself seems to be
part of a master plan to establish Ephesos as a city of resurrection, with St.
John asleep and breathing dust from his grave, the re-awoken Seven Sleepers,
and later the tomb of Mary Magdalene, the first witness of the Resurrection
of Christ.89
While Zimmerman states that the legend is originally Syriac or Greek, another hypothesis
is that the legend may have been spread to the Greek and Syriac Christian communities from a
Latin manuscript that was then translated by St. Gregory of Tours.90 Whatever the hypothesis, the
legend’s origins are Christian and much like many Christian stories, particularly Eastern
Christian stories, these were reworked and eventually found their way into the Qur’anic codex.
89 Zimmerman, p. 257.
90 Grysa, p. 46.
121
The mention of the Seven Sleepers, like many stories that are referenced in the Qur’an is rather
vague due to the fact that they were well known amongst the community means the reference is
usually short on details when it comes Qur’anic narrative. The number of “youths” are not
specified nor are their names. The legend is found in the surah Al-Kahf from where the surah
derives its name.
The addition of the Seven Sleepers names as a talismanic inscription is believed to confer
protection upon the wearer or bearer of the talisman as God protected the youths and the dog
from persecution. Though I have not found mention as to why the names of the Seven Sleepers
came to be a common talismanic motif. It should also be stated that the names of the Seven
Sleepers are not found in the Qur’an, nor are they found in the Hadith. Yet, the names commonly
found in inscriptions are transliterated as: Yamlikha, Mathlina, Makthalina, Marnush, Dabarnush,
Shazdhanush, Kafashtatayush, (and the dog) Qitmir.91 Talismanic inscriptions bearing the
names of the Seven Sleepers and their dog all seem to have come from Ottoman territories or
former Ottoman territories. Perhaps owing to the narrative said to have taken place in Ephesus
despite the nebulousness of the locale in the Qur’an. Though given the supposed origin of the
account as a way to drum up pilgrims it may indeed be Ephesus. This shows the movement of
narratives across the empire from their locus of origin.
There is something very interesting about the intermingling and cross-pollination of
talismanic symbolism and the interpretation and re-interpretation of these symbols that emphasis
certain aspects important to geography and particular religious ideologies. It does showcase the
influence of non-Islamic elements in Islam that are reworked to maintain cohesion with the
ideology.
91 Across the traditions relating to the names of the Seven Sleepers, there seems to be several different sets of names.
122
C. La feta illa Ali la seyfe illa zulfikar
The phrase “la feta illa Ali la seyfe illa zulfikar/ لَا سَيْفَ إِلَّا ذُو ٱلْفَقَارِ وَ لَا فَتَىٰ إِلَّا عَلِيٌّ ” translates
to “No warrior but Ali, no sword but Zulfikar” and is often found inscribed on Ottoman blades. It
is a phrase attributed to Prophet Muhammad to praise Ali’s prowess on the battle field during the
Battle of Uhud. This talismanic formula offers protection and is often related to militaristic
talisman objects. This inscription also bears witness to the continued importance of Dhu’l Faqar
(Zulfikar) and its association with Ali in the popular consciousness of the time. From the
samples of yataghans, it seems that a textual talisman is favored over a depiction of Dhu’l Faqar,
whereas the imagery of Dhu’l Faqar is ubiquitous.
Though the addition of Dhu’l Faqar imagery does happen. Of note, is a particularly
interesting Dhu’l Faqar design on a blade found in the private collection of Dr. Furat. While the
blade is not a yataghan, but a saber, it is a Late Ottoman period blade by the nature of its shape
and the inclusion of its floral decorations. The blade bears the words “Ya Ali” with the ي of Ali
morphing into a figure of a bifurcated Dhu’l Faqar shape. This is of particular interest because it
is as if the inscription is invoking Ali. It calls for Ali. Like other Late Ottoman period swords, the
blade incorporates both European aesthetics along with Islamic appeals. A similar inscription has
not yet been found on a similar Ottoman blade.
123
124
Figure 34: "Ya Ali" embossed inscription coupled with floral motifs. Image credit: Private Collection of Dr. Furat
Figure
35: View of the entire length of the blade. Image credit: Private Collection of Dr. Furat
CATALOG
125
1.1Asker Muze
Date visited: December 2019 & January 2022
Asker Muze Yataghan:1
Date: 1217 AH (1802-1803 CE)
Provenance: Ottoman Turkey
Measurements: 69.5 cm. (27.36 in.)
Recurved, single-edged blade with fuller on both sides. Blade contains gold inlay floral desgins
and inscriptions. On one side of the blade is a linear design of bold floral designs beginning at
the forte and extending down the length of the blade terminating near the middle of the sword.
The opposite side of the blade also includes similar bold floral designs starting at the hilt and
terminating at the middle of the blade, but is also interspersed with texts contained with
cartouches stacked on top of each other and held within a decorative square which leaves seem to
emerge. Between the 2 boxes is the joint Seal of Solomon and Ashab al Kahf motif. The gold
inlay Seal of Solomon is surrounded by petals and within the petals are the names of the Ashab al
Kahf. Within the center of the seal is an 8 pointed star. An ornate gold colored or gold alloy
decoration extends from the hilt to the forte of the blade. The hilt itself is a pistol grip which is
also made of gold colored or gold alloy. Inscriptions on the sword include the name of the owner
and date (Ismail Aga Amel-i Bekir C. 68 Year 1217). The 68 denotes the Janissary corps. order.
Figure: 36
Figure: 37
126
Image source: (2009). Askeri Müze Yatagan Koleksiyonu (p. 73). Askeri Müze ve Kültür Sitesi
Komutanligi
127
Figure: 38
Asker Muze Yataghan: 2
Date: 1277 AH (1860-1861CE)
Provenance Ottoman Turkey
Measurements: 75 cm. (29.5 in.)
Recurved, single-edged, fullered steel blade, with silver inlaid inscriptions and designs extending
down the length of the blade. The hilt looks to consist of brass filigree and walrus ivory with the
addition of red coral cobonchons. Pommel is of the typical kulak type. The inscriptions are
contained within cartouches and read: "Amel-i Abdullah Sahib and Malik Nuhan" in one
cartouche and the other reads: "La feta illa Ali la seyfe illa zulfikar". Between the two cartouches
is an encircled Seal of Solomon motif with the 6-pointed star surrounded by circles, within the
star is also a circle.
Figure: 39
Figure: 40
Image source: (2009). Askeri Müze Yatagan Koleksiyonu (p. 136). Askeri Müze ve Kültür Sitesi
Komutanligi
128
Asker Muze Yataghan:3
Date: 1217 AH (1822-1823 CE)
Provenance: Ottoman Turkey
Measurements: 65.5 cm. (25.78 in.)
Single-edged, recurved, fullered blade wiht silver inlaid inscriptions and designs. Blade itself is
worn and oxidized. Hilt seems to be made out of horn with the pommel in the typical kulak
shape. A decorative metal bolster extends from the hilt to the forte of the blade. An inscription
within a sort of boxy, decorative cartouche of linear Arabic letters reads: "Le feta illa 'Ali la seyfe
illa zulfikar" (No warrior like 'Ali, no sword like Zulfikar). Another inscription read: "1238
Amel-i Abdi Sahib-i Ahmed Aga."
Figure: 41
Figure: 42
Image source: (2009). Askeri Müze Yatagan Koleksiyonu (p. 102). Askeri Müze ve Kültür Sitesi
Komutanligi
129
Asker Muze Yataghan: 4
Date: 1242 AH (1826-27 CE)
Provenance: Ottoman Turkey
Measurments: 71 cm. (27.95 in.)
Recurved, single-edged, fullered blade of rusted steel. The hilt is mostly gone with some
remenants of the brown colored hilt attached to the tang of the blade. Inlaid inscriptions and
designs appear on the sword in silver are still well preserved. The inscriptions on the middle of
the sword read:
"Fetta illa 'Ali la seyfe illa Zulfikar" and “Sene 1242 Tevvekkeli ali haliki" within a boxed
catouche and another boxed cartouche with the inscriptions: "Ya Muhammed kıl şefaat
ümmetindir Ali" and "Biçak elde gerek dilde süphan." Within the circular motif is another
inscription that reads: "Bu bıçağı kıl mübarek ey kerim-i la yezal.'
Figure: 43
Figure: 44
Image source: (2009). Askeri Müze Yatagan Koleksiyonu (p. 109). Askeri Müze ve Kültür Sitesi
Komutanligi
130
Asker Muze Yataghan: 5
Date: 1223 AH (1808-1809)
Provenance: Ottoman Turkey
Measurements: 77 cm. (30.3 in.)
Slightly recurved, single-edged blade with fuller and inlaid inscriptions in gold and abstract
designs inlaid in silver. The hilt is constructed out of bone with the typical kulak pommel design.
The inscription in Arabic lettering on the blade reads: "Sene 1223 Amel-i Sahib-i Mehmed Ağa
Biçak elde gerek dilde süphan." A Seal of Solomon motif in gold inlaid is found on the forte of
the blade. An ornate silver sheet with wave-like edges and a multitude of silver balls decorates
the forte of the blade and extends from the hilt.
131
Figure: 45
Image source: (2009). Askeri Müze Yatagan Koleksiyonu (p. 85). Askeri Müze ve Kültür Sitesi
Komutanligi
132
Figure: 46
Asker Muze Yataghan: 6
Date: 1292 AH (1875 CE)
Provenance: Ottoman Turkey
MeasurementsL 67.5 cm. (26.57 in.)
Single-edged, recurved blade, does not seem to be fullered from the photograph. Hilt is of bone
with traditional kulak style pommel. A band of metal bejewled with cobonchon ascends
vertically up the hilt and between the "ears" of the pommel. A metal band joins the hilt to the
tang of the blade. Inscriptions in Arabic lettering down the length of the blade in silver inlay
include the Ashab al Kahf and read:
Ya Muhammed kıl şefaat ümmentindir Abdullah Sene 1292
Amel-i Salih Sahib ve Malik Ahmed Ağa
La fetta illa ’Ali syfe illa zülfikar
Ey gaziyan...bu bıçağı elde gerek dilde süphan
Figure: 47
Figure: 48
Image source: (2009). Askeri Müze Yatagan Koleksiyonu (p. 157). Askeri Müze ve Kültür Sitesi
Komutanligi
133
Asker Muze Yataghan: 7
Date: 18th-19th century
Provenance: Ottoman Turkey
Measurements: 75cm. (29.5 in.)
Pronounced recurved steel, single-edged blade with silver inlay. Blade is fullered with the blood
groove towards the middle of the blade in comparison with other yataghans where the blood
grove would be found higher up the length of the blade. The hilt is constructed out of bone and
bears a "T" shape pommel instead of the typical kulak-type. Attached silver or silver-colored
metal bolster extends from the hilt down to the forte of the sword in an abstract wave-like design.
Florals and abstract and linear patterns adorn the blade in silver inlay, including a 6-pointed star
found in the middle of the blade. On the other side (not pictured) is a Seven Sleepers (Ashab al
Kahf) inscription.
Figure: 49
Figure: 50
Image source: (2009). Askeri Müze Yatagan Koleksiyonu (p. 66). Askeri Müze ve Kültür Sitesi
Komutanligi
134
Asker Muze Yataghan: 8
Date: 1197 AH (1782-83 CE)
Provenance: Ottoman Turkey
Measurements: 72cm. (28.3 in.)
Single-edged, recurved steel blade with no fuller and etched inscriptions near the forte. A silver
bolster connects the blade to the hilt and contains abstract designs and a Seal of Solomon motif.
The hilt is constructed out of wood and resembles that of a knife hilt. The inscription on the
blade reads: Darbından bu bıçağın cümle düşman tarumar intikam alır adüvden sanki misl-i
zülfikar 1197.
135
Figure: 51
Image source: (2009). Askeri Müze Yatagan
Koleksiyonu (p. 42). Askeri Müze ve
Kültür Sitesi Komutanligi
1.2 Christie’s
Christie’s Yataghan: 1
Date: 1237 AH / 1821-22 CE
Provenance: The Balkans
Measurements: 73.5 cm. (29 in.)
Steel, single-edged recurved blade with narrow fuller and typical "Kulak" or ears type of
pommel. Both sides of the blade are adorned with gold inlay. Photograph shows inscriptions
contained within cartouches with the inscription flanked by two small 6-pointed stars (Seal of
Solomon) on either side. The bolster obscures part of the decoration. Hilt decorated with silver
overlay of floral filigree and engraving. Original scabbard of wood is encased in silver with
repousse floral designs and filigree rosettes. Blade is signed Al-Hajj Muhammad Husayn.
136
Figure: 52
Image source: A FINE OTTOMAN YATAGHAN WITH PARCEL-GILT SILVER MOUNTS.
(n.d.). Christie’s Auctions & Private Sales | Fine Art, Antiques, Jewelry & More. Retrieved
January 10, 2022, from https://www.christies.com/lot/lot-5722683
137
Figure:53
Christie’s Yataghan: 2
Date: 1287 AH/ 1870-1871 CE
Provenance: Ottoman Turkey
Measurements: 75 cm. (29.5 in.)
Single-edged recurved blade with a narrow fuller adorned with stamps indicating date, maker
(Uthman) and owner (Ahmad Agha). The photograph shows one small 6-pointed star, or Seal of
Solomon motif, encapsulated in a circle. Hilt is made of walrus ivory and is decorated with a
silver bolster in which red coral is affixed. Common "kulak" pommel design. The riccor is of
decorated silver encrusted with green stones on either side. The scabbard is of silver repousse
floral designs with an affixed lion-shaped finnial at the chape. The scabbard mount is encrusted
with 4 rows of oval shaped red coral with interspersed small, round sky blue stones.
Figure: 54
138
139
Figure: 55
Image source: A WALRUS IVORYHILTED
YATAGHAN. (n.d.).
Christie’s Auctions & Private Sales |
Fine Art, Antiques, Jewelry & More.
Retrieved January 10, 2022, from
https://www.christies.com/lot/lot-
5552977
1.3 Bonhams
Bonhams Yataghan: 1
Date: 19th century
Provenance: Ottoman Turkey (probable)
Measurements: blade is 61 cm. (24 in.)
Recurved single-edged blade with fullers on each side. One side contains a gold-damascened
inscription in naskh which runs along the length of the blade. The top of the blade contains an
etched 8 pointed-star encapsulated in a circle in a similar style to the Seal of Solomon talismanic
motifs, but I am unsure if they are indeed related to each other. A filigree bolster of copper is set
over the forte with the addition of red glass, the sheet extends to the rest of the walrus ivory hilt
and is set with oval red corals. The pommel is of typical "kulak" shape. The scabbard is wood
covered in blue velvet and a repousse floral metal locket and chape (the terminal is missing).
Figure: 56 Figure: 57
140
Image source: Bonhams : A Turkish Yataghan. (n.d.). Bonhams. Retrieved January 10, 2022,
from https://www.bonhams.com/auctions/25424/lot/14/
141
Figure: 58
1.4 Sotheby’s
Sotheby’s Yataghan: 1
Date: 1222 AH/ 1806 CE
Provenance: Ottoman Turkey
Measurements: 79.5cm (31 in. approx.)
Slightly recurved steel blade yataghan with narrow fuller and traditional "kulak" pommel and hilt
made of walrus ivory. Silver filigree with set turquoise decorates the bolster, with the filigree in
usual curvilinear lines mimicking waves or clouds extending to the forte of the blade. Sword
contains a gold overlay inscription within cartouches on both sides in what looks like naskh. The
inscriptions on the blade read:
The names of the Ashab al-khaf and their dog and is followed by: "I put my trust in my creator,
His servant 'Ali."
and
"Word of Master Ahmad, the owner 'Ali Agha Masha'allah, the year 1222 and a benedictoray
couplet in Ottoman Turkish.
The scabbard is of black leather with repousee silver mounts and chape. The chape terminates in
a dragon's head.
142
Image source: 257. Sothebys. Retrieved January 10, 2022, from
https://www.sothebys.com/en/auctions/ecatalogue/2008/arts-of-the-islamic-world-l08222/
lot.257.html
143
Figure: 59
Sotheby’s Yataghan: 2
Date: 1188 AH (1774-1775 CE)
Provenance: Ottoman Turkey
Measurments: 79.7 cm. (31.37 in.)
Recurved, single-edged, steel blade without fuller. Blade contains inscriptions within ornate
cartouches at the forte, a decorative silver, embossed bolster extends down the forte. The hilt is
unique as it is constructed of marbled-jade, secured with 6 silver pins. The etched inscriptions
include an Ottoman Turkish couplet and the Ashab al Kahf (Seven Sleepers and their dog)
written around an etched Seal of Solomon design. Other inscriptions include the date: 1188 and
the owner Mahmud ibn Mahammad 1260 (1844-5 CE). The scabbard is made out of wood and
covered in stitched black leather with a very ornate embossed metal locket and extensive chape
consisting of bold floral desgins and flourishes. The finial seems to be missing.
144
Figure: 60
145
Figure: 61
146
Figure: 62
Figure: 63
147
Figure: 64
Image source: 174. Sothebys. Retrieved January 10, 2022, from
https://www.sothebys.com/en/auctions/ecatalogue/2009/arts-of-the-islamic-world-l09723/lot.174
and private correspondence with Sothebys
148
1.5 La Gazette Drouot
La Gazette Drouot Yataghan: 1
Date: 19th century
Provenance: Ottoman Turkey
Measurements: 85.5 cm. (33.6 in.)
Recurved iron blade with inscriptions on both sides. Blade is discolored due to oxidation.
Inscriptions are contained within decorative cartouches that proliferate with abstract floral
designs. The bolster is silver and that silver, or silver colored metal alloy, extends to the rest of
the hilt which is decorated in leaves and 6-pointed stars. The hilt resembles that of a knife rather
than the usual "kulak" type. Scabbard is silver with repousse friezes and geometric motifs at the
locket and chape, a leather sleeve sits at the middle of the scabbard.
149
Figure: 65
Image source: Auction SABRE YATAGAN YATAGAN SABRE with curved blade, with… |
Gazette Drouot. (n.d.). Gazette Drouot | L’hebdo Des Ventes Aux Enchères. Retrieved January
11, 2022, from https://www.gazette-drouot.com/en/lots/14312876
150
Figure: 66
La Gazette Drouot Yataghan: 2
Date: 19th century
Provenance: Ottoman Empire (probably Turkey)
Measurements: Blade: 59.5 cm. (23.4 in.), entire length 73 cm (28.74 in.)
Very slightly recurved, fullered blade. Blade contains an inscription which is illegible. The
inscription seems to consist of 2 lines and terminates in some sort of wave design along the
fuller. Between the inscription and the hilt looks to be some sort of X design, probably a crudely
done flourish design that is found at the beginning of cartouches in other blades. The bolster is
made of metal filigree and is encrusted with some sort of green glass or gem. Hilt and pommel
are of the "kulak" type and looks to be made of walrus ivory as is common in many of these
yataghan examples.
151
Figure: 67
Figure 68: Figure: 69
Figure: 70
152
Image source: Auction Yatagan - Ottoman Empire ca.19th century, slightly… | Gazette Drouot.
(n.d.). Gazette Drouot | L’hebdo Des Ventes Aux Enchères. Retrieved January 11, 2022, from
https://www.gazette-drouot.com/en/lots/14456665
153
Figure: 71
Figure: 72
Figure: 73
La Gazette Drouot Yataghan:3
Date: Late 19th century
Provenance: Possibly Ottoman Turkey
Measurements: 57cm. (22.44 in.)
Recurved, single-edged, fullered blade of steel with etched and inlaid inscription within a sort of
cartouche and artistic designs including an ornate Seal of Solomon. Both the talismanic motif
and the inscription have a cross-hatched background. Inscription may be in Ottoman Turkish or
Arabic, but is illegible from the photograph. Hilt with "kulak" pommel is of horn and a
decorative bronze strap. The yataghan has a bolster consisting of ornamental bronze work
extending from the hilt to the forte of the blade to secure the hilt to the tang of the sword.
154
155
Figure: 74
Image source: Auction ORIENTAL SABRE DIT YATAGAN.Horn and bronze mount.… |
Gazette Drouot. (n.d.). Gazette Drouot | L’hebdo Des Ventes Aux Enchères. Retrieved January
11, 2022, from https://www.gazette-drouot.com/en/lots/14894807
156
Figure: 75
Figure: 76
La Gazette Drouot Yataghan: 4
Date: 18th Century
Provenance: Caucasus
Measurements: 73 cm. (28.7 in.)
Slightly recurved, fullered blade of steel with a bone hilt with "kulak" pommel with the usual
sheet of metal applied with geometric designs and in this bejeweled with red coral extending up
the hilt and between the "ears" of the pommel and back down to the decorative metal bolster
where the tang of the blade joins the hilt. Unlike other examples of yataghans, there is no
decorative filigree extending to the forte. Blade contains etched inscriptions within a sort of
cartouche, but as per the photograph the inscription is illegible. On the other side of the blade is a
faint etched 6-pointed star or Seal of Solomon enclosed in a possible circle.
157
Figure: 77
Image source: Auction Yatagan. Slightly curved blade in beautiful inlaid… | Gazette Drouot.
(n.d.). Gazette Drouot | L’hebdo Des Ventes Aux Enchères. Retrieved January 11, 2022, from
https://www.gazette-drouot.com/en/lots/14957550
158
Figure: 78
La Gazette Drouot Yataghan:5
Date: 1285 AH 1868 CE
Provenance: Ottoman Balkans
Measurements: 75 cm. (29.5 in.)
Traditional recurved steel blade with narrow fuller with inscription just below the fuller on one
side and a Seal of Solomon 6-pointed star on the other (found towards the top of the blade,
approaching the hilt). Hilt is constructed of walrus ivory and pommel is in the traditional kulak
shape. Sword is decorated with geometric patterns and ovaloid red corals affixed to the bolster of
silver, the decorative silver metal band of the bolster contains decorative and delicate filigree
which extends to the forte of the blade. The scabbard is of black leather with the chape of
hammered out silver. Inscription reads: Amal Muhammad Sahibihi Muhammad 1285.
159
Figure: 79
Image source: Auction Grand Yatagan ottoman Balkans, daté 1285H (=1868) A… | Gazette
Drouot. (n.d.). Gazette Drouot | L’hebdo Des Ventes Aux Enchères. Retrieved January 11, 2022,
from https://www.gazette-drouot.com/en/lots/15261862
160
Figure: 80
La Gazette Drouot Yataghan: 6
Date: Blade:1271 AH/ 1854-5 CE; Scabbard:1288 AH/1871 CE
Provenance: Ottoman Turkey
Measurements:82.2 cm. (32.36 in.)
Ornate yataghan consisting of the traditional recurved blade shape and narrow fuller, decorated
on both sides in inlaid gold koftgari. An inlaid inscription in naskh on one side with the other
side of the blade adorned in palmettes. The entire hilt is of note as it is made of silver featuring
floral and geometric designs and filigree and adorned with round red coral. The hilt is also
partially nielloed. The bolster consists of silver decoration of applied diamond and circular
shapes extends down the forte of the blade. The inscription is interspersed with star motifs,
including that of the Seal of Solomon with what is possibly a khamsa in the middle, and an
image of a bifurcated Zulfikar saber. The scabbard is repousse silver and also somewhat nielloed.
It is lavishly decorated with a coat of arms-esque array of weapons and bouquets of tulips and a
ship at the locket on one side and a mosque at the other. The chape of the scabbard contains an
image of a serpent expelling a bouquet of flowers from its mouth. The finial is in the shape of
some fantastical creature perhaps that of a serpent or dragon. A chain is affixed to the scabbard.
The tugra of Sultan Abdulaziz, sah and chechneh are found on the scabbard.
Inscriptions on the yataghan blade read: lā fatā 'illā 'alī, lā sayf 'illā ḏū-l-fiqār. (There is no hero
like Ali, There is no sword like Zulfikar).
'amal Muhammad, Sanat 1271
Inscription on the scabbard: Kamâl Aghā, Sanat 1288
161
162
Figure: 81
Figure: 82
Image source: Auction Superbe Yatagan ottoman Turkey, circa 1870-1880 Short… | Gazette
Drouot. (n.d.). Gazette Drouot | L’hebdo Des Ventes Aux Enchères. Retrieved January 27, 2022,
from https://www.gazette-drouot.com/en/lots/16681145
163
Figure: 83
La Gazette Drouot Yataghan: 7
Date: 1281 AH/1864 CE
Provenance: Ottoman Turkey
Measurements: 76 cm. (29.9 in.)
Recurved blade of oxidized steel, inscription and any additional artwork is obscured due to photo
quality. Hilt is made of brown horn and of the typical "kulak" shape, metal adornments on the
hilt also typical in the band of metal that wraps about the hilt vertically with an ornate metal
bolster joining the blade to the hilt. The forte is embellished with filigree. One side bears the
name of the maker (El-Haj Ahmad), date of manufacture (1281 AH), and the name of the owner
(Osman). On the other side of the blade is the inscription: Lâ fata illa 'Ali la seif illa Zulfikar.
Image source: Auction " YATAGAN " OTTOMAN, DATÉ 1281 H. = 1864 PAR EL-HÂJ… |
Gazette Drouot. (n.d.). Gazette Drouot | L’hebdo Des Ventes Aux Enchères. Retrieved January
11, 2022, from https://www.gazette-drouot.com/en/lots/1987541
164
Figure: 84
La Gazette Drouot Yataghan: 8
Date: 1252 AH/1838 CE
Provenance: Ottoman Turkey (probable)
Measurements: 81cm. (31.88 in.)
A slightly recurved blade, double fullered with silver inlaid Seal of Solomon motif and a simple
linear manufacture's inscription and date within a decorative cartouche. The hilt is of walrus
ivory with typical "kulak" pommel. The hilt is adorned with gold-plated copper and red coral, a
decorative bolster of filigree joins the blade to the hilt with filigree extending down to the forte
of the blade with the addition of 2 red glass "gems" on the ferrule. The scabbard consists of black
leather covered wood with a silver locket and pewter finial.
165
Figure: 85
Figure: 86
Image source: Auction Yatagan, osmanisch, datiert 1836 Slightly curved, double… | Gazette
Drouot. (n.d.). Gazette Drouot | L’hebdo Des Ventes Aux Enchères. Retrieved January 11, 2022,
from https://www.gazette-drouot.com/en/lots/13404597
166
Figure: 87 Figure: 88
La Gazette Drouot Yataghan: 9
Date: 18th -19th century (probable)
Provenance: Morocco or Tunisia
Measurements: 79 cm. (31 in.)
Very slightly recurved blade of Damascus or watered steel, interestingly not fullered like other
yataghan blades originating in Ottoman Turkey and the Southeastern Europe. Shares slight
similarity with the North African flyssa. The blade contains a gold-inlaid inscription that reads:
Nasr min Allah wa fath qareeb (Help from Allah and victory is near) and on the other side a
gold-inlaid 6-pointed star of simple design, not encircled like Ottoman Turkish examples and
containing no additional designs surrounding or within the star. The bolster is adorned with
applied solid gold engraving of floral designs. A strip of of gold with floral shapes accents the
rhinoceros horn hilt of a very demure scroll shape differing from the traditional pronounced
Ottoman "kulak" pommel shape. While listed provenance states it could possibly be from
Morocco it most likely would be from North African country east of Morocco that I was part of
the Ottoman Empire.
167
Figure: 89
Image source: Auction A Moroccan/Tunisian gold-mounted yatagan, circa 1800… | Gazette
Drouot. (n.d.). Gazette Drouot | L’hebdo Des Ventes Aux Enchères. Retrieved January 11, 2022,
from https://www.gazette-drouot.com/en/lots/13404729
168
Figure: 91
Figure: 90
Figure: 92
La Gazette Drouot Yataghan: 10
Date: 1220 AH (1805 CE)
Provenance: Ottoman Turkey (probable)
Measurements: 78 cm. (30.7in.)
Recurved blade of Damascus/watered steel with floral gold inlay found on both sides near the
top of the blade with a gold inlay date inscription that reads 1220. Hilt is of gilded brass with
floral inlay, pommel flared but not to the degree and breadth of the traditional kulak pommel,
somewhat reminiscent of a more pistol-grip like hilt. Stitched leather covers the wooden
scabbard with a silver scabbard mount and chape in silver, both embossed in relief. The designs
are not clear in the photograph, but look to include some floral type designs. There is a Seal of
Solomon motif of gold inlay on the forte of the blade.
169
Figure: 93
Image source: Auction Silbermontierter und goldtauschierter Yatagan, osmanisch,… | Gazette
Drouot. (n.d.). Gazette Drouot | L’hebdo Des Ventes Aux Enchères. Retrieved January 12, 2022,
from https://www.gazette-drouot.com/en/lots/13404596
170
Figure: 94
La Gazette Drouot Yataghan:11
Date: 18th century
Provenance: Ottoman Turkey
Measurements: 74 cm. (29.13 in.)
Slightly recurved, fullered blade with silver inscription of a very linear and chaotic script on one
side and a Seal of Solomon motif on the other. Hilt is made of walrus ivory and metal (perhaps
bronze). Decorative metal bolster attaches the tang of the blade to the hilt contains applied
decorative floral and ovaloid designs, these designs are also found as the bolster which extends
to forte of the blade. A decorative metal band of floral designs extends vertically up the hilt and
down between the "ears" of the kulak pommel.
171
Figure: 95
172
Figure: 96
Figure: 97
Figure: 98
Image source: Auction Ottoman yatagan, walrus bone handle, early 18th century,… | Gazette
Drouot. (n.d.). Gazette Drouot | L’hebdo Des Ventes Aux Enchères. Retrieved January 11, 2022,
from https://www.gazette-drouot.com/en/lots/13668343
173
Figure: 99
La Gazette Drouot Yataghan: 12
Date: 1820
Provenance: Ottoman Turkey
Measurements: 73.5 cm. (28.9 in.)
Very slight recurved, double fullered blade of steel with gold inlay designs on both sides with a
gold inlay inscription in naskh found on one side within cartouches. An abstract and floral design
decorates one side of the blade where as the other side with the inscription is coupled with a Seal
of Solomon design, encircled with the names of the Ashab al Kahf. Hilt is silver with filigree and
an agate stone sites between the ears of the angular kulak pommel. Applied floral and diamond
designs are found up the hilt with a filigree decorative bolster at the meeting point of the blade
and the hilt. Decorative silver applied designs are found on the forte of the blade. Manufacturer's
mark that reads "Abdulah bin Abdulah" is found on the blade. Scabbard is of black leather and
wood with a small metal band at the locket and a small decorative finial at the chape.
174
Figure: 100
Image source: Auction An Ottoman Silver-mounted yatagan, circa 1820 Typische… | Gazette
Drouot. (n.d.). Gazette Drouot | L’hebdo Des Ventes Aux Enchères. Retrieved January 11, 2022,
from https://www.gazette-drouot.com/en/lots/12558193
175
Figure: 101
Figure: 102
La Gazette Drouot Yataghan: 13
Date: Second half of 19th Century
Provenance: Turkey
Measurements: 73cm. (28.7in.)
Recurved, single-edged, double fullered blade of steel with silver inlay inscription within a
cartouche and is tarnished and worn, a 6-pointed star Seal of Solomon motif is found on the other
side of the blade within a circle. Hilt is constructed out of walrus ivory and silver and bejeweled
with red coral cabochons. Pommel is of the typical kulak design. The scabbard is wood covered
in worn red velvet. The embossed silver mounts of the scabbard are interesting in that a church is
depicted on the locket, obvious by the cross that sits on top of the church's dome. A ship is fond
on the other side of the locket. The chape features florals and a "trophies".
176
177
Figure: 103
Image source: Auction A superb yatagan dating: Second half of the 19th Century… | Gazette
Drouot. (n.d.). Gazette Drouot | L’hebdo Des Ventes Aux Enchères. Retrieved January 12, 2022,
from https://www.gazette-drouot.com/en/lots/11225862
178
Figure: 104
La Gazette Drouot Yataghan:14
Date: 19th century
Provenance: Turkey
Measurements: 75cm (29.5in.)
Usual recurved single-edged blade, double fullered blade, i.e. 2 blood grooves found each side.
Gold inlay found on both sides of the blade. Inscription is within a cartouche and is of a linear
and very decorative type of script with the addition of other decorative elements interspersed
thought out the inscription. The common floral-esque design extends from the enclosed
inscription towards the top of the blade where an encircled Seal of Solomon motif rests in the
empty space between the inscription and floral extension. At the other end of the inscription is a
fan design underneath a date. On the other side of the blade is a medallion type design consisting
of Arabic lettering and designs. Hilt is constructed of walrus ivory and decorated with leaf and
almond shaped red coral additions and gold or gold alloy wiring. Designs extend down the forte
of the blade with the inclusion of a green cabochons on either side of the bolster. The blade is
coupled with a wooden scabbard wrapped in black leather with iron iron mounts.
179
180
Figure: 105
181
Figure: 106
Figure: 107
Image source: Auction A beautiful yatagan dating: 19th Century provenance:… | Gazette Drouot.
(n.d.). Gazette Drouot | L’hebdo Des Ventes Aux Enchères. Retrieved January 12, 2022, from
https://www.gazette-drouot.com/en/lots/11225853
182
Figure: 108
Figure: 109
La Gazette Drouot Yataghan: 15
Date: Early 19th century
Provenance: Greece
Measurements: 69 cm. (27 in.)
Recurved steel, single-edged blade, not fullered with a circular stamp. Silver, pistol-grip hilt with
floral designs. Wooden scabbard covered in black velvet, silver or silver colored mounts. Locket
and chape contains rinceaux in relief. A 6-pointed star in relief is found on the band with a small
loop for attachment. All the mounts are stamped with what seems to be Greek characters. This
yataghan is interesting in that is not fullered, that the hilt features a pistol-grip, and that it
features what looks like Greek, but artistically contains similar floral and talismanic motifs
common in other Ottoman period yataghans.
183
Figure: 10
Image source: Auction A silver mounted yatagan of unusual shape dating: Early… | Gazette
Drouot. (n.d.). Gazette Drouot | L’hebdo Des Ventes Aux Enchères. Retrieved January 12, 2022,
from https://www.gazette-drouot.com/en/lots/11225850
184
Figure: 111
La Gazette Drouot Yataghan: 16
Date: 19th century
Provenance: Ottoman Turkey
Measurements: 75cm (29.5in.)
Recurved, single-edged, fullered steel blade. Silver or silver-colored hilt with kulak-shaped
pommel featuring applied forals.. Silver filigree extends down the forte of the blade as a bolster.
Inscription on the blade reads: "Made by Ahmad for the owner 'Ali" and is found under a gold
tugra. The scabbard is made of metal and features floral designs as well as a prominent Seal of
Solomon motif in the middle.
185
Figure: 112
Image source: Auction YATAGAN OTTOMAN à poignée et fourreau en métal ciselé… |
Gazette Drouot. (n.d.). Gazette Drouot | L’hebdo Des Ventes Aux Enchères. Retrieved January
12, 2022, from https://www.gazette-drouot.com/en/lots/9919138
186
Figure: 113
La Gazette Drouot Yataghan: 17
Date: Second half of the 19th century
Provenance: Turkey
Measurements: 76 cm, (29.92in.)
Typical recurved steel, single-edged blade, fullered on both sides. Hilt is constructed out of
walrus ivory and brass embossed with floral designs, pommel is in typical kulak shape. A
decorative embossed brass bolster extends down the forte of the blade. Sword features an
encircled Seal of Solomon motif on the blade with interspersed circles around the star and a
single circle within its center. Scabbard is of wood covered with bordeaux velvet with silver
locket and chape embossed with floral motifs, crescents, stars, and trophies. At the end of the
scabbard is a finial in the shape of a fish head.
187
Figure: 114
188
Image source: Auction An big yatagan with scabbard dating: Second half of… | Gazette Drouot.
(n.d.). Gazette Drouot |L’hebdo Des Ventes Aux Enchères. Retrieved January 27, 2022, from
https://www.gazette-drouot.com/en/lots/10668519
189
La Gazette Drouot Yataghan: 18
Date: Late 18th-Early 19th Century
Provenance: Ottoman Turkey (probable)
Measurements: 84cm (33in.)
Recurved, single-edged, fullered steel blade with gold inlaid inscriptions and designs featured on
both sides and on the spine of the blade. 3 cartouches are found on the blade near the hilt with
the middle cartouche consisting of an inscription in what appears to be Ta’liq script, flanked on
either side by 2 cartouches of similar size with floral vines. A sort of tennis racket-shape extends
from the inscription cartouche. In the middle is a 6-pointed star within a larger 6-pointed star. On
the other end of the star are 2 larger cartouches filled with floral vines and emanating from the 2
cartouches are further floral and cross hatched designs. On the opposite side of the blade is
another gold inlay design consisting of joined arrow shapes and an oval shape in the middle.
There is also gold inlay on the spine of the blade. The hilt is made of walrus ivory and brass with
almond shaped red coral cabochons. A decorative filigree rises up the hilt in a non-integral
bolster. The forte of the blade is decorated with an embossed metal sheet in a sort of wavy-shape.
190
Figure: 116
191
Figure: 117
Image source: Auction YATAGAN Poignée en os ornée de pierres dures, forte… | Gazette
Drouot. (n.d.). Gazette Drouot | L’hebdo Des Ventes Aux Enchères. Retrieved January 12, 2022,
from https://www.gazette-drouot.com/en/lots/5277259
192
Figure: 118
La Gazette Drouot Yataghan: 19
Date: 1800 CE (approx.)
Provenance: Ottoman Turkey
Measurement: 70cm (27.56in.)
Recurved, single-edged, fullered blade with inlaid gold inscription written along the length of the
blade. The inscription reads: 'Amal Hasan sâheb wa mâlek Muhammad lâ fatâ illa 'Ali lâ seif illa
zulfikâr (Made by Hasan for the owner Muhammad. There is no warrior like 'Ali and no sword
like Zulfikar). Walrus ivory hilt with kulak pommel, the separate attached bolster also consists of
filigree that seems to extend down to the forte of the blade with the addition of green cabochons.
Image source: Auction «YATAGAN» OTTOMAN avec une poignée à oreillettes en… | Gazette
Drouot. (n.d.). Gazette Drouot | L’hebdo Des Ventes Aux Enchères. Retrieved January 12, 2022,
from https://www.gazette-drouot.com/en/lots/2428042
193
Figure: 119
194
6. CONCLUSION: THE SWORD AND IDENTITY
The research presented here was two-fold to present the symbolism of the sword and the
symbols the imbue a sword with talismanic power with specific examples of Late Ottoman
yataghans. The research was in a sense exploratory as the intersection of Ottoman talismanic
symbolism and its relation to the sword has not seen much discussion as far as I am aware. Much
of the theoretical background of this work dealt with the idea of symbols and symbolism and the
theoretical conceptualizations of such. As stated before the construction and adherence to certain
symbols and the associations linked to symbols are dictated by a larger cultural framework. For
symbolism to function a framework and an interpreter is necessary, though without the cultural
framework in which the interpreter is socialized in order to understand and make associations
regarding symbols in relation to values, the process would fall apart. The socialization into the
cultural framework is what informs and populates symbolic objects.
195
As the theoretical framework was laid down in order to understand the nature of symbol
and symbol-making as tools to promote ideological dispersion, the discussion moved into the
realm of the magical. Since the area of interest involved talismans, it was not exactly accurate to
only say that talismans and talismanic imagery, objects, texts, etc. existed merely as symbols
because beyond that existed a more complex operation that informed the use of talismans. As I
stated previously, I conceptualize a talisman as symbol + narrative. The talismanic objects,
imagery, or texts encapsulate stories that inform their use and point towards an overarching
ideological framework that grants their use power, quite often of the apotropaic nature.
Coupled with this understanding it was then necessary to address the notion of religion
vs. magic, as while these talismanic symbols were rooted in the adherence of Islam, the use of
such objects commonly fall under a heterodoxic, non-normative practice of faith. Though despite
this, the use indicates and acceptance and adherence to Islam and mythos surrounding the
religion. I put forth the question that the power of these talismanic symbols is imbued by the
power of God, then where does the acceptance of such a practice lie? The use of talismans
straddles the borders of appropriate and inappropriate religious practice.
Moving on to the material object that is to which the theoretical ideas about talismanic
symbolism were to be explicated, the sword in its physicality and abstraction provides a venue in
understanding ideological values and identity of a larger cultural framework. The sword has long
transcended its use as a tool to embody culture-specific meanings and has continued to hold a
strong presence even in contemporary imagination. In the epics and sagas from many cultures
around the world and particularly Europe, the sword is an object which conveys power, more
often than not masculine power and legitimacy, from Arthur and Excalibur to Charlemagne and
196
Joyeux. The sword itself be it physical or metaphorical conveys a sort of magical personality.
Quite often a sword is named and magical qualities are attributed to it giving the sword a certain
mystique that is then transferred to whoever possesses it.
The sword is granted this special mystique and power by way of narrative—how it was
forged, how it was acquired, the line of ownership, the battles, etc. Particularly, it is the
“genealogy” of the sword, that is to say its origin and lineage, which reinforces the pedigree of
the possessor. Each story of battle and the feats of those who came before build upon the sword’s
magic. Without such legends and stories associated with the sword and the great men that
wielded it, the sword is rendered merely a mundane object.
In the Islamic context, the swords of Prophet Muhammad hold an important place in the
imagination of believers as relics. Though even before being associated with Prophet
Muhammad these swords held their own allure. The swords that would come into the possession
of Prophet Muhammad, many taken as war booty, hold lineages to the prophets that preceded
him. In the acquisition of war booty from the Banu Qaynuqa, a Jewish tribe of Yathrib, many of
the swords were believed to have been forged or owned by previous Jewish prophets and in
gaining these swords Muhammad’s spiritual and religious legitimacy as being part of the legacy
of Abraham (Ibrahim) was solidified. The journey of the swords into the hands of Prophet
Muhammad is a narrative of the fruition of destiny and the rise of a new and legitimate
revelation that would uproot and supplant previous revelations.
This shows the power of narrative in imbuing these swords with value and symbolic
power in the ideological framework in which they are found. In speaking about swords, the
previous chapters discussed the physical and historical realities of swords in the domains of
197
medieval European Christendom and the medieval Islamicate. Why was this important in the
scheme of the study. Well, first to illustrate that there is a shared history between the “East and
West” which is seen in the types of swords that proliferated the former Roman Empire. That with
these shared swords would also exist shared underlying ideologies and practices in how the
sword is conceptualized in society beyond its manufacture. As very little exists on the topic of
what could be termed “Islamic” sword, or perhaps more accurately swords from Muslim lands,
then it may be fruitful and advantageous to seek out information from a region studied and
documented to a greater degree in helping fill in the gaps that exist.
Works that offered information on swords with inscriptions from the European medieval
context, offered insight how inscriptions—talismanic or otherwise—gave insight into the
ideological change in the region with the addition of Christian iconography and texts inscribed or
inlaid on blades. The shift from runes in some areas to that of Latin text. With this shift in what is
being applied to sword blades, it demonstrates that there is also a shift in belief and identity. Now
the reason the medieval period became a focal point was due to the fact this is where the research
was. Of course one would assume Christian talismanic symbolism would exist on blades beyond
this time, but I have found very little discussion on it. More information regarding the
technology behind sword manufacture as well archaeological analysis of swords tended to be
focused on this particular geography and period over that of the medieval MENA region. What
was found in the Middle East was a rich lore associated with swords and in particular one sword
—Dhu’l Faqar.
198
No other sword of Prophet Muhammad is held in so much reverence across the Islamicate
than that of Dhu’l Faqar.92 Most likely taken as war booty from the Battle of Badr, the sword was
noted more for its effectiveness in battle than with its lineage prior to coming into the possession
of Muhammad and Ali, as stories of its divine origin or association with Solomon seem to have
developed later. With the holding of Dhu’l Faqar, Prophet Muhammad’s spiritual and religious
legitimacy in part passed to his cousin and son-in-law Ali, particularly within Shi’i religious
ideologies. There was something about Dhu’l Faqar that granted a certain degree of divine grace
that was not on offer with the possession of the other blades associated with Prophet
Muhammad. Though given the split that resulted in the camps vying for power after the death of
Prophet Muhammad, Dhu’l Faqar as a focal point indicating legitimacy may have been over
emphasized in the political struggle and in later political and doctrinal disputes to establish
religious legitimacy by bolstering and concocting stories that showcase Ali’s legitimacy as the
rightful religious and political leader.
For example the stories discussing the divine origin of Dhu’l Faqar rather than its rather
mundane acquisition as a war trophy. This narrative reinforces the notion that the sword then is
not only a weapon, but a vessel that imbues the wielder with the strength, wisdom, and power of
those that held the sword before him. The sword is a manifestation of a right to wield power, in
the case of Ali a right to the political as well as spiritual legitimacy of Prophet Muhammad. This
is a narrative seen time and time again across cultures that lends a sense of magic to the weapon.
And due to this association the image of Dhu’l Faqar morphs into a talismanic symbol that
confers power and protection in the eye of believers.
92 For more information regarding Dhu’l Faqar see Alexander, 1999 and Hussein, 2008.
199
While the sword can be viewed as a magical object in and of itself, references related to
prominent swords be they images or texts offer their own source of power. When it comes to the
talismanic symbols found on swords, it is a showcase of certain ideologies that pervade the
culture and quite specifically military culture due to obvious reasons. The prominence of certain
symbols such as the Seal of Solomon, the Ashab al-Kahf, and the mention or depiction of Dhu’l
Faqar all point to a certain understanding that these talismans provide protection to the bearer of
the sword. The “potency” of the sword as an item of protection is enhanced by the addition of
these elements. In the discussion of these talismanic symbols, each one in the way they have
been narrativized grants protection derived from God.
The power granted by these talismanic additions stems from the belief in the wider
Islamic religious system. While the inscribing and etching of talismans may often be considered
heterodoxic to mainstream Islam, this practice does indeed legitimize the belief in God’s power
and will.
Thus these talismans are seen inscribed and etched on yataghans and other blades of the
Late Ottoman period due to not just their apotropaic character, but what they suggest about the
bearer’s identity. What is particularly interesting about this period is that it is a time of cultural
exchange and upheaval with old Ottoman institutions being placed by the wayside and increased
artistic and cultural influence filtering in from Europe. While European forms and décor are
increasingly utilized in all manners of art from this period, Ottoman-Islamic features and never
fully supplanted. One finds European influenced styles along side Islamic ayats and talismanic
inscriptions.
200
201
Figure 120: Late Ottoman Period Banner featuring an image of Dhu'l Faqar. Image credit:
Metropolitan Museum of Art. Accession Number: 1976.312
This shift is also seen in the artistic and decorative additions to yataghans and other swords of
the period, but of course the incorporation of Islamic talismanic symbols and texts bear witness
to the continued importance and adherence of Islamic religious belief at least on some level.
The sword as seen as a sort of magical item reinforced with the addition of apotropaic
images and inscriptions that point to a larger cultural framework from where these symbols and
associated narratives derive their validity, offers an insight on identity construction. This is what
ultimately all the theorizing and analyzing of narratives and artifacts points to, identity
construction and identity being. The sword is a vessel for meaning beyond its utility as a weapon
or tool while still fulfilling its utility as such. It is a showcase for the identity and values of the
culture in which it is forged. In the case of yataghans of the Late Ottoman period, again because
no sizable cache of other examples outside this period were to be found, it bears witness to a
change is artistic sensibilities and aesthetics with the addition, quite often, of European floral
motifs. Though these motifs used to beautify the sword do not bear in them any sort of power, it
is the talismanic imagery and the texts that often accompany them do. The European influence
does not supplant that of the Muslim-Ottoman, it is merely in addition to it as the continued
inclusion of Muslim talismans. Thus illustrating a shift in taste and style in terms of aesthetics,
but a continued belief in religious ideology in which these talismans are conceptualized. These
talismanic figures, images, and inscriptions bear witness to some level of belief in their power
and thus the continued supremacy of the wider Islamic belief system during the Late Ottoman
period. A belief system rooted in the past and up held in the narratives of the religion and those
that inform the symbolism inlaid on the blade.
202
The continued veneration of the relic swords of Muhammad and reference to them
reinforce the Islamic identity of the Ottoman Empire. In history, especially in early Muslim
history, the sword through its lineage and pedigree conferred power and legitimacy and it’s
through their reference as well as the addition of talismans that Islamic supremacy and identity is
maintained in the Late Ottoman period. As talismans are only imbued with the power of
protection by God, therefore a belief in the system that allows for such an object to be imbued
with power must proceed it. These inscribed prophylactics against harm can only shield the
wielder due to a preceding belief in the Divine. The sword as an object becomes metaphor and is
the canvass on which values can be imbued offering a short hand symbolic meaning of power
and legitimacy.
The addition of talismanic symbolism adds to the mystique and importance of the sword
showcases ideological values and identities. The use of specific talismans found on yataghans
from the Late Ottoman period give a snapshot of the time and the values of those who
manufactured and crafted these swords as well as what would be considered important, as well as
aesthetic additions to their sidearm. These additions are not arbitrary, they point to a larger
cultural framework and trends of the time and place. Why do people value the things they do and
express themselves in certain ways over others? It is due to their socialization in a larger cultural
and ideological framework that must bear some consideration on the psyche of the individual in
order for its continues adherence and its spread.
The development of the yataghan points to a style of manufacture and style of fighting
that offers inside into the socio-cultural heritage of those who created and wielded such swords.
The yataghan evolved from earlier Turkic blades from the Central Asian Steppe and that those
203
who manufactured and bore the yataghan were often believers in the Islamic faith and who
valued the apotropaic symbols and texts inscribed upon their blades and hilts. That they believed
in the narratives associated with the Prophet’s and Ali’s relic-swords which spoke to them in a
way that encouraged them to create such symbols in the first place. In this, one can see how
religious adherence even if rather nominally can showcase identity being.
While the addition of talismans is generally seen as heterodoxic to normative Islamic
religious practice, the utilization of talismans also reinforces the belief in the faith, as all power
of protection derives from God then there must be a preceding acceptance of God’s omnipotence.
So while the belief in and use of talismans may be considered unorthodox, the fact they reinforce
religious belief renders them a sort of licit-ness as the underlying belief is power must be derived
from God.
Thus the sword is more than just a sword and a talisman is more than just a talisman—the
objects, the figures, the inscriptions embody so much more than their physical descriptions. What
they truly illustrate is an underlying cultural framework in which they were created. They help
elucidate a certain sense of identity in which they were created. In the case of yataghans
provided as examples to this study it points to a society open to change and cultural influences
from outside, while maintaining a Muslim Ottoman cultural identity reinforced in belief by
Islamic narratives, yet uniquely Turkish in shape.
204
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