AN ISLAND AND ITS KING: PETER I OF LUSIGNAN
A Ph.D. Dissertation
by
Peter I of Lusignan, the King of Cyprus who ruled between 1358 and 1369 is one of
the most picturesque rulers of Medieval Cyprus and the Mediterranean history. From
the very beginning of his rule to his murder, Peter raided to the Anatolian coasts and
launched two tours to Europe to be able to gain support for his planned Crusade. He
was unable to obtain financial support he sought to receive, but he managed to
strengthen his position to throne and, after a few years of effort, in control of a small
army he had been harvesting for years, launched the Alexandrian Crusade despite the
fact that he could only sack the city and was forced to retreat. In the following years,
he continued the raids against the Mamluks and the Turkish emirates in Anatolia, but
Peter’s plans failed to go as planned as he was killed by his lords as a result of neverending
conflicts and troublesome domestic affairs. Peter is considered as one of the
most energetic rulers in Lusignan Cyprus, but Available studies predominantly and
separately focus on the economics or the political aspects of this period. These
studies are shortfall as they are unable to generate integrated works. This thesis
proposes that Peter’s actions in his life are derived out of his ambitious and dedicated
character. In this context this thesis, developing a new point of view, aims to provide
a convincing biography of Lusignan king Peter I, and aims to portray the king by
uderlining the rationale behind the important developments during his reign.
Keywords: Kingdom of Cyprus, Lusignans, crusades, Alexandrian Crusade, Peter I.
v
1358 ve 1369 yılları arasında hüküm süren Kıbrıs kralı Lüzinyanlı Peter I Orta Çağ
Kıbrısı’nın ve Akdeniz tarihinin resmedilmeye en değer hükümdarlarından biridir. Henüz
hükümdarlığının en başından, öldürülmesine kadarki süreçte Peter Anadolu kıyılarına akınlar
düzenlemiş ve planladığı Haçlı Seferi için destek bulmak adına iki Avrupa Turu
tertiplemiştir. Beklediği maddi desteği bulamasa da taht üzerindeki hakkını sağlamlaştırmış,
ve bir süredir toparladığı ordunun başında, sonucunda şehri yağmaladıktan sonra geri
çekilmeye zorlansa da İskenderiye Haçlı Seferi’ni düzenlemiştir. Sonraki yıllarda
Memlüklere ve Türklere karşı seferlerine devam etmiş olsa da Peter’ın planları başarısız
olmuş ve hiç bitmeyen savaşlar ve giderek kötüleşen iç ilişkileri sebebiyle öldürülmüştür.
Peter, Lüzinyan kralları arasında en etkili olanlardan biri olarak gösterilse de mevcut
çalışmalar çoğunlukla onun ekonomik ve siyasi yönüne odaklanmakta ve entegre çalışmalar
ortaya koyamamaktadır. Bu tez ise Peter’ın icraatlerinin, onun hırslı ve adanmış karakterinin
bir sonucu olduğunu öne sürmektedir. Bu bağlamda bu tez, yeni bir bakış açısı getirerek
Peter’ın tatmin edici bir biyografisini ortaya koymayı amaçlamaktadır.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Kıbrıs Krallığı, Lüzinyanlar, Haçlı Seferleri, İskenderiye Haçlı Seferi,
1. Peter.
vi
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Writing this thesis has been quite a journey, and it would not have been possible
without the support of my family, friends, colleagues, professors, and mentors.
Without their encouragement, I would not have been able to finish this journey
successfully. My family particularly deserves acknowledgment for inspiring me
whenever I feel bleak. This long journey was sometimes challenging, and their
support was invaluable. Thank you for supporting me in every possible way.
This thesis is the culmination of six years of work, and there are many people I wish
to express my gratitude for contributing to this work. I would like to express my
gratitude to Dr. Luca Zavagno, my esteemed advisor, for his guidance, support, and
instruction throughout my doctoral studies. In addition, I would like to give special
thanks to my dissertation committee members, Drs. Paul Latimer, and Selim Tezcan,
whose invaluable feedback and encouragement considerably influenced how I
conducted my research and interpreted my findings. Drs. Jonathan Jarrett, and
Rebecca Darley have been incredible mentors, and I’m also grateful to them for their
support during my stay in the United Kingdom. Finally, Dr. Alan Murray, my
supervisor at the University of Leeds, has provided valuable ideas, and I enjoyed his
mentorship.
vii
I would like to express my gratitude to Türkiye Bilimsel ve Teknolojik Araştırma
Kurumu (Tübitak), Bilim İnsanı Destek Programları Başkanlığı (Bideb), by
providing necessary funds for my research conducted in England for 11 months
period. I would also like to thank the Department of History at Bilkent University for
supporting me in pursuing my graduate study in the department. I have spent many
years at the department, and now I feel like I am a part of a family. I must thank all
of the department members with whom I spent years. I wish to thank the department
chair, Dr. Mehmet Kalpaklı, Dr. Berrak Burçak Della Fave, and Dr. David Thornton,
for their effort and understanding during my stay at the department. Another person I
wish to express my gratitude to is the department assistant Yeliz Çevik, who
patiently dealt with my -sometimes never-ending- administrative crises. Each of you
has given me your time, support, and energy.I reserve particular space for my friends
and many other valuable people. I thank my friends at Bilkent University, Mert
Öztürk, Abdürrahim Özer, Burcu Feyzullahoğlu, Murat İplikçi, and Tarık Tansu
Yiğit for their support and for always being with me. I would also like to express my
gratefulness to my friends Arda Akıncı, Fatih Pamuk, and Ahmet İlker Baş for
making my time and providing their support every time I was having a bad time. My
old fellas Uğur Ergin, Gonca Coşkun, Ödül Şölen Selvi, Erdem Kanaralp, Emre
Kanaralp, Ümit Utku Türkan, Murat Berberoğlu, Burak Hamurcu, those who have
always been by my side, I thank you.
In the end, I am grateful to my parents, siblings, friends, and acquaintances who
always remembered me and wished for my success. They gave me enough moral
support, encouragement, and motivation to accomplish my goals and dreams. My
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father, mother, brothers, and cousin have always supported me, and now in the new
phase of my life, I feel their support more than ever.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................ iv
ÖZET............................................................................................................................ v
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ........................................................................................ vi
TABLE OF CONTENTS ............................................................................................ ix
CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION ............................................................................... 11
1.1 Methodology, Historiography, and Outline: Constructing the Biography of
Peter I ..................................................................................................................... 16
1.2 Literature Review: Documentary Evidence ..................................................... 27
CHAPTER II: THE BEGINNING: The State of Cyprus in the Fourteenth Century:
Economy and Politics ................................................................................................. 38
2.1 Agriculture and Production .............................................................................. 42
2.2 Trade and The Trading Communities: Documentary Evidence ...................... 45
2.3 The Trading Communities in Cyprus ............................................................... 49
2.4 Politics and Holy War ...................................................................................... 63
CHAPTER III: PETER I OF LUSIGNAN: A NEW HOPE, THE ROYAL FAMILY
AND SUCCESSION .................................................................................................. 77
3.1 The Capture of Antalya: The Spark of an Idea .................................................... 90
CHAPTER IV: FIRST JOURNEY TO EUROPE: FIRST STEPS .......................... 107
4.1 Peter at Avignon ............................................................................................. 114
4.2 Peter’s Role: The Leader or A Leader?.......................................................... 118
4.3 Oh Mon Dieu! Peter and John II Meet at Paris .............................................. 121
4.4 Peter Visits Edward III ................................................................................... 125
4.5 The Feast of the Five(?) Kings ....................................................................... 128
4.6 A Tournament at Smithfield and Peter’s Return ............................................ 134
4.7 Peter and the “Prince Noir” (The Passagium is Postponed) .......................... 141
4.8 John Dies and Plans Disrupt .......................................................................... 146
4.9 Peter Visits The Emperor ............................................................................... 150
4.10 An Unexpected Guest: Peter at the Congress of Cracow ............................. 156
4.11 Journey to Venice for Final Preparations ..................................................... 161
4.12 The Outcome of the Tour: Did It Worth It? ................................................. 166
4.13 Numbers ....................................................................................................... 169
4.15 Final Destination: Why Alexandria? ............................................................ 173
CHAPTER V: THE END OF AN EPIC JOURNEY: THE ALEXANDRIAN
CRUSADE ............................................................................................................... 182
5.1 The Expedition ............................................................................................... 182
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5.2 The Outcome .................................................................................................. 199
CHAPTER VI: DECLINE ....................................................................................... 204
6.1 Peters Politics (Round Two) ......................................................................... 205
6.2 The King Wants More: Negotiations and Raids ............................................ 213
6.3 Attack on Corycos and Revolt at Antalya ...................................................... 216
6.4 War Machine: Peter Attacks on Tripoli ......................................................... 218
6.5 Peter Misses Europe: The Second Tour ......................................................... 221
CHAPTER VII: FINAL MONTHS ......................................................................... 226
7.1 Amare Vita of Peter: A Cruel Queen and a Humble Mistress ...................... 226
7.2 The Revenge of the Queen and the Murder of the King ................................ 229
CHAPTER VIII: CONCLUSION ............................................................................ 241
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................................... 248
Archival Material ................................................................................................. 283
Primary Sources ................................................................................................... 283
Secondary Sources ............................................................................................... 283
APPENDICES ......................................................................................................... 283
Appendix 1: The Itinenary of Peter I of Lusignan ............................................... 283
11
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
0 worthy Petro, kyng of Cipre, also,
That Alisandre wan bv heigh maistrie,
Ful many a hethen wroghtestow ful wo,
Of which thyne owene liges hadde envie,
And for no thyng but for thy chivalrie
They in thy bed han slayn thee by the morwe.
Thus kan Fortune hir wheel governe and gye,
And out of joye brynge men to sorwe”
-Geoffrey Chaucer1
On the morning of 17 January 1369, Peter I of Cyprus, perhaps the most
striking figure of the house of Lusignan, had retired to his chamber in the
royal palace with his mistress Échive of Scandelion,2 when a group of his
knights broke into his room and stabbed him to death.3 Before gasping his
life out, the king said: Handmaid of God, Virgin most glorious, Mother and
1 George Hill quotes Chaucers lines regarding Peters shocking death. See, George Hill, A
History of Cyprus. Vol. 2: The Frankish Period 1192-1432 (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 2010), 368; Geoffrey Chaucer, The Complete Works of Geoffrey Chaucer, ed. Walter
W. Skeat (Scholar Select: Oxford, 2015), 256, nos. 401-408.
2 With whom the king was retired in his chamber was narrated differently by the medieval
historiographers. See below, The Murder of the King
3 Leontios Machairas, Recital Concerning the Sweet Land of Cyprus entitled “Chronicle,” ed.
Richard M. Dawkins (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1932), 264; Guillaume de Machaut, The
Capture of Alexandria (Crusade Texts in Translation), eds., Peter Edbury, Janet Shirley (New
York; London: Routledge, 2021), 187; For another version, see Guillaume de Machaut, La
Prise D’Alixandre (The Taking of Alexandria), ed. and trans. R. Barton Palmer (New York,
London: Routledge, 2002); Nicolae Iorga, Philip de Mézieres 1327-1405: La Croisade au XIV
siécle (Paris, 1896), 390. For the story in detail and a discourse, see below chapter.
12
Maid, the Father's daughter, mother of the Son, my goddess, love, and lady,
now receive my soul and take me home to be with you! and died.4 This
shocking moment marked the end of an era, not only for the Kingdom of
Cyprus but for the late medieval world. Peter was an inspiring and
passionate figure whose ideas and policies were fueled by his obedience to
the divine call against the infidels. He was a leader, a Christian champion a
devoted knight of Christ, and a legend in Europe who received praise from
many of his contemporaries, such as Petrarch.5 During his ten-year reign, the
Kingdom of Cyprus gained an international identity, and he became a wellknown
personality throughout the Mediterranean and Europe. In 1363 Peter
left Cyprus for Europe to solve the dispute against his right on the throne,
and also, inspired by his early successful wars against the Turkish emirates
in Anatolia, he undertook a journey in Europe to assemble an army for
passagium generale. Between 1363 and 1365, he visited the most prominent
monarchs and political figures of his time in Italy, France, England, Germany,
and many more, thus representing his illuminating character throughout
Europe.
However, his fame arose from many difficulties he had to overcome by the
time he was crowned. His nephew Hugh challenged him, and his legitimacy
4 Machaut, La Prise D’Alixandre, 189.
5 Hill, A History of Cyprus, 368; Peter Edbury, The Murder of King Peter I of Cyprus (1359
Journal of Medieval History 6, no. 2 (January 1980), 219; Petrarch, in a letter sent on
20 July 1367, praised him for the capture of Alexandria. See, Nicolae Iorga, Une Collection
de lettres de Philippe Mézieres (Notice sue le ms. 499 de la bibl. de l in Revue
Historique, XLIX (1892), 312-314; Kenneth M. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant (1204-
1571) Vol. 2: The Fifteenth Century (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1997), 278.
Petrarch and Philip Mézieres had a mutual friend who had served for Peter, presumably during
the capture of Alexandria. For an analysis, see, Ernest Wilkins, and Giocamo de
Speculum Vol. 25, No. 3 (July, 1950), 374-78.
13
was at stake. Immediately after his first conquest, he undertook his European
tour. He settled the dispute between himself and his nephew, propagated his
crusading plans, and was lavishly received by the European polities. When in
Europe, Peter was everywhere; he participated in every knightly tournament,
joust, and festivities in his name. He voyaged with some of the most
important contemporary figures, such as Peter Thomas and Philip de
Mézieres, and received promises from the European monarchs and princes.
These marked the apogee of his reign. Nevertheless, Peter emerged from
the difficulties as a determined, more rounded, militarily capable, and
religiously admired ruler. His first action was to fight against the Turkish
emirates in Anatolia, and his capture of Antalya was only a preview.
When he was about to set sail for the East, however, he had lost some of his
most important allies, and political turmoil had crippled the future of his
expedition. Nevertheless, even though it proved to be below his
expectations, with considerable effort and spending, he managed to
assemble a crusading army and attacked the pearl of the Mediterranean:
Alexandria. Peters determination and skills helped disheartened crusaders
to capture the city. Then, they plundered and terrorized it by slaughtering the
population regardless of their age and sex. However, despite Peters protest,
the council of war decided to leave the city only a few days after capturing it.
This decision was a blow to Peters lifetime goal: to recover the Holy Land,
the Kingdom of Jerusalem; his rightful heritage.6
6 Peters goals and motivations are discussed in the subsequent chapters.
14
The postbellum years of his reign passed with ups and downs, as he indeed
negotiated with the Mamluks; but, at the same time continued to work on
organizing another expedition. He launched raids against the coasts of Syria
and Egypt, which irritated the enemy. However, these raids brought him
nothing but the annoyance of the trading communities, predominantly the
Venetians and the Genoese. Finally, realizing that he could only make a
difference by a major expedition, he left his kingdom for the last time for
Europe, for another tour during which he was well received but was advised
to make peace with the Mamluks.
Unsatisfied and disappointed, Peter, received a report pointing out the
possibility of his wife, Queen Eleanor of Aragons adultery, after which he
returned to Cyprus in September 1369. It was his last homecoming.
However, bitterness prevailed, and the last months of his life became the
most lamentable in his entire life, which resulted with his murder by his own
knights by the time Peter was only 39 years old. Peters reign constituted one
of the most significant periods in the history of the Kingdom of Cyprus. He is
famously known for his crusading expedition to Alexandria. However, above
all, he created a more dynamic kingdom and successfully defended it against
the rival powers in the Eastern Mediterranean, such as the Turkish emirates
and the Mamluks. Tributes to his reign prove that he was an essential part of
the European polity and an approved figure whose image prevailed even
after his death.
15
This thesis examines the reign of Peter I of Lusignan and aims to build a
biography of the Cypriot king to illuminate and underpin Peter as a medieval
figure and a personality apart from certain developments of his age. In this
sense, this study focuses on the significance of characteristics on his
decision-making processes by paying attention to his actions, nature, and
policies. However, in this dissertation, as well as his economic, political, and
religious motivations in decision-making processes will be discussed, his
characteristic, which is mostly unfolded in recent literature, will be the center
of the argument. The aim of this approach is not to deny the significant
developments of reign and age or to ignore the significant actions
underpinning the moira of the Kingdom of Cyprus, but rather it focuses on the
king and his fibre and aims to underline the rationale behind Peter's actions.
Thus, the principal approach adopted in this study is to revisit and reinterpret
the primary and secondary evidence, portraying Peter as a person and
building his reign accordingly.
From a broader scope, this dissertation predominantly benefits from the
documentary evidence and associates this evidence with the present
scholarly works, which are a few. By adopting this approach, this study
attempts to create a story of Peter while also adopting a confrontational
approach to fill the gap within the present scholarship. The main
argumentations -though these are not all- are (1) motivations did not
derive solely out of his eagerness to elevate his kingdom to a trade center in
the Mediterranean, though economic facets were significant enough not to
deny (2) The aim of visit to England is slightly different from the
16
present suggestions in the scholarly works (3) Alexandria was chosen as a
target, derived out of a necessity (4) Peter was not murdered due to his
mental state but as a result of his poor relationship with his lords precipitated
by the king's quondam policies and behavior. (5) Contrary to present
scholarship reign and his image were perhaps one of the last
representations of the chivalric values in the late medieval era. Additionally,
this study adopts an analytical approach and, originating from archival
evidence, builds a detailed guide to Peter, his travels, and his actions. Thus
this study sheds light on reign, personality, and specific aspects of
the Kingdom of Cyprus by highlighting and acknowledging the king's
decisions, sentiments, sensitivities, and intentions.
1.1 Methodology, Historiography, and Outline: Constructing the Biography of
Peter I
Writing a biography of a medieval person contains specific difficulties, mainly
if the subject king, such as Peter, was not a ruler of a major kingdom i.e. the
Kingdom of France or the Kingdom of England, where documentation is well
rounded, and the exuberancy in material evidence expedite building a
biography. One specific discourse, as Prestwich underlines, is that historians
should avoid writing a biography because biographers face greater difficulties
than other historians focusing on other fields of history due to the scarcity
and nature of the evidence, which limits the biographer.7 Sarah Foot
7 Michael Prestwich, The Journal of Interdisciplinary History Vol. 40,
No. 3, (2010): 327.
17
underlines a similar problem in her biography of King Athelstan, stating that
the monarchs were conveyed as kings rather than as men.8 These
interpretations hold true as most of the surviving documentary evidence
contains a public character. Papal records, royal charters, rolls, coins, and
the evidence alike reflect the kingship", not the personality." As for Peters
reign, one might consider himself slightly luckier, as two of the notable
characters, the papal legate Peter Thomas and chancellor Philippe de
Mézieres were under the kings service, if not all, during a considerable part
of his reign. Guillaume Machaut and Leontios Machairas, two significant
historiographers also dedicated their works to constructing Peters reign and
underlined his achievements. Eyewitness accounts made it relatively
comfortable for me to undertake this research. However, herein emerges
another difficulty: the objectivity of these accounts. As can be seen in the
following chapters, these chroniclers comments and approaches differ, partly
due to their source of information and partly due to the image of the king.
Machaut, for instance, follows a pro-Frankish tone, while Machairas
distances himself from Peter.9
At this point, another question is whether these accounts provide all the
necessary information to build Peters biography. Although this evidence is
invaluable to confect this biography, there are nebulous parts regarding
Peters reign. First of all, the accounts mentioned above concentrate on the
most important events, which causes another problem. For instance, it is
8 Sarah Foot, Athelstan: The First King of England (London: Yale University Press, 2011), 34.
9 For a detailed discussion regarding the chronicles used in this study see below.
18
known that Peter was born on 9 October 1329, but details are obscure, and
Machaut is the only source corroborated to this date.10 His childhood remains
blank, and our information is lost regarding his youth focusing between 1329
and 1342. Where Peter was born is unknown, and in a similar way, it is
difficult to explain where he spent his childhood. In 1342 he was married but
the details are yet unknown. This marriage is known because of a papal
dispensation. Moreover, Peter and his first wife, Echive of Montfort are only
the subjects in the letters exchanged between Hugh IV and the pope.
Nevertheless, the details are lost.11 Until his accession, this problem repeats
itself: between 1342 and 1347, 1347 and 1349, 1349 and 1353, and finally
between 1353 and 1358 until he was crowned as the king. It is challenging to
monitor Peter, as the documentary evidence is silent. The provided dates
label singular events in Peters life, and the narrative evidence cannot deliver
consistent or detailed information. However, as soon as Peter was crowned
as a king, the mentioned above began providing detailed
information about the king, especially regarding his overseas activities and
wars.
Yet, another problem occurs. Peter spent most of his reign either in Europe
or fighting against his foes to fulfill his personal extravaganza: to recover the
Holy Land. When in action, tracking him down and observing his bilateral
relations is relatively more straightforward. However, what he has been
doing, achieving, imposing, or implementing in his homeland could be more
10 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 21.
11 Benedictus, Lettres closes et patentes, intéressant les pays autres que la France, ed. J. M.
Vidal, G. Mollat, (Paris: Boccard, 1913-1950), nos. 1967, 2500.
19
obscure and disjoined. Documentary evidence regarding Peters actions in
Cyprus is mostly based on administrative or diplomatic records, which are
not many.12 This particular problem makes Peter invisible to an extent and
makes it even harder to corroborate his actions, manners, and behavior
against his local servants. This paucity is aggravated by the fact that when
Peter was on his journeys, he left his brother as the regent, and while he was
personally conducting international business, local affairs were either dealt
with by the regent or -if Peter was involved in any of the events about
Cyprus- the evidence is now lost. This insufficiency is crucial because
information regarding the former years of Peter's actions on the island is lost,
and we know only the last months of his reign. That is to underline that
Peters last months and problems with his lords are eminent. However,
recent findings lack the necessary information concerning his relationship
with the local lords before Peters return from his second European tour. As a
result, present scholarly works can only make assumptions regarding his
death, and his story which brightly starts, suddenly ends after a series of
unfortunate actions.
This study naturally aims to build an academic narrative story and a
biography of Peter. However, it is not always possible to maintain a singular
approach due to the difficulties in writing a medieval biography.. The story of
12 Partly due to the troublesome history of the island. Invasions, changing political milieu, and
eventually, the Ottoman conquest beclouds the island's local history. The most factual
information that can be found in the sources about the island is about the kingdom's economy.
The documentary evidence is predominantly based on Western sources created by the Italian
notaries and papal records (See below). Sarah Hamilton indicates that administrative evidence
is a form of public documents, and despite informing us regarding perceptions and projections
of a king, they lack the information in which the researcher might find the thoughts and motives
of him, which I affiliate her. See, Sarah Hamilton, Article: Early Medieval Rulers and
Their Modern Early Medieval Europe Vol. 9, No. 1 (July 2000): 248.
20
Peter and the reflections of his story is not always produced by the king
himself. Present scholarly works described below correlate specific aspects,
such as economic factors, to Peters personality. This understanding is
visible within these studies in which Peters motivations behind his steps are
solely related to the economy of Cyprus and the Mediterranean in the
fourteenth century. The Cypriot economy is quite important in constructing
Peters biography, and this study does not deny the effects of the economy
altogether. Instead, this study argues that the effects of economic aspects on
Peters personality are not as significant as suggested, according to the
documentary evidence. It concludes that Peter had a multi-dimensional
character and was not fueled by any form of pure avaricious nature. To build
his story, thus, this work revisits and narrates the world Peter ruled in, and
the second chapter adopts a chronological narrative framework, in which not
only the economy of Cyprus is narrated but also the politics of Europe and
the Mediterranean are described. The second chapter avoids unnecessary
details but underpins the frequently discussed topics. Cypriot economy,
especially the trading communities in the financial system, is narrated, if not
in great detail. This is because the study needed a sufficient explanation of
specific elements but also had to stick with its central subject, Peter.
At this point emerges another question. How long and detailed a narrative
should be built, and on which topics a work should focus. A good example
regarding the detail of biography is Mark Omrods almost 700 pages long -
primarily political- biography of Edward III.13 Omrod deals with every single
13 Mark Omrod, Edward III (Yale University Press, 2012).
21
aspect of the kingdom and provides many details. Of course, his approach is
understandable, as Edward IIIs reign is far more well-documented.
Government, administration, religion, and many subjects are revisited. On
the contrary, Simon Johns biography of Godfrey of Bouillon adopts a more
robust approach trying not to deviate from the main subject.14 It is undeniable
that constructing Godfrey of Bouillions biography presents many problems.
Compared to Omrod's Edward III, documentary evidence is scarce, yet the
biographer tries to distinguish the state from his subject.15 This study follows
a similar approach by dissociating the state from the subject due to the fact
that some aspects of the state are irrelevant or loosely related to the ruler,
such as the legislation. For instance, Haute Cour, an assembly of the
knights, an authority in all matters concerning the nobility, is a judicial
institution transplanted from the Kingdom of Jerusalem. Regardless of the
ruler himself, this institution was installed within the system, therefore
irrelevant to the subject, and thus not diffusively included in the study.16 This
is of course not to deny that this institution was insignificant, as
neglection of Haute Cour was probably one reason behind the deterioration
of relations with his lords.
14 Simon John, Godfrey of Bouillon: Duke of Lower Lotharingia, Ruler of Latin Jerusalem,
c.1060–1100 (London: Routledge, 2018).
15 Foot adopts a similar approach as well. See, Foot, Athelstan.
16 For the Haute Cour, See, Jean Richard, Institutions of the Kingdom of in A
History of the Crusades: The Impact of the Crusades on the Near East Vol. 6, eds. Kenneth
M. Setton, Norman Zacour and Harry Hazard (Wisconsin: The University of Wisconsin Press,
1985), 150-75; Hill, A History of Cyprus, 43.
22
In the subsequent chapters (the third chapter and onwards) Peters reign is
partially-narrated because, at the same time, an argumentative approach is
adopted. In an effort not to disrupt the story of the king, some important but
disruptive discussions were placed in the footnotes. The third and fourth
chapters recreate the story of Peters travels, wars, and diplomacy and
portray the king accordingly. These chapters benefited from the chroniclers,
royal and papal letters, as well as official registers. Documentary evidence is
more generous regarding this era of the king's rule than the final years of his
reign.17 The third chapter starts with Peter's accession, concentrates on the
early months of his reign, and explains the family circle. We are unable to
explore Peter as a child. However, his household is explained, and the
dispute on his rule is underpinned, as his actions against the Turkish
emirates and the first tour to Europe, as can be seen, are associated with
Peters intentions, and his main purpose is discussed accordingly. Moving
away from the kings household, the next chapter concentrates on Peters
capture of Antalya and his European tour. Alexandrian Crusade follows the
story of the king in Europe, but also this chapter explores and discusses the
motivation of Peters choice to attack Alexandria, by challenging present
scholarly works.
Despite many obstacles in writing Peter's biography, there are also some
advantages. First, he witnessed a splendid chain of events during his first
European visit. Peter traveled to many towns, met with many royalties, joined
festivities and tournaments, and eventually left his trace everywhere in
17 See below Literature Review
23
Europe. For instance, his visits to France and England were recorded by the
main chroniclers of his reign but also narrated by other chroniclers, such as
Froissart.18 While English chronicles recorded his visit to London, German
chronicles mentioned him but not in great detail. This richness in narrative
evidence allowed this study to track Peter down, analyze his actions and
picture the king accordingly. Moreover, these recordings paved the way to
enquire about what influenced, shaped, or changed the king during his tour in
Europe, as Peter left visible and demonstrable traces. The fourth chapter,
therefore, adopts an approach in which Peters movements are narrated, but
at the same time, the historical events he involved in are discussed, revisited,
and reconstructed. This chapter integrates as much documentary evidence
as possible into the story. Additionally, archival research was conducted in
England under the sponsorship of Scientific and Technological Research
Council of (TUBITAK) BIDEB program, which contributed to building
the biography of Peter.19 This chapter, fueled by further documentary
evidence, sheds light on Peters, (somehow obscure and divergent in modern
scholarly works) story in England.
To construct this biography, a chapter devoted explicitly to the king and his
relations and his death was a necessary part for readers to understand the
king's complex reign. So the kings household after his coronation, his private
life, and his traits are discussed separately. Discussions regarding his politics
18 Jean Froissart, Chronicles of England, France, Spain and the Adjoining Countries: From
the Latter Part of the Reign of Edward II to the Coronation of Henry IV, Vol. I, ed. Thomas
Johnes (London: 1857).
19 Tübitak Bilim Destekleme Kurulu.
24
and government are thus separated from the kings privacy, and they are
avoided integrating the kings characteristics into the general narrative of the
earlier chapters. Instead, these characteristics are mentioned in the earlier
chapters but discussed in detail in a specific chapter.
Documentary evidence regarding Peter clearly expresses his external career,
but his inner circle is partly visible. Nevertheless, documentary evidence to
assess the kings character is limited and dependent on the chronicles. The
closeness of the creator of these materials to the subject directly affects the
story and needs an assessment.20 In this study, Machaut and Mézieres
works are great examples. Machaut employs dramatization when depicting
Peter, and Mézieres demonstrates his admiration for his subject, Peter
Thomas, who was one of Peters most significant allies. On the one hand,
dramatization and personal view of the creators of these accounts reflect
how the contemporaries saw the king and provide clues regarding his image.
But on the other hand, these sources make it difficult to assess the king's
personality. This study benefits from the chronicles but tries to avoid coming
to conclusions regarding particular personal characteristics of Peter. Peters
psychological state in his last months, for instance, is often reflected as
unstable," "melancholic," or 21 The basis of these assumptions is
particularly Machairas, but this study does not have the necessary evidence
or experience to conduct a psychological analysis of the king. It is, from the
evidence, safe to assert that he was occasionally bad-tempered. However,
20 Prestwich, Medieval Biography, 332; Hamilton, Modern Biographers, 248.
21 Hill, A History of Cyprus, 364; Setton, The Papacy, 281, fn. 108.
25
this trait simply is not enough to diagnose the king, and also staying away
from such premature conclusions is safer to avoid an anachronistic
approach. On the contrary, this study is more comfortable asserting that the
king had a pious nature, was devoted to chivalric virtues, and lived
accordingly. This can be observed in the entirety of Peter's life, and the
documentary evidence (despite exaggerations) reflects these personality
traits of the king.
In the seventh chapter, despite briefly, the kings relationship with women is
also taken into consideration. Thanks to the studies in gender history, women
in the medieval era began to be studied. However, compared to medieval
men, evidence regarding women are considerably scarce. The queens and
widows are relatively easier to trace, but mistresses and unmarried women
are usually lost in history.22 This holds for Peters story, as well. Peters wife,
Queen Eleanor of Aragon did not hold a politically significant role during
Peters reign, but after his death, she became more visible in the
documentary evidence. However, during Peters reign, she became known
for her alleged adultery with one of Peters knights, John of Morphou.
Moreover, she is known for her cruelty against Peters mistresses, such as
lady Joanna lAleman. Nevertheless, we know about Joanna only because
she conflicted with the queen, and whatever happened to her after her
22 For medieval women in Europe, see Judith M. Bennett and Ruth Mazo Karras, The Oxford
Handbook of Women and Gender in Medieval Europe (Oxford; New York: Oxford University
Press, 2013); Margaret Schaus, Women and Gender in Medieval Europe: An Encyclopedia
(New York; London: Routledge, 2016); Theresa Earenfight, Queenship in Medieval Europe
(Palgrave Macmillan, 2013); Pauline Stafford, Writing the Biography of Eleventh-Century
Queens in Writing Medieval Biography: Essays in Honor of Frank Barlow, eds. David Bates,
Julia Crick, and Sarah Hamilton (Suffolk: The Boydell Press, 2006), 99-109.
26
confrontation with the queen is partly known. This chapter, however, also
tries to tell the story of the king, the queen, and the kings mistress.
Lastly, perhaps one of the most valuable outcomes of this dissertation is the
emergence of a detailed itinenary of Peter, which had not been attempted to
be built since the nineteenth century. The most detailed, albeit in narrative
form, itinenary is provided by Romanian historian, Nicolae Iorga, in his work
Philip de Mézieres 1327-1405: La Croisade au XIV siécle published in
1896.23 Despite his main subject being Philip de Mézieres, he provides a
massive amount of documentary information regarding Peters international
affairs, despite not in the form of an itinenary but in a narrative form. Another
work, on the other hand, is the French historian Mas Latries Histoire de lile
de Chypre sous le règne des princes de la maison de Lusignan.24 Mas Latrie,
however, provides only a very brief itinenary of Peter. The emergence of the
itinenary of Peter in this study is derived from detailed documentary
research, during which the pieces of evidence regarding Peters reign,
scattered around, were brought together and additionally fueled with archival
research. The primary aim was to record every single move of the king and
trace the events he became a part of during his lifetime. However, even
though this study tries to construct a blow-by-blow itinenary, some periods of
Peters reign are, as mentioned above, not thoroughly documented. For
instance, while documentary evidence regarding his first tour to Europe is
plentiful, his second tour is less well-documented. It is primarily due to the
23 Iorga, Philippe de Mézieres.
24 Louis de Mas Latrie, Histoire de l ile de Chypre sous le règne des princes de la maison de
Lusignan, Vol.2 (Paris: Impremiere Impériale, 1852-1861).
27
fact that between his two visits, the European motivation and aspiration
towards an expedition faded. Moreover, the West was politically unstable. As
a consequence of this fact, Peters second trip turned out to be a shorter
journey, at the end of which the king abandoned the idea of assembling a
Western army and, without prolonging his visit, returned to Cyprus.
1.2 Literature Review: Documentary Evidence
Constructing the biography of Peter I of Lusignan, four main surviving
medieval accounts are predominantly used. Peters tours to Europe, military
expeditions, relationships with the European polities, his murder, and image
attracted contemporaries or near contemporaries in the fourteenth century,
and as Peter Edbury suggests, gave him the highest literary profile of any of
the Lusignan kings.25 These four medieval narratives are created by
Guillaume de Machaut, Philippe de Mézieres, Leontios Machairas, and
anonymous Chronicle of Amadi.26
25 Peter Edbury, Mézieres, Machairas and Amadi: Constructing the Reign of Peter
I (1359- in Philippe de Mézières and His Age Piety and Politics in the Fourteenth
Century, eds., Renate Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Kiril Petkov (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 349; Angel
Nicolaou-Konnari also discusses the narratives of Mézieres and Machairas. See, Angel
Nicolaou-Konnari or Critics? Reign of Peter I of Lusignan (1359-1369) Viewed by
Philippe de Mézieres (1327-1405) and Leontios Machairas (ca. 1360/80-After in
Philippe de Mézières and His Age Piety and Politics in the Fourteenth Century, eds., Renate
Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Kiril Petkov (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 359-401.
26 Philippe de Mézieres, The Life of Saint Peter Thomas, ed. Joachim Smet (Rome: 1954);
Leontios Makhairas, Recital Concerning the Sweet Land of Cyprus entitled Chronicle,” ed.
Richard M. Dawkins (Oxford: 1932); Chronique dAmadi, in Chroniques d Amadi et de
Strambaldi, ed. René de Mas Latrie (Paris: Impremiere Nationale, 18911893); Guillaume de
Machaut, La Prise D Alixandre (The Taking of Alexandria), ed. and trans. R. Barton Palmer
(New York: 2002). In this study, however, more recent editions and translations of the
Chronicle of Amadi and La Prise DAlixandre are used. See, Guillaume de Machaut, The
Capture of Alexandria (Crusade Texts in Translation), eds., Peter Edbury, Janet Shirley (New
York; London: Routledge, 2021); The Chronicle of Amadi Translated from Italian, eds. Peter
Edbury, Nicholas Coureas (Nicosia: Cyprus Research Centre, 2015).
28
To start with, Mézieres work on Peter Thomas, without a doubt, provides an
invaluable insider view of the reign of the king. Peter was a Carmelite friar
and was later appointed as the patriarch of Constantinople and the papal
legate during Peters expedition to Alexandria.27 He composed his work in
1366, after Peter Thomas death, and Mézieres depicts king Peter as an
ideal crusader and the defender of Christendom, although the main
protagonist in his narrative is Peter Thomas. However, the kings image in
Mézieres' work is deliberately polished as Peter Thomas and king Peter were
crusade enthusiasts, and the work was composed to persuade people.28
Thus Mézieres promotes the Order of the Passion, and tends to create a
memory of a king who devoted himself to Christianity.29 However, Mézieres
stayed in Cyprus only for a short period of time, so the details underlining the
king, apart from his travels and wars, are limited. In this sense, his narrative
is different from that of Machairas, a Greek historiographer who resided on
the island.30
27 Philippe de Mézieres (1327-1405). For scholarly works about Mézieres, see Abbé J. Lebeuf,
Mémoire sur la Vie de Philippe de Maizières, conseiller du roi Charles V, & Chancelier du
royaume de Chypre, Mémoires de littérature tirés des registres de l Académie royale des
inscriptions et belles-lettres 1re. no. 17 (1751): 491514; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières; Sylvie
Lefèvre, Philippe de Mézières, in Dictionnaire des lettres francaises: le Moyen Age, ed., G.
Hasenohr and Michel Zink (Paris: 1992), 114446.
28 Edbury, Mézieres, Machairas and Amadi,” 350.
29 For the Order of the Passion, see Abdel Hamid Hamdy, ed., Philippe de Mézières and the
New Order of the Passion, Bulletin of the Faculty of Arts 18 (Alexandria University Press,
1964): 1-104; Andrea Tarnowski, Examples: Philippe de Order of the
Yale French Studies, No. 110 (2006): 16375.
30 Konnari, of Peter I of Lusignan 360-61.
29
After two or three years of death, Machaut composed the Capture of
Alexandria, an attempted biography of Peter.31 Machaut was one of the most
accomplished French poets and composers of the century. His work was
critical because he was closer to the events of Peters reign, as his
informants were French crusaders who accompanied Peter during his
journeys and expeditions. His work provides many details regarding the
capture of Alexandria and the subsequent events.32 Despite his dramatized,
and rhymed biographical style, his details are sacrosanct.
On the other hand, Machairas is another chronicler this study benefited from,
whose work was created in the fifteenth century and later translated from
Greek to Italian by Diomedes Strambaldi.33 However, Machairas depiction of
Peter is quite different from that of Mézieres. For instance, according to
Machairas, Peter's only purpose in undertaking his first journey to Europe
was to settle the dynastic dispute with his nephew, and he traveled to
Avignon because the pope summoned him to solve this problem.
Unfortunately, Machairas is the only historiographer who pinpoints this
information, and we do not have a shred of supportive documentary evidence
regarding this papal summons. What is more, the given information in
31 Guillaume Machaut (ca. 1300-1377) For Machaut as a poet and musician, see Douglas
Kelly, Machaut and the Medieval Apprenticeship Tradition: Truth, Fiction and Poetic Craft,
(Cambridge: Boydell & Brewer, 2014); Elizabeth Eva Leach, Guillaume de Machaut:
Secretary, Poet, Musician, (Ithaca; New York; London: Cornell University Press, 2011); Gilbert
Reaney, Guillaume De Machaut, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971). In 1877, Louis de
Mas Latrie edited Machauts work, and scholars widely used his edition in the past. See, Louis
de Mas Latrie, ed., Guillaume de Machaut et la prise d’Alexandrie, 2 Vols. (Paris: 1876).
32 Edbury, Mézieres, Machairas and Amadi,” 351.
33 Diomedes Strambaldi, Chronicha del Regno di Cypro, in Chroniques d Amadi et de
Strambaldi, ed. René de Mas Latrie (Paris, 18911893), 2.
30
Machairas narrative about Peters visits is obscure, sometimes
chronologically confused and fragmented. In contrast, he provides very
detailed information about the Cretan revolt. However, Peter as a crusader is
barely mentioned in a phrase stating that Peter begged the Western rulers to
help him recover the Kingdom of Jerusalem.34
As for the Alexandrian expedition, his information corresponds to what
Mézieres provides, with only minor differences, such as the number of the
vessels in Peters fleet, despite the fact that both historiographers express
the events from different perspectives.35 Machairas narrative, however, is
very detailed regarding the negotiations with the Mamluks, although he
overlooks the events after the capture of Alexandria. At this point, it must be
mentioned that Machairas career is not very well known, nor his childhood
and exact date of birth are available. He served as a royal officer in the first
quarter of the fifteenth century, which means that he must have been a child
or not born by the time Peter was crowned. Therefore, his source of
information is unknown.36
34 Machairas, Chronicle, 1:131.
35 For the number of ships and a discussion, see below the Alexandrian Expedition For an
analysis and comparison of Mézieres and Machairas, see Konnari, of Peter I of
383-86.
36 For Machairascareer, see Angel Nicolaou-Konnari, Diplomatics and Historiography: the
Use of Documents in the Chronicle of Leontios Makhairas, in Diplomatics in the Eastern
Mediterranean 1000–1500: Aspects of Cross-Cultural Communications, eds. Alexander D.
Beihammer, Maria G. Parani, and Christopher D. Schabel (Leiden: Brill, 2008), 293-95. For a
detailed analysis of the survived manuscript of Machairas, see Angel Nicolaou-Konnari,
Sweet Land of Cyprus: History of Manuscripts and Intellectual Links in Medieval Chronicle
X Vol. 10 (Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2015): 163-201; Edbury, Mézieres, Machairas and
Amadi,” 351-52.
31
16th century Italian works, Chronique dAmadi and Florio Bustrons Historia
overo commentarii de Cipro on the other hand, seem related to Machairas
narrative as they mostly follow the same pattern with Machairas and provide
almost identical information, although the relationship between these texts
are not scholarly and systematically studied. Furthermore, Edbury claims that
Florio Bustron may have adapted the information given in Amadi or the
narrators used a common source which is now lost.37
The chroniclers mentioned above significantly differ in other aspects, such
as Peters early years, chivalric character, and death. Machaut and Mézieres
provide a story in which Peter was pictured as a heroic holy fighter who
devoted himself to fighting against the infidels by taking up arms against
them. These chroniclers do not mention the dynastic dispute over Peters
rule. While Machaut ignores this fact, Mézieres underpins twice that Peter
was the rightful leader of the crown of the Kingdom of Cyprus, also ignoring
any challenge to his heritage.38 On the other hand, Machairas and Amadi
depict that Peter was crowned by his father, Hugh IV, before his death,
demonstrating that he was aware of a possible dispute. As for the king's
death, according to Machaut and Mézieres, Peters brothers James and John
were, without a doubt, guilty.39 On the contrary, other historiographers,
Machairas, Amadi, Bustron, and Strambaldi, do not precisely enunciate the
37 Edbury, Mézieres, Machairas and Amadi,” 351.
38 Mézieres, The Life of Saint Peter Thomas, 8992.
39 Machaut, Alexandria, 12; Philippe de Mézières, Songe du viel pelerin (en français moyen),
édition critique par Joël Blanchard avec la collaboration de Antoine Calvet et Didier Kahn, Vol.
1, ed. Joël Blanchard (Genève: Librairie Droz, 2015), 259.
32
kings brothers as guilty, despite the fact that they claim that they witnessed
the event.40 Nevertheless, at the time of Peters murder, Mézieres and
Machaut were not on the island, and the presence of any chronicler when the
king was murdered is highly doubtful.41
The narratives mentioned above are just some of the primary documents this
study has benefited from. Especially regarding Peters visits to Italy, France,
and England, Froissarts narratives proved to be more than useful.42 Apart
from Froissart, a range of primary works have been selected. Chronique des
quatre premiers Valois, 1327-1393,43 is one of the selected works which
provided information especially about Peters first journey to Europe. For the
details regarding Peters visit to London, during which he attended a feast
together with Edward III and other monarchs44 the present study benefited
40 Machairas, Recital, 1:261281; Strambaldi, 102-114; Amadi, p. ; Florio
Bustron, Chronique de l'Île de Chypre, ed. René de Mas Latrie (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale,
1884), 272-76.
41 Edbury, Mézieres, Machairas and Amadi,” 353.
42This study favored a nineteenth-century edition of Froissarts chronicles, for practical
reasons. See, Jean Froissart, Chronicles of England, France, Spain and the Adjoining
Countries: From the Latter Part of the Reign of Edward II to the Coronation of Henry IV
(London: Longman & Co., 1808); Jean Froissart, Chroniques de Jean Froissart (1360-1366)
publiées pour la Société de l'histoire de France, Vol. 6, ed., M. Siméon Luce (Paris, 1869-
1899).; For another edition see Jean Froissart, Chroniques: Livre 1: Le manuscrit d Amiens,
Vol. 3, ed. George T. Diller (Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1992).
43 Chronique des quatre premiers Valois (1327-1393), publiée pour la première fois pour la
Société de l'histoire de France ed. M. Siméon Luce (Paris, Renouard, 1862). For an
assessment of the account see Isabelle Guyot-Bachy, La Chronique abrégée des rois de
France et les Grandes chroniques de France: concurrence ou complémentarité dans la
construction dune culture historique en France À la fin du Moyen  in The Medieval
Chronicle 8, eds. Erik Kooper and Sjoerd Levelt (Leiden: Brill, 2013), 205-32.
44 For a detailed discussion, see below The Feast of the Five(?) Kings.
33
from English chronicles: Eulogium Historiarum,45 Chronicle of Reading,46
Knighton,47 Historia Anglicana.48 As for Peters journey to Northern Eruope,
Beiträge zum Itinerar Karls IV49 and Monumenta Poloniae Historica: Pomniki
Dziejowe Polski,50 proved to be fruitful.
Many of Peters actions during his first tour were traceable thanks to a vast
majority of correspondence and papal registers. At this point, the contribution
of the afore-mentioned Louis de Mas Latrie to the studies of Cyprus is
undeniable and widely used by scholars principally focusing on the studies
about the island. Mas Latries nineteenth-century collection of documentary
evidence of Cyprus, Histoire de l'île de Chypre sous le règne des princes de
la maison de Lusignan might only be labeled as the most crucial for this
study. Mas Latrie not only provides letters and correspondence but also
processes documentary evidence, making his works unique and
irreplaceable. Especially, two of his works have been cited in this study:
45 Eulogium Historiarum Sive Temporis In Eulogium (Historiarum Sive Temporis): Chronicon
Ab Orbe Condito Usque Ad Annum Domini M.CCC.LXVI.: A Monacho Quodam
Malmesburiensi Exaratum, Vol.3, ed. F. S. Haydon (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2012). For a discussion see, George. B. Stow, Continuation of the Eulogium Historiarum:
Some Revisionist Perspectives T heEnglish Historical Review Vol. 119, no. 482 (June 2004),
667-81.
46 John Reading, Chronica Johannis De Reading Et Anonymi Cantuariensis, 1346-1367, ed.
James Tait (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1914).
47 Henry Knighton, Knighton's Chronicle 1337-1396: Oxford Medieval Texts, ed. G. H. Martin
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996).
48 Thomas Walshingham, Historia Anglicana, ed. Henry Thomas Riley (London, 1864).
49 Karl Herquet, zum Itinerar Karls IV. und zu seinem Aufenthalt in Schlesien mit
dem König von Cypern im Jahre in Zeitschrift des Vereins für Geschichte und Altertum
Schlesiens 14, (1879), 521-27.
50 Monumenta Poloniae Historica: Pomniki Dziejowe Polski, Vol. 2, ed. August Bielowski (Lviv,
1872).
34
Histoire de l'île de Chypre sous le règne des princes de la maison de
Lusignan and Nouvelles Preuves de l'Histoire de Chypre Sous Le Règne Des
Princes de la Maison de Lusignan.51 On the other hand, some of the papal
material was revisited and edited by Jean Richard Charles Perrat and
Christopher Schabels Bullarium Cyprium. This project was envisaged many
years ago but finished in 2012. The third volume of this three-volume series
is particularly used in this study.52
Considering that there is not a monograph nor a biographical study on Peter I
of Lusignan, it is safe to assert that this study is the first attempt to construct
a detailed biography of Peter. The attempts to narrate the story of Peter are
not complete, packed within solo chapters or only some particular aspects of
his reign are revisited (i.e. politics, economy, religion etc). This is partly due
to an effort to avoid any risks considering the difficulties of building a
biographical work, and thus historians tend to retire into a safe zone. Present
scholarly contribution to the subject, despite salient, is far from complete as
Peters story needs to be taken into consideration with more focus.
Nevertheless, it is worth mentioning some colossal studies that the present
work benefited from.
51 Louis de Mas Latrie, ed., Histoire de l ile de Chypre sous le règne des princes de la maison
de Lusignan, Vol. 2 (Paris: Impr. impériale, 1852-1861); Idem., Nouvelles preuves de
l'Histoire de Chypre (deuxième article in Bibliothèque de l'école des chartes, Vol. 34, (1873)
47-87.
52 The third volume of Bullarium Cyprium is composed of almost entirely the registers of
Avignon popes. See, Jean Richard and Charles Perrat, eds., Bullarium Cyprium Lettres
papales relatives a Chypre 1316-1378 (Nicosia: Cyprus Research Centre, 2012).
35
The first and foremost study, without a doubt, is George Hills monumental
work A History of Cyprus, a three-volume study that specifically focuses on
the History of Cyprus from the conquest of Richard the Lionheart to the
Ottoman conquest. One chapter of his second volume, the Frankish Period
1192-1432 focused explicitly on Peter, and this scholarly work is still one of
the most significant sources for the Cypriot studies.53 In his chapter focusing
on Peters reign, Hill carefully establishes the story of Peter, although he
does not attempt to build a biography but a narrative political history.
Compared to more recent scholarship, Hill refrains from coming to assertive
conclusions regarding Peters reign, but his study carefully considers the
material evidence in every form; documentary sources, charters, bulls,
letters, and every other source.
The contribution of Iorgas work Philip de Mézieres 1327-1405: La Croisade
au XIV siécle is undeniable, and his study is another colossal analysis that
this dissertation has benefited from. Iorga creates a story of Philip Mézieres
but simultaneously constructs a narrative underpinning many aspects of
Peters reign. However, his work suffers from some limitations in providing
answers to the vital questions that need to be answered. Peter in Iorgas
work is narrated but not assessed and scarcely discussed.
53 Hill, A History of Cyprus, 308-70.
36
More recent scholarship, was produced by Peter Edbury, whose studies are
predominantly focused on Frankish Cyprus.54 Edburys contribution to the
history of Cyprus is, without a doubt, undeniable, and some of his assertions
are definitive. His monograph The Kingdom of Cyprus and the Crusades
1191-1374 and episodic publication Kingdoms of the Crusaders from
Jerusalem to Cyprus hold explicitly particular importance. Edbury focuses on
the evidence regarding Peters reign and underlines his political motives in
his various studies. However, his approach to Peter, apart from his murder,
differs from that of this dissertation. Edbury suggests that Peters expeditions
and policies were motivated not by his wish to reconquer the Holy Land but
by his commercial alacrity. In his monograph, Machaut, Mézieres, Machairas
and Amadi: Constructing the Reign of Peter I (1359-1369) Edbury portrays
Peter as a political pretender and indicates his belief that Peters medieval
historiographers Mézieres and Machaut were publicists, with a clear
propagandist intent. This dissertation, however, despite challenges to
Edburys conclusions on Peters character, benefits from his bibliographical
survey, edited translations, and critical view, predominantly regarding the
subject's political aspects in the initial sourcing phase.
Additional work on the topic, although it is not as recent as Edburys
literature, is Kenneth Meyer Settons The Papacy and the Levant, 1204-
54 Peter Edbury, The Kingdom of Cyprus and the Crusades 1191-1374, (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1991); Idem, Kingdoms of the Crusaders from Jerusalem to
Cyprus, (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 1997); Idem., State of Research: Cyprus under
the Lusignans and Venetians,1991 Journal of Medieval History, 25-1 (1999), 57-65;
Idem., Machaut, Mézieres, Machairas, and Amadi; Idem., in Cyprus, Society and
Culture, 1191-1374, eds. A Nicolaou-Konnari and C Schabel (Leiden, Brill, 2005), 63-101;
Idem., The Latin East, 1291- in The Oxford History of the Crusades, ed. J Riley-Smith
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), 294-325.
37
1571.55 Settons definitive study provides a complete account of the political
history of the fourteenth century by skillfully assessing the documentary
evidence and creating a narrative accordingly. Like many previous scholarly
works regarding the period, this dissertation benefits from Settons vivid
demonstration of the fourteenth-century Mediterranean world. His study
draws a detailed picture of Peters wars and subsequent events of his reign.
Peters negotiations with the Mamluks and the papal and Italian interference
in the peace negotiations are clearly and well-documentarily provided by
Setton. Setton additionally draws a picture from the standpoint that Peters
actions, despite having pragmatical motives, were not solely political and
economical. Furthermore, Setton, although he refrains from coming to a
definitive conclusion, by analyzing the documentary evidence, portrays the
king as a person devoted to his life goals.56
55 Setton, The Papacy.
56 A separate literature review has been installed within the second chapter because the said
chapter focuses on the state of Cyprus before Peters coronation.
38
CHAPTER II
THE BEGINNING: The State of Cyprus in the Fourteenth Century: Economy
and Politics
And there was great wealth there: all rich lords…and the riches which they had are
beyond my power to describe, for the merchant ships of the Christians which came
from the West did not venture to do their business anywhere else but in Cyprus; and
all the trade of Syria was done in Cyprus. For thus were the commands and
prohibitions of the most holy pope on pain of excommunication, that the profit might
go to the poor Cypriots, because they dwell upon a rock in the sea, and upon one
side are the Saracens, the enemies of God, and on the other the Turks. And
because Syria is near Famagusta, men used to send their ships and convey their
wares to Famagusta, and they had agents there for the sale of their goods…And
when the ships of Venice, of Genoa, of Florence, of Pisa, of Catalonia and of all the
West arrived, they found the spices there and loaded their ships with whatever they
needed and went on their way to the West. And therefore the people of Famagusta
were rich and so was the whole island, and the land began to be an object of envy.57
-Leontios Machairas
Machairasdepiction of Cypriot wealth in the 14th has its logic which fits well
in the general picture, especially for the first half of the 14th. The economy of
14th Cyprus was an aspect that affected Peter's reign and became a
significant turning point for the kingdom's future. However, above all, it is
essential to define what is meant by the economy of Cyprus.
The Cypriot economy was heavily dependent on international trade. The
main contributors to wealth and prosperity were generated from the
57 Machairas, Recital, 92.
39
production and seaborne trade. The local economy was based on agricultural
production, which had been the traditional economic characteristic of Cyprus
since the island was under Byzantine rule, being one of the island's most
important sources of income.58 With the further expansion of the commercial
capacity of the island in the 13th, local production gained an international
identity, and the goods produced in Cyprus and the demand for these
products gradually increased, creating a demand for local products in the
West.
If Machairas' interpretation above is evaluated, about the Cyprus economy,
can it be said that it was that simple? It is much more complicated than that,
considering that the 14th century Cypriot economy witnessed major setbacks
and steps forward. Machairaspicture holds true, at least for the first half of
the 14th century as the Cypriot economy made impressive progress along
with its major commercial center, Famagusta. Contrary to this progress,
when Peter I was crowned in 1359, his father, Hugh IV, had exhausted the
royal treasury, whose contributions to the wars against the Turks and piracy
had adverse effects. Nevertheless, this contribution should not be considered
the sole reason behind the treasury's emptiness, despite making sense and
needs further examination.
58 For the economy of Cyprus in the Late Antiquity and Early Middle Ages, see Luca Zavagno,
Cyprus Between Late Antiquity and Early Middle Ages (ca. 600-800), an Island in Transition,
(London; New York: Routledge, 2017); David M. Metcalf, Byzantine Cyprus 491-1191,
(Nicosia: Theopress, 2009); Tassos Papacostas, Troodos Mountains of Cyprus in the
Byzantine Period: Archaeology, Settlement and Economy, Cahiers du Centre d’Études
Chypriotes, 43 (2013), 175200.
40
This section, in this sense, revisits the trading communities in Cyprus, whose
activities were boosted after the fall of Acre in 1291, strengthening Cyprus's
position as an entrepot between the East and the West. Revisiting these
communities is particularly important because their relations with Peter I
directly affected his reign, especially after the Alexandrian expedition.
Additionally, this section draws a general picture of the economic life of the
Kingdom of Cyprus in the first half of the 14th century, aiming to follow a
comparative approach by expressing the external effects on the economy,
such as the papal embargo.59
The 14th century Cyprus economy not only directly affected Peter's reign but
also marked a significant turning point for the future of the kingdom. In order
to understand the situation of Peter and the Kingdom of Cyprus, it is
essential to consider the century in general terms. However, first of all, it is
necessary to correctly distinguish what the "Cypriot Economy" means. The
Cypriot economy can be divided into two main elements. The first and most
prominent of these will be commercial activities. Cyprus was not only a base
for future Crusades, but it also served as an entrepot between East and
West. This function of Cyprus became so strong in the 13th century and the
first half of the 14th century that it almost came to a position to compete with
some important trade centers. We can easily say that all this trade was of an
international nature.60
59 Coureas, ” in Cyprus, Society and Culture, 154-55.
60 Ibid., 156.
41
The second economic element is agriculture and production, which is a part
of the local and international economy and constitutes the traditional
economic characteristic of Cyprus since the Byzantium. Agriculture was one
of the island's most important sources of income. With the further expansion
of the commercial capacity of the island in the 13th century, local production
gained an international identity, and the goods produced in Cyprus and the
demand for these products -which was increasing gradually- were
internationally traded between the West and the East. A significant part of the
local population was active in all this agricultural production. In this sense,
agriculture constituted an essential part of the local economy of Cyprus.61
In addition to these two important elements of the Cypriot economy,
craftsmanship could also be mentioned. But the weight of craftsmanship in
economic inputs is less. It can be said that Cyprus was important in branches
such as lumbering and woodworking, copper mining, and copper work. On
the other hand, the most important income sources of the state treasury were
taxes taken from agriculture and trade.62 Although the way these taxes were
collected changed from time to time, the exemptions and concessions
granted to Western merchants, in particular, became one of the reasons that
provoked the Cypriot merchants and manufacturers, as well as the Lords,
against Peter and prepared his end. Therefore, when discussing the Cypriot
61 Jean Richard, in the Crusader in A History of the Crusades, 275-276;
Luttrell, Sugar Industry and Its Importance for the Economy of Cyprus During the
Frankish in The Development of the Cypriot Economy: from the Prehistoric Period to
the Present Day, eds. V. Karageoghis and D. Michaelides (Nicosia: University of Cyprus; Bank
of Cyprus, 1996), 163-66.
62 Coureas, ” in Cyprus, Society and Culture, 155-60.
42
economy, trade, agriculture, production, and the role of the merchant
communities in this entire system will be prioritized.
2.1 Agriculture and Production
The topography of Cyprus mainly influenced the agriculture and production of
the island. In the center of the island was Mesaoria plain, which was
precipitated and crisscrossed by the rivers, thus making it ideal for growing
certain products, grain, and fruits. The most prevalently produced goods
were sugar, cereals, wine, and salt. But olives, olive oil, carob, cotton and
spices, and lentils, beans, and peas were the goods produced and
exported.63 Olive and wine production was largely based on the ideal
conditions the Trodos Mountains provided for the vegetation of olive trees
and grapes. However, grain production was by far the most crucial aspect of
Cypriot agriculture.64 Barley, wheat, and oats were the main crops, in
addition to beans, lentils, peas, linseed, and sesame oil. Agricultural
production was predominantly expanded through the Central and Southern
parts of the island. Sugar plantations were particularly important and also
prevalent alongside wine and cotton.65 These terrains were also suitable for
olive, carob, and fruit trees. In the 13th and 14th centuries, Venice and
Military Orders played a vital role in the trade of sugar cane and sugar
products. Kolossi, Episkopi, and Kouklia were where sugar was produced the
most. Some of the most important exports in the fourteenth century were
63 Coureas, ” 112.
64 Richard, in the Crusader 275.
65 Coureas, ” 112-13.
43
honey, wax, soap, and carobs, which were traded alongside the
Mediterranean as far as Tunis.66
As for the production, textiles, timber, and minerals such as silver were
important. Cotton plantations and sheep breeding were prevalent, and the
textile industry benefited from this. Camelottes, carpets, and many other
fabrics were produced and traded. Italian merchants were particularly
interested in the Cypriot textile, predominantly the Genoese and the
Venetians. The evidence shows that these merchants also exported the
Cypriot textile to Egypt, Cilicia, and Syria. According to Marino Sanudo,
cotton was widely produced in the fourteenth century in southeastern Cyprus,
near Limassol. Fabric production was also closely related to cotton
production, as the fabrics were obtained from the weaving of cotton and
wool.67
Sugar cane was also of extreme importance as sugar was one of the main
products exported, especially by the beginning of the fourteenth century. At
the beginning of the 13th century, some business for sugar production had
already been established, especially by the Hospitallers, the Templars, and
the Venetians.68 Nevertheless, the process of producing sugar was complex,
66 Luttrell, Sugar 166.
67 Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Middle Ages, (Princeton; New Jersey: Princeton
University Press, 1983), 62; Idem., Venetian Cotton Trade in Syria in the Later Middle
Studi Medievali Vol. 17 (1976), 686-87.
68 The Templars' situation changed at the beginning of the fourteenth century. Until the midfourteenth
century, the Ibelins were active in sugar production, but by the reign of Peter, this
monopoly shifted from the localities to the Westerners, as Venetians, especially the Cornaro
44
and Cypriot sugar, thanks to its well-established infrastructure, became vital,
especially in the 14th century, after the Black Death, which destroyed
Egyptian sugar production.69
Cypriot production benefited in the major part from its natural sources.
Famous geographer Idrisi, described 12th century Cyprus as a prosperous
center of resources such as timber and copper, which had been important
since Late Antiquity. Salt was another natural source due to the salt plains
located in the south of the island, producing an enormous amount of income
for the producers and the treasure. Salt lakes near Limassol, for
instance, generated five thousand bezants per year during Peter's reign.
According to Bustron, these lakes contributed more to the income obtained
from the natural sources of Cyprus.70 Moreover, the salt resources on the
island were close to Limassol and Larnaca ports, making these products
painless to transport.71 In the 13th and 14th centuries, the Venetians
benefited from salt trade, as this product was highly valued in Italy and was
family, became major producers and traders. See, Nicolas Coureas, Estates and
Agricultural Production on Fourteenth and Fifteenth Century in Islands and Military
Orders, c.1291-c.1798, ed. E. Buttigieg, S. Phillips (Ashgate: Farnham; Burlington, 2013), 215-
16; Marina Solomidou-Ieronymidou, The Crusaders, Sugar Mills and Sugar Production in
Medieval , in Archaeology and the Crusades, eds. Peter Edbury, Sophia Kalopissi-
Verti (Athens, 2007), 63.
69 After the fall of Acre in 1291, Western access to sugar became more expensive and
complicated. However, thanks to the papal bans and the Black Death, by the mid-fourteenth
century, Cyprus became one of the most important centers for the sugar trade. Sugar
production had been focused on the south and western part of the Mesaoira plain. See Marina
Solomidou-Ieronymidou, Crusaders, Sugar Mills and Sugar Production in Medieval
in Medieval Cyprus: a Place of Cultural Encounter, eds. Sabine Rogge, Michael
Grünbart (New York: Waxmann Verlag, 2015), 147-75.
70 Bustron, Chronique, 28; Coureas, Economy 106.
71 Nicolas Coureas, Structure and Content of the Notarial Deeds of Lamberto Di
Sambuceto and Giovanni Da Rocha, 1296- in Diplomatics in the Eastern
Mediterranean, 229.
45
famous for its bright white color. Aware of this demand, in the early 14th
century, King Hugh II decided to increase customs duties to export salt, and
despite the fact that the customs duties were doubled, the Italians continued
the salt trade throughout the century. Lastly, Trodos Mountains provided a
rich resource for the Cypriots: timber, prevalently exported and used for shipmaking.
72
2.2 Trade and The Trading Communities: Documentary Evidence
Among the sources regarding the economy of Cyprus in the early 14th
century, notarial acts are of paramount significance. Of the present evidence,
Genoese notary Lamberto Sambucetos registers are perhaps one of the
most valuable, as his registers shed light upon the early 14th century Cypriot
trade and merchant community, providing the historians with more than 1500
acts (5 volumes), recorded between 1296 and 1307.73 Despite some of his
registers are now lost, a primal part of his documents, alongside an
additional set of 88 documents, was compiled by his colleague, another
72 Coureas, Economy 108
73 Notai genovesi in Oltremare. Atti rogati a Cipro da Lamberto di Sambuceto (3 iuglio 1300–
3 agosto 1301), ed. V. Polonio, CSFS 31 (Genoa, 1982); Notai genovesi in Oltremare. Atti
rogati a Cipro da Lamberto di Sambuceto (6 iuglio–27 ottobre 1301), ed. R. Pavoni, CSFS 32
(Genoa, 1982); Notai genovesi in Oltremare. Atti rogati a Cipro da Lamberto di Sambuceto
(11 ottobre 1296–23 giugno 1299), ed. M. Balard, CSFS 39 (Genoa, 1983); Notai genovesi in
Oltremare. Atti rogati a Cipro da Lamberto di Sambuceto (31 marzo 1304–19 iuglio 1305, 4
gennaio–12 iuglio 1307), Giovanni d Rocha (3 agosto 1308–14 marzo 1310), ed. M. Balard,
CSFS 43 (Genoa, 1984); Notai genovesi in Oltremare. Atti rogati a Cipro da Lamberto di
Sambuceto (gennaio–agosto 1302), ed. R. Pavoni, CSFS 49 (Genoa, 1987). CSFS: Collana
storica di fonti e studi.
46
notary, Giovanni Rocha between 1308 and 1310.74 Moreover, 19th century
addition of further documents by Cornelius Desimondi contributes to the
richness of the archival evidence regarding the period.75 This richness is
extended even further by more recent scholars, and further documents are
published.76 Lamberto arrived in Famagusta around 1296 after spending
three years in Caffa, working as a notary and scribe for the commune of
Genoa.77 In Famagusta, he used a shop owned by a spicer, Bertozzo
Latinus, as his seat, but eventually moved to another shop, possessed by a
Genoese named Peter Pelleterius. The exact locations of the shops are not
precise, but Edbury claims that the shops may have been situated near the
harbor and Genoese loggia.78 One of the most important recordsis the
manual of an employee of the Florentine banking house of Bardi,79
74 The earliest track of Giovannis presence on the islands dates back to 1306. It is not known
if he was on the island before this date. See, Mas Latrie, Histoire, 2, 152; Lamberto
Sambuceto, 1304-1305-1307, Giovanni de Rocha, 1308-1310, [Balard], 9-10.
75 Cornelius Desimoni, Actes passés à Famagouste de 1299 à 1301 par devant le notaire
génois Lamberto di Sambuceto Archives de l Orient latin, 2 (1884). For a study on the Cypriot
documents in Archivio di Stato, see Geo Pistarino, Fonti documentarie genovesi per la storia
medievale di Cipro, in Saggi e Documenti del Civico Istituto Colombiano, Vol. 6, ed. Civico
Istituto Colombiano (Genova, 1985). For the works of Lamberto Sambuceto and Giovanni
Rocha, see, Nicholas Coureas, The Structure and Content of the Notarial Deeds of Lamberto
di Sambuceto and Giovanni da Rocha 1296-1310, in Diplomatics in the Eastern
Mediterranean, 223-34.
76 Michel Balard, W. Duba and Chris Schabel, Actes de Famagouste du notaire génois
Lamberto di Sambuceto (décembre 1299 – septembre 1300) (Nicosia: Centre de Recherche
Scientifique, 2012); Michel Balard, L. Balletto and Chris Schabel, Gênesetl Outre-
Mer.Actesnotariésde Famagouste et d autres localités du Proche-Orient (XIVe–XVe) (Nicosia:
Centre de Recherche Scientifique, 2013); For a discourse on the new documents, see, Michel
Balard, New Documents on Genoese Famagusta in Crusading And Trading Between West
And East: Studies In Honour of David Jacoby, eds. Sophia Menache, Benjamin Z. Kedar and
Michel Balard (London; New York: Routledge, 2019), 147-61.
77 For Caffa, see, Michel Balard, ed. Les actes de Caffa du notaire Lamberto di Sambuceto,
1289–1290: Documents et recherches sur l'économie des pays byzantins, islamiques et
slaves et leurs relations commerciales au Moyen Âge, Vol. 12, (Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter
Mouton, 2018).
78 Peter Edbury, Franks in Cyprus Society and Culture, 100.
79 For the banking houses, see below.
47
Francesco Balducci Pegolottis La pratica della mercatura.80 Pegolotti was a
resident on the island between 1324 and 1329, but returned to Florence in
1329, coming back around 1335 or 1336.81 His experiences in Famagusta
and Nicosia provide valuable information for the researchers, and his
manuals are particularly important as these records provide evidence about
the variety of communities traded in Cyprus, the role of the merchant
communities in this trade, and the geographical information on the trade of
the commodities. For example, Pegollottis notes show that among the
regions Cypriot ports contacted to, were Syria, Egypt, Cilician Armenia,
Anatolian coasts, Black Sea, Aegean and Greek Islands, Mediterranean
Islands, Bosphorus, Italy, Southern France, Spain, Catalonia, Tunis, Britain,
and Flanders.82
Even though the documentary evidence to draw a picture in Cypriot trade
and economy in the first half of the 14th century is generous, it is necessary
to underpin the scarcity of evidence due to a paucity of chronicles and
notarial deeds on the subject after 1350. Compared to the early 14th century,
inadequacy in the documentary evidence, especially in the notarial evidence,
may be attributed to political developments in the Levant. Continuous
Mamluk attacks on the Kingdom of Cilician Armenia interrupted the trade
80 Francesco Balducci Pegolotti, La Pratica della Mercatura, ed. Allan Evans (Cambridge: The
Academy, 1936).
81 Laura Balletto, Cipro nel manuale di mercatura di Francesco Balducci Pegolotti, in
Praktika tou Deuterou Diethnous Kupriologikou Sunedriou Vol. 2, eds. Theodore
Papadopoullos Benoit Englezakis (Nicosia: Etaireia Kupriakou Spoudou, 1986), 259-67;
Nicholas Coureas, Relations Between Cyprus and Chios 1300- Eπετηρίδα
του Κέντρου Επιστημονικών Ερευνών, 29 (2003), 44.
82 Pegolotti, La Pratica della Mercatura.
48
routes, and the interruption was worsened by the fall of Laiazzo and Sis in
1332 and 1337. In addition to the ever-increasing piracy, these events fed
the western urge to assemble a naval league.83 Moreover, security concerns
in Syria and Persia led the Italian merchants to prohibit trade in Persia in
1338, 1340, and 1341. Eventually, in the 1340s, trade routes from Cilicia and
the Black Sea to Alexandria and Syrian ports mainly were interrupted.84 This
also caused the merchants to push the papacy to lift the embargo on Egypt.
Furthermore, the coastal towns of Syria and Palestine were destroyed in
1291. The conquest was so destructive that Acre, Tyron, Beirut, Djubail were
severely damaged and almost razed to the ground. By the mid-fourteenth
century, these towns had not yet been recovered. A visitor, William of
Boldensale describes that the cities of Acre and Tyre were still damaged in
1332, and the port of Acre was crushed under the remnants of destroyed
houses.85 Likewise, Giacomo of Verona reports that Tyre was not inhabited
while Acre was not any better, where only a few Muslims resided.86 Ludolf of
Sudheim, a German priest who spent his time in the Levant between 1336
and 1341, also describes Acre as a destroyed place where only some poor
people live.87 A Franciscan, Niccolo Poggibonsi, who traveled to the Holy
83 See below Capture of
84 Ashtor, Levant Trade, 64-65; Nicholas Coureas, Cyprus and Lesser Armenia:
1195-1375,” Eπετηρίδα του Κέντρου Επιστημονικών Ερευνών, 21 (1995), 37.
85 Carl Ludwig Grotefend, Die Edelherrn von Boldensele oder Boldensel,” Zeitschrift des
historischen Vereins für Niedersachsen (1852), 242-43.
86 Ashtor, Levant Trade, 42.
87 Ludolphus de Sudheim, De Itinere Terre Sancte, ed. Guillaume Antoine Neumann,
Archives de l Orient Latin Vol. 2 (1884), 340.
49
Land for pilgrimage, also describes Acre, as a place only a few poor people
resided, and its port was unusable, filled in the Muslims.88 However, this is
different from saying that trading relations with the merchant communities
were completely diminished in these regions, despite the fact that the
western merchants felt insecure. Pegolotti describes the conditions of trade,
which shows that merchant traffic continued.89
As for narrative evidence, Ludolf of Sudheim, provides some clues for the
researchers. In addition, his travels provide information about the economy of
the towns such as Salamis and Limassol.90 But, in the sense of notarial
evidence, Venetian notary Nichola and Simeones deeds are the
primary archival documentation contributing to the Cypriot trade between the
1350s and 1370s.91 These records are particularly significant since these are
drawn up during the reign of Peter I. Boateriis stayed in Cyprus between
1360 and 1362 and Simeone between 1362 and 1364, coming to Cyprus
again in 1368 staying until 1371.
2.3 The Trading Communities in Cyprus
As has already been mentioned, the fall of Acre provoked rapid immigration
to Cyprus. However, migration to Cyprus, predominantly to Famagusta, had
88 Niccolo de Poggibonsi, Libro D'oltramare Di Fra (Charleston: Nabu Press, 2012), 80.
89 Pegolotti, La Pratica della Mercatura, 69.
90 Sudheim, De Itinere Terre Sancte Ludollf von in Excerpta Cypria ed. Claude D.
Cobham, (Cambridge: At the University Press, 1908), 19-21.
91 Nicola de Boateriis, Notaio in Famagusta e Venezia (1355-1365), ed. Antonino Lombardo
(Venice, 1973); Catherine Otten-Froux, notaire vénitien à Famagouste au XIVe siècle.
Les actes de Simeone, prêtre de San Giacomo dell'orio (1362- Thesaurismata, 33
(2003), 15-159.
50
already begun as early as the 1240s as an immediate effect of the Muslim
advance in the Holy Land. The continuous fall of the Latin settlements in
Palestine and Syria boosted migration, especially after 1265, reaching its
peak by 1291.92 The need for more data on the immigrants in Cyprus makes
it problematic to draw a clear picture of the numbers and whereabouts of the
immigrants. However, some clues make it possible to estimate the diversity
to some extent. In the latter half of the 13th century, the population
movement included Arabic-speaking Christians, Jacobite Syrians, and Syrian
Melkites that exceeded the Greek population in Famagusta.93 Until the fall of
Acre, the settlers in Syria and Palestine had an opportunity to immigrate to
Acre and Beirut, but this option disappeared in perpetuum when Acre fell. As
a result, Cyprus was crowded by immigrants from Laodicea, Beirut, Gibelet,
Tyre, Tortosa, Sidon, Tripoli as well as those from Antioch, due to the
advance of Sultan Baybars, fled to Cyprus and settled in Famagusta,
Nicosia, and Limassol.94
92 John L. LaMonte,A Register of the Cartulary of the Cathedral of Santa Sophia of Nicosia
Register of Nicosia”, Byzantion, 5 (1929-1930), 439-522 no. 61. Originally published by Mas
Latrie in his work Histoire Vol. 3 (see David Jacoby, Medieval Trade in the
Eastern Mediterranean and Beyond: Variorum Collected Studies (London; New York:
Routledge, 2018), 114-15; Idem, Mercanti genovesi e veneziani e le loro merci nel Levante
crociato in Genova, Venezia, il Levante nei secoli XII-XIV. Atti del Convegno Internazionale
di Studi, Genova-Venezia, 10-14 marzo 2000, eds. Gherardo Ortalli and Dino Puncuh
(Genova: Ivsla, 2001), 221-23; Coureas, Economy in Cyprus Society and Culture, 128-29;
Edbury, The Kingdom of Cyprus, 101-102.
93 Ibid., 14. For the communities on the island, see Andrekos Varnava, Nicholas Coureas, and
Marina Elia, eds. The Minorities of Cyprus: Development Patterns and the Identity of the
Internal-Exclusion, (Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2014); For the population of
Cyprus, see also, Benjamin Arbel, "Cypriot Population under Venetian Rule: A Demographic
Study", Μελέται καί Υπομνήματα, 1 (1984), 183-215; David Jacoby, Frankish States of
the Levant and Cyprus under the Lusignans: a Century of Relations (1191- in From
Aphrodite to Melusine: Reflections on the Archaeology and the History of Cyprus, eds. Matteo
Campagnolo and Marielle Martiniani-Reber (Geneva: La Pomme 2007), 121-38.
94 For the people from Acre resided in Famagusta, see Sambuceto, 1299-1301, [Desimoni],
nos. 224, 225, 292, 295; Konnari and Schabel, Cyprus Society and Culture, 128; Balard,
Documents on Genoese Famagusta,” 148.
51
This rapid influx of population to Cyprus had a negative outcome at the end
of the 13th century as it had damaged the economic life, causing the food
prices and rents to skyrocket. Moreover, the value of the goods and services
the immigrants provided drastically dropped down, reducing them to poverty
which had already been a major problem for them. What is more, harvest
failures in the 1290s and 1300s worsened the conditions for the immigrants.
King Henry II endeavored to relieve the pressure on the price of bread by
issuing an ordinance.95 Henry linked Famagusta to the Kingdom of
Jerusalem, commercially and institutionally, acknowledging the offices and
the privileges associated with it, which was an attempt to reconstitute the
Kingdom of Jerusalem on Cyprus.96
Those of Italian origins, mostly the Genoise and the Venetians, became a
part of the population influx.97 Italian merchantsgrowing interest reached its
95 Marino Sanudo Torsello, The Book of the Secrets of the Faithful of the Cross, ed. Peter
Lock (London: Ashgate, 2013), 232; Paul Crawford, trans. The 'Templar of Tyre': Part 3 of the
'Deeds of the Cypriots', (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003), nos. 268, 280; Jean Richard,
Lordonnance de Décembre 1296 sur le prix du pain à , in Orient et Occident au
Moyen Age: contacts et relations XIIe- XVe siecle, ed. Jean Richard (London: Variorum, 1976),
xx, 45-46; Edbury, the Kingdom of Cyprus, 101.
96 Konnari and Schabel, Cyprus Society and Culture, 128; See also Peter Edbury,
Society ca. 1300 from the Registers of Lamberto di in Die Kreuzfahrerstaaten
als multikulturelle Gesellschaft: Einwanderer und Minderheiten im 12. und 13. Jahrhundert,
ed. Hans Eberhard Mayer (Munich, Oldenbourg, 1997), 8795; Michel Balard, ctivité
commerciale en Chypre dans les années in Crusade and Settlement, ed. Peter Edbury
(Cardiff, 1985), 25163. For the trading communities in the ports before the fall of Acre, see
Nicholas Coureas, Merchants and the Ports of Cyprus up to Proceedings of
the International Symposium ‘Cyprus and the Sea Nicosia 25–26 September 1993, (Nicosia,
1995), 25561.
97 David Jacoby, the Rise of a New Emporium in the Eastern Mediterranean: Famagusta in
the Late Thirteenth Century, Μελέται και Υπομνήματα, 1 (1984), 151-52; Jean Richard, Le
peuplement latin et syrien en Chypre au XIIIe siecle, Byzantinische Forschungen 7, (1979),
168-70; Konnari and Schabel, Cyprus Society and Culture (Brill, Boston, 2005), 13; For the
geographical proximity of Famagusta to the Cilician Armenia and its effects on the increasing
52
peak after the fall of Acre as, for instance, Venetians appointed a consul in
Limassol and, due to increasing Venetian refugees in Famagusta, transferred
their main officer to this city with the title of Venetian bailo in Cyprus.98 In
1302 and 1308, Venetians appointed additional officers, respectively; the
consul of Nicosia and the bailo of Limassol.99 The Genoese, cultivated their
presence on the island, as well. From 1292 on, the Genoese podestas
resided in Nicosia, where the Genoese loggia was established after 1297.
Genoese officers were also placed in Limassol, Paphos, and Famagusta. At
the beginning of the 14th century, the Genoese possessed a warehouse in
Famagusta, and they were contemplating to install a church dedicated to St.
Lawrence, which they already acquired in Nicosia.100
The escalating interest of the Italian merchants elevated Cyprus into an
international commercial hub in the first decade of the 14th century. From the
notaries of Lamberto Sambuceto, we are well aware of the Genoese
activities on the Cypriot trade. At the beginning of the 14th century, Genoese
merchants concentrated on the grain trade, which generated around %30 of
all commodities traded between Cyprus and Cilician Armenia. Most of the
merchants involved in the grain trade between the two kingdoms were
importance of the city, see Jean Richard, La situation juridique de Famagouste dans le
royaume des Lusignan, in Orient et Occident au Moyan Age: contacts et relations (XIIe-XVe
siécles), ed. Idem (London: Variorum, 1976), 221-22.
98 Bailo was a position that the officer who had the authority to exercise judicial power,
concerning the agreements between the Venetians. See, Jacoby, Medieval Trade in the
Eastern Mediterranean, 34.
99 Ibid.
100 Peter Edbury, Society ca. 1300 from the Registers of Lamberto di Sambuceto
in Kingdoms of the Crusaders, xvii, 90; Konnari and Schabel, Cyprus Society and Culture,
130.
53
Genoese, although immigrants from Latin Syria and merchants from Western
Europe were involved in the grain trade, as well.101 In the notarial acts,
Laiazzo seems to be the main destination for the grain exported from Cyprus,
but also Tarsus is mentioned in the documents. In November 1300, records
show that two arrangements were made; one of which was made between
Oddone Sexto, Nicholas Signano, and Conrad Clavaro. Conrad loaded
wheat worth of 954 white bezants in Paphos sailed to Tarsus and returned to
Famagusta, receiving 1/4 of the total profit.102 In the same month, another
contract to export wheat and barley to Cilicia was drawn between Nicholas
de Monleone and Giacomino Pinellus. Nicholas received a loan from Pinellus
to invest in this trade to Laiazzo, guaranteeing to repay in his return.103
Pisans and Sicilians also migrated to Cyprus, chiefly to Famagusta, even
though it is unclear how many of the Pisan immigrants arrived in Cyprus
before the fall of Acre and how many arrived directly from Italy. Among the
Pisans, were merchants and artisans, in addition to some families, among
which were Tuscans of Pisan nationals.104 In 1291, Henry II granted them the
right to have their judicial officer and promised their safety. Their loggia was
101 Nicholas Coureas, Genoese Merchants and the Export of Grain from Cyprus to Cilician
Armenia: 1300-1310, Hask Hayakidagan, 11, (2009), 1.
102 Sambuceto, 1300-1301, [Polonio] 31, no. 69.
103 Ibid., no. 100.
104 Coureas, in Cyprus Society and Culture, 128. In the end of the thirteenth
century, Pisans developed a favorable relationship with the Mamluks. This community was
notably active in the Alexandrian trade, see, Les gestes des Chiprois: Recueil de chroniques
françaises écrites en Orient au 13e & 14e siècles (Philippe de Navarre et Gérard de Montréal)
publié pour la première fois pour la Société de l'Orient latin, ed. Gaston Reynaus (Geneve:
Imprimerie Jules-Guillaume Fick, 1887), 234-35. Due to the advanced relations of the Pisans
with the Mamluks, merchants of Florence and San Gimignano claimed that they were Pisan
nationals. See Ashtor, Levant Trade, 14.
54
situated in Limassol and Famagusta, of which the latter was subordinate to
the former.105 Sicilian trade was intensified on the island as there was a
considerable number of Sicilians from Syracuse, Tapani, Palermo, and
Messina.106 Merchants from Marseilles, Barcelona, and Majorca contributed
to Cypriot trade in the same period.107
It can also be observed that Pisans remained active on the island, as they
are frequently mentioned in the documents. Most of them enjoyed the
commerce in Cyprus to the point that a Pisan, Siger Nucius Porcellus
acquired wood for shipbuilding in Famagusta, in 1325. Among the Pisan
residents, there was a variety; Pisan officers, bailiffs, notaries, as well as
artisans, tailors, dyers, clothiers, and sailors. However, the Pisan communes
interest in the Pisans in Cyprus diminished in the later decades, and some of
the residents became subjects to the Lusignans. In 1364, a Pisan involved in
a fight was sentenced by the Genoese podesta. Pisans collaborated with
other Pisans and Genoese, in addition to Venetians and Tuscans, trading a
wide variety of goods such as vine, cotton, drapes, sugar, grain, textiles,
carobs, and ginger. Pisans predominantly traded to Cilician Armenia but also
transported goods to Venice, Aegean islands, and Adriatic littoral.108
105 Coureas, in Cyprus Society and Culture, 134; Catherine Otten-Froux,
Pisans en Chypre au Moyen- in Πρακτικά του Δεύτερου Διεθνούς Κυπρολογικού
Συνεδρίου, Vol. 2, ed. Theodoros Papadopoullos (Nicosia: Society of Cypriot Studies, 1986),
128-130,137; Pegolotti, La Pratica della Mercatura, xx, 84.
106 Sambuceto, 1299-1301, [Desimoni], nos, 170, 241, 324, 374, 394, 395.
107 Ibid., nos, 73, 429, 457.
108 Coureas, in Cyprus Society and Culture, 135; Otten-Froux, Pisans en
Chypre au Moyen- 130-37.
55
Several families and banking houses signed contracts, enjoying the
economic boom of Cypriot trade and investments in the early 14th century.
Genoese families of de Mari109, Rubei110, de Porta111, Clavaro112, Florentine
banking houses of Bardi113, Peruzzi114, and Mozzi115 and Piacenzan
Cavazoli,116 and Pietro Diani117 were among the investors, in addition to the
Catalans and Christians from Syria. Some of these banking houses and their
contractors held privileges. For instance, Florentine merchantscustoms
duties were reduced by King Hugh IV in 1324, from %4 to %2, leveling up
with the Pisan, Anconitan, Provençal, and Catalans. Before this, only the
Florentines who had been employed by the Bardi and Peruzzi paid %2 of
customs instead of %4.118 Banking houses of Bardi, Peruzzi, and Mozzi
invested in grain trade to Cyprus from Naples, and Lamberto Sambucetos
109 Sambuceto, 1296-99, no. 37.
110 Ibid., no. 138.
111 Sambuceto, 1297, [Balard] 39, no. 12.
112 Sambuceto, 1299-1301, [Desimoni], no. 48.
113 Ibid., no. 109.
114 Sambuceto, 1300-1301, [Polonio] 31, no. 76.
115 Sambuceto, 1299-1301, [Desimoni], no. 109.
116 Sambuceto, 1302, no. 64.
117 Sambuceto, 1302, nos. 18, 102.
118 Pegolotti, LaPratica della Mercatura, 84; Coureas, in Cyprus Society and
Culture, 137; Nicholas Coureas, Relations Between Cyprus and Florence in
the14th Century” Eπετηρίδα του Κέντρου Επιστημονικών Ερευνών 15, (1999), 62.
56
deeds show that these houses lent and borrowed significant sums that
several trading nations involved in transactions.119
Notarial deeds delineate that Florentines, too, enjoyed Cypriot trade in the
early 14th century. Florentine banking houses sponsored grain trade
predominantly from Apulia to Cyprus. In October 1300, employees of the
Peruzzi and Bardi, namely Ianotuccio Bartoli and Lipus Bonacorso, launched
a ship from Barletta loaded with wheat by a vessel belonging to Lorenzo
Goso. Loaded on the ship were 17.466 salmae120 of wheat but the cargo,
except for 80 salmae, were confiscated by the Venetian officers in the port of
Candia in Crete. The cargo had been purchased by Marino Sanudo to be
undertaken to Cilician Armenia for the purpose of reselling it. When the ship
arrived at Famagusta, Bartoli and Bonacorso complained to the Venetian
consul Niccolo Zugno, expecting to receive compensation.121
Although they continued trading, the Florentine activities were reduced in
Cyprus due to the relaxation of the papal embargo in 1344 and the collapse
of the banking houses of the Bardi and Peruzzi, who financed the King
Edward III of Englands campaigns against France, but not get paid back.
Before 1345, these banking houses had been assisting the naval league
against the Turks and contributed to the capture of Smyrna in 1344.
119 Sambuceto, 1300-1301 [Desimoni], nos. 102, 142, 178.
120 In provinces such as Naples and Sicily, grain was measured in salmae. 1 salmae equals
roughly 3 hectoliters, which equals 300 liters.
121 Sambuceto, 1300-1301, [Polonio] 31, no. 76. For Candia in the Levant trade, see Ashtor,
Levant Trade, 38-39.
57
However, in 1345, the Commune of Florence refused the popes request for
financial support to the league.122 Nevertheless, Florentine merchants
continued to trade in Cyprus to some extent. For instance, according to the
notarial deeds, the number of Florentines trading in Cyprus was 46 in the first
decade of the 14th century, but this number reduced to 5 around 1360. It also
applies to the number of the Pisan merchants, as there were 97 merchants
but reduced to 1 in the same period.123 The decline of Florentine activities in
Cyprus was inevitable but not diminished completely. Boateriisnotes
indicate that Florentines maintained their activities during the reign of Peter I.
Merchants exported textiles (capes) from Famagusta and Limassol, and sold
slaves on the island. In an instance, Merchants also acted as mediators
between Peter I and Florentine Barna Luce Alberti.124
Provençals and the Catalans were other communities on the island. These
communities collaborated with the Templars in the early 14th century.125
Despite the war between Aragon and Anjou disrupting the routes, Marseillais
continued to draw contracts involving Cyprus.126 Notarial evidence proves
122 Coureas, Relations Between Cyprus and 64.
123 Coureas, in Cyprus Society and Culture, 136; Laura Balletto, Toscani nel
Mediterraneo: lOccidente, lAfrica, Cipr in La Toscana nel secolo XIV. Caratteri di una civiltà
regionale, ed. Sergio Gensini (Pisa, 1988), 261-63.
124 Nicola de Boateriis, Notaio, nos. 14, 101, 113, 143.
125 Sambuceto, 1299-1301, [Desimoni], nos. 73, 74; Idem., 1300-1301, [Polonio], nos. 221,
240, 241.
126 Coureas, in Cyprus Society and Culture, 136. For the routes from/to Marseilles,
see John Henry Pryor, Geography, Technology and War, Studies in the Maritime History of
the Mediterranean 649-1571. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 89-90. For a
particular study on the Provençal trade, see Nicholas Coureas, Provençal Trade with Cyprus
in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth CenturiesEπετηρίδα του Κέντρου Επιστημονικών Ερευνών,
22 (Nicosia, 1996), 69-92.
58
that the Templars, Catalans, Pisans, Genoese, and Piacenzan banking
houses of Scotti and Pietra Dani participated in the Provençal contracts.127 In
1300, a vessel bound to a Marseillais Geoffrey Cervera was loaded with
cotton, sugar, pepper, and ginger. Ships cruised to Provence loaded the
goods originated from Cilician Armenia, Syria, and Egypt, and some ships
loaded their cargo in these regions before taking off from Famagusta, which
also shows the importance of Cyprus as a bilateral exchange point in the
Eastern Mediterranean.128
Provençals and Catalans also arranged business contracts with the
Hospitallers, but the business relations were disrupted when the Hospitallers
transferred their headquarters to Rhodes and the Templars were doomed by
the papacy.129 On the other hand, according to the evidence, Catalans were
involved in piracy against the Genoese and Venetians and also violated the
papal embargo in some instances. Moreover, between 1318 and 1325,
Catalans allied with the Turks and extended their acts of piracy. In June
1318, a fleet of sixteen Catalan and Turkish ships, with around two thousand
Turkish soldiers on board, was expected to attack Crete.130 Nonetheless,
Catalan trading relations remained after the relaxation of the embargo in
1344. New destinations like Beirut and Syria were elevated for the merchants
127 Sambuceto, 1300-1301, nos. 148, 246-247, 413; Idem., 1301, nos. 18, 102.
128 Sambuceto, 1300-1301, nos. 121, 246.
129 Sambuceto, 1301, no. 6.
130 Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 111, 170-71, 203-205, 707-708, 728-36. Boateriis, Notaio, nos.
59, 155. See also, David Jacoby, Recherches sur la mediterranee orientale du XIIe au XVe:
Peuples, sociétés, économies, (London: Variorum Reprints, 1974), 246-50.
59
as many ships began bypassing Cyprus for Syria and Alexandria, except the
times that they were assigned for the trade of local Cypriot commodities such
as sugar after the 1360s.131 Customs dues, however, became a matter of
disturbance among the Provençals. In consequence of their complaints to
Pope Urban V, Peter I approved lowering the customs dues (which had
previously been increased to 4 percent) to 2 percent (1 percent on export),
chartering dues to 1/10 (from 1/5) in 1363, when he was in France, and
extended their criminal and jurisdictional powers, as he had done in 1360 by
granting extended powers to Venetian baili.132
Another community that established trading relations with Cyprus was
Anconitans. In the early 14th century, Anconitans chiefly traded cotton from
Cyprus and Cilicia, as Ancona was the main cotton provider to central Italy.
Notarial acts show that several shipments were made between 1300 and
1301. In October 1301, for instance, Baronus Pellegrinus Calantes ship was
loaded with cotton, sugar, and incense to be transferred to Ancona by Lipus
di Ancona.133 Later on, in collaboration with his partners and bankers of
Peruzzi, he exported salt from Cyprus to be sold in Ancona and Venice.134 In
other instances, Anconitans carried commodities to Cyprus loaded at ports
131 Coureas, in Cyprus Society, and Culture, 140-41.
132 Lettres d'Urbain V (1362-1370): Textes et Analyses, Vol. 1, ed. Camille Tihon (Rome:
Institut Historique Belge, 1928), nos. 115, 185; Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 250, 268-72; Hill,
History of Cyprus, 317
.
133 Sambuceto, 1301, [Pavoni] 32, nos. 220, 221.
134 Ibid., 1302, [Pavoni], 49, nos. 159, 164.
60
other than Italy.135 Collaborated with the Anconitans were the Genoese and
Venetians from Latin Syria.136 According to the notes of Pegolotti, some of
the main commodities traded by the Anconitans, in addition to cotton, sugar,
and incense, were salt, spices, honey, grain, cotton waste, wine, olive oil,
legumes, wool, oars, textile, wax, and soap.137 Boateriisrecords, on the
other hand, indicate that Anconitans continued trading during the reign of
Peter I, as one of the documents mentioning carobs were loaded at Limassol
to be transferred to Venice, and several documents showing that local
products such as sugar were traded several times in the 1360s.138
Merchant communities contributed not only to the long-distance trade but
also short and medium distance trade, mostly under Genoese and Venetian
dominance. Venetians had already captured Crete in the early 13th century
and had control over Euboea, a Greek island, after 1204, and their control
increased in the latter half of the century.139 Genoese, on the other hand,
founded their colonies in Pera and Caffa, and also assisted the Hospitallers
to capture Rhodes in the early 14th century. Thus, Cyprusposition quickly
elevated and the island integrated into the commercial activities in the region.
Sicilian, Pisans, Provençals, and Cretan Jews participated in these networks,
135 For trade from Pera, Giovanni de Rocha, (1308-1310), [Balard], nos. 28, 69.
136 Coureas, Cyprus Society and Culture, 145.
137 Pegolotti, La pratica della Mercatura, 83-84, 93-94, 157-58.
138 Boateriis, Notaio, nos. 85, 91, 93, 145, 177.
139 See Coureas, Commercial Relations between Cyprus and Euboea, 1300-1362,
Σύμμεικηα, 13, (2004). 87-100.
61
but this participation was overshadowed by the Venetians, Genoese, and
Greeks.140
From the notarial documents, it can be observed that in addition to the
Genoese and the Venetians, Sicilians, Pisans, and native Greeks were
involved in trade between Cyprus and Rhodes in the early 14th century.141
Present evidence indicates that during the reign of Peter I, trade between
Cyprus Rhodes and Crete was intensified in which even Greeks from
Constantinople and Peleponnese took part. For instance, in 1361, an
authorized Venetian was appointed to investigate a robbery in Famagusta,
Rhodes, and Crete. Other deeds mentioning two Cretans sailing from
Famagusta via Limassol and Paphos on their way to Rhodes.142 Kyrenia is
mentioned as well as it functioned as a place of embarkation for those
traveling to Rhodes and Anatolia, especially for those from Rhodes who
undertook a journey to Anatolia.143
Genoese, Venetian, and Anconitan traders from Cyprus and Crete were also
involved in trade between these regions. For example, merchants bonded to
Cyprus coming from the West stopped by Venetian ports of Crete and
Euboea before reaching Cyprus in the 1330s. These merchants carried
140 Coureas, Cyprus Society and Culture, 148.
141 Sambuceto, 1300-1301, no. 272; Ibid., 1301, no. 235.
142 Boateriis, Notaio, nos. 28, 29, 98. Boccaccio mentions a Cypriot merchant coming from
Paphos who visited Rhodes. See, Giovanni Boccaccio, Decameron, lxii-lxiii, 141-42; Konnari,
Schabel, Cyprus Society and Culture, 150.
143 Boateriis, Notaio, nos. 98-99, 114, 139-40.
62
spice, grain, cheese, olive oil, cereals to Cyprus, loading salt and sugar for
their return.144 Crete and Cyprus were mentioned in also slave trade in the
1350s, in which dealers and purchasers mentioned chiefly resided in
Famagusta.145 Documents show that a Jewish community and Jewish
travelers also existed in Famagusta before and during the reign of Peter I. In
September 1352, a Jewish in Crete received a debt to undertake a journey to
Famagusta, and another acknowledged debts promising to repay.146
In the fourteenth century, a powerful Venetian family, named the Cornaro
family, who had already possessed estates in Crete and Candia, and also
practiced cultivation, moved a branch in Cyprus. Cornaro family exported the
wheat and wine they produced in their estates in Crete to Karpathos Island
and Cyprus. Their Cypriot estates were predominantly situated in Episkopi,
where they were involved in sugar plantation and refinement, exporting their
product from Limassol.147
Boateriisdocuments refer to a Cypriot interest in Euboean slaves traded on
the island. According to the documents, a slave market was situated in
Nicosia, and mention a Venetian officers bid, which was the highest, in an
144 Ashtor, Levant Trade, 38-39. Crete was a significant spice market that, in some instances,
the payments were made in pepper. See, Benvenuto Brixano Notio in Candia: 1301-1302.
Fonti relative alla Storia di Venezia, Venezia, 1950, nos. 233, 382.
145 Boateriis, Notaio, nos. 60, 80-81.
146 Sambuceto, 1300-1301, no. 8; Boateriis, Notaio, no. 126; Machairas, Recital, Vol. 1, 397;
Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 3, 734.
147 Nicholas Coureas, Commercial Activity in the Town of Limassol during the Fourteenth and
Fifteenth centuriesEπετηρίδα του Κέντρου Επιστημονικών Ερευνών 28 (Nicosia, 2002), 23,
27-31; Anthony T. Luttrell, The Greeks of Rhodes under Hospitaller rule, 1306-1421, Rivista
di Studi Bizantini e Neoellenici , 29 (1993), 200-201.
63
auction that the officer purchased a slave and then freed him. Among those
who participated in the auction was an officer of Peter I. In some cases, the
slaves freed themselves, and in some others, the vendee liberated them. 148
2.4 Politics and Holy War
The fourteenth-century politics of Cyprus and the Mediterranean was
affected by some significant megrims. The most crucial Christian outpost in
the East, Acre fell in May 1291. Consequently, the Christians lost almost all
of their settlements in Syria and Palestine due to flooding Mamluk troops and
increasing political pressure. The fall of Acre followed the fall of Tyre in May,
Sidon, Beirut, and Jaffa in July, and many others in the following months. In a
brief period of time, the Christians' political existence in the Holy Land had
been destroyed, which was painful for the Christians. However, it was an
expected end for the Christians for a long time, as what they had in the Holy
Land were remnants of a once more powerful state. The fall of Acre was a
vital blow as any future Christian expedition to the East would need a safe
port to recover what was lost. With the fall of Acre, now that it turned out to
be a complicated and dangerous move to organize an expedition.149
148 Boateriis, Notaio, nos. 2, 52, 60, 77, 78, 100, 123, 123, 124, 152, 157, 167; Machairas,
Recital, Vol. 1, 482.
149 For the Latin settlements and the collapse of the Latin rule, see Jean Richard, The Latin
Kingdom of Jerusalem (Amsterdam; New York: North-Holland, 1979); Steven Runciman, A
History of the Crusades 4 Vols. (Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999);
Marshall W. Baldwin and Kenneth Meyer Setton, eds., A History of the Crusades, Volume 1:
The First Hundred Years (University of Wisconsin Press, 2006); Marie Luise Favreau-Lilie,
Military Orders and the Escape of the Christian Population from the Holy Land in
Journal of Medieval History Vol. 19 (1993), 201-27. Riley Smith specifically focuses on the
topic, for a selection of his works, see Jonathan Riley-Smith, Crusaders and Settlers in the
Latin East (London: Routledge, 2008); Idem., Feudal Nobility and the Kingdom of Jerusalem,
1174-1277 (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 1973); Idem, Knights of St.John in Jerusalem and
64
On the other hand, the fall of the Christian polities in the East underlined the
importance of the Kingdom of Cyprus, and to an extent, the Kingdom of
Cilician Armenia. On the one side, the Christians lost their most valuable
assets in the East But, for them, it was not as shocking as the loss of
Jerusalem to Saladin a century earlier due to the fact that crusading became
a political tool among the European polities and spiritual benefits of holy war
were not as significant as it had been in the earlier centuries. However, for
Cyprus, these events elevated the kingdom to a more advantageous position
because now the kingdom was the easternmost Christian stronghold.150
Decreased interest in waging holy war was precipitated by weakened unity in
Europe. The papacy was in turmoil, the papal seat had been transferred to
Avignon, and disputes in Italy were intensified. Italian city-states had been in
a competition for dominance in trade, Aragon and Castile were dealing with
the Moors, and France and England had been involved in a never-ending
battle, during which Scotland was harmed, as well. In the east, Byzantine
Empire was far from its former glory, and the Turkish emirates had been a
severe problem in Anatolia as well as in the Balkans. On the other side, the
Cyprus (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 1967); Idem, The Crusades: A History (New Haven:
Yale University Press, 2005). Edbury, Kingdoms of the Crusaders.
150 Edbury, The Kingdom of Cyprus; Idem., Kingdoms of the Crusaders; Nicholas Coureas,
The Latin Church in Cyprus, 1195-1312 (London; New York: Routledge, 1997). For the
Kingdoms of Cyprus and Cilician Armenia, see Idem., Cyprus and Lesser Armenia
1195- Journal of the Cyprus Research Centre 21 (1995), 33-71. See also Idem.,
or Foe? The Armenians in Cyprus as Others Saw them During the Lusignan Period 1191-
in La Méditerranée des Arméniens, XIIe-XVe siècle, ed. C. Mutafian (Paris: Geuthner,
2014).
65
Mongol invasions had changed the political situation as none of the polities in
the East were safe.151
In addition to the political crisis, at the beginning of the fourteenth century,
Europe suffered from a series of famines that dramatically affected the
society and skyrocketed the prices of essential goods. Between 1315 and
1317, poor harvests and famines triggered epidemics among the population,
resulting in a severely weakened and unhealthy society.152 Ever-growing
troubles were exacerbated by the Black Death in the mid-fourteenth century,
causing a death toll of a third of the European population.153 When Peter I
succeeded his father, Europe had recently been trying to recover from the
outrageous effects of the disastrous first half of the fourteenth century.
Despite many difficulties, the papacy endeavored to make a positive impact
on the disastrous events in the east. After the Fall of Acre, the papacy sought
to organize new crusades, and to be able to achieve this end, it became
necessary to deprive the Muslims out of some certain supplies which were
provided by the Italian merchants. Both tasks were equally complex. First,
151 Robert Lee Wolff, Harry W. Hazard, and Kenneth Meyer Setton, eds., A History of the
Crusades, Volume 2: the Later Crusades, 1189-1311 (Philadelphia: University of
Pennsylvania Press, 1962), pp. 55-57, 72-73. For the effects of the Mongols in the
Mediterranean, see Reuven Amitai, Liaisons: Armenian-Mongol-Mamluk
Relations, 1260- in La Méditerranée des Arméniens, XIIe-XVe siècle, ed. Claude Mutafian
(Geuthner: Paris, 2014); Idem., Brilliant Diplomacy of Cilician in Armenian
Cilicia, eds. Richard G. Hovannisian, Simon Payaslian (California: Mazda Publishers, 2008);
Peter Jackson, The Mongols and the West : 1221-1410 (London; New York: Routledge, Taylor
& Francis Group, 2018).
152 Eliyahu Ashtor, A Social and Economic History of the Near East in the Middle Ages,
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976), 319.
153 Eliyahu Ashtor, Technology, Industry and Trade: The Levant Versus Europe, 1250-1500
(London: Variorum, 1992), 112-115.
66
the rise of Turkish emirates in Anatolia endangered Western transportation
and threatened the Byzantines. As a result, before organizing a passagium,
the West needed to secure the Mediterranean and resist Turkish expansion.
As for the second task, the papacy had to convince the Italian merchants,
especially the Venetians and Genoese, had involved in a very profitable
business with the Muslims, and they feared both losing their business and
also having political disputes with the Mamluks. Under these circumstances,
the papacy had to deal with many problems. Trading with the Muslims had
already been a problem before the fourteenth century and was one of the
reasons behind the collapse of Latin settlements in the East. Therefore,the
papacy had to take precautions which dramatically affected Cyprus, as
well.154
Immediate Papal response to the losses of 1291 was extending bans on
trade with the Muslims which augmented the visits of Western merchants to
Cyprus. Papal embargo however served in favor of Cyprus; Famagusta,
Limassol, and other Cypriot cities such as Nicosia.155 Especially between the
154 Norman Housley, Franco-papal Crusade Negotiations of 1322- in Crusading and
warfare in Medieval and Renaissance Europe, ed. Norman Housley (Aldershot, 2001), 35-37;
Antony Leopold, How to recover the Holy Land: the Crusade Proposals of the Late Thirteenth
and Early Fourteenth Centuries (Burlington: Aldershot 2000), 69-71; Peter Edbury, The
Lusignan Kingdom of Cyprus and its Muslim Neighbours, (Nicosia: Bank of Cyprus Cultural
Foundation, 1993), 16.
155 Konnari and Schabel, Cyprus Society and Culture, 8-9; This was not the first embargo laid
upon the Muslims as Pope Alexander brought forward economical sanctions towards the
Muslims in the Third Lateran Council in 1179 which was renewed in 1215 during the Fourth
Lateran Council and again by Pope Gregory IX in the fourteenth century. See, Sophia
Menache, Attempts at a Commercial Boycott of the Muslims in the Crusader
The Journal of Ecclesiastical History, Vol. 63 no. 2 (March 2012), 238-244; Stefan Stantchev,
Embargo: The Origins of an Idea and the Implications of a Policy in Europe and the
Mediterranean ca. 1100-ca.1500, (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Michigan, 2009), 45; Aziz
Surya Atiya, Crusade, Commerce and Culture (Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 1962),
97-98. For the effects of the papal embargo, see, Jean Richard, Le Royaume de Chypre et
67
end of the thirteenth and in the middle half of the fourteenth centuries,
Cyprus became pleasingly prosperous.156 Ludolf of Sudheim had described
Cypriot prosperity, including architectural excellence, a few years before the
Papal restrictions were loosened.157 There were reasons behind this
prosperity and the papal prohibitions also affected Cypriot trade with the
ports of southern Anatolia.
Before the Papal bans, Western merchants had been trading in the Eastern
Mediterranean ports in Syria and Egypt, and after the prohibitions, it became
difficult to trade, especially from the beginning of the fourteenth century
onwards. Therefore, the merchants were involved in illegal trading. There is
no doubt that it was hard to monitor the commercial activities in the
Mediterranean, but Cypriot rulers strove to enforce the embargo as it worked
well for the Cypriot economy.158 They benefited from the embargo in different
ways. The first benefit was the increase in the commercial vessels trading in
the Cypriot ports and the second was the illegal trade legitimized by the
middlemen. Famagusta became a crossroad in the Eastern Mediterranean
as the merchants re-supplied themselves in Cypriot ports, precipitating the
l embargo sur le commerce avec l Egypte (fin XIIe-debut XIVe siècle) , Croisades et états latins
d'Orient, (London: Variorum, 1992), 122-32; John Day, The Levant Trade in the Middle
Ages, in The Economic History of Byzantium: From the Seventh through the Fifteenth
Century, ed. Angeliki E. Laiou (Washington: Dumbarton Oaks, 2002). At the end of the
thirteenth century, King Henry II maintained routine patrolling on the routes to effectively apply
papal measures flourished the Cypriot economy. See, Edbury, The Kingdom of Cyprus, 103.
156 Edbury, The Kingdom of Cyprus, 151; Coureas, Economy in Cyprus Society, and Culture,
141-45; Ashtor, Levant Trade, 38.
157 Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 210-12; For the architecture of Famagusta, see Michael J. K.
Walsh, Peter Edbury and Nicholas Coureas, eds. Medieval and Renaissance Famagusta
Studies in Architecture, Art and History (London: Routledge, 2012).
158 Edbury, The Kingdom of Cyprus, 131-132, 151; Ashtor, Levant Trade, 39-42.
68
local and royal income. Visits to Cypriot ports contributed to an increase in
the export of the islands agricultural and manufactured goods.159
Furthermore, Cyprus benefited from merchant trafficking between the ports
of Cyprus, Syria, and Cilicia.160 Flouting the ban, Famagusta based
middlemen acquired the goods imported from Asia, on the ports of Syria, resold
them to the Western merchants in Famagusta and Cilicia, and traded in
Antalya and Alanya.161 Middlemen trafficking flourished Cypriot share from
the trade.162 Had papal embargo lifted, Cypriot officials would not have
imposed a double -sometimes triple- levy on the re-sold goods as it would
also have meant that merchants would trade freely in the East, bypassing the
Cypriot ports.163
On the other hand, the papacy had been striving to support new crusades
since the 1270s because of the worsening conditions in the Latin
settlements. The papacy imposed a new tithe for the expeditions, threatened
159 Edbury, The Kingdom of Cyprus, 151; Ashtor, Levant Trade, 41-42;Konnari and Schabel,
Cyprus Society and Culture, 7-10; For agricultural products, specifically grain which was one
of the major export goods at the beginning of the fourteenth century, see Coureas,
1-21.
160 Nicholas Coureas, A Lifeline for the Kingdom of Cilician in The
Armenian Church of Famagusta and the Complexity of Cypriot Heritage, ed. Michael J. K.
Walsh (Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017), 44.
161 Edbury, The Kingdom of Cyprus, 151-52; David Jacoby, Refugees from Acre in
Famagusta Around in The Harbor of All this Sea and Realm: Crusader to Venetian
Famagusta, eds. Michael J. K. Walsh et al. (Central European University Press Medievalia,
2014), 64-65.
162 For the papal correspondence on King Henry II and his officials ignoring illegal trade based
on Cyprus, see, John XXII, Lettres Communes 1316-1334, ed. A. Fontemoing, (Virginia: The
University of Virginia, 1906), nos. 14103, 18100, 18119, 20386. For several contracts
middlemen involved, see, Sambuceto, (Balard), 39, nos. 39, 40, 71, 72, 94, 131,132, 133, 135,
136, 141, 143, 147.
163 Edbury, Kingdom of Cyprus, 133-34; Ashtor, Levant Trade, 39-41.
69
the merchants who traded with the Muslims with excommunication and
confiscation, and also forbade the tournaments until a passagium. Full
indulgence was also guaranteed for the potential participants. On the other
hand, the papacy sought to establish peace between the belligerents while
considering ways to strengthen the military orders. Especially during Pope
pontificate, he constantly tried to mediate to unite the West for
passagium and strived to maintain and control the papal bans imposed on
the merchants. Despite all his effort, the papacy failed to convince any
European ruler to take arms as a leader of the passagium.
At the end of the thirteenth-century instability prevailed in the papacy, and it
turned out to be a chaotic period. Many popes established their offices, but
none of their pontificates were long-termed, which paralyzed the papal
efforts. The only noticeable achievement was gathering a sum of money to
construct necessary vessels for an expedition. By the pontificate of Nicholas
IV, this situation was stabilized, but the fall of Tripoli in 1289 had a direct
effect on the papacy. Despite the efforts to strengthen the defense of
Acre, only a minor aid could be sent. Otherwise, he planned to organize a
passagium, but the rulers were not inquisitive. The papacy sought to
strengthen the political situation of the kingdoms of Cyprus and Cilician
Armenia, to be able to suppress the Muslims, and defend these two
kingdoms. For this, he managed to gather a small fleet to protect Cyprus
from a projected Muslim attack. The fleet reached Cyprus and also undertook
offensive missions against the Muslims in Egypt, Syria, and Anatolia. After
70
minor raids, they sailed to Alexandria in the hope of capturing the city, but
this fleet was not powerful enough.
In the middle of the fourteenth century, two very important occurrences
affected Cyprus: the Black Death and the lift of the Papal embargo in 1344.
The former affected the Mediterranean altogether, but the latter specifically
diminished Cypriot share in trade. What is more, the political changes such
as the end of the Ilkhanid rule, which caused instability in the regions where
merchant caravans carried Asiatic goods, impeded Cypriot trade. Upon
relaxation of the embargo, Western merchants used different routes. Before
1344, in the 1330s and early 1340s, the number of trade ships stopped over
in Famagusta was nearly equal to that of Constantinople.164 After the fall of
Ayas to the Mamluks in 1337, trade through Syria and Cilicia shifted to
Famagusta. However, from 1345 onwards trade missions to Alexandria
began to be a common way of trading in the Eastern Mediterranean as the
merchant ships began passing over Famagusta. For instance, Venetian
ships bound to Cyprus, which had usually been numbered around 6 to 8,
were now halved and in the following years, out of 24 ships, only 9 were
destined for Cyprus which meant that the merchandise being sold in
Famagusta shrank.165
164 Ashtor, Levant Trade, 64-65; Edbury, Kingdom of Cyprus, 151-52. The surviving evidence
regarding how bad the Black Death struck Cyprus is scarce. For the outbreaks during Peters
reign, see Machairas, Recital, no 135; Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 96-100.
165 Ashtor, Levant Trade, 78-80; Edbury, Kingdom of Cyprus, 152; Peter Edbury,
Crusading Policy of King Peter I of in The Eastern Mediterranean Lands, ed. P. M.
Holt (Warminster: Aris and Phillips, 1977), 95-98.
71
During his pontificate Boniface put special emphasis on Cyprus and sought
to maintain political stability on the island. For instance, he was involved in
the dispute between Henry II of Lusignan and the Templars, counseling them
to settle their problems for the sake of the future of the Christendom.166 In
1308, however, another problem emerged in Cyprus. Amaury of Lusignan,
who abducted the crown from his brother Henry II, asked for aid from the
papacy, stating that the Mamluks would soon invade the island. His appeal
triggered the Pope Clement V who had been preparing for an expedition to
the East. Clement supported the Hospitallers and provided support for the
kingdoms of Cyprus and Cilician Armenia.167
Papal embargos, despite not very effective, continued during the second
quarter of the fourteenth century, especially during the pontificate of Pope
John XXII, who specifically focused on those who were breaking the
embargo. On one occasion, he sent a letter threatening the Cypriot
merchants in 1320.168 Additionally, he gave permission to the patriarch of
Jerusalem residing in Cyprus to inspect the trade with the Muslims. On
another occasion, he permitted king Hugh IV to send envoys to the Mamluks
on condition not to deliver prohibited goods to the Muslims. John XXII also
endeavored to organize a passagium and almost achieved it, but his efforts
166 For the Templars and the military orders on the island, see Nicholas Coureas,
Territoriality: The Military Orders and The Crown of Cyprus: 1191- in Ordres Militaires
et Territorialité au Moyen Âge: entre Orient et Occident, ed. Marie-Ann Chevalier (Paris:
Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 2020); Malcolm Barber, The Trial of the Templars
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012); Emmanuel Buttigieg, S. Phillips, eds.,
Islands and Military Orders, c.1291-c.1798, (Farnham; Burlington: Ashgate, 2013).
167 Coureas, Territoriality, 125-127; Barber, The Trial of the Templars, 112.
168 Jean Richard, de guerre avec lEgypte et le Royaume de in Cyprus and
the Crusades, eds. Nicholas Coureas and Jonathan RileySmith (Nicosia 1995), 130.
72
came to nothing. Eventually, in 1351, during the Black Death pandemic,
Pope Clement VI urged the archbishop of Nicosia not to preach crusading
due to the fact that the population loss was huge because of the pandemic.
Moreover, the pandemic had raised suspicions that the defense was
fragile and more vulnerable to a possible Muslim invasion.169
Despite economic and financial drawbacks, perhaps the papal effort's most
important outcome was establishing a league against the Turkish expansion
in the Aegean and the Mediterranean coasts. This expansion threatened the
Christian trade and prevented any attempts at a passage from the West to
the East, which worried the Venetians and motivated them to support the
papal efforts. Especially after the fall of the Latin settlements in the East, the
Aegean and the Anatolian coasts elevated to a more important position for
the kingdom of Cyprus, which owed its security to the adjacent polities and
the Italian merchants. The insecure milieu generated anxiety for the Cypriots
as it was a threat that could trigger being cut off from all communication and
connection between the West and the island resulting in complete isolation.
Under these circumstances, different polities had different, and intertwined
concerns: (1) The Italian concern, without a bit of doubt, was derived from
commercial worries. (2) The papal concern was to wage a holy war, and
protect the Latin kingdoms in the East, but at the same time, the pope
needed to cherish the Italians as he was particularly in need of their naval
power. (3) The Cypriot existence depended on the continuum of their
financial and political position which were the nucleus of their protection. In
169 Nicholas Coureas, and the Naval Leagues 1333-1358, He Kypros kai hoi
Staurophories, (1995), 113-15.
73
this sense, a naval league was favorable for all the polities, especially
Cypriot. father, Hugh IV supported the naval league reasonably, but
above all worries, he ebulliently promoted the efforts due to his pious nature,
which was to be inherited by his son.
The reign of Hugh IV, thus, witnessed a major change in the politics which
affected reign as well. This major change was the continuous
participation of the kingdom in the naval leagues. On one hand, naval
expeditions worked in favor of the kingdom by providing a level of security,
but on the other hand it harmed the Cypriot treasure. Military expenses
multiplied as Cyprus joined naval leagues and became a regular member of
the alliances. In 1334, a naval league was formed which arguably secured
the island but aggrandized the financial burden to maintain a fleet. Joining
the naval league exacerbated piracy, after the port of Ayas, despite Cypriot
aid, fell in 1322.170 However, the naval league of 1334, in which the papacy,
Venice, Hospitallers from Rhodes, Byzantine Empire, and France took part,
succeeded against the Turks around Lesbos. The league members had
promised to provide forty vessels, six of which were provided by Cyprus.
League was projected to last five months, but the Hospitallers and the
Cypriots continued and attacked after the rest of the leagues
departure.171 In 1336 and 1337, Hugh renewed his operations dispatching
170 Edbury, Kingdoms of the Crusaders, XI, 234; Ashtor, Levant Trade, 64-66. A fleet of six
vessels were sent to assist. See, Mas Latrie, Chronique d Amadi, 395, nos. 409-10;
Machairas, Recital, 619-20; Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 142-50.
171 Richard and Perrat, Bullarium Cyprium, 151, no. r-498; Lemerle, L'Emirat D'aydin Byzance
et L'occident. Recherches sur La Geste D'umur Pacha, (Paris, 1957), 90-100; Norman
Housley, The Avignon Papacy and the Crusades, 1305-1378 (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1986), 25-26.
74
more galleys to fight with the Turks, and he was congratulated by the
pope.172 Owing to Cypriot naval success in the 1330s, as Ludolf of Sudheim
states, Antalya, Alanya, Siq, and Anamur began paying tribute to Hugh IV, at
least between 1336 and 1341 which would have also meant that, in addition
to being a direct source of income, the ports of Anatolia provided a more
satisfying atmosphere for the merchants. 173
In 1343, pioneered by Hugh, a new naval alliance was formed. The reasons
behind his motivation are unknown as it seems impractical to waging another
war after southern Anatolian cities accepted paying him a tribute. It is highly
possible that Hugh may have wanted to achieve more. According to Pope
Clement VIs letter dated 8 August 1343, a fleet of twenty vessels was
assembled, by the Hospitallers contributing with 6 galleys, Venice with 5, the
Kingdom of Cyprus with 4, the papacy with 4 and the island of Naxos with
1.174 This new league defeated the Turks near the Chalkidiki peninsula and
this success was followed by the capture of in 1344.175
172 J. M. Vidal ed., Lettres communes du pape Benoit XII, 3rd series, 3 vols., (Paris: Befar,
1903-1911), Appendices no. 8378.
173 Georges Dument ed., Benoit XII (1344-1342): Lettres closes, patentes et curiales se
rapportant à la France, (Paris: E. De Boccard, ancienne librairie Fontemoing & cie., 1920),
no.1673; Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 180-181, 216; Nicholas Coureas, The Lusignan
Kingdom of Cyprus and the Sea, 13th15th Centuries The Sea in History: The
Medieval World, eds. Michel Balard and Christian Buchet (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press,
2017), 372; Anthony T. Luttrell The Hospitaller interventions in Cilician Armenia: 1291- 1375
in The Cilician Kingdom of Armenia, ed. Thomas S. R. Boase, (Edinburgh; London: Scottish
Academic Press, 1978), 137-43.
174 Richard and Perrat, Bullarium Cyprium, 190-191 nos. t-63, t-64.
175 For the details on the capture of izmir, see Lemerle, L'Emirat d’Aydin, 181-184; Setton, The
Papacy, 183-190.
75
Until 1350, the naval leagues advance had halted after a failed attempt of
Humbert of Vennoiscrusade in 1346 and the outbreak of the Black Death
one year later. The new naval league was revived for ten years in 1350 as a
result of Turkish aggression on the sea.176 Members of this alliance had to
provide a total of ten ships for patrolling the coasts and Cyprus was obliged
to provide two of the vessels.177 However, the projected league had to be
delayed since a war broke out between Venice and Genoa. Postponing the
league for a misty future, Pope Clement sent letters to Cypriot clergy to no
longer preach for the crusade, but on the other hand, he asked Hugh to be
ready to help against the Turks.178
Cypruss involvement in the naval leagues meant additional costs to cover.
According to a document, league of 1350 -which was renewed in 1353- by
the successor of Pope Clement, Pope Innocent VI asked each of the
participants to cover one-fourth of the expenses of the garrison in zmir. The
sum of money each of the league members had to pay, was 3000 florins in
addition to the popes share from the clerical taxes generated in Cyprus. On
3 May 1355, the pope reminded Hugh to fulfill his promise in 1350, either
paying by cash or providing two ships.179 In 1357, upon the popes request,
the final naval league during the time of Hugh came into existence in which
176 Richard and Perrat, Bullarium Cyprium, 281, no. t-522; Setton, The Papacy, 218-222.
177 Richard and Perrat, Bullarium Cyprium, 281, no. T-522.
178 Richard and Perrat, Bullarium Cyprium, 297, nos. t-621, t-623. Dated 8 September 1351;
Ibid, 298, no. t-629. Dated 24 September 1351.
179 Richard and Perrat, Bullarium Cyprium, 281, no. t-522; Ibid, 306, no. u-24. Dated 3
November 1353; Ibid., 314, no. u-71. Dated 3 May 1355; Edbury, The Kingdom of Cyprus,
160; Coureas, Cyprus and the Sea, 373.
76
the Cypriots, Venetians, and the Hospitallers agreed on paying 3000 florins
and furnish 2 galleys each.180
The new league actively performed military operations in 1359 and had a
victory against the Ottomans. It took two years to actively engage in a naval
operation for the league as Hughs participation, unlike his participation in the
former leagues, was limited because a strong Cypriot economy before the
mid-fourteenth century, was now fragile and the king was hesitant to pay the
league regularly. Furthermore, he was also hesitant to send his valuable
forces far from Cyprus. What motivated Hugh in the previous leagues, was
that he was willing to break Turkish power before they come as close to
eastern Rhodes and threaten not only the coasts of the kingdom but also
commercial and pilgrimage trafficking. This policy of King Hugh was one of
the major ideological conflicts between him and his son Peter as for Peter,
chivalrous and pious virtues were of utmost importance.181 In any case, Hugh
died in October 1358 and Peter followed his father Hughs and his
grandfather Henrys pattern but adopted a more aggressive policy blended
with Christian idealism.
180 Richard and Perrat, Bullarium Cyprium, 334, no. u-165. Innocent VI, Lettres secretes, no.
2006; Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 230. Edbury and Hill state that the league was
renewed on 20 March 1957 while Coureas mentions it was renewed and effective after
September 1357. See, Edbury, The Kingdom of Cyprus, 160; Hill, History of Cyprus, 302;
Coureas, Cyprus and the Sea, 373. Due to the letter provided above, the popes letter is dated
22 September 1357. In Mas Latries Histoire, it is dated 20 March 1957. See, Mas Latrie,
Histoire, Vol. 2, 221.
181 Hill, History of Cyprus, 302; Aziz Suryal Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages
(London: Methuen and Company,1938), 319-320.
77
CHAPTER III
PETER I OF LUSIGNAN: A NEW HOPE, THE ROYAL FAMILY AND
SUCCESSION
Or est nez nostres jouvenciaus,
A qui li dieux qui est en ciaus
Doint grace, honneur et bonne vie.
Mais il est drois que je vous die
Lannée et le jour quil fu nez.
Et pour ce vueill que vous tenez
Que dieux et Nature homme nuef le feïrent lan .xxix.,
le jour de feste saint Denis,
a leure que jours est fenis.182
-Guillaume de Machaut
The second of four sons of King Hugh IV (1324-1358) and Queen Alice of
Ibelin, Peter was born on 9 October 1329.183 Only Machaut recorded the
exact date of his birth, while Machairas is confused, and Amadi mentions
marriage that same year, but does not mention Peter's birth.
However, information seems likely given the sources related to
182Now our young child is born. God give him grace,
good life and honour! Which day did he come?
Nature and God created this new man
in the year twenty-nine, Saint Denisday,
as daylight faded and evening fell. See, Mas Latrie, Guillaume de Machaut et la prise
d’Alexandrie, 5. For translation see Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 21.
183 Ibid.
78
the family's history.184 The early years of Peter's life are little known. For
example, we do not know Peter's precise place of birth, where and how he
spent his preadolescence, and what kind of education he received. However,
looking at the family's history again, it is possible that the early years of his
life were chiefly spent in Nicosia, except for his brief escape to Europe, which
angered his father extensively.
King Hugh IV had been married twice. The first of these marriages was with
Maria of Ibelin, from which Guy (the later Prince of Galilee) was born. Maria
was the daughter of Guy of Ibelin, Count of Jaffa, and his cousin Maria of
Ibelin. Guy, the eldest son, was naturally the heir to the throne. After s
death, upon a papal dispensation, Hugh had his second marriage with Alice
of Ibelin, Guy of daughter, born with Isabelle of Ibelin.185 Hugh and
Alice had at least eight children, but only four grew to maturity; Peter (future
Count of Tripoli and King Peter I), John (future Prince of Antioch and
Constable of Cyprus), James (future King James I), and Echive.186 Peter was
the eldest son born from second marriage.
184 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 21, fn. 4. Machairas mentions Hugh IVs sons, but his
description is faulty, as Peter was not Hughs oldest son and he was not the future Peter II.
Peter II was Peter Is son succeeded him in 1369. Machairas, Recital v2, §78; Amadi, n.795,
368.
185 Rudt de Collenberg Ibelin aux XIIIe et XIVe Επετηρίς Κέντρου Επιστημονικών
Ερευνών Κύπρου, 9, (1979), 186-7, 212-13; idem., Les Lusignan de Kentron
Epistīmonikōn Ereunōn, (1980), 122-123, 124-140; Edbury, Kingdom of Cyprus, 143.
186 Edbury states that Hugh had three sons and two daughters from this marriage. However,
in his chronicle, Machairas mentions only one daughter, Echive. See, Machairas, Recital, Vol.
2, Genealogical Table, at end; Edbury, Kingdom of Cyprus, 143. Also see, Collenberg,
186-7, 212-13; idem., 122-3, 124-140. Lignages dOutremer, on the
other hand, states that Hugh had five sons and three daughters from both marriages: Guido,
Piero, Gioanne, Giacomo, Thomaso, Civa, Isabella e Marietta. It also states that Isabella and
Marietta (Margaret) died without having children. Margaret was married to Walter of
Dampierre. See Marie-Adélaïde Nielen, ed., Lignages d’outramer. Introduction, notes et
79
Having four sons and a daughter provided an opportunity for Hugh to
establish links with western royalties. Echive married Fernand of Majorca,
brother of King James II of Mallorca, in 1340, upon a papal dispensation
obtained in 1337.187 However, this marriage proved to be problematic as
Hugh and Ferrand squabbled for an obscure reason, which triggered Ferrand
who worried about his life, and wrote to his brother and friends. He also
wrote a detailed memorandum stating that Hugh insulted him, his wife, and
his house, humiliating them extensively, even torturing and imprisoning
men and women serving him. What is more, he wrote that he was
isolated from his wife, who was also kept captive on 22 April 1341. Hugh
assembled the Haute Cour, accusing Ferrand of treason. He failed to have a
judgment but deprived Ferrand off of his fiefs. Soon, accusations
were heard by King Peter of Aragon and Pope Benedict XII, and their
reaction was to urge Hugh not to harm Ferrand, otherwise the Aragonese
would retaliate.188 Hugh did not accept these accusations and responded that
édition critique par Marie-Adélaïde Nielen, Paris, Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres:
Documents relatifs à l'histoire des croisades, 18, (Paris: 2003), 168.
187 Machairas, Recital, §43, 47. The papal dispensation was obtained on 5 March 1337. See,
Vidal, Lettres communes, no. 4833, cf. nos. 7088-9, 7330-32; Richard and Perrat, Bullarium
Cyprium, 164, no. s-28. The reason behind the papal dispensation was that, in 1316, another
Fernand of Majorca, Prince of Achaia, married king Henry II of Lusignans cousin, Isabel of
Ibelin, who bore him two sons: James II King of Majorca and infante Fernand of Majorca. Later,
after her husbands death, Isabel married Hugh of Ibelin, the count of Jaffa and Ascalon.
Therefore, Fernand was related to Echive in the fourth degree. See, Hill, History of Cyprus,
295. For the sum assigned to Eschive by Hugh (30.000 bezants per annum), see Mas Latrie,
Histoire, Vol. 2, 179.
188 Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 202-206; For Ferrands memorandum sent to his brother, see
Ibid., 182-202, for Echives taken away from him 189. For Pope Benedict XIIs letters (one
dated 17 October 1341 and the other is unknown), see Richard and Perrat, Bullarium Cyprium,
nos. s-81, s-82, 176. It seems that Hugh accused Fernand that he would secretly leave the
island and when he took his fiefs off, he also forced him to sell his horses, jewels, and clothes.
Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 204-205. According to Hill, Ferrand may have been sworn never
to leave the kingdom by the time he married Echive. Otherwise, the nucleus of the problem
80
he offered Fernand ideal opportunities. To think that the whole story was
precisely as Fernand told it in his memorandum would be a bit much,
considering the marriage of Hugh's son John. Nevertheless, Fernand fled in
1342, leaving Echive and her young daughter on the island. He died a few
years later. Echive, as Amadi reports, deceased in 1363, possibly of the
plague that struck Cyprus on 1 March when Peter was in Avignon.189
One year after his unsuccessful marriage, Hugh arranged another
marriage between the houses of Aragon and Lusignan, in 1343, for his son
John, younger brother, to marry Constance of Sicily. Hugh was
granted a papal dispensation in the same year.190 Constance had married
twice; her first husband was Henry II of Lusignan, whom she married in 1317
when she was fourteen. After considering different options, her second
husband became King Leo IV of Cilician Armenia in 1331. However, Leo IV
was murdered in 1341, and Constance was widowed again in her late
thirties.191 Thus, by the time she has married John, she was around her early
may have been related to Echivas dowry. See, Hill, History of Cyprus, 295-297; Edbury,
Kingdom of Cyprus, 144-145.
189 Amadi, no. 823, 376.
190 Papal dispensation is dated 16 April 1343. See Rudt de Collenberg, Les dispenses
matrimoniales accordées à l'Orient Latin selon les Registres du Vatican d'Honorius III à
Clément VII (1283-1385), Vol. 89, (Rome: française de Rome, 1977), no.1, 74-75, no.
88 and note 47; Nielen, Lignages d'Outremer, Le Vaticanus Latinus 7806, El Parentado de
Lusignan no. 8, 169.
191 For Constances remarriage with Henry, see Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 3, 709 fn. 2; For
marriage with King Leo IV (Leo had murdered his first wife), Recueil des Historiens des
Croisades: Documents Arméniens, Vol. 2 (Paris: Impr. Royale, 1896-1906), 20; Richard and
Perrat, Bullarium Cyprium, t-52, 188; Robert Bedrosian, trans., Smbat Sparapet's Chronicle:
Venice Manuscript (New Jersey, 2005), no. 780, 671, and Leos assassination, Jacob
Ghazarian, The Armenian Kingdom in Cilicia During the Crusades: The Integration of Cilician
Armenians with the Latins, 1080-1393. London: Psychology Press 2008), 73-75; Boase, The
Cilician Kingdom of Armenia, 30. Edbury states that Constance married Leo V, but he was
born in 1342 in Cyprus, and Constance married Leo IV, not Leo V. Edbury, Kingdoms of
Cyprus, 145.
81
forties and had little chance to bear a child for John, who was around twelve
or thirteen years of age. There is no doubt that Hugh considered this before
arranging the marriage, but, according to Edbury, he may have thought that
dower income in Cyprus and Cilician Armenia might be
generative for John, as well as it would have been an opportunity to heal the
relations with the Aragonese royalty that had been hurt because of Echive
and marriage.192 This idea seems entirely plausible given the
marriages Hugh arranged for his children. Nevertheless, Constance died
after June 1344, and John remarried a lady from within the Cypriot nobility,
Alice of Ibelin, daughter of Guy of Ibelin, Seneschal of Cyprus.193 When Peter
became king, John was the Prince of Antioch and the Constable of
Jerusalem. He acted with the barons involved in Peter's murder and became
regent of his nephew Peter II, after Peter. However, he was later killed in
1375 on the orders of Peter's widow, Queen Eleanor.194
The early years of several years younger brother James, future
seneschal and constable of Jerusalem by 1369, and the future King James I
of Cyprus, is also somewhat obscured. Unlike his early years, especially after
his accession, his actions during the reign of Peter, his involvement
in murder, and the period until his own succession are better known.
James married Heloise of Brunswick, daughter of Philip of Brunswick, and
192 Ibid.
193 Papal dispensation for this marriage is dated 14 April 1350. Monumenta Germania
Historica, Scriptores Vol. 5, 463; Collenberg, 110, 130-131.
194 See relevant section
82
Alice of Ibelin, s widow, in 1365.195 So, this marriage was not arranged
by his father Hugh.196 After Peter's murder in 1369, in which he and his
brother John were involved, he served Peter's son, Peter II. However, he was
later captured by the Genoese in 1374 and lived in Genoa until he became
king in 1382. Many of his children were also born here during this time.197
Peter married Echive of Montfort in June 1342, when he was just 13 years
old, but this marriage did not go as smoothly as one might think. Pope
Benedict XII contacted Hugh to find a suitable wife for Echive of Montfort,
who was almost of marriageable age and was the only female heir to this
noble family. However, Hugh offered in return that Echive could be married to
Peter. Although the pope opposed the marriage in 1339, as Peter and Echive
were related by blood, Clement VI, who succeeded Benedict, approved the
marriage, and, on 28 June 1342, Peter and Echive were married. Although it
is not known where and how this marriage took place, the mediation of a
cardinal, a distant relative of Echive, was effective in granting permission.
Unfortunately, the chronicles are insufficient to provide information about
Peter and Echive, but we know of the marriage from papal
195 Heloise was both Alice of Ibelins stepdaughter and daughter-in-law, as, after Hughs death,
Alice married Heloises father, Philip of Brunswick, and Heloise were married to James.
196 Pope Urban Vs dispensation for this marriage is dated 13 May 1365. Richard and Perrat,
Bullarium Cyprium, v-121, 396.
197 For his imprisonment by the Genoese, see Amadi, nos. 965-967, 969-976, and return 1005-
1012, his sons born in Genoa, 1011; Machairas, Recital, §§545-548, and return §599-612;
Strambaldi, 231-232, and return 252-256; Bustron, Chronique, 336-338 and
return 349-351; Chris Schabel, God from Heaven, But They Call him King: The
Rebellion against James I of Cahiers du Centre d’Études Chypriotes 43 (2013), 381-
382; Edbury, Kingdom of Cyprus, 208-209.
83
correspondence.198 Inherited of the Cypriot lands of the lords of Beirut,
Echive was a wealthy heiress and, king Hugh probably sought to arrange this
marriage for Peter to provide him a livelihood.199 However, Eschiva died in
1350 for an unknown reason, without leaving an infant.200
Peter's new wife had to be someone who was in line with the political stakes
of Cyprus and could also give birth to an heir. From Hugh's point of view,
Eleanor of Aragon appeared like a suitable prospect for this. The Aragonese
royalty ruled Sardinia, Sicily, and the Balearic Islands outside of Aragon and
were also suzerains of Athens. While it was essential to consolidate ties with
an ally with such a vast political influence, these two royalties also harbored
a common dislike for the Angevin Naples and the Genoese. From this, one
can figure that the Kingdom of Cyprus was close to Venice in the Genoese-
Venetian war of 1350-1355. Because when the marriage contract between
Peter and Eleanor was made in 1353, the Aragon royalty were allies of
Venice. Moreover, Cypriots, Venetians, and military orders had already
joined an alliance against the Turks in the Aegean since 1330s.201 Thus
Peter and Eleanor were married at the end of 1353. Although the date of
198 Lettres closes et patentes, nos. 1967,2500; Abraham Bzovius, ed. Annales Ecclesiastici
1342, §23; Also see, Mas Latrie, Généalogie des rois de Chypre de la famille de Lusignan,
(Venice: Imprimerie de Marco Visentini, 1881), 25, fn. 9; Hill, History of Cyprus, 308, fn. 2.
Amadi, like the other chroniclers (i.e. Bustron), does not note Peters first marriage. Moreover,
he wrongly states that his wifes name was Alice of Catalonia. See Amadi, §812, 372.
Otherwise, she is also called Constance in some sources. This may have been a confusion
as Constance was Peters younger brother Johns wife, Frederick III of Sicilys daughter. See,
Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 107, n.2.
199 Edbury, the Kingdom of Cyprus and the Crusades 1191-1374, p. 146.
200 She may have died slightly before 1350. See Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 107; Mas Latrie,
Généalogie, 25.
201 Edbury, Kingdom of Cyprus, 146; Edbury, Kingdoms of the Crusaders, XIV, 113-114; For
Eleanor of Aragon, See relevant section.
84
their marriage is unclear, we know that Eleanor set out for Cyprus on 23
August 1353 from Barcelona.202 dowry was 42.000 bezants or
talents, which her son Peter II compensated in 1392, after she returned to
Aragon, giving her mother four villages on the island.203
Of all these marriages, the one that most concerned the kingdom was that of
Hugh's eldest son, the heir to the throne, born of his first marriage, Guy.
Hugh appointed three representatives to negotiate Guy's marriage to Duke of
Bourbon, Louis of daughter, Maria, in 1328.204 However, by the
time this marriage was arranged, Guy and Maria were not of age, so that the
actual marriage took place two years later, in late January 1330, when Maria
and her company arrived in Famagusta at the beginning of this month.205
Louis of Clermont was Louis IX of (Louis the Saint) grandson and
King Philip V of cousin. Louis was a crusade enthusiast, and he
was assigned as the captain-general of future crusading army.206
Thus, this marriage would notably be fruitful as the kings of Cyprus were
202 Mas Latrie, Généalogie, 25, fn. 10.
203 Mas Latrie, Généalogie, 26. While their marriage was a rational decision for Hugh, although
their political affiliation was beneficial, and the kingdom was at the height of royal prosperity,
the Lusignans were never seen at the level of the Aragonese and French royal houses. See,
Edbury, The Kingdom of Cyprus, 146.
204 On 2 March 1328. Representatives were: Bishop Mark of Famagusta, Butler Peter of
Montolif, and Canon of Famagusta, Lambertino of Bologna. See Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol.2,
140. Oaths were taken on 29 November 1328. Ibid., 144.
205 Mas Latrie, Histoire, 144-148. For the papal correspondence regarding Marias journey to
Cyprus and indulgences regarding her company, see Richard and Perrat, Bullarium Cyprium,
nos. t-6 (undated), r-401 (24 April 1329), r-420, (19 July 1329), 178, 127, 131. Her dowry was
assigned on 31 January 1330. She was to be given 1650 florins a year, and after her husbands
death, 5000 florins a year. See, Mas Latrie, Histoire, 162. Amadi records that they married in
January 1329, but this date is mistaken. See Amadi, n.795, 368. For Maria, see Olivier
Troubat, France et le royaume de Chypre au xive siecle: Marie de Bourbon, imperatrice
de Constantinople Revue Historique, Vol. 278, No. 1 (563) (September, 1987), 3-21.
206 Edbury, Kingdom of Cyprus, 144; Housley, The Avignon Papacy, 233-236.
85
titular kings of Jerusalem, and a future expedition that might revive the Holy
Land would exceptionally work in favor of the kingdom. Nevertheless, Guy
died in 1343, leaving a son, Hugh. Maria married Robert of Anjou, titular
emperor of Constantinople, in 1347. She died in 1387.207 This marriage was
far from being as effective as Hugh had hoped, and, on the contrary, it
became the rationale behind the dispute to accession.
On 24 November 1358, Peter was crowned when his father was still alive.
Bishop of Lemesos, Guy of Ibelin, performed the ceremony.208 For the first
time under Lusignan rule in Cyprus, a coronation ensued when the previous
ruler was still alive. For Edbury, Hugh attempted to secure place to
prevent his grandson claim on the throne, which became a question
since death in 1343.209 Long before coronation, the succession
problem had already been brought to the attention.210 However,
inheritance customs were different in the West than the East, as the
deceased grandson would be inherited to the throne in the West, while
the deceased surviving eldest son was considered a closer relative in
207 Pope Clement VI expresses his condolences after Guys death, Richard and Perrat,
Bullarium Cyprium, t-91, p. 196. For Marias death, see Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol.2, 407-409;
Mas Latrie, Genealogie, 16; Troubat, France et le royaume de Chypre 20-21.
208 Machairas, Recital, 86, 90; Amadi, no. 811, 372; Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 30.
Strambaldi, 36. Leontios Makhairas dated the ceremony twice; firstly, 24
November 1358, and secondly, 24 November 1359. Hill depicts that it was a mistake, but
Edbury claims this may have been a rationalization to make the coronation dated after Hughs
death. See, Hill, History of Cyprus, p. 308, fn. 2; Edbury, Kingdom of Cyprus, 147, fn. 24;
Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 30 fn. 5.
209 Edbury, Kingdom of Cyprus, 147.
210 Clement VI, Lettres closes patentes et curiales se rapportant à la France publiées ou
analysées d'après les registres du Vatican, 1342-1352. no. 825.
86
the East.211 Therefore, Hugh, his mother, and her relatives believed that
Hugh should be the next king. What is more, they brought forward that
marriage contract had a specific clause revealing that Guy and
M son would be inherited the throne in case of premature death.
However, we lack documentary evidence supporting the existence of such a
clause.212
Hugh IV died on 10 October 1359, and Peter was crowned as the King of
Jerusalem by the papal legate Peter Thomas on Easter day in Famagusta
cathedral on 5 April 1360.213 By the time Hugh was living in the West as
Hugh IV had allowed him and his mother to leave the island in 1346.214 Thus,
they received significant approval from the West during this time. John II,
King of France was among their supporters.215 When Peters envoys reached
211 For instance, Edward the Black Prince deceased before King Edward III of England, and,
in 1377, Edwards grandson Richard succeeded him. See, Mark Omrod, Edward III, 550-577.
212 Mas Latrie provides the contract but does not mention this clause. Mas Latrie, Histoire,
Vol.2, 144-149. For the popes awareness of the issue, Clement VI, Lettres closesFrance,
no. 825. See also, Machairas, Recital, Vol. 2, §105. Hill, History of Cyprus, 309; Edbury,
Kingdom of Cyprus, 147-148.
213 Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 91-92; Machairas, Recital, Vol. 2, §104. Amadi, no 812, p.
372. (Amadi does not provide a date, stating Peter was crowned after Hughs death on 10
October.) Setton, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 3, 352-353; Edbury, the Reign
of Peter 355-356. Until James I's reign (1382-1398), during which Famagusta was captured
by the Genoese, the coronation ceremonies to be crowned as the king of Jerusalem were held
in Famagusta. Before Famagusta, ceremonies took place in Acre until it fell in 1291.
214 In 1344 pope asked Hugh IV to pay Marias dowry and allow her to leave the island to see
her relatives in the West. However, Hugh was hesitant to let her leave the island. Another
letter from the pope revived this request, and Maria, concurrently with Hugh, left the island.
See Richard and Perrat, Bullarium Cyprium, t-107, t-185, pp. 200, 215. Payment of Marias
dowry became problematic, not only during the reign of Peter but also after he died. For the
payment of the dowry during Peters reign, see Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol.2, 253, 289.
215 Bustron, Chronique, 258-259. Hugh and John II were called cousins, but they were only
third cousins as they were great-great-grandsons of Saint Louis IX of France. See, Machairas,
Recital, Vol. 2, §105. For French and papal backing, see also Iorga, Philippe de Mézières,
115.
87
Avignon to acquaint his accession, Hugh claimed the throne for himself.216
Pope Innocent VI sent a severe letter, on 24 May 1360 to Peter, requesting
him to elucidate the issue and advising him to leave the throne to Hugh
unless he would want to be called usurper and face a possible war.217
mission was led by a knight, Raymond Babin,218 who put considerable effort
to explain the pope the Assizes of the Kingdom, according to which the
surviving son is the next kin inherited the throne. Innocent was not thoroughly
convinced but had to come to terms with Peter for two reasons: Firstly, the
Cypriot mission had been more successful in convincing the French king,
and the second, Peter was crowned by Peter Thomas, the papal legate in the
East. It is highly probable that Peter specifically sought to be crowned by
Peter Thomas, to be able to weaken his claims on the throne. In
his account, Mezieres does not highlight the claim on the throne, but
picturing Peter as a crusading leader pursuing to recover Jerusalem depicts
his coronation as legitimate. He also says that, aware of Peter
reputation, Peter contacted him when he was then in Rhodes and asked to
be crowned by him as the king of Jerusalem.219
216 The papal legate Peter Thomas actions precipitated a riot on the island. Envoys also
informed the pope about this issue. See, Hill, History of Cyprus, 309; Edbury, Kingdom of
Cyprus, 148. Amadi reports that Peter Thomas arrived on 8 December, and provoked tswwe
Greeks. See Amadi, n. 814, p. 373. Also see Machairas, Recital, Vol. 2, §101; Mézieres, St.
Peter Thomas, 92-94.
217 Machairas, Recital, Vol. 2, §105-108; Annales Ecclesiastici 1360, §§13,15-16, 55-57. Iorga,
Philippe de Mézières, 115-116. Iorga asserts that the letter was sent in June.
218 See Richard and Perrat, Bullarium Cyprium, u-231, 349.
219 Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 91-93, for early connections 74-75. For a discussion, Edbury,
the Reign of Peter 356. Maria was not happy with Peter Thomas role in
Peters coronation. See, Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 94.
88
In June 1360, Innocent sent another letter, softer in tone, requesting that
Hugh's expectations be met. Meanwhile, he had assigned Hugh as the
Senator of Rome.220 Peter dispatched another mission led by John of
Morphou, count of Edessa and Marshall of Cyprus, and Thomas of
Montolif221 in the late 1361. envoys first dwelled Avignon and then
traveled to France to contact John II. Here, both sides were able to come to
an agreement as Hugh gave up his assertion on the throne in return for an
annual sum as compensation. The exact sum is unknown as the sources are
contradictory. According to Amadi, it was 150.000 bezants, and Bustron says
it was 5000 ducats. However, statement seems more suitable,
which is 50.000 bezants per annum.222 Additionally, it was agreed that John
of daughter would marry Hugh.223 Despite that position
seemed to be secured, this agreement was not decisive.
In 1362, Pope Innocent VI died and was succeeded by Urban V. Makhairas
notes that the king of France pushed Urban V to bring up the accession
case, and the pope, in 29 November, asked Peter to explain it in person,
summoning at the papal curia. Edbury claims that if account is
correct, the primary motivation behind visit to Europe may have been
derived out of his desire to solve this problem rather than assembling a
220 He was assigned in 1360 but did not assume the title until 1361, when the pope asked the
reason for him to come up to his court in person to take up the office. See, Rudt de Collenberg,
'Les Lusignan', p. 141. Machairas says the pope requested Peter to summon at Avignon, but
he is wrong. See, Machairas, Recital, Vol. 2, §107, Baronius, Raynaldus, Annales
Ecclesiastici 1360, §16, 55. See also Hill, History of Cyprus, 309, fn. 4; Edbury Kingdom of
Cyprus, 148.
221 Thomas of Montolif was an auditor under Hugh IV. Later he served Peter I and his son
Peter II. See, Machairas, Recital, Vol. 2, §108.
222 Amadi, n.816, p. 373 ; Bustron, Chronique, 260-261 ; Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol.2, 233 and
Vol.3, 741 ; Machairas, Recital, Vol. 2, §108-109. Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 117, fn.4
223 Machairas, Recital, Vol.2, §108; Amadi, n.816, 373.
89
crusader army. Considering early political actions,
explanation holds true. However, that is not to say that Peter had not had
motivations to wage a holy war.224 On the papal letters, it appears that Urban
asked Peter to treat Hugh generously, and it seems that Urban was already
recognized Peter as the king.225 Nevertheless, it is certain that the case was
still open and needed to be settled, which eventually happened during
visit to Avignon in 1363.226
At this point, we cannot know what would have happened on the island if
Hugh had been crowned king, but based on the present evidence, it does not
seem possible to talk about the existence of a nobility supporting Hugh on
the island. Moreover, by 1350, Peter had already been regarded as
heir by the Cypriot nobility. This is undoubtedly due to the fact that Hugh and
Maria left the island long before Peter acceded to the throne. So Hugh was
not well known on the island and his supporters were exclusively
Westerners. Hugh and Maria must have known that after Peter was crowned,
Hugh could no longer be king; because after leaving the island, although they
informed the pope of the matter, they did nothing to return to the island and
claim the throne. It might be perhaps due to that Hugh and Maria had no
animosity with Hugh IV in the 1350s, and it is likely that they did not expect
Hugh to crown Peter before his death. After all, it was in such a chaotic
224 See relevant section
225 Machairas, Recital, Vol. 2, §129-131. Richard and Perrat, Bullarium Cyprium, v-10, 365-
366, a second letter on the issue with an unknown date v-11, 366. Edbury, Kingdom of Cyprus,
149.
226 March 1363. See relevant section.
90
atmosphere that Peter's reign began. While dealing with the influence of his
Western-backed nephew on the legitimacy of his reign, he had to contend
with the increasingly dangerous piracy activities in the Mediterranean.
Meanwhile, the idea of Holy War had been a source of motivation for him
since his youth.
3.1 The Capture of Antalya: The Spark of an Idea
During the early years of his accession, first acts of Peter were to make
appointments to the state offices, inform the pope about the death of his father, and
renew the privileges of the trading communities. Venetians were the first ones
congratulated the king and enjoyed privileges. Peter was also aware that he should
soon solve the dispute with his nephew Hugh. The people of Corycos, on the other
hand, offered the city to Peter in return for protection, and Peter accepted their offer
on 8 January 1359.227 Shortly after accepting the offer, he dispatched two galleys to
Corycos, for its defence.228 These two galleys were originally equipped for the
defece of Smyrna.On the other hand, rumors reached to Peter that the Turkish
emirates formed an alliance to raid Cypriot coasts. Hearing about the rumors, Peter
gathered a fleet and sailed on 12 July from Famagusta to Larnaca for further
preparations.229
Shortly afterwards, on 23 August 1361, Peters fleet, commanded by himself
on the flagship, landed near Antalya. Before his arrival, the Emir of Teke who
227 Machairas, Recital, Vol. 2, 114.
228 Two galleys carried four contingents of archers, led by an English knight Robert. See,
Machairas, Recital, Vol. 2, 114. This knight might be Robert le Roux who was in Peters service
in 1367. See, below.
229 Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol.3, 221.
91
had suspected that the expedition's target was Antalya, sent envoys to Peter
to direct him to other targets. Ignoring the emir, Peters army immediately
took action, and the city surrendered on 24 August. By the time the armies
reached Antalya, the ruler and his troops were not situated in the city.230
Appointing a turcopolier, Jacque de Nores,231 as the commander of the city,
Peter marched to Alanya on 8 September 1361, and upon the emirs
surrender, he claimed his suzerainty.232 Aware of the situation, after Alanya,
the emir of Manavgat, sent envoys to the king with valuable presents, and
Peter accepted his submission. In September 1361, he returned to Nicosia,
where he was welcomed and received a great honor.233 The capture of
Antalya is his first serious achievement in foreign affairs in his early years on
the throne.
The prevalent approach claims that Peters expedition to the southern coasts
of Anatolia was encouraged by his economic concerns. It is not deniable that
the Cypriot trade had been dealing with some difficulties when Peter
succeeded.234 However, the general approach draws an analogy between
230 Machairas, Recital, Vol. 2, nos. 121-123; Amadi, 411; Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
641.
231 His name is mentioned in a papal document of 20 August 1359, in which the pope urges
the king to punish him. The document addresses Hugh IV to bring justice but it is not known if
any punishment was imposed on Jacque de Nores. It seems that he was important for Peters
expedition as he consigned ships and troops to Jacque to capture Myra, an outpost, for some
unknown reasons Jacques razed it to the ground instead of capturing it. See, below. Amadi,
411-312, 415-416; Bustron, Chronique, 259-260, 263-264; Atiya, The Crusade, 325-326;
Coureas, Cyprus and the Sea, 373-374. For the papal document, see, Richard and Perrat,
Bullarium Cyprium, 345, no. u-216.
232 Machairas, Recital, Vol. 2, no. 123.
233 Machairas, Recital, Vol. 2, no. 125; Amadi, 411-412.
92
Peters later policies in the Eastern Mediterranean and the capture of
Antalya, and, concludes that Peters ambitions were determined only by the
islands economy.235 Peters concerns, on the contrary, were more
serpentine than they seemed, and his subsequent activities should be
discussed within their dynamics. At this point, several factors need to be
revisited and reevaluated.
Narrating the capture of Antalya with portraying Peter as an economical
warmonger has almost become a cliche that needs to be reinterpreted by
also considering the anxiety of the Lusignan rulers about the protection of the
island, their precautions and the effects of these precautions on the Cypriot
treasure. The relevance of this is the fact that, as is discussed below, the
capture of Antalya, despite offered economical advantages, was more of a
protective measure than simply restoring the economy. The close encounter
between the Kingdom of Cyprus and the polities in southern Anatolia began
in the early years of the establishment of the kingdom. For the Lusignan
rulers, the security of their kingdom was the major concern which was
precipitated by the belief that several polities had been plotting against
them.236 Furthermore, piracy became quite problematic for the kingdom,
234 For the contribution of Famagusta in trade, See David Jacoby, Rise of a New
Emporium in the Eastern Mediterranean: Famagusta in the Late Thirteenth Μελέται
και Υπομνήματα, 1 (1984); 145-179; Coureas Economy in Cyprus Society and Culture;
Michael J. K. Walsh, Peter W. Edbury and Nicholas Coureas, eds., Medieval and Renaissance
Famagusta, (Farnham: Routledge, 2012); Michael J.K. Walsh, Tams Kiss, Nicholas Coureas,
The Harbor of All this Sea and Realm.
235 Edbury, Kingdom of Cyprus; Idem., Kingdoms of the Crusaders, XI, XII.
236 Edbury, Kingdoms of the Crusaders, XI, 225-235; Pryor, The in Geography,
Technology, and War: Studies in the Maritime History of the Mediterranean 649–1571, John
H. Pryor (Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 165-193.
93
harming its political, defensive, and economic policies. At this point, to leave
all traditional assumptions aside, it is also crucial not to explain this
expedition solely based on Peters personality traits.237 Instead, a more
dynamic interpretation should be applied by discussing the effects of his
disputed reign which was also questioned by the papacy.
Firstly, to understand the reasons behind Peters conquest of Antalya and
why it was not solely economic, it is significant to understand the relations.
Cypriot interest in the southern coast of Anatolia began in the early thirteenth
century. Walter of Montbeliard who acquired the regency after Aimerys
death in 1205 sought the opportunity to acquire the most important port in
southern Anatolia, Antalya, following the Fourth Crusade in 1204 which
destroyed Byzantine power in the area.238 However, the port was granted to
the Templars and it was confirmed by Pope Innocent III, although this
possession was only theoretical for the Templars and they never controlled
it.239 In 1207, the Seljuk Sultan G Keyhüsrev I sieged the city, by
the time in the possession of an Italo-Greek named Aldobrandino who asked
help from Walter.240 Embraced the idea to help Antalya, Cypriots sailed to the
237 Hill, History of Cyprus; Hans Eberhard Mayer, The Crusades (Oxford; New York: Oxford
University Press, 2009); Joshua Prawer, The History of the Crusaders; Setton, The History of
the Crusades Vol.2; Atiya, The Crusades; Runciman, History of the Crusades.
238 For a detailed description of his regency and the death of King Aimery see, Setton, The
History of the Crusades, Vol. 2, 604-605; Runciman, History of the Crusades Vol. 3, 134; Hill,
History of Cyprus, 73-78; Edbury, The Kingdom of Cyprus, 40-46. Walter of Montbeliard
participated in the Fourth Crusade. See, Geoffrey de Villehardouin, Memoirs or Chronicle of
the Fourth Crusade and the Conquest of Constantinople (Wyatt North Publishing, LLC, 2020).
239 Jacques Paul Migne ed., Innocent III, Patrologia Latina, Vol. 215, (1865), 1019-1020;
Edbury, The Kingdom of Cyprus 42; Hill, History of Cyprus, 74.
240 Niketas Choniates, Urbs capta: The Fourth Crusade and its Consequences, ed. Angeliki
Laiou (Paris, 2005), 842; Hill, History of Cyprus, 74; Edbury, The Kingdom of Cyprus 42.
94
city and their expedition forced the Sultan to retreat.241 But due to some
unknown reasons, the Greeks chose to turn against Walter and called the
Sultan to drive the Cypriots off.242 Besieged in the castle, Cypriot forces
surrendered to the Sultan.243 If Walter managed to capture Antalya, it would
have been a great achievement for him, both to promote the Cypriot
economy and strengthen his position on the island. After Walters fell from
the regency, the Cypriot interest in capturing Antalya ceded, and with the
beginning of Aimerys son Hugh Is rule, a more peaceful and profitable
relationship was established as Hugh made an agreement in which the
safety of Cypriot and Turkish merchants trading between Cypriot and Turkish
ports was guaranteed. The Sultan, realizing the possibility of commercial
gain, in addition to the agreement he had made with Hugh, also concluded
treaties with the Venetians and the Pisans.244
After Walter of Montbeliards attempt to capture Antalya and Hughs
agreement with the Seljuks, it seems that the Latins and the Turks met on
common ground and the trade between the ports of Cyprus and Southern
241 Walter may have led the expedition himself heading 200 soldiers. See, Choniates, Urbs
capta, 843.
242 Walter may have rather intended to keep Antalya for himself, which escalated unrest among
the Greeks. Additionally, the city lacked supplies as the Sultan had not completely retreated
to his own lands. See, Hill, History of Cyprus, 74-75; From the evidence of the thirteenth
century, it is believed that Walter also tried to acquire Rhodes. See, Recueil des Historiens
des Croisades: Lois, 2 vols., (Paris, 1841-1843), 428.
243 It is not clear if Walter escaped or paid a ransom. See, Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol.2, 13;
Recueil des Historiens des Croisades: Occ. Eracles, 316; Choniates, Urbs capta,, 843;
al- Sel uknâme, (2018), 53-57.
244 Claude Cahen, Le commence anatolien au debut du XIIIe siecle in Melanges d histoire
(Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1951), 93-94; Idem., The Formation of Turkey: The
Seljukid Sultanate of Rum: Eleventh to Fourteenth Century, trans., P.M. Holt (London:
Routledge, 2001), 48-53.
95
Anatolia developed. Settling down with Hugh, the Sultan Alaaddin Keykubad
I (1220-1237) made agreements with the Italian merchants -Venetians,
Pisans, Genoese, and Provençals- in 1220, and privileges he granted to the
merchants became varied after his capture of Alanya in 1221.245 During
Keykubads reign, Turkish merchants traded with Cyprus and also Egypt.
Even after the disaster of the Battle of Köseda in 1243, Italian merchants
established a trade link between Venice, Antalya, Alanya, Cyprus, and
Alexandria in 1255.246 Until the end of this century, Turkish rulers and the
Latins benefited from commercial trafficking and refrained from disrupting
it.247
The Mamluk conquest of Latin possessions in Syria and Palestine in 1265
and 1291 affected Cypriot trade mostly and notably in a positive way.
Immigrants from the lands lost to the Muslims contributed to life in Cyprus.
This contribution was not limited to Famagusta but also in Nicosia and
Limassol. In addition to the refugees, it attracted the merchants to sell their
products in the ports of Cyprus, and they promoted the export of Cypriot
products.248 It was not after 1291, a Cypriot based attack to southern
245 Customs duties were dropped to 2 percent from 10 and some goods were duty-free.
Nicholas Coureas, Between Antalya, Alanya and Lusignan Cyprus, during the
Fourteenth and Fifteenth Eπετηρίδα του Κέντρου Επιστημονικών Ερευνών 38
(2015), 176; Pryor, Geography, Technology and War, 165.
246 Pryor, Geography, Technology and War, 165; Claude Cahen, Turks in Iran and
in A History of the Crusades, Vol. 2, eds. R.L. Wolff, H.W. Hazard, (Madison;
Milwaukee; London, 1969), 682; Coureas, Between Antalya, Alanya and Lusignan
176.
247 Edbury, Kingdoms of the Crusaders, XI, 229; Pryor, Geography, Technology and War, 167.
248 Schabel, Cyprus Society and Culture, 8; Coureas, A Lifeline for the Kingdom
of Cilician 46, 48-49. Refugees after 1290 were mostly Franks and Syrian Christians
who grew poor and seriously affected by harvest failures. See, Edbury, Kingdom of Cyprus,
96
Anatolia was launched. Despite hostility derived out of the general political
milieu at the time, trade between Cyprus, Antalya, and Alanya sustained.
At the beginning of the fourteenth century, Anatolian cities like Antalya,
Miletus (Palatia/Milet), Altoluogo (Ayasuluk/Selçuk), in addition to Alanya,
Ayas k/Adana) and Corycos z Kalesi/Mersin), had
already been incorporating into the Mediterranean trade networks
established predominantly by the Western merchants.249 Specifically for
Antalya, one of the earliest notarial deeds is dated 1 October 1297 in which it
can be seen that a Genoese merchant in Nicosia, named Giovanni Bulla,
contracted a commercial mission with Nicholas of Monleone to Antalya and
other ports of Anatolia.250 Later in October 1297, Nicholas of Moneaone
concluded other contracts one of which was contracted in Nicosia, on 4
October, in the Genoise loggia, with the Genoese Podesta of Cyprus Paschal
de Mari, to conduct a commercial mission to Antalya and Alanya in return for
one-fourth of the profits. Another notarial deed dated 28 October 1297
indicates that Nicholas contracted for another mission to Antalya with the
same Paschal acting on behalf of his brother.251 In April 1302, a Pisan,
Benaia Balbus concluded a contract acknowledging a receipt from Linardo
101; For refugees in Famagusta, see Jacoby, from Acre in Famagusta around
53-69.
249 F. E. Thiriet, Les itineraires des vaisseaux venitiens et le role des agents consulaires en
Romanie Greco-Venitienne aux XIVe-XVe siecles in Le Genti del Mare Mediterraneo I, ed.
R. Ragosta (Naples, 1981); Pryor, Geography, Technology and War, 172; Coureas,
A Lifeline for the Kingdom of Cilician 44-45.
250 Sambuceto, Notai Genovesi in Oltremare: Atti rogati a Cipro da Lamberto di Sambuceto
(11 Ottobre 1296 - 23 Giugino 1299), ed. M. Balard, Genoa: Collana Storica di Fonti e Studi
(CSFS), 39, 1983, no. 69.
251 Notai Genovesi, 39, nos. 70-72; Coureas, Between Antalya, Alanya and Lusignan
176-177.
97
Gaytanus for a journey to Antalya agreeing on half of the profits in return.
Additionally, they also contracted that Benaia would pay half if he fails,
probably due to the piracy making the journey dicier even though it is a shortdistance
journey.252
Antalya was one of the main markets for cloth trade and merchants
frequently transported textile to this port. In a contract of 21 November 1300,
the contractor takes the goods, which were mostly clothes, from Famagusta
to Antalya and continues to Cilicia to sell, after which he returns to
Famagusta.253 Notarial deeds also show that Alanya was another destination
for the merchants. Different deeds contracted between 1301 and 1304 points
out that Genoese merchants traded in this port.254 Not all the journeys to the
Southern Anatolian ports were taken for trading but also currency exchange.
In notarial deeds dated to September 1301, Genoese and Venetian
merchants travel to Antalya and Alanya to exchange bezants for daremi at
attractive rates.255 Trading on the Anatolian coast remained attractive for the
Italian merchants after the second quarter of the fourteenth century. Textiles
exported to Antalya and Alanya diversified in this period as camlets and gold
252 Notai Genovesi, (gennaio-agosto 1302) R. Pavoni, ed., Genoa: (CSFS), 49, 1987. No. 187.
253 Notai Genovesi, (3 luglio 1300-3 agosto 1301), V. Polonio ed., Genoa: (CSFS) 31, 1982,
no. 125; Coureas, Between Antalya, Alanya and Lusignan 179; For cloth trade
in Cyprus, see, David Jacoby, Camlet Manufacture in in Medieval and Renaissance
Famagusta; Kate Fleet, European and Islamic Trade in the Early Ottoman State: The
Merchants of Genoa and Turkey, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 103-106.
254 Notai Genovesi, (31 Marzo 1304-19 Luglio 1305, 4 Gennaio 12 Luglio 1307) e Giovanni
da Rocha (3 Agosto 1308 14 Marzo 1310), M. Balard, ed., Genoa: (CSFS), 43, 1984, no.28;
Idem., 49, no.96; Notai Genovesi, (6 Iuglio-27 ottobre 1301), R. Pavoni, ed., (CSFS), 32, 1982,
no. 173.
255 Notai Genovesi, (6 Iuglio-27 ottobre 1301), R. Pavoni, ed., (CSFS), 32, 1982, nos. 132,
145, 153, 169. For a debate on the deeds, see Coureas, Between Antalya, Alanya and
Lusignan 179-181.
98
threads had been the exports encompassing to Anatolia including Cilician
Armenia, the Black Sea, and to Syria, Palestine, and Egypt.256 However, by
the time of Peters reign, this situation had already changed.
Herein, the question that should be asked is that if economic slowdown
solely provoked an offensive against the Turks or not. Although now the
Cypriot trade was diminishing, it was not the only reason behind taking
military actions towards the Turks as Western merchants had already
developed commercial relations further with the Turkish emirates and began
trading in the Aegean and the Mediterranean ports, where the Western
merchants were controlling much of the commerce. For instance, when
visited Antalya, Ibn Battuta mentions that there was a Latin quarter in the
city.257
Another factor that contributed was piracy. It is important to examine the
safety factor which would not only damage the rulers of Cyprus but also the
Western merchants and the military orders of the southern Aegean Islands.
To dominate the routes from West to East, through Rhodes to Cyprus and
Syria and Egypt, the western Bay of Antalya was important. However, the
bay is once known as Portus Pisanorum, (named after Pisan corsairs), was
256 Jacoby, Camlet Manufacture in 22; Idem., “Cypriot Gold Thread in Late Medieval
Silk Weaving and in Deeds Done Beyond Sea: Essays of William of Tyre, Cyprus
and the Military Orders, eds. Susan Edgington and Helen Nicholson (London: Routledge,
2014), 111; In his manual, Florentine banking house of Bardi employee Francesco Balducci
Pegolotti reveals information on camlet and gold thread trade destinations. See Coureas,
Between Antalya, Alanya and Lusignan 182.
257 H. Gibb, trans., The Travels of Ibn Battuta, A.D. 1325–1354: Volume 2. (London:
Cambridge University Press, 1962), 417-418.
99
still an ideal destination for the pirates in the fourteenth century.258 By the
beginning of the fourteenth century, Turkish corsairs expanded through
Aegean and Southern Anatolia as Turkish maritime expansion around the
1330s, by the Emirate of Aydn, endangered the Western trade which
eventually caused the fall of zmir in 1344, which may have been provoked
by the Genoise merchants.259 Increased piracy and Turkish maritime raids
once proved that the routes from the West to the East needed to be
protected. This protection was not necessary just for the sustainability of
commercial activities but also crucial for sailing to the Eastern
Mediterranean. Due to the winds and currents of the region, it was necessary
to follow a more northerly route through the ports of Southern Greece, Crete,
Rhodes, and Cyprus needed to be secured since these locations were also
significant for a projected crusade to liberate the Holy Land.260 On the other
hand, it was equally crucial to safely arrive at the ports of Cyprus since, to
complete a voyage to the Holy Land, travelers had to follow the routes
rounded Cyprus.261 Those who reached the Southern coast of Anatolia,
258 Pryor, Geography, Technology and War, 157.
259 For the emir of Ayd Umur Beys affairs, see, Lemerle, L emirat d Aydın, 58-9, 64, 84. For
an edited, transcribed and translated version of the text of Enveri, see, Irene Melikoff-Sayar
trans., Düsturname-i Enveri, Le Destan d Umur Pacha (Paris, 1954); Italian chronicler Marcha
di Marco Battagli da Rimini blames Genoese for the attack on zmir. See, G. Carducci, V.
Fiorini eds., Marcha di Marco Battagli da Rimini (1212-1354) in RIS XVI (Citta di Castello,
1912), 51-51; Kate Fleet, European and Islamic Trade, 59.
260 John H. Pryor, A Medieval Mediterranean Maritime Revolution: Crusading by in
Maritime Studies in the Wake of the Byzantine Shipwreck at Yassıada, eds. DeborahN.
Carlson, Justin Leidwanger ans Sarah M. Kampbell (Texas: Texas A&M University Press,
2015), 182. The reasons behind the necessity to stop by several ports along the route to the
Holy Land is subject to another scholarly debate. For an account of the voyage of the early
Crusaders traveled by sea, see, Frances Rita Ryan, trans., Harold S. Fink, ed., A History of
the Expedition to Jerusalem, 1095-1127: Fulcheri Carnotensis Historia Hierosolymitana 1095–
1127 (Knoxville; Tenn: University of Tennessee Press, 1969)., trans. F. Rita Ryan, ed., Harold
Fink, 1969.
100
mostly Cape Gelidonya, the southmost area of Teke peninsula near Antalya,
had to travel to Cape Arnauti, Western Cyprus, and then to Paphos, Limassol
and from Cape Greco to Syria (and then to Acre along Syrian coast).262
Piracy was a real threat against the defense of Cyprus as the island was
strategically important for all Latin polities in the East. It was not only in the
fourteenth century that piracy dramatically affected maritime activities but it
had been endemic since the twelfth century. The piracy was not an activity
peculiar to the Muslims as there were various groups of Latin origin in the
Eastern Mediterranean. Piracy was either conventional or legitimized
privateering under the control of political entities. Moreover, it became a
business and integrated into the economy. For instance, the ships were
multi-national and it was quite common that corsairs from various states
entered in service of others: there were Genoese, Venetian, Pisan, and
Muslim corsairs licensed by the Byzantine in the thirteenth century as Greeks
were hired by the Turkish emirates in the fourteenth century.263 According to
Marino Sanudo Torsello, targeting Southern Aegean Islands, Cilician
261 Pryor, to portray the routes, draws attention to a text compiled at Pisa at the end of the
twelfth century: Liber de existencia riveriarum et forma maris nostri Mediterranei in addition to
Tabula Rogeriana by Muhammad al-Idrisi and Rihla of Ibn Jubayr, See, Carlo de Landberg
ed., Conquète de la Syrie et de la Palestine par Salâhed-dîn, Vol. 1: Texte Arabe (Kessinger
Publishing, 2010); See, Pryor, A Medieval Mediterranean Maritime Revolution: Crusading by
tables 15.1, 15.2, 15.3 and figures 15.1 and 15.2.
262 Edbury, Kingdoms of the Crusaders, XI, 228; Pryor, Crusading by Sea, 182-183, fig. 15.2.
263 Pryor, Geography, Technology, and War, 153-155; Balletto, corsari e pirati nei
mari della Corsica (sec. in Miscellanea di storia italiana e mediterranea per Nino
Lamboglia (Genoa, 1978); For a selection of primary documents regarding the Byzantine
policy, see, Franz Miklosich and Josephus Müller, eds., Ada el diplomata graeca medii aevi
sacra el profana, vol. 3 (Vienna: Carolus Gerold, 1865, edited and reprinted Cambridge 2012).
Niketas Choniates mentions a certain Gaffario who is Genoese in service of the emperor. See,
Niketas Choniates, O city of Byzantium: Annals of Niketas Choniates, trans. H. J. Magoulias
(Detroit. 1984), 264-265, nos. 482, 483. Bocaccio, in Decameron, narrates a merchant who,
selling his merchant ship and buying another one suitable for privateering, is involved in piracy
against the Turks. See, Boccaccio, Decameron, 93-7.
101
Armenia, and Cyprus, Turkish raids had already increased at the beginning
of the fourteenth century, and before the mid-fourteenth century, Turkish
corsairs had raided various regions in the Aegean, from Thracian coasts in
the North to Santorini in the South.264 To ensure the maritime trafficking and
to protect Cyprus, Rhodes, and Crete, armed vessels began patrolling in the
sea lanes.265
It is disputable that to what extent ensuring the safety of the routes did cost
for the Western maritime powers. But Cypriot coasts had been under
constant Turkish raids, in the middle of the fourteenth century, and it had a
cost. Despite the fact that Cyprus became the major entrepot in the first half
of the fourteenth century, it never became a major maritime power. Cypriot
maritime activities are predominantly based on Western merchants and there
is no surviving evidence suggesting that Cypriots themselves prevalently
involved in commerce.266 Major economical gain relied on agricultural
merchandise being exported to the ports by the Western ships. Therefore,
Cypriot naval power heavily depended on the Western maritime powers.
While low-value goods were transported with smaller merchant vessels,
higher-value goods were transported via galleys and galleasses which were
264 Torsello, The Book of the Secrets of the Faithful of the Cross, 29, 32; Lemerle, L'Emirat
D'aydin, 247-253; Pryor, Geography, Technology, and War, 171. Although Turkish raids were
continuous in the fourteenth century, only a little was achieved. For instance, in the 1330s
Altoluogo and Miletus became important for slave trading, and from the former one, Ibn Battuta
purchased a virgin Greek slave girl for 40 dinars. See, Ibn Battuta, Travels, Vol. 2, 444.
265 Edbury, Kingdom of Cyprus, 161.
266 Those who were not of Western origin were Greeks from Crete, Constantinople, Chios,
Peloponnese or Eastern Christians speaking Arabic who was refugees who had come from
Syria in the thirteenth century, See, Coureas, Lusignan Kingdom of Cyprus and the
369-370; David Jacoby, in the Maritime Trade of Cyprus Around the mid-fourteenth
in Latins, Greeks, and Muslims, David Jacoby (2009), 59-83.
102
also used in wartime.267 It is therefore the Kingdom of Cyprus spent a
considerable amount of its resources on either hiring the merchant ships or
involved in alliances that the kingdom had to support financially.
As for the warships, it is possible to assert that Cyprus had achieved to
generate a royal fleet before the beginning of the fourteenth century, but this
fleet, which harmed the treasure, heavily relied on the Templars and the
Hospitallers. In 1293, joining to a papal fleet, a fleet of fifteen Cypriot vessels
of King Henry II unsuccessfully attacked Antalya. Admirals of the Cypriot fleet
at the time were those among the Hospitallers and the Templars, as they are
mentioned in 1299 and 1301 respectively.268 In 1311, King Henry II
dispatched a memorandum to the pope before the Council of Vienna,
encouraging the use of Cyprus as a base for the future expeditions to the
Holy Land and claimed that he could assemble vessels to join the Christian
fleet. Henry, trying to impress the pope, also stated that royal ships captured
many Muslim vessels violating the embargo.269 In 1323 Henry renewed his
memorandum and sent his envoys to the pope.270 In this period, fortifying
Famagusta, Henry advocated that a papal fleet was necessary to secure the
seas since he was aware of the fact that Cyprus was incapable of achieving
267 Coureas, Lusignan Kingdom of Cyprus and the Sea 370;
268 Le Roulx ed., Cartulaire general de l ordre des Hospitalliers de St. Jean de Jerusalem,
1894-1906, Vol. 3, 4464,4468; Amadi, 228; Notai Genovesi in Oltromere, (Iuglio 1300-3
agosto 1301), Polonio, CSFS 31, Genoa (1982), no. 413; Coureas, The Admirals of Lusignan
in Crusades, eds. Benjamin Z Kedar et al., (London: Routledge; Taylor & Francis,
2017), 118; Coureas, Lusignan Kingdom of Cyprus and the 371; Riley Smith,
Knights of St. John in Jerusalem and Cyprus, (Palgrave Macmillan, 1967), 200. The Templars
provided 6 ships. See, Hill, History of Cyprus, 203, n.1.
269 Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 121-122; Amadi, 399-401; Coureas, Lusignan Kingdom
of Cyprus and the 371; Edbury, Kingdom of Cyprus, 134.
270 John XXII, Lettres secretes, no. 1690.
103
this end. Furthermore, he defended the idea that naval assistance is a
prerequisite before passagium generale.271 Although Henry continuously
proposed to the pope that he had conflicted with the Muslims, it was not until
the reign of Hugh IV that Cypriot ships regularly conflicted with the Muslims
and took serious measures for the protection of the island.
According to the accounts of the capture of Antalya, it is possible to claim
that the Cypriot treasure was able to furnish a large fleet. But it had a great
cost. When Peter succeeded, his father had already spent the resources in
the treasure; every possible income, including revenues, arrears, and
payments were spent. So Peter had to take every measure to raise money
from local and foreign sources.272 This meant that comparing to financial
gains from the capture of Antalya, it was a huge burden on the economy.
According to Leontios Makhairas, for the expedition of Antalya, Peter had
prepared 50 ships, which were varied in size and four of the ships belonged
to other rulers. These 50 ships were reinforced by 56 other ships, 2 papal
ships, and 12 Christian pirate ships making the final number of the ships
120.273 The Chronicle of Amadi, and the chronicle of Florio Bustron give a
total number of 106 ships, of which 46 were galleys, 20 transports, 12
galliots, 6 brigantines, and other smaller vessels. Additionally, the Chronicle
271 Amadi, 291; Edbury, Kingdom of Cyprus, 134-135.
272 Machairas, Recital, Vol. 2, 157; Strambaldi, , 63; Hill, History of Cyprus, Vol.
2, 318.
273 Machairas, Recital, Vol. 2, nos. 117-118, 177-178, 190-191.
104
of Amadi mentions an additional fleet of 12 ships that took troops from
Antalya to capture Myra.274
It is known that, capable of building small and some middle-sized vessels,
there was a shipyard in Famagusta that Peters ships were built at. However,
manpower and some of the materials to build ships were brought to
Famagusta from somewhere else. For instance, manpower was brought
among the Greeks of Rhodes, Latins from Italy, France, and Catalonia.275
As a newly crowned king, his early decisions were not only driven by his
personality but derived out of necessity. To claim this is not to deny the
economical concerns but to refrain from oversimplified explanations. Primary
motivations for the naval league participants were different from each other
and for Cypriots the naval league meant protection both politically and
economically. Kings before Peter avoided unnecessarily offensive actions
which in return they believed would be harmful. For instance, Hugh, while
initiating offensives against the Turks for the protection of his kingdom and
the commercial trafficking, saw it pointless and dangerous to provoke the
Mamluks because, especially after the fall of Ayas in 1337, goods being resold
on the island had predominantly been transported from Mamluk ports.276
Hugh repeatedly had the popes to avoid antagonizing the Mamluks in the
274 Amadi, i, 411-312, 415-416; Bustron, Chronique, 259-260, 263-264; Atiya, he Crusade,
325-326; Coureas, Lusignan Kingdom of Cyprus and the 373-374.
275 Jean Richard, les comptes de leveque geraud de Paphos et les constructions navales en
Chypre, in Documents Chypriotes des archives du Vatican (XIV et XV siecles), 1962, 31-49
276 Ashtor, Levant Trade, 38, 54, 80; Edbury, Kingdom of Cyprus, 161.
105
crusade preachings in 1336, 1346, and 1351.277 However, according to
Makairas, Peters expedition began after a Turkish attack on Cyprus.278 In
the beginning of 1360s, it was said that the local emirs (brahim Bey of
Karaman and the emirs of Antalya, Alanya, and Manavgat) formed a naval
league and plotting against Cyprus which may have been triggered by
handing over the city of Corycos in Cilician Armenia that was offered by the
Armenians to Peter in return for protection.
The capture of Antalya, on the other hand, brought the entire Cypriot policy
into a different state. Now that the kingdoms next achievement was to
keeping the city in the hand which was going to be proved very difficult to
achieve. In the 1360s the kingdom spent considerable amount of sources to
protect Antalya. Immediately after the fall of the city, the local emirs were
placed under tribute and the Turkish raids on the coasts were ostracized. But
only a year later, the city was blockaded by land, and the resources needed
for the inhabitants were carried on by sea.279
If Peters personality was on the one hand, on the other there were his
nephew Hughs claims on the throne that pushed Peter to take action. When
Peter succeeded, Pope Clement had an intention to investigate Peters right
on the throne, so Peter had to gain prestige in the papal curia. Peters
chivalrous and pious nature which was full of enthusiasm, perfectly suited to
277 Benedict XII, Lettres closes, nos. 732-733; Clement VI, Lettres closes, nos. 108, 2496.
278 Machairas, Recital, Vol, 1, 116-117; Strambaldi, 44-45; Amadi, 411.
279 Edbury, Kingdoms of the Crusaders, XII, 91.
106
the political situation he was in.280 Now the Cypriot king had another
motivation other than defensive or commercial purposes: to promote his
position. But on top of every other aspect, the papacy was convinced that
securing the Eastern Mediterranean and the Aegean was a prerequisite for
future expeditions. Pope Urban V, in his letter to Emperor Charles IV (1346-
1378) depicts that the Holy Land is too far but King Peter, whose kingdom is
at the gates of the infidelscaptured Satalia and the other lands, and, the
pope asked the emperor to prepare for passagium generale beginning on 1
March 1365.281 At least before the Alexandrian Crusade, in the fourteenth
century, reorganizing a Crusader expedition had already been on the carpet
and for the first time, passagium generale was reserved for the kings of
Cyprus thanks to Peters early actions on the throne.282
281 Richard and Perrat, Bullarium Cyprium, 377, no. v-38. Dated 25 May 1363.
282 Atiya, rusade, Commerce and Culture, 102.
107
CHAPTER IV
FIRST JOURNEY TO EUROPE: FIRST STEPS
In 1362, Peters accession case was still open. So Peter sought to travel to
Europe to settle down the problem. In the beginning of the journey to Europe,
we do not know much about main purpose, but, his motivation behind
his visit may not be derived solely from his purpose to assemble a crusading
army. However, on 15 June 1362, Peter sent a letter to the Florentine
government and the Seneschal of the Kingdom of Naples, Niccolo Acciaioli,
asking for help to recover the Holy Land. Acciaioli offered to lend ships to use
in the expedition, and on 15 September 1362, Peter expressed his gratitude
to him. The projected date for the crusaders to assemble was 1 March
1364.283
At the end of the summer of 1362, Peter, waiting for the plague to disappear,
designated Jean of Carmadino284 as the captain of Antalya, ordering him to
fortify the fortress. In October, Peter traveled from Nicosia to Paphos,
283 Giuseppe Müller, Documenti Sulle Relazioni Delle Città Toscane Coll’Oriente Cristiano E
Coi Turchi Fino All’anno MDXXXI (Cambridge University Press, 2014), pt. 1, doc. 82. 119;
Mas Latrie. Histoire, v2, 236, for Acciaioli, 239; Machairas, Recital, Vol. 2, 109; Iorga, Philippe
de Mézières, 142-143; Hill, History of Cyprus, 324; Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 242.
284 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières. 120, 142-143; Amadi, 375 fn. 2, Machairas, Recital, Vol. 2,
66.
108
accompanied by Peter Thomas, Philip of Mezieres, his son, future King Peter
II, his brother, and a retinue of knights and servants. He left his brother John
in charge of the island,285 and on 24 October 1362, departed from Paphos to
Rhodes with four galleys and five frigates.286
In early November, he was in Rhodes, where he met with the Grandmaster
of the Knights Hospitaller, Roger de Pins (1355-1365), who received Peters
party with great honor and hospitality, pledging him to help. The
Grandmaster had helped him in Peters Cilician expedition, and he figured
Peter as a mediator between the order and the papal Curia287. At Rhodes,
relatives of former commanders to Antalya, Peter of Sur and Jacques le
Petit, joined him.288 Peter stayed here for a few days and, on 5 December
1362, headed to Venice, where he was warmly received by the Doge
Lorenzo Celsi (1361-1365), who had succeeded Giovanni Delfino (1356-
1361) a year before.289 Celsi escorted Peter from Bucentaure to the
Monastery of Saint Nicholas. On the way, a bridge collapsed while Peter was
285 Iorga and Mezieres also note other names: John of Ibelin, John of Fenio, Jean Thenouri,
and John of Gaurelle. See, Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 142-143; Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas,
102-103.
286 Ibid., 94. Bustron, Chronique, 259; Iorga, Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 142-143; Edbury,
The Lusignan Kingdom of Cyprus and its Muslim Neighbours, 13; Idem., Kingdom of Cyprus,
164; Hill, History of Cyprus, 324-325. According to Amadi, Peter had three galleys and an
armed foist. See Amadi, n. 822, 375. Gian Giocamo Caroldo records that Peter arrived in
Venice with three galleys. See, Mas Latrie Nouvelle Preuves, Vol. 34, 68.
287 Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 330-331, fn. 3.
288 These two knights might be the relatives of Jean of Sur and Jacques of Nores. See,
Machairas, Recital, Vol.1, 71; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 144.
289 Machairas, Recital, Vol. 1, 71-72; Amadi, n. 822, 375; Bustron, Chronique, 261; Mézieres,
St. Peter Thomas, 103; Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol.2, 239, fn. 1; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières,
144-145; Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 331. For a discussion about the date,
Peter arrived in Venice, see Hill, History of Cyprus, 325, fn. 1.
109
passing through, and he fell into the water. Later he said that he has now
become a real Venetian.290 Doge Celsi pledged to help Peter, and Peter
restored the 1328 grants. Celsi also offered his help to mediate between
Peter and other rulers of Europe to orchestrate the Crusade. However, they
decided to keep the plans secret for a time.291
In Venice, Peter stayed at Palazzo Cornaro, where the Duke Albert of Austria
stayed before, near Saint Lucas, on the Grand Canale.292 Enthusiastic about
Peters plans, Celsi supported him.293 The Senate voted and assented to
provide 12 galleys to Peter; 6 will be decorated in Venice and 6 in Crete.
Moreover, the Senate assured the maintenance of the ships and the supplies
necessary to set sail.294 Around the same time as Peter, Celsi sent his
envoys to Avignon to support Peters negotiations. It is opinable that Celsi
sought to obtain credit from Peters expedition by offering help to him, hoping
to fish for compliments, especially from the pope. Nevertheless, there is no
doubt that Celsi bypassed risking the Venetian trade and the profit cultivated
from the East.295
290 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 147. Setton suggests that this tale should refer to Peters return
to Venice on 11 November 1364. See, Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 245 fn. 106.
291 Sanudo, Le Vite Dei Dogi Di Marin Sanudo, (Venice: Tipi dell'editore S. Lapi, 1900), Col.
655; Mas Latrie, Histoire Vol.2, 228-232, 239-241; Machairas, Recital, Vol. 1, 71; Bustron,
Chronique, 260-261; Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 103; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 148-149;
Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 242; Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 331;
Edbury, Kingdom of Cyprus, 164; Hill, History of Cyprus, 348-349.
292 Mas Latrie. Nouvelle Preuves, Vol.34, 68; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 147.
293 He presented Peter with many gifts. See Mas Latrie, Nouvelle Preuves, Vol.34, 68.
294Venice, Archivio di Stato, Senato Misti, Reg. 30, fol. 119, 124. Fol. 119 is dated 30
November and fol. 124 is dated 31 December; Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 103.
295 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 149.
110
Peter had a good reputation in Europe, and his visit aroused interest among
the rulers. When in Venice, Peter had invitations from Nicholas II of Ferrara
and Francis I of Padua to visit their cities. Nicholas sent Peter gifts, and both
Nicholas and Francis offered help. However, expressing his gratitude for their
offer, Peter kindly refused to see Nicholas as he had to visit with the pope.296
During the reception, Peter was presented with six horses with scarlets,
fourteen boars, twenty calves, fourteen peacocks, two hundred pairs of
cartridges, and two hundred capons.297 Additionally, four Ragusan
representatives were selected to greet Peter in Venice on 20 November
1362. There is no surviving evidence that they virtually met with Peter, but,
likely, they came together in Venice.298
On 1 January, Peter left Venice. Receiving permission from the council to
leave the city, Doge Lorenzo Celsi and the Podesta of Treviso, Andrea Zane,
accompanied him beyond Mestre and Marghera.299 Carlo Zeno, the future
admiral and one of the commanders during the War of Chioggia, was in
296 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 147-148; Nicholas Coureas, Relations between
Lusignan Cyprus and the Kingdom of Naples in the Late Thirteenth and Early Fourteenth
in Crusader Landscapes in the Medieval Levant: The Archaeology and History of
the Latin East, eds. M. Sinibaldi, K.J. Lewis, B. Major and J.A. Thompson (Cardiff: University
of Wales Press, 2016), 7.
297 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 148; Lodovico Antonio Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores,
Vol. 15. (1733), 485-86. Benedictine Abbot Niccolo of Gavello, Libro del Polistore's author,
attended the reception. See, Lodovico Antonio Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, Vol. 24,
(1733), 843. Francis I of Padua had sent six knights with a large retinue to greet Peter. See,
Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 148.
298 Nicholas Coureas, and Ragusa (Dubrovnik) 1280 Mediterranean Historical
Review 17, no. 2 (December 2002), 7.
299 Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol.2, 247; Mas Latrie, Nouvelle Preuves, 68-69.
111
Peters retinue and accompanied him during his tour of Europe.300 Through
Mestre and Marghera, Peter traveled to Northern Italy. Near Padua, at Dolo,
Francis I greeted Peter and chaperoned him to Padua. Peter stayed a few
days at the palace and received four horses from Francis as a gift.301 He
headed to Milan via Vicenza and Verona with two hundred knights and a
large retinue, eventually reaching Milan on 21 January 1363.302 Bernabo
Visconti received him in the city, and, very interested in Peters expedition,
he offered great help to Peter. However, the Visconti was not convinced of
the outcome of the Crusade. Keen on reaching Avignon, Peter stayed here
for a few days and left the city in late January. According to Mas Latries
itinerary, the king remained in Milan for twelve days, but the exact date of his
departure is unknown. Moreover, he was already at Voghera on 1
February.303
After Milan, Peter headed to Pavia, and Galeazzo II Visconti generously
greeted him in Late January. He was at the court of John II of Montferrat, the
grandson of the Byzantine Emperor Andronicus II Palaiologos, at Voghera on
1 February 1363. Finally, on 2 February 1363, he reached Tortana, spent the
night in the town, and headed to Genoa at dawn. On the fourth or fifth day of
300 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 149.
301 Mas Latrie. Histoire, Vol.2, 239-40 fn.1; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 150; Atiya The
Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 331; Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 243.
302 Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 239-40, fn. 1; Mas Latrie, Nouvelle Preuves, 68-69; Iorga,
Philippe de Mézières, 150-51; Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 331; Setton, The
Papacy and the Levant, 243.
303 Mas Latrie, Histoire, 240; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 150.
112
February 1363, Peter reached Genoa, greeted by the Doge Simone
Boccanegra (1339-1345, 1356-1363).304
Boccanegra was an ally of John II of Montferrat and was a powerful and
enthusiastic supporter of Peter and his plans. A reception was organized in
honor of Peter in Genoa, which was luxurious, for which a massive sum of
money was spent to honor Peter. At Boccanegras request, Peter made his
son, Baptist Boccanegra, a knight. After the reception, Boccanegras
chamberlain, Pierre Malosello, invited the guests to his residence in Sturla
near Genoa for a feast. Boccanegra and Peter305 attended the feast, during
which Boccanegra was poisoned.306
At the beginning of March, Boccanegra died and was replaced by Gabriel
Adorno. Boccanegras death was announced to the public on 14 or 15
March.307 Adorno was not as friendly as Boccanegra and was not a keen
supporter of Peters expedition. Upon Genoise's request, on 5 March 1363,
304 Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 239-40, fn. 1; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 150-51. John II,
Marquis of Montferrat, is the son-in-law of James III of Majorca by his marriage to Isabella of
Majorca. Iorga mistakenly depicts that John is the son-in-law of James II, who died in 1311.
See, Ibid, 150.
305 Peters presence at the feast is dubious, but it is likely that he was there as one reason for
the dinner was the promotion of the Doges son to knighthood.
306 Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 103-4; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 151-152. Boccanegra reestablished
the office of the Doge in 1356, and his second time at the office began. However,
he pursued anti-noble policies and lost internal support, eventually leading to his end. Despite
not being proven, it is known that some nobles plotted against him, so poison is suspected.
See John Law, The Italian North in The New Cambridge Medieval History, Vol. 6, ed. Michael
Jones, (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 460-461.
307 According to Iorga, Boccanegras death was spread on 13 March. A commission was
designated and elected Adorno as the Doge. Otherwise, Boccanegras brothers were locked
up, and his children were exiled after his death. Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 151, fn 4. Amadi
records that Peters sister died as well, probably due to the plague on 1 March. See Amadi,
376.
113
Peter restored the rights and trading privileges granted by king Henry I of
Cyprus in 1232.308 Among the witnesses were Chancellor Phillippe Mezieres,
the Marshal of Jerusalem Simon Tenouri, and Guido di Bagnolo.309 Gabriel
Adorno intimidated Peter with war and thus obtained further privileges,
offering three ships for Peter in return.
Meanwhile, Peter Thomas had already headed to the Papal Curia. When he
sent a letter to Peter, Pope Urban also sent letters to Peters brother John
and to Peter Thomas, asking them to persuade Peter, in favor of Hugh, about
the succession problem. Although he was the papal legate, Peter Thomas
mediated between the pope and Peter, trying not to risk the future of the
crusading expedition. Peter Thomas had fellows at the Curia, such as Elias
Talleyrand of Périgord, and was well received. The King John II of France
was at the Curia since late November as well, residing at the summer house
of Clement VI. The Curia was interested in the news about Peter. Praising
him, Peter Thomas represented Peters crusading plans, from which the
308 Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol.2, 51-56 (1232 grants) and 248-49 (the renewal in 1363); Reinhold
Röhricht, Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani, MXCVII-MCCXCI., (Jerusalem, 1960), 271;
Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 103-4, fn. 5; Bustron, Chronique, 261-62; Mas Latrie, Nouvelle
Preuves, 68; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 151-52; Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 243;
Hill, History of Cyprus, 312, 325. This agreement was renewed, and additional privileges were
endowed on 18 January 1365. For the agreement, see the relevant section. Konnari claims
that Machairas summarized the treaty, conceivably overlooking some significant points of the
clauses. For a discussion about Machairasconfusion about the spectators of the document,
See Angel Nicolaou-Konnari, and Historiography, the Use of Documents in the
Chronicle of Leontios in Diplomatics in the Eastern Mediterranean, 320-321. This
agreement created tribulations for the Cypriots in the future. Genoese acquired complete
liberty and were freed from the jurisdiction of the kings officers. Additionally, they were
permitted to visit and leave the island freely, possibly obtaining the right to interfere militarily if
the agreement was violated. (Articles 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12). For all the treaty articles in Machairas
work, see Machairas, Recital, 83-85.
309 Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 248-49; Machairas, Chronique, 83-86; Iorga, Philippe de
Mézières, 152.
114
pope and the Curia were overjoyed. Previously attached to the archbishopric
of Coron, Peter Thomas was promoted to the archbishopric of Crete on 6
March.310
4.1 Peter at Avignon
In the following days of March, Peter Thomas disclosed Peter about the
reaction in the Curia and having an unpleasant relationship with the new
Doge Adorno, Peter left Genoa at the end of March, reaching Avignon on 29
March 1363, with a large retinue, two days before the Good Friday.311 Peter
was lovingly received at Avignon by Pope Urban V, John II, and the cardinals
who went out to meet him and stayed with Peter, who was being served wine
and spices.312
Two days later, Urban, celebrating the crowd, gave the cross to John II,
Peter I, and Cardinal Talleyrand of Périgord, alongside other barons and
countless nobles.313 John was proclaimed the rector and the captain-general
310 Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 104-5; Etienne Baluze, Guillaume Mollat, Vitae paparum
avenionensium; hoc est Historia pontificum romanorum qui in Gallia sederunt ab anno Christi
MCCCV usque ad annum MCCCXCIV, Vol.1, (Paris, 1900), 384, 395, 399; Iorga, Philippe de
Mézières, 152; Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 244; Edbury, Kingdom of Cyprus, 164.
311 Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 105; Amadi, n.822, 375; Baluze, Mollat, Vitae Paporum, Vol.
1. 352-53; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 165-66; Edbury, Kingdom of Cyprus, 164; Setton, The
Papacy and the Levant, 245; Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 331; Hill, History
of Cyprus, 325.
312 Froissart, Chronicles of England, France, and Spain, 303; Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas,
105; Edbury, Kingdom of Cyprus, 164; Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 245; Atiya, The
Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 331; Hill, History of Cyprus, 325. Pope Innocent died on 12
September, and Urban V was elected as the new pope in September.
313 Among those who took the cross was Amadeo IV, Count of Savoy, Jean dArtois, Count of
dEu, Charles, Count of Dammartin, Jean II, Viscount of Melun, Count of Tancarville, and noble
Arnoul dAudrehem; Robert of Juilly, the future Grand Master of the Hospitallers and also the
Grand Prior of France, as well as Jean I, the Marshal of France. It is also noted that Danish
115
of the expedition, and Talleyrand of Périgord was appointed as the legate.
Urban also assigned John a tithe and many other privileges to help him raise
the necessary funds for the expedition. Additionally, he granted indulgences
and placed protection on the crusaderspossessions.314 Additionally,
concessions were extended to the archdioceses of Crete, Corfu, and
Rhodes.315 However, at the time, the primary target of the expedition was not
specific, although passagium generale was announced, and it was to recover
the Holy Land. From the papal documents, it may be deduced that potential
King Waldemar IV was also in Avignon, but this needs to be corrected. He arrived in Avignon
in February 1364. See, Joseph Delaville, La France En Orient Au Xive Siècle, (1886). 121-22;
Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 162, 166; Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 332, fn.
1; Setton, The History of the Crusades, 354. For Cardinal Talleyrand of Périgord, see Norman
Zacour, Talleyrand: Cardinal of Périgord,” Transactions of the American Philosophical Society
New Series, Vol. 50, No. 7 (1960), 1-83.
314 Captain-generals soldiers and followers were to enjoy the indulgences and graces as well,
and John II was allowed to muster two hundred knights in France, two thousand in other
regions, and six thousand men-at-arms throughout Europe. See, Urban V, Lettres secretes,
nos. 352-353, 488; Lettres d’Urbain V, (1362-1370) Vol.1, no. 719; Baluze and Mollat, Vitae,
Vol. 1, 352-53, 384-85; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 171; Setton, The Papacy and the Levant,
245.
315 Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 105; Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 245. Tithes of
Cyprus had been consigned for the defense of zmir and other possessions against the Turks,
and the Archbishopric of Nicosia and the suffragans had to pay tithes for the same purpose
for three years. Captain of Smyrna, Peter Recanelli had to receive half of the sum collected
from the revenues in Cyprus, 3000 florins, from Peter Domandi, the collector. The date of the
first document is 19 November 1362, and the latter is 12 May 1363. See Bullarium, Richard
and Perrat, Bullarium Cyprium, v-7, v-33, 365, 376. For Peter Domandi and the collectors, See
Jean Richard, Les évêques de Chypre et la Chambre apostolique: un arrêt de compte de
1369 in The Crusades and their Sources: Essays Presented to Bernard Hamilton, eds. John
France and William G. Zajac (London: Routledge, 1998), 181-82. The apostolic authority
would protect any possible effort to prevent the passage. Additionally, the Church would pray
and celebrate the deliverance of the Holy Lands. Urban dispatched a special prayer to the
archbishop of Reims and the suffragans to deliver during the prayers. See, Iorga, Philippe de
Mézières, 169 and fn. 3.
116
targets for the pope were the Mamluks, the Aegean, or the Balkans.316 The
time fixed for the departure was 1 March 1365.317
Like the pope and the cardinals, John II was impressed by Peters incentives.
During his stay at Avignon, he exchanged his ideas about the expedition with
Peter and the pope. However, John had an additional reason to participate in
this initiative. First of all, his father Phillip had the vow to take the cross, and
secondly, the free-companies318 had recently become a severe problem in
his lands. This was not solely John IIs problem as Urban sought to draw out
these companies terrorizing the countryside out of Europe, hoping they
would join the expedition. Nevertheless, this was a disappointing effort as the
crusaders failed to enlist these groups into the expedition.319 Later on, the
pope needed to issue indulgences against them. Upon John IIs death, it
proved harder to enlist volunteers as individuals did not choose to leave their
316 Edbury, Kingdom of Cyprus, 165; Housley, Avignon Papacy, 41-43. Iorga states that Peter
sought to launch the crusade not solely as a piece of an adventure, but to reconquest the Holy
Lands. participation was especially important as Peter would not wish to be the only
leading figure of the expedition. His sources and troops would not be enough for reconquest,
and his troops would soon reduce to the defensive. Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 175-176. Also
see below.
317 When the passagium generale was announced, King John appeared to need more time to
be prepared, and Peter seemed impatient to launch the crusade before March 1365. (See
Peters letter to Niccolo Accioioli above) However, when Peter met with John in France, Johns
pious zeal prevailed, and he stated that he would be ready before the projected date. See
Froissart, Chroniques de Jean Froissart (1360-1366), 87-88; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 167;
Hill, History of Cyprus, 325, fn. 4; Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 245; Edbury, Kingdom
of Cyprus, 165.
318 Unemployed mercenaries and irregular groups. For Housleys detailed work, see Norman
Housley, Mercenary Companies, the Papacy and the Crusades 1356- Traditio Vol.
38 (1982), 253-80.
319 Only a small group of them participated.
117
lands for a journey to the East while free companies were still threatening the
countryside.320
The most problematic issue for Peter, without a doubt, was the dispute over
his succession. After hearing of Peters visit, his nephew Hugh came to
Avignon to express his complaints and rejuvenize his claims to the throne.
Both parties propounded their arguments, and after many discussions, the
pope and the cardinals settled that Peter should remain the legitimate king of
Cyprus. Hugh did homage to the king, and Peter agreed to pay Hugh an
annual fee. For Makhairas, the fee is 50.000 bezants a year. Amadi does not
specify an amount, but Strambaldi, too, remarks that the amount is 50.000
bezants.321 Without a doubt, the negotiations about the passagium generale
positively affected Peters accession case to be solved quickly in favor of
Peter. He attained the consent of the pope, the cardinals, and the nobles,
and it was an auspicious and encouraging start for a new journey to the East.
Nevertheless, having an unfavorable decision would risk the expedition
altogether.
Urban dispatched letters through Christendom and invited the rulers of
Europe to join the expedition. He mediated between John II and Charles II
the Bad, the king of Navarre, to make peace with France and Aragon. He
also asked Charles not to prolong the former hostilities when John II was on
320 Froissart, Chronicles of England, France, and Spain, 303, 305; Edbury, Kingdom of Cyprus,
165. Particularly France suffered from these groups. See Housley, Mercenary
271-72.
321 Machairas, Chronique, 72; Amadi, n.822, 375; Strambaldi, Vol. 2, 51.
118
the expedition. Urban also sent letters to Edward III of England, Emperor
Charles IV, Wenceslaus I of Luxembourg, Rudolf II of Saxony, Rudolf IV of
Austria, the Dukes of Bavaria, and the Doge Celsi. He asks Celsi to equip
ships, arms, and troops for Peter, depicting that the Turks have always been
a nuisance for Venice and they will invariably remain the same, and counsel
him that it would be savvy to support the initiative. Another letter was sent to
the King of Hungary, Louis I the Great (future King of Poland by 1370), to
support the expedition as he held an impressive army that would be a
necessary contribution to the triumph of the crusader army.322
4.2 Peter’s Role: The Leader or A Leader?
At this point, it is necessary to pinpoint the role of Peter in the expedition and
his representation in the popes version of it. From the point of view in which
Peter was elevated to be a noble, passionate young king serving for the
perpetuity of Christendom -and considering that he was warmly welcomed
and accepted by the rulers of Europe and the crowd as a promising hero- it
would not be mistaken to depict that Peter sought to be appointed as the
leader of the expedition. This notion would be true, deeming that it was
Peters private effort to orchestrate the passagium generale, which was his
lifetime personal extravaganza. However, the reality was not so poetic as
322 To Charles II on 16 April. See Arch. du Vatican, L. S., 245, fos 127-129; To Charles IV, the
Emperor, on 25 May. See Arch. du Vatican, L. S., 245, fos 161-163; To the kings and lords of
England and Bohemia, Luxembourg, Austria, Saxony and Bavaria, on 25 May. See Archive
du Vatican, L. S., 245, fos 136, 163, 166, and 163 vo4. To the Doge, see Arch. du Vatican, L.
S., 245 fos 164 vo-5. Rinaldi, Annales Ecclesiastici, 1363 Vol.25, 88. To Louis I on 25 May,
see Augustino Theiner, Vetera monumenta historica Hungariam sacram illustrantia maximam
partem nondum edita ex tabulariis Vaticanis deprompta collecta ac serie shronologica
disposita, Vol. 2 (Rome, 1860), 56. Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 169-70.
119
Peter was aware of the entailments of being the leader of such an expensive
initiative. His kingdoms economy, despite still handsome, was not in its
prime, which made it impossible to generate the necessary funds for the
expenses of the passage of a large army. On the other hand, the contribution
of a major king in a crusading expedition had always been an annealer and
increased the odds. In Peters story at Avignon, in which everyone is
overjoyed by the idea and gets carried away by the possibility of the recovery
of the Holy Land, it is also possible that the contributors calculated the risks
and the burdens.323 It is also conceivable that despite believing the
expedition's future is ambiguous, papal protection provided security and relief
for those who were politically at stake. The number of the army embarked in
1365 demonstrates that it was dramatically below expectations, which also
reveals that some who overjoyed the idea of a passagium refrained from
personally joining it. As for Urban, he probably measured the risks too and
placed Peter accordingly, mentioning him as the magnificent 324
This gave Peter sort of autonomy as if he was undertaking his personal
initiative, and neither the Pope and John II nor Peter felt uncomfortable with
this. In the end, upon John IIs death, and with an absence of a major
European ruler, Peter became the unofficial leader of the Crusade. Already
323 Florentine poet Fazia degli Uberti has been staying in Avignon by the time Peter visited the
city. He expresses his doubts in his work Dittamondo regarding the passagium would bring
any fortune, stating that the Mamluks should not be provoked, and believed that it would be
unnecessary without being able to capture Jerusalem. -Amis, fiz-jeu, monter porra gran mal,
-Si paubremen se voga disveglier, -Le chien qui dort dedans son paubre stal.” See Mas Latrie,
Histoire, Vol. 2, 245-46.
324 Arch. du Vatican, L. S., 245, fos 165.
120
hurt by his circuitous tour, his kingdoms economy took a further hit by
Peters effort to reinforce and sustain the army he was leading.325
On 11 April 1363, Peter was still in Avignon and remained there until the end
of May.326 Eventually, on 31 May 1363, he left the city, leaving Phillippe de
Mézieres and Peter Thomas in Avignon.327 Before leaving, he also solved a
nuisance with the Montpellierines, which had been a subject recently.328 After
leaving Avignon, he traveled through Pont-de-Sorgues, a town near Avignon,
where the Camera paid 51 florins for Peter and his retinues expenses.329
Peter then took a route through Alsace-Flanders-Brabant and Rhineland.
Finally, in late June 1363, with many French knights, Peter reached Basel in
early July and traveled to Strasbourg, reaching the city on 4 July 1363.330
325 For the economy, see the relevant section; For the numbers, see the relevant section. For
Iorgas discussion see Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 170.
326 On 11 April, the Papal Treasury paid three florins to repair Peters pieces of jewelry given
by the pope. See Karl Heinrich Schäfer, ed, Die Ausgaben Der Apostolischen Kammer Unter
Den Päpsten Urban v. Und Gregor XI. 1362-1378, (Paderborn: F. Schöningh, 1911), 12.
327 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 158-59. According to Froissart, John left Avignon after Peter
on 9 May, as he was in Villeneuve-les-Avignon between 15 and 17 May. See Froissart,
Chronicles of England, France, and Spain, 304; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 172.
328 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 172. Montpellier merchants had complained about Peters
officers abusing the inhabitants of Montpellier. The pope was also aware of this issue and
requested Peter to solve the problem. On 21 April, Peter sent a letter to his brother, John, the
regent, for cessation of abuses. Later, a charter was granted to the merchants on 14 June
1365. See, Ibid., 172 and fn. 2.
329 Schäfer, Die Ausgaben, 13.
330 Froissart, Chronicles of England, France, and Spain, 303-4. Froissart records that after
leaving Avignon, Peter visited Central Europe and met with the Emperor at Prague. However,
he is mistaken. Peter took the trip Froissart mentioned after he returned from England. Iorgas
comment on Froissart concludes that it should have been a rapid visit if Peter had traveled to
Germany and met with the emperor. Caroldo reprises Froissarts version of the trip, but it is
not surprising as he must have used Froissarts chronicle in his writings. See, Iorga, Philippe
de Mézières, 173-75 and 174 fn. 4; Runciman, History of the Crusades, 442; Atiya, The
Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 332. Froissart depicts that John agreed to meet Peter in
Marseilles in March 1364. See, Froissart, Chronicles of England, France, and Spain, 305.
121
When Peter was in Strasbourg, the clergy warmly welcomed him, and bells
rang for his arrival. A tournament was arranged at the horse market in the
Northern part of the city (Marché aux Chevaux), during which many noble
ladies were among the audience of the jousts. Peter probably took part in the
jousts. For Peter, three types of wine and sixteen pounds of fish were served;
three types of wine were old, new, and red.331 Peter stayed in Strasbourg for
a couple of days and left the city, arriving in Mainz on 25 July 1363. It is not
entirely clear if he visited any other towns during his travel from Strasbourg to
Mainz, but it is possible that he stopped by Cologne. Iorga, quoting Koelhoffs
chronicle, informs that Peter, with his entourage of sumptuous knights, was
in Cologne and visited the Cologne Cathedral, where the Biblical Magi were
situated.332
4.3 Oh Mon Dieu! Peter and John II Meet at Paris
It is not sure how long Peter stayed in Mainz, but from this city, he traveled to
France, reaching Paris in August.333 He was well-received by King John II
and his lords in the city. Several councils were held to debate the Crusade
and the consequences of the endeavor. During the discussions, there were
protests against the expedition as the current state of the French Kingdom
was fragile. The kingdom had troubles with the aforementioned free
331 Chroniken der Deutschen Stadte, Die Chroniken der oberrheinischen Städte, Straßburg,
Vol. 2 (Leipzigm S. Hirzel, 1870), 858-59; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 174.
332 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 175; Koelhoffsche in Coellen Repertorium Fontium
III, 15-31; Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 332. Johan Koelhoff der Jüngere was
a law student and a business holder in printing in Cologne in the late 15th century.
333 Froissart, Chronicles of England, France, and Spain, 305; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 175.
122
companies that harassed the countryside, and prevalent robbery ruined the
kingdoms lands. Additionally, although peace with England had been
restored, the kingdom was financially in trouble.334
It is appropriate to ask why John agreed to play a part in this Crusade if his
kingdom was in trouble. The foremost rationale was that the French
reputation had almost been destroyed since their conflict with England. Being
a part of such an expedition eagerly supported by the pope, John pursued
rejuvenating his monarchy's reputation. Moreover, a common idea, especially
in the first half of the fourteenth century, was that a French-dominated
crusade should be launched as they were the grandsons of St. Louis. So
they should recover the Holy Land, and the ultimate target should be
Jerusalem.335 King John may have attached to this idea and sought to
restore the kingdoms position. On the other hand, John may have calculated
that the gifts that passagium generale might bring would heal the financial
state of his considerably impoverished kingdom. However, those who
opposed the idea altogether must have objected to it as well since recovering
the Holy Land and defending it against the Mamluks would not be as easy as
one might think, and the lords were most probably aware of it. So, this
initiative would bring loss rather than profit; even if it generated profit, it would
not have been a revelation for the French economy.336 As for Peter, if
334 Froissart, Chronicles of England, France, and Spain, 305; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 175;
Edbury, Kingdom of Cyprus, 162; Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 332-333;
Runciman, History of the Crusades, 442.
335 Edbury, Kingdom of Cyprus, 162-63.
336 Froissart, Chronicles of England, France, and Spain, 305; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 175-
76 Edbury, Kingdom of Cyprus, 162-63.
123
capturing Jerusalem was achieved, he would desperately need military
support to defend the possessions. Otherwise, he would barely defend them
with his personal effort and resources.
Although the concerns of his lords and their proposition to wait until at least
the kingdom was in a better state, John decided to keep supporting Peter
and embark on the expedition in March 1364, one year earlier than the pope
declared, with no delay. The primary concern, however, was the disputes
between the Kingdom of France and the Kingdom of Navarre.337 Peters
overall stimulus behind his tour was not necessarily to recruit the adventurers
who desired to be a part of the expedition but to persuade major European
powers to join the cause. Otherwise, his already fragile expedition would
have been lost without a significant European ruler.
Eventually, spending around ten days in Paris, Peter headed to Normandy.
As Froissart narrates, he traveled through North-Western France and
reached Rouen, where he met with his cousin the lord John dAlençon, the
archbishop of 338 In Caen, Peter met with the Duke of Normandy,
Charles (Dauphin, son of John II, future King Charles V the upon the
Dukes invitation. Charles gave a lavish reception in Peters honor and
337 Froissart, Chronicles of England, France, and Spain, 305; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 175-
76.
338 Froissart may have made a mistake as John dAlençon was the son of Peter II, Count of
Alençon (b.1340-d.1404). Moreover, neither John nor Peter were archbishops of Rouen.
William IV of Flavacourt was the archbishop of Rouen between 1356-1369. See Diocése de
Rouen Accessed March 14, 2022, https://catholique-rouen.cef.fr. For
Froissarts narrative, see Froissart, Chronicles of England, France, and Spain, 305. However,
he may have referred to the close lineage of the houses of Lusignan and Alençon by
underlining they were cousins," just as King Edward also called Peter cousin during his visit
to London. See below.
124
presented him with a gold pitcher and a golden goblet in a shape of a rose.339
However, conceding the circumstances of his fathers kingdom was in,
Charles received Peters plans quite coldly, although he was a pious man.
For Charles, the kingdom was beleaguered with many troubles, and it was
not the right moment for such a faraway expedition.340
Taking the route to Caen, Peter reached Cherbourg, where he met with
Charles II, the Bads brother, Louis, Duke of Durazzo. Louis was
accompanied by a small retinue, but yet he received Peter honorably and
feasted him when he arrived in September 1363. Charles had two brothers,
Louis and Phillip, and the latter brother was very promising to join the
expedition. However, Phillip, Duke of Longueville, had died a while ago.
Despite Peters efforts, disputes between Navarre and France remained, as
Charles would want peace only if their inheritance were restored to his
house.341 After everything was said and done, probably due to unfavorable
weather conditions, Peter shelved in Cherbourg for another fifteen days and
339 Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol.2, 248 and fn. 1.
340 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 177.
341 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 176-77; Froissart, Chronicles of England, France, and Spain,
305. There needs to be clarity regarding the presence of Charlesbrothers. Froissart notes
that he was not sure which brother was the one Peter met in Cherbourg. However, he
presumes that it was Louis. The nucleus of this puzzlement is that Charlesbrother Phillip had
offered to support the Crusade, providing 1000 soldiers. Yet, Phillip died in Vernon in August
1363. So it is not possible that Charles two brothers Phillip and Louis were present in
Cherbourg all at once. The said prince should be Louis. See, Froissart, Chronicles of England,
France, and Spain, 305 fn. (*); Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 177 fn. 2. For the negotiations
between France and Navarre, see Chronique des quatre premiers Valois (1327-1393), 129.
On the other hand, before he visited Cherbourg, Peter intended to meet with King Charles II.
In this regard, Froissart portrays Peter meeting with Charles and his brother Louis. However,
according to Iorga, Charles stayed in his lands. Charlespresence during the negotiations is
dubious. One explanation, however, might be that Charles arrived in Cherbourg afterward.
See, Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 177-78; Froissart, Chronicles of England, France, and
Spain, 305.
125
left Cherbourg empty-handed as Charlesultimata were impossible to meet.
Finally, Peter left Cherbourg for England in late September or early October.
4.4 Peter Visits Edward III
Through Caen, Peter followed a route to Pont-de-lArche (Evreux) to cross
the Seine and entered Ponthieu. Eventually, traversing the Somme at
Abbeville (Lower Picardy) via Rue (Picardy), Montreuil (Amiens), and
Boulogne, he arrived at Calais on 20 October 1363.342 Peter arrived at Calais
with a large retinue of knights and nobles, and John IIs brother Philip, Duke
of Orleans, Louis, Duke of Bourbon, and Johns son, John, Duke of Berry,
hostages at the time, joyfully received Peter.343 At Calais, Peter wrote to
Doge Lorenzo Celsi, informing him that his ranks already included many
French and German knights and many others from around Europe. He also
reminded Celsi of his oath to support the expedition. Celsi replied, stating
342 He may have arrived on 17 October. See Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 178, fn. 2 and 3.
However, Peter had to wait for suitable weather conditions to cross the channel, so he stayed
in Calais some days between 12 to 16 days. See, Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 178; Froissart,
Chronicles of England, France, and Spain, 306. Also, see below.
343 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 177-78; Froissart, Chronicles of England, France, and Spain,
305. Due to the terms of the Treaty Brétigny (later Treaty of Calais), Louis I, Duke of Anjou,
and John Duke of Berry were designated as hostages of the English, and John II was released
for 500.000 pounds. However, Louis escaped from captivity in Calais. So when Peter arrived
in Calais, Louis was already fled. His escape led John II to travel to England to yield, to be
able to fulfill the treaty. Articles XV, XVI, XVII, and XVIII of the treaty mention the names of the
hostages in detail, including those who would be sent to Calais. For a list, see George Floyd
Duckett, Original Documents Relating to the Hostages of John, King of France, and the Treaty
of Brétigny, in 1360, (London: Kessinger Publishing), 7-8. Froissart claims that these three
Dukes were present in Calais when Peter arrived in the city. Iorga states that Peter met with
the three sons of John II. It is not entirely clear if Peter had traveled with Johns three sons.
Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 178; Froissart, Chronicles of England, France, and Spain, 305-6.
For the kings ransom, see Adam J. Kosto, Hostages in the Middle Ages (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2012). 163-65.
126
that he would fulfill his vow as soon as the crisis at Crete was solved with
Peters help.344
In Calais, Peter stayed for more than twelve days. Then, according to
Froissart, he waited for a change of weather to cross the channel as storms
beclouded his trip. On the last day of his stay in Calais, Peter ordered the
ships loaded and waited on board all night long to be able to set sail at once.
Eventually, he arrived at Dover on 2 November, after an easy-day journey. At
Dover, he recovered and waited for his ships to be unloaded. Peter had
arrived with a large retinue, including many noblemen and, according to
some sources, some French hostages.345 As chroniclers suggest, Peter
arrived in England with two pagan lords, one of whom was the king of Lecco,
a convert346 and the other was a Lord of Jerusalem, another convert,
344 Celsis reply is dated 27 November. Peter had already sent a letter to Celsi when he arrived
in Calais. See Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 3, 743; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 178.
345 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 178 and fn. 1 ; Froissart, Chronicles of England, France, and
Spain, 306.
346 King of Lithuania. Perhaps Rex de Lecto. His presence is based on an expression in
Eulogium Historiarum in which a battle between the Christians and the pagans is believed to
be taken place in Anatolia. However, this needs to be clarified. According to the chronicle,
some prisoners were kept at the castle of Chaundelour (Candelor-Alaia-Alanya), and many
pagans related to the various pagan kings were also taken captured. Nevertheless, we do not
know if any pagan princes were captured during Peters Anatolian expedition. Moreover, in
the chronicle, it is expressed that the battle occurred in the Anatolian plains. Said must have
been another expedition that took place in the future, as Alanya was surrendered after the fall
of Antalya, and the only king attending the conquest was Peter. This battle is also expressed
in another chronicle, Chronicle of Reading, an earlier Chronicle of Westminster, but with no
great detail. According to Iorga -based on account of a Teutonic chronicler Wigand of Marburgthis
pagan king was probably Waydot, a son (or a magnate) of the king of Lithuania, King
Keinstut. Waydot was taken captured by the Teutonic Knights in the Battle of Kauen in April
1362. He was baptized in Krolewiec and named Henryk. Later he fought against his father,
joining the raids against him. Some brethren of the Teutonic Order may have given Wajdot to
Peter, or the brother(s) himself may have joined Peter during his tour. Although this
explanation is more convincing, this prisoner's identity is dubious. See Eulogium Historiarum,
Vol.3, 233, 238; Chronica Johannis de Reading et Anonymi Cantuariensis, 1346-1367, 307-9
(notes); Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 178-179, fn. 7. For Waydot in Wigand of Marburgs
chronicle, see Chronik Wigands von in Scriptores Rerum Prussicarum. Die
Geschichtsquellen der Preussischen Vorzeit bis zum untergange der ordensherrschaft, Vol.
127
baptized and named Edward.347 Peter was greeted by Humphrey Bohun,
Earl of Hereford, Walter Manny, Lord Despencer, Lord Ralph de Ferrers,
Richard Pembridge, Richard Stafford, and many others.348
Peter and his retinue arrived in London on 6 November.349 A crowd greeted
Peter, and his arrival was celebrated. King Edward III and his wife, Queen
Philippa, welcomed him with much joy and great honor. The king and the
queens guest had had a long journey to England, so they determined to
undertake to cover all of Peters recent and current expenses. In Peters
honor, many festivities and entertainments were made. King Edward and
especially Queen Philippa presented gifts and jewels to Peter, and Peter
presented them with his gifts brought to England.350 Additionally, it is
believed that the king presented a large warship named Catherine," worth
2, eds. Theodor Hirsch, Max Töppen, Ernst Strehlke, and Walther Hubatsch (Leipzig, 1863),
536-37; Hill, History of Cyprus, 326 fn. 2; Charles Lethbridge Kingsford, Feast of the Five
Archaeologia Vol. 67 (Oxford: Frederick Hall for the Society of Antiquaries of
London,1916), 123-24.
347 Eulogium Historiarum, Vol. 3, 233; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 178, fn. 6 and 7. King
Waldemar is also mentioned, but it is impossible. See below: the feast of the five(?) kings
348 Humphrey Bohun: the son of deceased William Bohun, the Earl of Northampton, and upon
his uncle namesake Humphrey Bohuns death, he succeeded the title and possessions of
Hereford in 1361. Later on, Humphrey was nominated to be assigned as an envoy to the Duke
of Milan regarding his daughters marriage with the Duke of Clarence. However, he died shortly
after. Lord Despencer: Relative of King Edward II (according to Froissart, a grandson). Ralph
Ferrers: Probably Rauf (Raoul) de Ferrers, a noble family member. Sir Richard Pembridge:
The fifty third knight of the Garter. Sir Richard Stafford: A knight who served the king during
his wars in Gascony. He was a relative of the Earl of Stafford, Ralph. Additionally, Walter
Maundy, Allan Booksell (Buxhull), Richard Stury, and many other knights welcomed Peter in
London. See Froissart, Chronicles of England, France, and Spain, 306; Atiya, The Crusade in
the Later Middle Ages, 333.
349 Froissart, Chronicles of England, France, and Spain, 306; Knighton, Knighton s Chronicle,
187; Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 240, Walsingham, Historia Anglicana Vol.1, 299; Haydon,
Eulogium Historiarum, Vol. 3, 233.
350 According to Froissart, the queen especially presented magnificent gifts. See Froissart,
Chronicles of England, France, and Spain, 306; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 179-180; Hill,
History of Cyprus, 326.
128
12.000 francs, to Peter, which is highly doubtful.351 In London, some of
Peters knights were accommodated at the Black Princes residence at
Kennington.352
4.5 The Feast of the Five(?) Kings
Peter stayed in London for approximately one month. At least two grand
feasts were made during his stay. Chroniclers recorded one of these
festivities, namely "the Feast of the Five Kings."353 This event was even
perpetuated by an artist, Albert Chevallier Tayler, who painted the event in
351 According to Froissart, this ship was built for King Edward for his journey to Jerusalem and
was anchored in the harbor of Sandwich. However, although Edward had called to help the
Christians against the Muslims (predominantly against the Turks) many times, he had never
seriously intended to travel to Jerusalem. The basis of information regarding "Catherine" is
Froissarts account, in which he specifies that Edward presented the ship to Peter to use during
his expedition. Nevertheless, he also mentions that he saw the ship in the harbor two years
later. A ship named Catherine seems to exist, but it was used for commercial purposes. A
record states that Scottish traders from Montrose made an appointment to receive some goods
in a ship called Catherine at Kirkley in 1377. If we believe Froissart stating that the ship was
in the harbors of Sandwich and never left England, we may propose that it was either
converted to a trade ship or was always used for commercial purposes. Given that a ship
specifically built for an English king would be so expensive to be converted to a trade ship, we
may posit that it was never given to Peter or that the trade ship called Catherine was another
ship. Another explanation would be that the kings expensive ship was used for the purpose
of transporting goods that belonged to the royalty rather than for solely commercial purposes.
On the other hand, another explanation, which Iorga concludes, is that Catherine was given
to Peter, but it was costly for him to have it, as the launch of his expedition is far afield. Yet
this does not explain under what conditions or circumstances Catherine was used to
transport goods in 1377. For Froissart and Iorga, see Froissart, Chronicles of England, France,
and Spain, 306; Froissart, Chroniques de Jean Froissart (1360-1366), 90-92, 280-84, ed Luce;
Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 179-180. For the scholarly works acknowledging the ship was
gifted to Peter, see Hill, History of Cyprus, 326; Runciman, History of the Crusades, 442; Atiya,
The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 333; Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 246. For the
archival evidence of the Catherine at Kirkley, see The National Archives of the UK (TNA):
Public Record Office (PRO), E 210/8226. (hereafter
352 Michael Charles, ed., Register of Edward, the Black Prince, Preserved in the Public Record
Office: A.D. 1346-1348, (1930), 428. According to the Chronicle of Reading, the Cypriot
knights attended a tournament organized in 1362. However, the reality of this tournament is
doubtful. If it is true, these knights who accommodated at Kennington may have been the ones
in 1362, not 1363.
353 Chronicle of Reading, 158; Froissart, Chronicles of England, France, and Spain, 306;
Eulogium Historiarum, Vol.3, 233; Knighton s Chronicle, 189; Historia Anglicana, 299.
129
the nineteenth century.354 According to the popular version of this event,
Henry Picard, former mayor and master of Vintners wine company in
London, organized a feast, by order of King Edward, in honor of the kings
guests. According to this version of the story, apart from Edward were four
kings; Peter I of Cyprus, David II Bruce of Scotland, John II of France, and
Waldemar IV of Denmark.355 According to an earlier version of the feast, four
kings, excluding Waldemar, were entertained by Henry Picard, in addition to
many princes such as the Prince of Wales, during which Henry Picard and
his wife Margaret played dice and hazard with their guests in their chambers.
For example, Henry played dice with Peter. Winning the first round, Peter lost
the next two games in a row, which outraged him. Realizing Peter was losing
his temper, Henry conciliated with him, saying that he was interested in
Peters play, not his money.356 Moreover, this feast was glorified to the extent
that such a grand meeting had never been held since the time of King
Arthur.357 However, the exact story of this event is slightly different.
First of all, it is worth paying attention to the feast's host and the event's
whereabouts. Henry Picard was the mayor of London between 1356 and
354 The Vintners company presented the painting to the Royal Exchange.
355 Joshua Barnes, The History of the Most Victorious Monarch Edward III, King of England
and France and Lord of Ireland (together with his son Edward Prince of Wales and of Aquitain,
Sirnamed the Black-Prince), Printed in Cambridge by John Hayes for Joshua Banes,
(Cambridge, 1688), 635. Barneswork was published in 1688. See, Kingsford, of the
Five 119.
356My Lord King be not aggrieved, I covet not your gold but your play” See, John Stow, The
Annales of England, Faithfully Collected out of the Most Autenticall Authors, Records ... Untill
... 1592. (B.L., 1600), 415.
357 Eulogium Historiarum, 233. The account underpins that King Arthur had six kings at
Carleaon, with him numbering seven, who were all his subordinates. By comparing the merit
of the feast with king Arthurs meeting, this expression has been intended to glorify King
Edward as well.
130
1357 and was the Sheriff of London between 1348-1349.358 He was also a
member of the VintnersCompany, alderman of the Bishopgate ward, and
one of the Nine Worthies of Richard Johnson.359 Henry Picard was married to
Margaret, granddaughter of many times former mayor John de Gisors who
was also a wealthy merchant, bequeathed all his wealth to Henry Picard and
Margaret in 1351.360 So we may assume that Peters host was a wealthy
vintner, even before Gisors.361
The feast was organized at the Vintrys mansion, GisorsHill, in the parish of
St. Mildred, later known as Gerards Hall.362 Among the Gisorsproperties
was his residence next to St. Martins church which was later called the
Vintry. Upon Henry Picards death, all of Gisors properties passed over to
Henrys brother-in-law, Joe Stodie. It later evolved into the Vintners
Company, a supervising body in the wine trade.363 Shortly before Peter's
358 Stow, Survey of London, 79. Thomas Pennant follows the same story about the feast,
excluding Waldemar but mentioning Edward the Black Prince. See Thomas Pennant, Some
Account of London (Palala Press, 2018), 466. We come across another Sheriff, Richard Picard
in the mid-thirteenth century. Though quite probable, it is not sure if they were related. See
John Stow, A Survey of London, (1842), 422.
359 Johnsons sixteenth-century work underlines Henry Picard as one of the Nine Worthies of
London. See Richard Johnson, The Nine Worthies of London: Explaining the Honourable
Exercise of Armes, the Vertues of the Valiant, and the Memorable Attempts of Magnanimous
Minds. Pleasant for Gentlemen, Not Unseemely for Magistrates, and Most Profitable for
Prentises. Compiled by Richard Johnson, (London, 1592).
360 Kingsford, of the Five 122.
361 He was one of London's major financiers who lent Edward money during the war with
France. Anne Crawford, A History of the Vintners' Company (Constable, 1977), 47.
362 Crawford, Vintners’ Company, 46. Froissart states that two grand feasts were made in
Westminster. Even if there were other feasts, it is certain that the feast was not at Westminster.
Froissart, Chronicles of England, France, and Spain, 307.
363 Kingsford, of the Five 122; Crawford, Vintners Company, 46; A Short Guide
to Vintners Leaflet, 3.
131
arrival, they received their first royal charter on 15 July 1363, obtaining
permission to compete with Gascon wine traders.364
The main problem with the feast is the exact date of the event and the
number of participants. The aforementioned earlier version of the popular
account, John Stows Annales of England, which was Joshua Barnes
source, dates the event in 1357, but in a later version, he corrects the date
as 1363.365 Stows first source probably was an account at the Westminster
Abbey records in the Liber Niger as his account is a close translation from
the abbeys cartulary.366 However, in his chronicle, the Chronicle of Reading,
John of Reading, the monk of Westminster, does not put the event under
364 The companys charter of incorporation, however, is dated to 1437. Vintnerscompany was
one of London's twelve great Livery companies in the early sixteenth century. The companys
origin, however, is believed to be much earlier than the first royal charter in 1363, as it was a
religious wine fraternity associated with St. Martin. See, Kingsford, Feast, p. 122; Crawford,
Vintnersp. 14; A Short Guide to Vintners pp. 3-4. For further information regarding the
origins of the Vintners Company, see Ibid., Edwards charter of 1363 aimed to protect London
merchants, thwart the money from leaving England, and regulate the wine trade. Despite the
fact that Edward issued the charter in Westminster on 15 July 1363, it is erroneously believed
that the document was issued in 1364. The basis of this confusion is a mistake made while
copying the document. The original French text bears an endorsement in the back in Latin,
referring to 1364. On 15 July 1964, unaware of the error, the company organized a dinner for
the 600th anniversary of the charter, which was actually the 601st year. Vintners Company
Archive, Charter of 1363 (Photographed by Darren Woolway); Jerome Farrell, Confusion Over
the Years: the Correct Dating of the Vintners first Charter, (Unpublished Presentation, 2007);
Jerome Farrell, Charter of 1363, (Unpublished Presentation, 2008). I would like to express my
gratitude to Stephen Freeth, VintnersCompany Archivist and Charities Secretary, for sharing
an image of the charter, taken by Darren Woolway (I was unable to inspect the original charter
as it was in isolation), Dr. Guilhem Pépins French transcription, and his predecessor Jerome
Farrells discussions about the charter with me. Today the company lies on Upper Thames
Street, next to the administrative office building Five Kings House. See, picture.
365 John Stow, Annales of England, 263-64; John Stow, Survey of London, 240.
366 Westminster Abbey Library, Liber Niger f.LXXVIII. I want to express my gratitude to the
Westminster Library keepers of the Muniments for sharing the document with me.
132
1357.367 The kings of France and Scotland were in London in 1357, so this
may have been the reason behind this puzzlement.
On the other hand, another question is on which day the feast was made.
Peter was in London for the entire of November in 1363 and left England
sometime in early December. Nevertheless, king David, who already had
affairs to settle in England, arrived in London after Peter on 13 November,
and maybe he had expedited his travel to meet Peter before he left.
According to Froissart, the two kings were overjoyed at their meeting.368
David needed to solve the issue regarding his successor, and Edward and
David signed two documents in November 1363. One of these documents
date is partially known, as the other is dated 27 November 1363, issued at
Westminster, which indicates that David was in London in late November.369
David stayed in London until late February or early March.370 So the date of
the feast should be sometime between 13 and 27 November.
According to the Chronicle of Reading and Historia Anglicana, four kings
partook in the feast; Edward, John, Peter, and David.371 David and Peter
367 The date of the feast may have been edited afterward. For the story of the chronicle and
the editor James Taits comments, See, Chronicle of Reading, Introduction." Also see,
Kingsford, Feast of the Five 120; Anne Crawford, Vintners Company, 264.
368 Froissart, Chronicles of England, France, and Spain, 306.
369 Treaty was signed on 27 November, TNA E 39/2/22; proposals regarding the treaty at a
conference between the Privy Council of England and David, TNA E 39/2/2. This document is
signed before the former. David had married Edwards sister and had been under English
captivity due to his heavy loss at the Battle of Nevilles Cross. He was released in return for a
ransom, but his kingdom failed to pay the ransom of 1363. David made some offerings to be
able to solve the issue.
370 Kingsford, Feast of the Five 125.
371 Chronicle of Reading, 158; Historia Anglicana, 299.
133
were definitely in London. However, king John II was evidently absent when
the feast was held. Upon his son Louis I, the Duke of Anjous escape from
captivity, John intended to travel to England, for he felt that his honor was
tarnished and he should fulfill his kingdoms obligations. When Peter was in
Calais, the Duke of Anjou had already escaped, but king John had yet to
depart as he discussed the issue with his nobles. Moreover, Peter and king
John met again in Amiens in December 1363.372 John arrived in Dover on 4
January 1364, and having spent some days in Eltham, arrived in London on
14 January, residing at the Savoy. John was received with honor, and was
entertained with joy, but died on 8 April due to an illness.373
Suppose we return to the popular version, in which king Waldemar IV of
Denmark was included in the feast. In that case, we can extrapolate that not
only he was absent, but also he never visited England at all.374 The basis of
this assumption is that Waldemar received letters of safe conduct dated 2
February 1364.375 However, we lack any further documentary evidence
regarding a visit to England. Waldemar may have desired to visit England
when Peter was in London, but it is apparent that he could not do so. It
seems that Waldemar left his country in October 1363. However, his purpose
372 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 181. They must have met before Christmas. See relevant
section.
373 Froissart, Chronicles of England, France, and Spain, 307.
374 An account of Stephen Romylowe, constable of Nottingham Castle, gives particulars about
waiting for Waldemar at Dover for his arrival in 1364 when Peter had already left. However,
this is the only record of a visit by the King of Denmark. Waldemar may have planned a visit,
but for some reason, he may have changed his plans. TNA, E101/314/31.
375 In 1366 Waldemar received another safe conduct from Edward, but this time for his envoys.
TNA, SC 1/38/29.
134
was to visit the emperor in Prague, which he undertook on 2 January 1364.
Continuing his travel, he arrived in Strasbourg on 26 February.376 It is,
therefore, clear that the Feast of the Five was actually the Feast of
the Three during which Henry Picard entertained the kings of
England, Scotland, and Cyprus. The aforementioned the King of or
the Lord of may have been counted as the other two kings.
Nevertheless, this needs further evidence.377
4.6 A Tournament at Smithfield378 and Peter’s Return
One momentous event in Peters timeline in London is a tournament
organized at Smithfield after St. Martins day on 11 November 1363.379
Tournaments were particularly important events for the continuum of enlisting
nobles, knights, and volunteers for a crusading expedition and a crucial
opportunity for the leaders to be able to influence the audience. So, for Peter,
who was a proven tournament aficionado, this event was a golden
opportunity and having been aware of Peters bellicose taste and interest in
effectuating a chivalric portrayal, Edward paid particular attention to this
376 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 181; Feast of the Five 126. Peter and Waldemar
may have eventually met at Cracow. See below.
377 In the history of Joshua Barnes, published in 1688, he mentions the Duke of Bavaria, Albert,
who was made a knight of the Order of the Garter by Edward. However, he visited England in
1364, not in 1363. See, Kingsford, Feast of the Five 119; Anne Crawford, Vintners
Company, 265.
378 Smithfield for a plain smooth ground, is called smeth or smothie. Market for horses and
other cattell” Stow, Survey of London, 80.
379 King pays his tailor for his gifts to Peter, and the documentary evidence suggests that the
event was held after St. Martin's day. TNA E101/394/16 m. 7; TNA E36/4 9d. The former
document, which is a wardobe account, is also provided by Mas Latrie, but he mistakenly
comments that the tournament was held on St. Martins day, despite that it was held after that
day. See, Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 247.
135
event. Additionally, Edward exhorted Peter and his retinue with further gifts.
He presented Peter with a pair of gauntlets and a steel aventail to use during
the tournament. Among Peters entourage was also his brother Philip, to
whom Edward presented three cups of silver and gold380 and a war horse
with bridle and saddle.381 Peter presented Edward with a live leopard, a play
on the Plantagenet badge.382 Peter wore Edwards gifts and many other
ornaments and did well during the tournament, as he was excelled in
jousting.383
Walsingham reports about a tournament at Smithfield organized in early May
1362, at which knights and noblemen from Cyprus, Cilicia, and Spain
attended in the presence of the king, the queen, and many knights from
England and France. According to the account, these people asked for
Edward's help against the Muslims. Nevertheless, Walsingham may have
mistakenly reported this tournament. The problem is that he never mentions
any royalties from the East. The same tournament is also mentioned in the
Chronicle of Reading, from which Walsingham may have borrowed this
information. Both accounts mention only one tournament, which took place in
1362. Mas Latrie, giving credit to Walsinghams account, notes that there
was a second tournament in 1362. In this case, there are two possibilities:
380 Worth £29 1s 6d. TNA E403/417 m. 19.
381 Worth £17 7s 3d. TNA E403/417 m. 19.
382 TNA E403/417 m. 13. Also see, Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 380-81 and fn. 6; Hill, History
of Cyprus, 326; Timothy Guard, Chivalry, Kingship and Crusade: The English Experience in
the Fourteenth Century (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 2016), 40 and fn. 71.
383 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 180-81. According to Iorga, he did very well. The information
regarding Peters image in chivalry stems from his image in the chronicles. See relevant
section.
136
either two tournaments were organized, or these accounts mistakenly dated
the tournament. Given that we lack any further proof of a tournament
arranged in 1362, separating this information from Peters tournament would
be reasonable, considering it was confusion or another single event.384
Peter had two motivations in England. His secondary objective was to
mediate between the pope, Edward III, and John II. But yet, his main
objective was to recruit more players in his expedition, despite the fact that
he probably did not foresee Edward joining personally. Notwithstanding, in
addition to various gifts, Edward had feasted him many times with great
respect. However, he stated that he was interested in seeing the Holy Land
but could not join Peters expedition, propounding his advanced age. He
instead stated that his elder sons would gladly join Peter despite the dearth
of his elder sons, which also may have damaged the general momentum
among the audience.385 Edward, however, assured that as many English
knights as possible would accompany Peter.386 Although Edward declared
384 Chronicle of Reading, 152-53; Historia Anglicana, 296-97, 299; Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2,
247, fn. 4.
385 Froissart describes the colloquy between Edward and Peter in a more dramatic way.
[Edward] Certainly, my good cousin, I have every inclination to undertake this expedition; but
I am growing too old, and shall leave it to my children. I make no doubt, that when it shall have
been begun, you will not be alone, but will be followed most willingly by my knights and squires.
[Peter] Sir, What you say satisfies me. I verily believe they will come, in order to serve God,
and do good to themselves; but you must grant them permission so to do; for the knights of
your country are eager in such expeditions [Edward] Yes, I will never oppose such work,
unless some things should happen to me or to my kingdom which I do not at this moment
foresee Froissart, Chronicles of England, France, and Spain, 306. Edwards addressing Peter
as cousin must have been a gesture to underline the close lineage between the houses of
Anjou and Lusignan.
386 Knightons Chronicle, 187; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 181; Hill, History of Cyprus, 326;
Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 354.
137
that he would not join the expedition and the kings elder sons' absence,
Peter managed to connect with Edwards advisors and many knights.387
During Peters stay, the question of a passagium generale was raised many
times.388
However, Edwards refusal to personally join the expedition does not indicate
that he entirely ignored the passagium. Peter had already emphasized that
he was the legitimate ruler of the kingdoms of Cyprus and Jerusalem, and
the Muslims usurped his rights. On the other hand, fighting against the
infidels was a just and rightful objective. The downside of Peters argument
was that Edward responded that if Peter ever recovered the Kingdom of
Jerusalem, he should bring Cyprus back under English rule since it was
given to the Lusignans by Richard II the Lionheart.389 Another reason behind
Edwards support was the English free companies that had become a severe
problem in Italy, and Edward had to solve the problem. Some English
companies and other mercenaries were thought to be transported by the
Venetians for the expedition.390 Additionally, the papacy exhorted Edward to
387 According to many scholars, Peters visit earned him little benefit, and he fetched nothing
more than festivities and chivalric games. Froissart, too, narrates that Peter obtained nothing
but Edwards hospitality. Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 181; Setton, The Papacy and the Levant,
354; Froissart, Chronicles of England, France, and Spain, 306. However, it was more than
that. See relevant section.
388 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 181; Guard, Chivalry, Kingship, and Crusade, 40.
389 Peter remains silent against Edwards claim. See Chronique des quatre premiers Valois
(1327-1393), 128; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 181; Hill, History of Cyprus, 326; Setton, The
Papacy and the Levant, 354. On the other hand, Richard first sold the island to the Templars,
but unable to control it due to its rebellious population Templars passed it back to Richard,
who eventually sold or granted the island to Guy of Lusignan, the recently deposed king of
Jerusalem, who had obliged to resign.
390 Due to the revolt in Crete, the Venetians tried to hire these companies in November 1363.
Venetians aimed to hire 300 mercenaries but eventually agreed with a company of 100 men,
138
solve his political disputes with his rivals and concentrate on the fight against
the infidels many times during Edwards reign.391 It is hardly possible to
assert that Edward only entertained Peter and evaded his expedition.
Moreover, even if Edward had such an agenda, Peters initiative had a
positive momentum throughout Europe and was very popular. Moreover, he
had obtained the papacys full support. Nevertheless, Edward held many
private councils regarding a possible crusade, one of which Edward the
Black Prince may have attended.392
On 24 November 1363, Peter was still in London and sent letters to Doge
Lorenzo Celsi, Queen Eleanor, and Prince of Antioch concerning the revolt at
Crete. He assured the Doge that he would gladly help to suppress the
rebellion.393 Peter had received a letter from the Doge on 11 October,
informing him of the outbreak of the revolt in Crete and urging Peter to forbid
his subjects to cut their communications with Crete.394 On 28 November,
while probably still in London, Peter received a letter from the pope, urging
led by English John, to serve at Crete and then to be transported to Rhodes or Cyprus. See,
Anthony Luttrell, Levantine Renaissance Studies, Vol. 2, No. 2, (1988),
146.
391 For instance, during the naval league against the Turks in the 1340s, the pope dispatched
some letters to Edward III. In a letter, he urges Edward to make peace with the French to
assist the Christians against the Turks in the Aegean afterward. TNA SC 7/13/8; In another
letter, he wants to attract Edwards attention against the Turks persecuting Christians, See,
TNA SC 7/11/15; For a letter to congratulate Edward upon making peace with the French in
1360, see TNA SC 7/22/4.
392 Chronicle of Reading, 154. Guard, Chivalry, Kingship, and Crusade, 42.
393 Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 250-52 and fn. 1. Fearing the Crusades success, the papacy
threatened the insurgents with Peter and his army. See, Rinaldi, Annales Ecclesiastici, 1364,
Vol. 26, no. 8, 96.
394 Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol.3, 742.
139
him to hasten his travel as the Turkish threat in the East was intensified.395
Additionally, Peter received another letter from the Doge, stating that he
could not provide the ships he owed to Peter until next March, the promised
date for the passagium because of the revolt.396 So, Peter left London for
Dover in late November or early December. However, the highwaymen
robbed his retinue on their journey to Dover. According to the Chronicle of
Reading, Peter was robbed of many of his belongings. Robbers had recently
been a trouble within the cities and the countryside, as they broke into
churches and robbed houses. King Edward ordered his officials to capture
the robbers and trial the ones who had already been captured.397
In early December, Peter reached Bologne and headed to Amiens, where
John II, his two sons, and a part of Johns council had been staying, to
discuss the ransom to be paid and Johns return to England. Giving a
reception, they received Peter with joy and heard his stories and the
outcomes of his recent travels. Peter remarked that he could do only a little
and explained his intentions to meet with Edward the Black Prince and the
barons of Poitou and Aquitaine before returning to Cyprus. John did not
object to Peters plans. Accompanied by Prince Charles, the appointed
395 Reg. Vat. 246. fols. 13-14.
396 Mas Latrie Histoire, Vol. 3, 743.
397 Edward also granted the people of London the power to judge the wrong-doers and release
those imprisoned in the city to his officials. Chronicle of Reading, 158; Historia Anglicana, 299.
Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 181-82.
140
regent of the kingdom, he continued to travel through Beauvais and, passing
the Seine at Pontoise, reached Paris before Christmas.398
He was received with great honor in Paris. Enormous expenditure was made
to welcome Peter. His greeters elaborated on Peters arrival, wearing clothes
and garments decorated with precious jewels. For Peter, royal goldsmiths
Jean Picquigny and Claux of Friborg made unique jewels and ornaments. In
addition, three rooms, furnished with splendid luxury, were preserved for him
and his entourage in the royal residence.399 A few days later, Peter
witnessed the arrival of Louis of Anjou, who escaped from captivity. A council
was held at the palace, and Louis said that he escaped because he was in
pain and sorrow for the miseries of his country. He swore to drive the
plunderers and intruders out of the country, the castles, and the fortresses.
Louis asked Charleshelp, but the regent evaded him.400 Peter spent his
days during the Christmas festivities and prolonged his stay until late
February. He was in Paris during a trial regarding a quarrel between Bertrand
Du Guesclin and Guillaume Felton and acted as a mediator during
proceedings with Charles.401
398 Froissart, Chronicles of England, France, and Spain, 307; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 182-
83. Froissart states that John arrived in Amiens in late November and stayed for twelve days,
and left Amiens for Hesdin, reaching on 15 December. So Peter must have met with John at
Amiens before 12 December. Ibid., 308.
399 Peter was presented with gold goblets enameled with his arms, gold ewers, and belts
adorned with precious stones and pearls. Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 182-83; Froissart,
Chroniques de Jean Froissart (1360-1366), 286.
400 M. Paulin, ed. Les Grandes Chroniques de France selon que elles sont conservées en
l’Église de Saint-DenFranceFrance, Vol. 6, (Paris, 1838), 228-29; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières,
183-84 Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 333; Runciman, History of the Crusades,
409.
141
4.7 Peter and the “Prince Noir” (The Passagium is Postponed)
At the turn of February and March, Peter left Paris and reached Aquitaine.
We have yet to determine the exact date Peter left Paris. However, he sent
another letter addressed to Doge Lorenzo Celsi on 27 February, probably
from Paris, in which Peter expressed his worry that the ships he was
promised to be delivered could not be ready until the passagium because of
the revolt at Crete. Also, he expressed his fear that the Count of Savoy,
Amadeus VI, and many knights would no longer have time to prepare and
join the crusade until the projected departure date.402 Now he realized that
the passagium should be postponed.
During his meeting with John II in Amiens, Peter expressed his
discontentment regarding the preparation process, and it was evident that he
had expected more auspicious developments. Cretan revolt had a
401 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 184. Bertrand Du Guesclin, later Seneschal of France, fought
against the free companies pillaging France and made an agreement with them to use their
companies for his wars. For Guesclin, See Richard Vernier, The Flower of Chivalry : Bertrand
Du Guesclin and the Hundred Years War (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2007). Guillaume (William)
Felton was an English knight who was a plaintiff against Du Guesclin. See, H. G. Richardson,
of English History in the Medieval Registers of the Parliament of Paris,”
Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Vol.10, (1927), 59.
402 He also expected the revolt to be suppressed so the fleet would be ready to sail until next
August. See, Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 252-53, fn.1. Amedeus VI was preparing extensively
for the expedition and proposed to capture Crete, although a Venetian force was ready to
depart, waiting for March to set sail for Crete. Venetians proposed that if a crusader army was
assembled in Venice until that date, they would carry them to Crete and then wherever they
desired. See Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 3, 744-45 and fn. 1. There needs to be more clarity
about Peters letter he sent when he was in Paris. According to the letter published by Mas
Latrie, and as he has noted, Peter sent this letter to the Doge on 27 February from Paris.
However, Hill, underpinning Atiya, comments that Peter sent the letter on 16 February. Atiyas
source is Libri Commem. (Ven. Arch.) VII, ff. 31 (27) vo. and 40 (36) ro. He also cites Mas
Latries letter mentioned above, despite Mas Latries note. Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 252-53
and fn 1. On the other hand, Hill underpins Iorga, who states that the letter to the Doge was
sent on 16 February. See, Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 240. According to Setton, on the other
hand, the date is 17 February. See, Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 153, fn. 144.
142
tremendous effect on the fortune of the expedition, and if not the sole reason,
one of the primary reasons behind the postponement of the passagium. Not
only Peter but also the papacy strived to solve this problem as soon as
possible. The Doge sent a letter to the Legate and the Chancellor requesting
a thousand soldiers in Venice to be sent out to Crete to assist the
Venetians.403 On 22 February, the Doge proposed to carry a thousand men
free of charge for three months and another a thousand with Venetian ships,
in addition to another four vessels furnished and allocated for Peter and his
retinue. A few days later, Celsi sent a letter to the pope stating that his
resources were under pressure because of the revolt, yet he would do
everything to provide his vessels for the expeditionary force.404 So, it is
apparent that Celsi made compromises with Peter as, if not desperate, he
needed to solve the Cretan crisis.
Despite the fact that the Venetians required Peters assistance, he was not
ready to intervene in the Cretan revolt. On 26 April, Celsi wrote to Dominic
Michiel, his Captain General of the Fleet, stating that there would not be an
expedition against the Muslims in the near future due to Peters continuing
preparations and absence. Also asked him to inform the Venetian officials in
the East, underlying that the commercial relations would continue as
expected, and two ships with merchants and merchandise would journey to
403 Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 3, 745, fn. 1; Hill, History of Cyprus, 327-28, fn. 2; Runciman,
History of the Crusades, 443.
404 Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 3, 746; Hill, History of Cyprus, 327-28, fn. 2.
143
Alexandria in the future.405 Cretan revolt was suppressed without any
crusader assistance at the beginning of summer, and the news reached the
Doge on 4 June, and the pope congratulated the Venetians on 27 June.406
Apart from the revolt, Peter had his problems which caused the
postponement. Unhappy with the progress, Peter needed to keep glorifying
the expedition in Europe. On the Popes side, he stopped enlisting the free
companies and started providing indulgences to anyone willing to fight
against them. Peter had sent Phillip Méziéres and Peter Thomas, and John II
had sent his representatives to solve the problem, but they had little
success.407 Nevertheless, what was even worse was that Peter would lose
his most reliable allies; Cardinal Talleyrand de Périgord (died on 17 January)
and King John II (died in April).
Peter took a route through Pontoise, Beauvais, Poitiers, and Niort to reach
Angouleme, where Edward the Black Prince was staying with his wife, Joan
Kent, preparing a celebration for the birth of their son, Edward. Having
learned of Peter and his entourage approaching, Edward sent John
Chandelos and his knights to welcome him. Accompanied by John
405 Mas Latrie, Nouvelle Preuves, no. XI, 72-73. Although the Doge mentions Alexandria in the
letter, it is highly doubtful that, at this stage, the Doge knows about the final destination of the
passagium.
406 Lecacheux, Lettres secretes nos. 979 and 1045. On 4 June, Pope urged Genoese
regarding the Cretan revolt and stated that Peter and his army would intervene. However, it
seems that the pope was yet unaware of the news that the revolt was suppressed. See, Hill,
History of Cyprus, 327-28. fn.2. For detailed archival evidence regarding Venetian Crete, see
Setton, 249, fn. 124.
407 Edbury, Kingdom of Cyprus, 165; Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 246-247, fn. 111.
Bernabo Visconti, the Lord of Milan, had proved to be a significant problem in Italy and the
pope sought to conclude peace with him. According to Mézieres, Peter Thomas succeeded in
peace talks, bringing Bernabo Visconti to terms, and peace was made on 20 January 1364
and finalized on 13 March 1364. According to this, the papacy agreed to pay a sum for eight
years in installments. See, Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 107-10.
144
Chandelos, Peter arrived at Angouleme and was received by Edward and
many knights with great joy.408 Edward had taken homage from the Gascon
nobility and progressed through Aquitaine. Having assembled many nobles
around him, he organized a tournament which was another opportunity for
Peter to recruit new crusaders. Forty knights, forty squires, and probably
Peter were present at the tournament, during which Peter showed his
characteristic bravery. Among the nobility were some Gascon lords, Louis
dHarcourt, Guichart dAngles, Guillaume de Parteney, Florimond de
Lesparre, Thomas Felton, Nigel (Néel or Neil) Loring, Richard Punchardoun,
Simon Burley, Baldwin Freville, and many others.409
These knights demonstrated their urge to join Peters expedition. However,
even though there were religious motives behind their enthusiasm, joining
the expedition was also politically rational. Gascony was now under the Black
Princes influence, and the lords had to consolidate their position,
408 Froissart, Chronicles of England, France, and Spain, 307; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 184.
409 Louis dHarcourt: The count of Harcourt was one of the leading figures of the Anglo-French
nobility gathered around the Black Prince. He later became the Aquitaine Marshal; Guichart
dAngles: the Viscount of Tours. He was Black Princes lieutenant in Saintonge in 1364;
Guillaume de Parteney, the lord of Parteney and Pons; Florimond de Lesparre: the lord of
Lesparre, one of the most enthusiastic participants of the Alexandrian Crusade. Thomas
Felton: Lord mentioned above, who had disputes with Bertrand du Guesclin; Nigel Loring: Son
of Roger Loring. A knight and diplomat, Black Princes chamberlain, one of the founders of the
Order of the Garter, and the twentieth knight of the Garter. (Arthur Conan Doyles main
characters in his Sir Nigel and The White Company are based on him); Simon Burley: A knight
and courtier, son of Roger Burley, a landowner in Herefordshire; Richard Punchardoun, a
knight from Punchardoun, whose name was mentioned in a roll in 1342 alongside his brother
William; Baldwin Freville: son of Baldwin Freville, who held lands in Nottinghamshire. See,
Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 184; Froissart, Chronicles of England, France, and Spain, 309;
Guard, Chivalry, Kingship, and Crusade, 42; Christopher Tyerman, England and the
Crusades, 1095-1588 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997), 268; Luttrell, English
Levantine Crusaders, 146; Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (DNB); Charles Henry
Pope, Loring Genealogy, 1917; Calendar of the Patent Rolls Preserved in the Public Record
Office, Edward III Vol.5, (1900), 442. For a list of some lords, such as Florimond de Lesparre,
who participated in the Alexandrian Crusade (and survived), see Atiya, The Crusade in the
Later Middle Ages, 517-519. Also see, Machairas, Recital, nos. 163 and 167.
145
strengthening their ties with their English counterparts. This tournament was
a traditional chivalric festival and the knights involved in hand to hand
jousting. On the other hand, some Gascon lords sought this expedition as a
legitimate way to excuse themselves from the Black Princes service. In the
end, many Gascon lords joined Peters expedition and traveled to
Alexandria.410 Apart from political reasons, other enthusiasts, such as
Thomas Beauchamp, the twelfth earl of Warwick, the Black Princes feared
nobleman, took the cross. Probably hearing of the news about Peters
expedition from his brother John Beauchamp who was in London when Peter
visited England, Thomas received permission from the Black Prince and
traveled to Avignon to receive the popes blessing for an army composed of
the English knights in Gascony.411 In fact, Peters investment in English
royalty was somewhat beneficial. Gathered around Thomas Beauchamp,
there were other lords and knights such as Thomas Ufford, William de la
Pole, and Thomas Alberton, in addition to Baldwin Burford and William
Flambards a hundred men. Infantry was also gathered around Thomas
Beauchamp, and in the end, he assembled an army of around a thousand
crusaders. Peters misfortune, however, was his prolonged arrival in
Venice.412 His absence in the late summer of 1364 put pressure on the
410 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 184; Guard, Chivalry, Kingship, and Crusade, 42-43; Luttrell,
English Levantine Crusaders, 146.
411 TNA. C61/76 mm. 2, 3. Guard, Chivalry, Kingship, and Crusade, 43. Beauchamp, however,
did not travel to Alexandria with Peter. See, Tyerman, England and the Crusades, 1095-1588
266. It was a family tradition for the Beauchamp family. See, Tyerman, England and the
Crusades, 1095-1588, 180-81.
412 Guard, Chivalry, Kingship, and Crusade, 43-44. Thomas Ufford was the son of the earl of
Suffolk, and William de la Pole and Thomas Alberton were financiers and merchants. See
Ibid., 43; Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (DNB)
146
crusaders, who had already assembled in Venice, and caused withdrawals,
despite Urbans endeavors.413
Peter stayed here for around a month, entertained with festivities and
rejoicings by the Black Prince, and according to Froissart, he visited the town
of Lusignan, and La Rochelle in late March, accompanied by John
Chandelos, where he was very well received. Then, hoping to finalize the
preparations and reach Venice until June 1364, -the reprojected date of
departure for the passagium- Peter traveled to Paris.
4.8 John Dies and Plans Disrupt
In April 1364, on his way to Paris, near Reims, Peter learned of John IIs
death at the Savoy Palace on 8 April.414 He knew that John journeyed to
England but had hoped that he solved the annoyances with England and that
peace was reached. Peter most probably had thought that John would be
ready to depart for the expedition until June 1364. It also seems that he had
hoped that the Cretan crisis would be over until next summer.415 However,
413 For the crusaders assembled in Venice, See the relevant section. Pope Urban sent several
letters to speed the English and French noblespassage to the East while trying to persuade
English free companies in Italy to join the English nobles who took the cross. See Bliss,
Twemlow, Calendar of Entries in the Papal Registers Relating to Great Britain and Ireland,
Vol. 4 (London, 1893), nos. 8-11. Also See, Setton The Papacy and the Levant, 254.
414 Hill, Runciman, and Atiya state that John died in May. Nevertheless, their assumption is
wrong. See, Hill, History of Cyprus, 327; Runciman, History of the Crusades, 442; Atiya, The
Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 334.
415 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 185-86. Although John was a hostage, he was warmly
welcomed by Edward in England and resided at Savoy with his siblings and some knights.
They had a pleasant winter during which the king and queen frequently visited them. However,
147
the sequence of events proved to be very different than Peter had hoped.
After Cardinal Talleyrand de Périgord, he lost another remarkably
enthusiastic supporter of his cause, and this time it was a tremendous loss to
compensate.
His first loss was Doge Simone Boccanegra, and his relationship with
Genoese has been poor ever since. In 1364 the disputes between the
Genoese and the Cypriots escalated and almost turned into a full-scale
war.416 Venetians were having struggles with the Cretans, and the major
contributor to the passagium, John II, was now dead.417 These were
watershed events for the future of the expedition. What is more, having heard
of Johns death, the kingdom of Navarre threatened the French, which
rendered the new French king, Charles V, who had already proved to be
John fell ill in March and died on 8 April. He was given a very sumptuous funeral at St. Pauls,
during which Edward bore the expense of many horses with the French coat of arms on their
saddles. Knights were dressed in the same manner, and thousands of torches and wax
candles were placed. Johns body was taken to the coast and brought back to France by his
knights. His body reached St. Antoine near Paris on 1 May 1364. See, Froissart, Chronicles
of England, France, and Spain, 308-9; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 186.
416 Two sailors were sentenced to have their ears cut off by Cypriot officials. Having claimed
that they were Genoese so that Genoese officials should judge them, sailors objected to the
sentence. Meanwhile, furious about the retribution of their compatriots, a Genoese ships crew,
who were sent to Antalya to transport provisions, mutinied, and Genoese Podesta, involved in
this matter, having arranged the ships to return to Cyprus. However, on their way back, they
were attacked by another ship belonging to Sicilian mercenaries, and many sailors died.
Furthermore, the podesta and royal officers in Famagusta had a serious dispute, at the end of
which, more blood was shed. After this incident, the podesta ordered all the Genoese on the
island to leave. The papacy worried about the events and was involved in the issue. In the
end, in April 1365, Genoa and Cyprus came to an agreement that Peter was obliged to accept
all Genoese terms, which were humiliating. Although he objected initially, he even tolerated
the royal officers involved in the disputes in Famagusta to be sent into exile. See, Machairas,
Recital, 145-156, 173-174, 209; Urban V, Lettres Secretes, nos. 1027, 1034-1035, 1102,
1602, 1609, 1649, 1650, 1681, 1700, 1724; Amadi, 376 nos. 824, 825. Edbury, Kingdom of
Cyprus, 155; Hill, History of Cyprus, 312-16.
417 Machaut narrates the deaths of both contributors, stating that it was now destroyed
everything Peter had achieved, and he needed to start all over again. See, Machaut, The
Capture of Alexandria, 33.
148
distant to the idea of a passagium, to concentrate on this issue before his
coronation.418
After Johns death, Peter was now the leader of the expedition but still had
hope of having Charles support the expedition. Additionally, he felt obliged to
attend Johns funeral and decided to wait for Charlescoronation to be able
to comprehend his intentions. Accordingly, Johnfuneral took place near
Paris at St. Denis; Peter, Charles V, his brothers, many lords, nobles, and
most of the clergy attended on 7 May.419 Immediately after the ceremonies,
Charles received homage from his peers and barons. Many councils were
held in Paris, and it was decided that an official coronation ceremony should
be held in Reims as soon as possible. Charles informed his uncle
Wenceslaus I of Luxemburg (and also the duke of Brabant) and his cousin
Lewis II, the duke of Flanders, asking to attend his coronation.420
Accompanying Charles, Peter traveled to Reims on 9 May and lingered for
his coronation, which took place on Trinity Day, 19 May 1364. The
418 Having learned Charles II, the king of Navarres discretions, Charles V summoned his lords,
including Bertrand du Guseclin to be readied against the Kingdom of Navarre. See Froissart,
Chronicles of England, France, and Spain, 309-10; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 185-186;
Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 334; Setton, The History of the Crusades, 354;
Runciman, History of the Crusades, 442. The pope dispatched a letter of condolence to
Charles V but also stated that he lost his leader when he needed a Christian army. See,
Lecacheux, Vol.1, no. 924, 141; Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 248-49 and fn. 121.
419 Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 240 ; Froissart, Chronicles of England, France, and Spain,.
314 ; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 186-87. Johns body was brought to the abbey of St. Antoine
and transported to Notre Dame on 5 May, when preparations were made for his funeral.
Finally, on 7 May, his body was transported to St. Denis. Johns sons and Peter followed the
body on foot and then mounted their steeds to chaperone the cortege until they reached St.
Denis. For a translation of Les Grandes Chroniques de St. Denis” see Froissart, Chronicles
of England, France, and Spain, 314, fn.
420 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 186-87; Froissart, Chronicles of England, France, and Spain,
314.
149
archbishop crowned Charles and his wife Joanna of Bourbon. After the
coronation, many amusements and feasts were arranged for five days.
Additionally, a grand tournament was organized. Peter partook in this
tournament with Wenceslaus, John I, the duke of Lorraine, Robert, the Duke
of Bar, Robert of Alançon, the count of Tancarville, and lords from Albret,
Flanders, and Artois.421
Peter left Reims with Charles, and through Saint-Denis, they reached Paris
on 28 May. On the same day, Charles feasted all his guests, and all the
prelates in the city also attended. The whole city was adorned as
tournaments were arranged, which lasted two days, at which Peter, several
dukes, barons, and counts were jousted. Peter stayed in Paris until 11 June
1364, but his efforts to persuade Charles to participate in the crusade failed.
Even the pope Urban failed to persuade him.422 Although a very pious man,
perhaps more than his father, Charles was a rational king whose precedence
was not a distant expedition but his own kingdoms affairs. His first imperious
attraction was his kingdom, which was internally and externally in jeopardy.
Financially donating to Peters expedition, he declared himself a faithful
421 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 36; Froissart, Chronicles of England, France, and
Spain, 314, 322; Chronique des quatre premiers Valois (1327-1393), 144-48; Hill, History of
Cyprus, 327; Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 334; Runciman, History of the
Crusades, 442. For an illustration of Peter in Bernard de Montfaucons (1655-1741) work
during the coronation of Charles V, see Bernard de Montfaucon, Les Monumens de La
Monarchie Françoise, Qui Comprennent l’Histoire de France Avec Les Figures de Chaque
Regne, Vol. 3, (1729), 2. Also see Figure.
422 For the popes letter, see above.
150
devotee of the crusade and counseled Peter to visit the emperor, who was
said to be very powerful.423
4.9 Peter Visits The Emperor
Now that the future of the expedition was imperiled as the king of France
withdrew, although he paved the way for the lords and barons who would
want to join the expedition. However, Peter desperately needed new
contributors, and, first of all, he decided to split his delegation in two, sending
Philip Mézieres to visit Northern Europe to preach. Mézieres and Thomas
had traveled to Venice in February regarding the Cretan crisis, but now they
were required to achieve more. Hence, Peter sent Mézieres to Westphalia,
Friesland, Netherlands, Zealand, Brandenburg, Saxony, and Czech, in
addition to many Scandinavian countries and the land of the Teutonic
Order.424 Meanwhile, Peter Thomas was appointed as the Apostolic Legate
of the expedition in the place of the deceased Périgord. Furthermore, he
committed himself to recruiting new crusaders for the passagium.425 Peter
Thomas organized the preachers to be sent to Austria, Hungary, Dalmatia,
423 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 35; Les Grandes Chroniques de France, Vol.6, 230-
34; Froissart, Chroniques de Jean Froissart (1360-1366); Chronique des quatre premiers
Valois (1327-1393), 148-49; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 189-90.
424 His mission took ten months in total.
425 Froissart, Chroniques de Jean Froissart (1360-1366), 97; Herquet, Cyprische Königsgest,
p. 12; Chronique des quatre premiers Valois (1327-1393), 148; Atiya, The Crusade in the Later
Middle Ages, 334; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 184-85. Despite Périgord deceased six months
earlier, he was appointed on 10 July, five days after he had been appointed as the patriarch
of Constantinople, since the pope probably delayed it, waiting for the Cretan revolt to be
suppressed. Urban praised Peter Thomas: utique secundum cor nostrum See, Setton, The
Papacy and the Levant, 258.
151
Sicily, Greece, Mediterranean islands, Catalan territories, Black Sea regions,
and Constantinople.426
Peter had left Paris for Rouen in June before heading to Cologne. On the
route, he visited Flanders. The Dutch of Flanders, Louis II Dampierre,
received Peter at his court in Bruges, where he encountered with Waldemar
IV of Denmark returning from his visit to Avignon, with whom Peter
exchanged his sentiments regarding the passagium.427 From Flanders, he
journeyed to the Duchy of Brabant, and William VI, the Dutch of Jülich, in
early July, ultimately reaching Brussels, where he met with Wenceslaus I of
Luxembourg and his wife, Princess Joan. Wenceslaus was the emperor
Charles IVs brother, and this meeting was noteworthy for Peters eventual
goal: to meet with the emperor and attain his support. In Brussels, a great
feast was held in Peters honor, followed by a tournament.428 Again, Peter
was received generously and warmly, and his hosts were very inquisitive in
his visit, brilliantly honoring him with numerous gifts.429
In late July, Peter traveled to Franconia and visited Esslingen, where he was
welcomed. However, he did not abide for so long in this town and headed to
Thuringia, after which he reached Erfurt, where he propagated his crusading
426 Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 117-119; Frederick J Boehlke, Pierre de Thomas (University
of Pennsylvania Press Anniversary Collection, 1966), pp. 248-251; Setton, The Papacy and
the Levant, 258
427 Machaut states that Peter expended much time and resources in Flanders. See Machaut,
The Capture of Alexandria, 36; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 190.
428 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 36.
429 Froissart, Chroniques de Jean Froissart (1360-1366), 85-86. For the gifts 85; Iorga, Philippe
de Mézières, 190-91.
152
plans that the knights and the townspeople received well. Hearing Peters
ideals, many people took arms in Erfurt and the surrounding area and later
participated in the expedition.430 From Erfurt, he journeyed to Meissen, but
his couriers, carrying Peters letters to the pope, got robbed on the way by
the men of Louis, seigneur of Neuchatel.431
At the end of July, he reached Meissen, where he was lavishly received by
Frederick III, Landgrave of Thuringia, and Margrave of Messien.432 Frederick
had close relations with the emperor as his family had marriage ties with
Charles IV. His brother Guillaume was married to the emperors niece. So
having Frederick as an ally would be beneficial for Peter to convince the
emperor to support the passagium. Peter succeeded in allying with
Frederick, but despite placing his sympathies in the expedition and
presenting gifts to Peter, Frederick displayed that his pledge would depend
on the emperors response.433
430 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 36-37; zum Itinerar Karls IV und zu seinem
Aufenthalt in Schlesien mit dem König von Cypern im Jahre in Zeitschrift des Vereins
für Geschichte und Altertum Schlesiens 14, (1878), 523; Iorga, 190-91; Atiya, The Crusade in
the Later Middle Ages, 334.
431 Lecacheux, Lettres Secretes, nos. 1216, 1218; Hill, History of Cyprus, 327, fn. 1.
432 Frederick III, the Strong, was the son of Frederick II, the Serious, Margrave of Messien.
Frederick III was represented as a strong and tall prince with curly blonde hair, having a
courteous character. See, Johann Burchard Mencke, Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum,
Praecipue Saxonicarum, Vol.2, 1728, 2180.
433Yes, my lord, I've heard that you propose this holy voyage. Praise, high praise I give you,
and I'll answer you now as we stand here. Go to the emperor, the lord of Rome, and my lord.
What he does I will do too, but in a smaller way"
See, Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 37; Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 240; Iorga, Philippe
de Mézières, 191-92; Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 334.
153
In August, the passagium was evidently postponed again, and even Peter
was still determining when would the crusading party be ready to depart. In
the hope of receiving support, he traveled to Saxony. Duke of Saxo-
Wittenberg, Rudolf II, was an elector and had a very intimate association with
the emperor.434 For Peter, Rudolf would be another valuable ally to persuade
the emperor. However, demonstrating his compassion, Rudolf, too,
expressed that his contribution would depend on the emperor.435 Peter
stayed here for nine days, during which Rudolf entertained Peter and
presented valuable gifts; precious gold and silver jewels, an armor for jousts,
and an all-prepared, saddled warhorse. According to Machaut, Peter
participated in the tournaments during which noblemen and women were
impressed by his might.436
In late August, Peter was only a day away from Prague, and Charles IV had
traveled to meet Peter in person and accompany him to Prague. Peters
fame had reached the town before he showed up, and a grand celebration
for his arrival was organized. When he entered the town, the residents of
Prague greeted him with great joy, and canons were fired in his honor.
According to Machaut, the extravaganzas were most lavish since St. Louis
434 Peter met with Rudolf near Lübeck. See Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 38. For the
Saxon electors, See Georg von Hirschfeld, Geschichte Der Sächsisch-Askanischen
Kurfürsten (1180-1422), (1884).
435My lord, your excellent good will is very clear, so God Almighty help me! Great indeed is
your high purpose. Its a valiant man who dares hope to accomplish such a task. God give you
grace and help you! You must go and find the emperor, my overlord and uncle. Not alone,
shall come too, and then what he suggests, that I will do Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
38.
436 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 38.
154
return from the crusade.437 In Prague, Peter stayed at Prague castle and met
with the emperors wife, Elizabeth of Pomerania.438 During his stay, a
tournament was organized, and the festivities lasted for three weeks. Peter
himself said that he had never heard such wonderful music in his life.439
In early September, Peter was still in Prague. Despite being enthusiastic
about Peters plans, Charles stated he could not support the passagium
efficiently. However, he invited Peter to a long-planned congress in Cracow,
where monarchs would assemble to solve disputes between Charles IV and
Louis I of Hungary under Casimir IIIs conciliation.440 Peter and Charles left
437 He is probably wrong, as St. Louis (Louis IX) died while on the crusade. Machaut, The
Capture of Alexandria, 40-41. Charles father, John of Luxembourg, was Machauts former
superior. Also see, Froissart, Chroniques de Jean Froissart (1360-1366), 85; Iorga, Philippe
de Mézières, 193-94; Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 334; Setton, The History
of the Crusades, 352.
438 A painting on a wall of St. Marys Chapel in Karlstejn Castle, 30 km away from Prague,
illustrates rulers passing each other some relics, and it is discussed that one of the rulers in
this scene might be Peter. However, it is debated that the painting may have been completed
before Peters appearance. Moreover, we do not have any documentary evidence regarding
Peter carrying Christian relics to Prague. For a detailed discussion see, L. Sceny
(Ostatkové sceny) I cypryjski w kaplicy Marii Panny w zamku in
Kościół w Czechach i w Polsce w średniowieczu i wczesnej epoce nowożytnej, eds. J.
A. A. Januszek-Sieradzka (Kraków: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Akademii
Ignatianum w Krakowie, 2020). Burkiewicz concludes that despite the ruler on the second relic
scene being associated with Peter, from the present scholarly debates, he is not Peter. Ibid,
516-18. Also, see the figure.
439 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 41-42. For the instruments that Machaut detailedly
accounted for, See, Ibid., 42, fn. 18. Machaut and Peter had probably met during Charles Vs
coronation at Reims. For Edburys notes on this, see Machaut, p. 9. Also see William Calin, A
Poet at the Fountain: Essays on the Narrative Verse of Guillaume de Machaut (University
Press of Kentucky, 2021), 15. Peter was awarded the prize of the tournament. See Froissart,
Chroniques de Jean Froissart (1360-1366), 85; Iorga, 194.
440 During the Hungarian envoysvisit to his court, Charles insulted Louis' mother, Elizabeth
(Elizabeth was Casimirs granddaughter). Prince Bolko II the Small (Duke of the Piast dynasty
in Silesia) also mediated. Machaut depicts that the emperor organized the meeting in Cracow
to discuss passagium, but it is dubious. Machaut puts particular emphasis on the meeting,
placing Peter and his expedition in the center. For Peter at Prague, see Machaut, pp. 42-43;
Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 191-92. For Charles's invitation of Peter, see Malgorzata
Dabrowska, of Cyprus and Casimir the Great in Cracow, in Originalver in
Byzantiaka 14, (1994), 258-60. Atiya also follows Machaut as he depicts that the congress
was held to discuss the expedition. See Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 335. For
the dispute over Elizabeth, the war for womans honor, see Roman Grodecki, Kongres
155
Prague for Cracow, reaching the Polish border in three days. On the way to
Cracow, they crossed Bohemia and Silesia, visiting Swidnica, Legnica,
Glogow Wroclaw, Opole, and Bytom. According to Machaut, they also visited
Kozcian, Poznan, Kalisz, and Baranow. However, such a route seems
impossible, as they arrived in Wroclaw on 11 September, stayed for three
days, and continued to Opole, near Cracow, on 17 September. Eventually,
through Bedzin and Olkusz, they reached Cracow on 20 September.441
Royal envoys accompanied Peter and Charles near Cracow and escorted
them to the city. They were greeted by Casimir and Louis I of Hungary and
were warmly welcomed by the townspeople. There were also processions of
the clergy and the guild members witnessing their arrival. The kings walked
through the market square to the Wawel Castle, where the emperor and
Peter were accommodated. There was a tournament, and a feast was
arranged for the kings.442 At the tournament were monarchs and princes,
including the emperor, who participated personally, and all the monarchs and
princes faced each other. Peter, too, participated in the tourneys and jousts
krakowski w roku 1364, (Universitas, 1995), 105-107. Mézieres, on the other hand, is not very
optimistic about Charles since he did not support the expedition efficiently. See, Mézieres, Le
Songe du Veil Pelerin.
441 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 44; K. Herquet, Beiträge zum Itinerar Karls IV, 24
(1878), 524-26; Regesta Imperii: Die Regesten Des Kaiserreichs Unter Kaiser Karl IV., 1346-
1378, Aus Dem Nachlasse J. F. Hrsg. Und Erg. Von A. Huber, v. 8, (Innsbruck
1877), 332, no 4082; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 194-95; Grodecki, Kongres krakowski w
roku 1364, 56; Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 335.
442 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 45; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 195; Grodecki,
Kongres krakowski w roku 1364, 61-65; Jerzy Wyrozumski, Kazimierz Wielki, (Warsaw, 1982),
98. Machaut mentions that a feast was organized, and Iorga depicts that a consul of Cracow,
a burgher named Wierzynek, organized this feast. See, Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
44-45; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 195 and fn. 5. For the arrival of the kings to Cracow, see
Kutrzeba, Historya Rodziny Wierzynków, (1899), 6-16, 34-35. While the kings and
the emperor stayed in the castle, their retinue stayed at the monasteries and wealthy
burghershouses. See, Grodecki, Kongres krakowski, 62.
156
and, according to Machaut, was the victor. Eventually, after the tournament,
all monarchs received valuable gifts.443
4.10 An Unexpected Guest: Peter at the Congress of Cracow
Since he visited the court of the Black Prince in Aquitaine, where he had
overjoyed the general enthusiasm and support for the expedition, Peter
achieved less than he anticipated. Now he found himself in Cracow instead
of journeying to Venice to finalize the preparations. The congress at Cracow
began on 22 September 1364, at which Peter, Casimir III the Great,444
Emperor Charles IV of Luxemburg and Louis I the Great of Hungary were
present. Additionally, Charles IV was accompanied by Bolko II. Also, the
Prince of Opole, Wladyslaw, was at the congress. Casimirs vassal, Duke
Siemowit III of Masovia, Duke of Pomerania, Bogislaw V, and his son
Casimir IV also attended. Otto V, Duke of Bavaria, elector, and Margrave of
Brandenburg may have attended as well. On the other hand, some
chronicles mention that Waldemar IV of Denmark was present at the
congress. Some others mention that he had sent his representatives to
Cracow, missing the congress in person. Princes of Austria, Rudolf, Albert,
and Leopold were also not attending. Peter met them when he traveled to
Vienna after the congress. The basis of the confusion is the contradiction
between the accounts, some of which are Polish records inherited
information from an earlier source. This also holds true for the wedding
443 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 45; Setton, The History of the Crusades, 355.
Presents in money would have been made. See, Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 196.
444 Casimir may have announced the opening of the University of Cracow. See Dabrowska,
Peter of Cyprus and Casimir the Great, 266
157
ceremony that took place in 1363. According to some chronicles, Peter
attended this ceremony. Another one takes a step further and combines this
information with the feast organized when Peter was in Cracow, organized by
Wierzynek. In fact, Peter had never attended the wedding ceremony of
Charles IV and Elizabeth of Pomerania. Furthermore, the feast was
organized before the Congress of Cracow at the city after Peter arrived.
These sources also do not mention the passagium, and we receive this
information mainly from Machaut.445 Machaut was not in Cracow in person,
so his information is second-hand, despite that the information he provided
regarding this visit is very detailed, owed to his familiarity with the royalties
and his past experience in Central Europe.446 Machaut served John of
Luxemburg and was with John during his expeditions to Silesia and Prussia
in 1327 and 1329.447
445 For confused accounts regarding the wedding ceremony, see Rocznik swietokrzyski,
Annals of Saint Cross, in Monumenta Poloniae Historica, vol 3, Warsaw 1961, p. 80; Janko of
Czarnkow, Kronika, in Monuenta Poloniae Historica, vol 2, ed. A. Bielowski, Warsaw 1961,
630; Jan Dlugosz, Joannis Dlugossi, Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, liber IX,
Varsoviae 1978, pp. 318-321. These accounts does not mention Peter at all. For Machauts
version, See Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 45-46. For the Wierzynek family, see
Kutrzeba, Historia rodziny Wierzynkow, "Rocznik Krakowski", 2, (1899), pp. 58-61.
For a discussion regarding the Polish sources, see Malgorzata Dabrowska, Peter of Cyprus
and Casimir the Great in Cracow, pp. 261-263; Grodecki, Kongres krakowski, pp. 57-60, 63-
66. Emperors three years old son Wenceslaus was not in Cracow either, see Grodecki,
Kongres krakowski, p.59. Waldemar IV sent his representatives, see Jan Dlugosz Annales
seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae, liber IX, (Varsoviae, 1978), 318-21. Dabrowska states that
Waldemar participated in person, but this is highly dubious. See, Dabrowska, Peter of Cyprus
and Casimir the Great, in Cracow, 266.
446 Mezieres was also still on a mission to propagate the crusade, so he was not in Cracow
too.
447 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 9, 36 and fn. 11, 38 and fn 16.
158
As mentioned above, the congress had already been planned by the time
Peter was in Prague.448 So when he entered Cracow, all the preparations
were made for the guests of this meeting, not specifically for Peter. The latter
was an unexpected guest, which means that the immediate purpose was not
propagating the passagium. There were, of course, reasons behind this. On
Peters side, unable to gain the emperors full support, he sought to meet
with Casimir the Great and Louis of Hungary. It is obvious that Peter wanted
to play his last cards, as there were no other monarchs in Europe to be able
to (or would wish to) join the expedition. The pope had made the second
plea, but the general response was puny. Moreover, Urban V had already
contacted Polish rulers in 1363, receiving no satisfying response.449
On Charlesside, it was an excellent political maneuver to direct Peters
expectations out of his country to Hungary and Poland, pleading that he
would provide any support he could. However, in reality, he wisely positioned
himself in a safe position, picturing himself as a ruler who supports the war
against the infidel, supporting Peter but actually doing nothing. Now that it
was someone elses nuisance: the monarchs in Cracow.
448 Hill and Setton state that Charles was interested in Peters plans and proposed a
conference to be held, inviting the kings of Hungary and Poland and many European princes.
Hill, History of Cyprus, 327; Setton, The History of the Crusades, 355. However, I highly doubt
that. This assumption is predominantly based on Machauts expression, in the nucleus of
which a glorified king, Peter of Cyprus, was placed, and events revolve around this protagonist.
In fact, Machaut does not express the primary purpose of the gathering, and his tone is pro-
Lusignan. When telling the story at Cracow, he portrays Charles IV as another central figure.
See Machaut, 41-43. On the other hand, Polish sources do not advertise an expedition. See
fn. x above. The emperor and the kings of Hungary and Poland had their own political issues,
so, considering all, the primary rationale behind this gathering seems to have been related to
solving political disputes in Central Europe, not to propagating the passagium.
449 Dabrowska, Peter of Cyprus, p. 265. This may have been due to that Urban being one of
the Avignon popes. He went to Rome in 1367 but then returned to Avignon in 1370.
159
Yet it was still an opportunity for Peter to persuade a monarch for the
expedition. Since the death of John II, even though he was the only
participating leading figure, he was not officially appointed as the Captain
General of the crusade, acting like an unofficial ad hoc leader. However, it
seemed apparent that such a burden was too heavy for Peter to bear.
Moreover, politically and economically, he was no match for a major
European ruler. So he perhaps sought to convince one of the major rulers to
join the expedition personally, hoping to loosen the pressure on him by
sharing political and mainly financial responsibility.
The main agendum was not Peters crusade. Nevertheless, he had a chance
to propagate his plans, delivering an effective speech, probably in public.450
We have yet to learn Peters speech in detail, but he empierced (or at least
attracted) his audience. Machaut depicting that he is not able to provide
explicit information about Peter's speech explains the outcome of the
congress:451 All the rulers took an oath to help Peter. Charles promised to
turn to the electors and ask for their help. He also wrote to the pope. Casimir
and Louis, too, promised help. Louis was the only one who promised to
participate personally in the crusade with his army. Fulfilling the oaths is
debatable, as Casimirs offer seems to have been an act of kindness as his
political position was fragile. Louis had expeditions against the pagans in
Lithuania and Serbia and was offered to be the Captain General of the
450 Grodecki, Kongres krakowski w roku 1364, 76; Dabrowska, Peter of Cyprus and Casimir
the 265.
451And now they talked at length but said so much, I can't report it and will leave it out. They
did, at last, decide that they, all three, should help the king. I'll tell you what each said, and
with no lies. Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 44.
160
church. Casimir, on the other hand, despite having quarrels with the bishop
of Cracow, had a decent relationship with the pope. Nevertheless, the
Teutonic and the Lithuanian threat in the borders made it an unrealistic
fantasy to participate in a distant expedition. Individuals, however, were free
to take part in the crusade.452
So the only serious offer of help came from Louis. He had been negotiating
his participation with the pope for a year. However, his immediate concern
was not passagium but taking action against the Turks, who evolved a
severe threat in the Balkans. Louis offered his help under the condition that
action should also be taken against the Turks. However, he had expeditions
against the Wallachians and the Bulgarians, and only after settling down
external issues in 1366 he expressed his readiness to participate in
Amadeus of crusade.453 Meanwhile, he sought to make
arrangements with the Venetians and Ragusans to carry his crusaders to
Constantinople. However, as it can be seen, his primary motivation had
never been to recover Jerusalem.454
Although the monarchs in Cracow pledged to help him, Peter failed to
persuade a major ruler to actively participate in the expedition, which meant
that the expedition would be launched without a satisfying Captain General.
452 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 44-45; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 196-97;
Runciman, History of the Crusades, 442-43; Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages,
335-36; Grodecki, Kongres krakowski w roku 1364, 70; Wyrozumski, Kazimiers, 135-36.
453 For a detailed account regarding Amadeus of Savoys crusade, see Setton, The Papacy
and the Levant, 285.
454 Dabrowska, Peter, 264; Grodecki, Kongres, 69.
161
This point arouses a question of whether the main objective was to recover
the Holy Land. On the flank, after the death of John II, it is evident
that the Curia sought to designate a new leader, and this leader was not
Peter. Papacy perhaps had hoped one of the monarchs in Central Europe
would take up arms against the infidels. When Peter left Cracow, it was still a
tenuous possibility. It is possible that they had hoped the emperor would
actively support the expedition. According to Iorga, by 1365, the papal Curia
considered a passagium generale impossible.455 However, it is doubtful, as,
in 1365, the pope sent letters and indulgences to the clergy and the leaders,
including Amadeus of Savoy, declaring that financial assistance would only
be provided to use for the purposes of expedition and to recover the
Holy Land.456
In the end, Peter left Cracow without a practical result.
4.11 Journey to Venice for Final Preparations
Peter left Cracow in early October 1364, probably around 3 or 4 October,
towards Carinthia.457 On his way to Venice, he visited Vienna after a journey
that took ten days, during which he was joyfully embraced, given presents,
and made a good impression. In Vienna, Peter was kindly received by Prince
455 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 196, fn. 3.
456 Emanuele Federico Bollati di Saint Pierre, Illustrazioni della spedizione in Oriente di
Amedeo VI (Il Conte Verde), Torino 1900. docs. VIII-IX, XII-XIII, pp. 351, 365; Lecacheux,
Lettres secretes, v1. no. 1053, 164. Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 196; Edbury, Kingdom of
Cyprus, 162; Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 286.
457 We know that Charles IV reached Wroclaw on 7 October. Therefore, Peter must have left
Cracow around the same time Charles departed. See Herquet, Beitrage zum itinerar Karls IV,
pp. 526-527.
162
Rudolf IV, Duke of Austria, and the duchess.458 According to Machaut, Rudolf
was exceptionally friendly to Peter as he feasted him unprecedentedly with
much affection. Thereafter a private gathering was held, during which Peter
elucidated his plans to Rudolf, and Rudolf was very inquisitive. However, he
expressed that he would participate if only the king of Hungary participated
as well.459 Pleased with hospitality, Peter prepared to leave for
Venice. However, Rudolf, objecting to him, asked Peter to stay and, having
heard of his fondness, arranged a tournament and other entertainments.
Peter, again, participated in the tournament, which was, as Machaut depicts,
outshone all others for a hundred years seen between Metz and
Constantine's great town460 Rudolf was among the viewers, watching how
well-equipped and skillful Peter was during the tournaments and jousts. Peter
triumphed over the prize again and left Vienna for Venice as soon as the
celebrations were over.461
On 26 October 1364, crossing Drava and Sava, and traveling through the
Patriarchate of Aquileia, after a challenging journey, Peter reached near
Venice, where he met with Peter Thomas. As he approached Venice, the
458 Rudolf the Founder (1339-1365). His wife was Catherine of Luxembourg, the daughter of
Charles IV. According to Machaut, he was a compelling and mighty leader. See, Machaut, The
Capture of Alexandria, 47.
459First, the duke spoke, as was usual and appropriate: He would copy Hungary, he said;
would do as much as he did; let there be no doubt of that, for he most truly longed to make
this holy pilgrimage Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 47.
460 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 48.
461 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 48; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 199; Edbury,
Kingdom of Cyprus, 165; Hill, History of Cyprus, 327; Runciman, History of the Crusades, 443;
Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 336.
163
Council gave permission for him to enter the city.462 Peter took a route to
Venice through Treviso, where he was greeted by three nobles appointed by
the council: Marina Bono, Andrea Paradiso, and Benedict Gauro.
Additionally, ten officials, accompanied by a retinue of two men, greeted him
at Conegliano to escort him to Venice.463 Orders were sent to the officials in
Conegliano, Treviso, and Mestri, to give Peter a reception, spending up to
300 pounds for this purpose.464 boats were sent to meet Peter at
Marghera with two advisers, ahead of the council and twelve nobles, who
accompanied him to Bucentaur, and the Doge met him at San Secondo.
Then, through Rialto Canale, they reached the residence at Ca
Corner, after which they headed to the palace.465
On 11 November, Peter was in Venice and was very well received in the city,
as thousands of people came to greet him. According to Machaut, six
thousand people came to meet him. Peter gave the Venetians two houses in
462 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 48-49; Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 119. And then
he perhaps crossed Torre and Judrio Rivers. See Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 48,
and fn. 23. Set out for Venice, Peter Thomas had recently stopped at Milan to solve specific
issues with Bernabo Visconti and with a leader of a company Anechinus of Baumgarten, whom
Bernabo had been trying to persuade to join the expedition. Later, Peter Thomas visited
Bologna, where he acquired his masters degree on Carmelite Bernardus of Bononia. He also
conducted the foundation of the Faculty of Theology at the University of Bologna and reached
Venice to wait for Peters arrival. Shortly before his arrival, he left the city to meet with Peter.
See, Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 119, fn. 34. For the permission, G. Verci, Storia délia
Marca Trevigiana e Veronese (Venice, 1786-91), v.14, p. 20, Marin Sanudo, Vite de duchi, in
Rerum italicarum scriptores; raccolta degli storici italiani dal cinquecento al millecinquecento
ordinata da L.A. Muratori, v.22, col. 775.
463 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 49; Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 120-21. Mas Latrie.
Histoire, Vol. 2, 240-41.
464 Mas Latrie. Nouvelles Preuves de lhistorie de Chypre, pp. 73-74. Twelve other officials
were chosen to dress up the Doges boats. For a list of all the names of the greeters and
appointed officers, see Ibid., 74
465 Mas Latrie, Nouvelles Preuves de lhistorie de Chypre, 73-74; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières,
199-200.
164
Famagusta and Nicosia to show his gratitude.466 Because of his attitude
during the Cretan revolt, Peter earned the appreciation of the Venetians,
despite the fact that the practicality of his support was questionable.467
Nevertheless, Peter desperately needed the Venetian ships.
Peter was presented with numerous gifts and acquired permission to equip
one of his ships. It was on 6 December that the Doge dined Peter. On the
other hand, in Venice, Peter had another admirer who wished to meet with
him personally and had waited for his arrival since 17 August, Niccolo II of
Ferrara. Finally, on 9 December, on another very sumptuous feast, Niccolo
Ferrara met with Peter. Many lords and Venetian officials attended this
feast.468
466 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 49. Iorga, citing Cronaca di Donato Contarini Vol. 7,
64 states that two thousand welcomed him. Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 200 fn. 9. This is also
-most probably- the moment when Peter fell into the water and stated that he became a real
Venetian. This incident is mentioned above. Peters donation of two houses was officially
approved on 1 September 1366. The bailiff of Cyprus, Peter Baseus (Baseio), reports that
Peter gave these houses as a sign of benevolence and love. See, Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2,
362.
467 It is unclear whether Peter actively sent troops to help suppress the Cretan revolt. After
exchanging correspondences with the pope, Peter, and several other rulers and promoters, it
was obvious that the crusaders were not ready to depart. Peter was absent, and Amadeus of
Savoy needed more time. However, we also know that some crusaders had already
assembled at Venice, such as the Beauchamp -as mentioned earlier- and other English,
French and German enthusiasts. We also know that the Venetians intended to hire some free
or crusader companies. Eventually, in February 1364, Lucchino dal Verme made a contract
and was assigned as the commander of the land forces. Under the leadership of Domenico
Michiel of Santa Fosca, captain-general of the sea, the Venetian fleet set sail for Crete in April,
carrying a thousand horses and two thousand foot soldiers recruited from Veneto, Tuscany,
Dalmatia, and beyond. On 6 or 7 May, the troops landed on Crete and suppressed the revolt.
However, the rebels escaped through the countryside and undertook guerrilla war. So even
though they withdrew, and it was announced that the revolt was suppressed, it continued until
1366. In the end, it needs to be clarified to what extent Peter helped Venetians achieve this.
Nevertheless, it is sure that Peter was hardly in control of the events as he had been busy
propagating his expedition. For the letters, See above. Also see Setton, The Papacy and the
Levant, 254-256; Hill, History of Cyprus, 327-28 and fn 2. For Peter and Crete, See, Nicholas
Coureas, King Peter I of Cyprus and the rebellion of 1363 on Crete, 2001.
468 Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 248; Sanudo, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, Muratori, v.22, no.
845; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 201.
165
Peter stayed in Venice until the departure of the crusading army the next
season, and during his stay, many festivities, rejoicings, and tournaments
were held. One of these was held after a feast at San Luca by Andrea
Dandolo to celebrate the suppression of the Cretan revolt. Peter was not
present during these festivities in the summer. However, to honor the
previous tournament, Peter demanded another tournament in the same
place, Piazza di San Marco, during which he tilted with the son of Luchino dal
Verme, who returned from Crete.469 During his stay in Venice, Peter stayed
in the palace of Frederick Cornaro of Episkopi.470 Frederick also lent him
60.000 ducats, and in return, he was admitted to the Order of the Sword with
the right to bear the arms of the House of Lusignan and the emblem and the
device of the order.471
Peter had finally reached Venice, but he still had severe problems. The first
one was the dispute between the Genoese.472 To solve the issue, he sent
Peter Thomas and Guy de Regnoul de Reggio to Genoa for negotiations.473
Philippe de Mézieres accompanied Peter Thomas and said he worried about
his life.474 Meanwhile, the pope sent several letters to avoid war between the
469 Sanudo Vite, in Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, Muratori v.22, nos. 658-659.
470 He stayed here in 1362 and 1368 as well. In 1365, he stayed until 27 June.
471 Mas Latrie. Histoire, Vol. 3, 815.
472 See above.
473 Guy de Regnoul de Reggio was his physician. Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages,
337 fn. 1. According to Hill, Guy de Bagnolo. See Hill, History of Cyprus, 314. According to
Setton, Guido da Bagnolo di Reggio. See Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 260.
474 Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 122-23. The editor, Joachim Smet, notes that it is not clear if
Mézieres accompanied Peter Thomas to Genoa. See Ibid., 123, fn. 40.
166
Genoese and the Cypriots. Eventually, envoy, Peter Marosello,
returned from Avignon, carrying a letter from the pope stating that the
disputes with the Genoese were finally solved in April. Relieved by the news,
Peter sent a letter to the Genoese Doge Gabriel Adorno, expressing his
pleasure regarding the arrangement in May.475 Shortly before
departure, Philippe de Mézieres was granted citizenship of Venice.476
4.12 The Outcome of the Tour: Did It Worth It?
Peter stayed in Venice until 27 June, endeavoring to finalize the preparations
and solve the quarrels with the Genoese. The outcome of his lengthy tour,
however, is questionable. Peter was very well treated during his tour,
feasted, was entertained greatly, and received numerous gifts. His fame and
impression were excellent. Nevertheless, in practice, he had achieved less
than he sought. He did not promote the expedition from his kingdom by
sending his envoys but personally pioneered it, visiting the most important
polities in Europe. The outcome of this costly tour should have brought him
much more than the reality. Despite the pope's efforts, his chancellor Philippe
de Mézieres and Peter Thomas, Peter was at the edge of returning to his
kingdom empty-handed.
475 Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 254-66; Bullarium, v3. p.396, no. v-120; Urban V Lettres closes,
nos. 1027, 1034-1035, 1102, 1602, 1609, 1619, 1649-1650, 1681, 1700 (The letter carried by
Marosello)-1724; Bustron, Chronique, 262-63; Amadi, pp. 376-377, no. 826. For the articles
of the arrangement, see Machairas, Recital, 84-85. For Peters letter to Adorno, See Mas
Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 254-67. Venetian ambassadors were also dispatched to Genoa before
Peter arrived in late 1364. See, Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 3, 747. Also see, Edbury, Kingdom
of Cyprus, 166; Hill, History of Cyprus, 314.
476 Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 272.
167
As mentioned above, a considerable number of knights and parties had
arrived in Venice when Peter was still undertaking his tour, mostly due to his
need for further assistance after the death of John II.477 These enthusiasts,
including a considerable number of English and French knights, were no
longer in Venice by the time Peter arrived. There were less number of
knights than expected, ready to depart with Peter.478 Amadeus of Savoy,
another prominent and expected contributor, was also absent as he had
changed his crusading plans. This was very disheartening for both Peter and
the pope, but mainly for Peter as he had spent excessive money on his
tour.479 To finance his tour, he enfranchised Cypriot families to buy
exemptions for the poll tax.480 Peter had already spent the money in the
treasury during his expedition to Antalya, so after an almost three years-long
tour, his resources were almost spent.481 Nevertheless, Philippe de Mézieres
and Peter Thomas, still having hope for the future of the journey, proposed
that Peter collect troops at his own expense.482
477 Mézieres mentions that satisfying numbers were prepared and waited in Venice for Peter.
See Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 119-20.
478 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 266.
479 Pope expressed that passagium is impossible in his letter sent to the Byzantine Emperor
on 19 April 1365. See Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 266, fn. 5. Iorga cites Arch du Vatican 247
fos 79-80.
480 Many secretani (serfs) and burgesses were enfranchised, being a part of perperiari
(enfranchised serfs). Those who wished to enfranchise their wife and children had to pay 2000
bezants. However, this amount came to 1700 bezants and then to 1000 bezants in time.
Eventually, almost all secretani and burgesses were enfranchised. See Amadi, 377, no. 827
and fn. 2-3,
481 Machairas, Recital, Vol.1, no. 157
482 See below.
168
So to what extent situation was desperate? Obviously, the assembled
army was not large enough to recover the Holy Land and lacked the
contribution of major rulers and lords in Europe. However, contrary to popular
belief, he was not hopeless. Some significant lords and knights, alongside
the lesser ones, had been present, and some of them had traveled to
Rhodes to wait for Peter to arrive.483 Among the participants were Aymé,
Count of Geneva,484 William Roger III, Viscount of Turenne and also the Earl
of Hereford,485 John of Reims,486 and John Lascaris Calopherus, a
Byzantine noble and friend, and many lesser knights from France and
England and distant lands, such as Scotland.487 Other notable participants,
we do not know much about their stories during the expedition but have their
names, were: Jean de la Riviére of Préaux,488 Jean of Fricamps, the lord of
Puchay and seigneur of Taillanville,489 Guillaume VI Martel,490 Brémont de la
483 The documentary ecidence of the participants of the Alexandrian Crusade is Machairas
detailed list. Additionally, Machaut specifically mentions some participants in his work.
484 Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 517, Appendix Crusaders of Alexandria
485 He was one of the most influential lords in Southern France.
486 John of Reims is the one who tells Machaut the details of the expedition. Iorga, Philippe de
Mézières, 279.
487 Runciman, History of the Crusades, 443; Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 265 and fn.
31. Calopherus was a convert to Latin Christianity. See, David Jacoby, Jean Lascaris
Calophéros, Chypre et la Morée," Revue des études Byzantines, XXVI (1968). There is an
unnamed Scottish knight who was killed during the attack. According to Luttrell, he was
Norman Leslie, who participated with his brother Walter alongside a group of Scottish
participants. Luttrell, English Levantine, p. 149 and fn. 49. Machaut mentions him, stating that
he tried to burn the gate, but a stone was thrown at him, causing his death. Machaut, The
Capture of Alexandria, 73.
488 He was Charles Vs chamberlain, and died in Famagusta in 1365. Machairas, Recital, 103.
489 Jean of Fricamps (Jean de Taillanville Yvetot) was also king Charles Vs chamberlain. He
had previously been in service of Charles II of Navarre. Machairas, Recital, 104.
490 Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 517, Appendix Crusaders of Alexandria
169
Voulte,491 and Gantonnet 492 Although Thomas Beaucamp left
Venice before arrival, many English knights also participated. Henry
Sturmy and a knight, Thomas, whose men were contracted to Venice to
suppress the Cretan revolt, were among those who embarked for the East.493
Additionally, John de Grey of Codnor,494 Miles Stapleton,495 Stephen
Scrope,496 John de Argentine of Suffolk,497 Nicholas Sabraham,498 Alexander
Goldingham, Robert Hales.499
4.13 Numbers
Despite not being very promising and apparently insufficient to recover the
Holy Land, Peter had some notable participants. Additionally, according to
Mézieres, Peter had hired 600 men-at-arms, 500 horses, and many servants
and sailors at his own expense. These troops were among the ones who
491 A knight from Flanders, son of Philippe de la Voulte. Later chamberlain of Peter. Machairas,
Recital, 104; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 279; Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages,
519 Appendix Crusaders of Alexandria
492 Seigneur of La Douze and seneschal of Périgord. He became rich after the sack of
Alexandria. Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 460-61.
493 Guard, Chivalry, 45.
494 John, Third Baron Grey of Codnor, son of the second Baron of Codnor, Richard Grey. See
Dictionary of National Biography DNB; Luttrell, English Levantine, 148-49
495 See above.
496 Peter knighted him. See Tyerman, England and the Crusades, p. 292; Luttrell, English
Levantine, 149.
497 Vivian Hunter Galbraith, The Anonimalle Chronicle., 1970, p. 51; Atiya, 517.
498 His origin is unknown. Nevertheless, he is probably a native of Northumberland. He was a
veteran of Crecy and had joined many expeditions. After Alexandria, he also joined the
crusade of Amadeus. See Dictionary of National Biography DNB. Also see Tyerman, England
and the Crusades, p. 292; Luttrell, English Levantine, p.149; Guard, Chivalry, pp. 45-46.
499 The prior of England and an English Hospitaller. See, Tyerman, England and the Crusades,
p. 292; Guard, Chivalry, p. 46. Machairas provides many other names besides the knights
mentioned above. For Machairaslist see, Machairas, Recital, 103-104.
170
sailed from Venice, and 100 Knights Hospitaller joined them in Rhodes.500
Despite being small in number, other contingents also departed from Otranto
and Genoa to meet with the bulk of the army at Rhodes.501 After reaching an
agreement with Peter, Genoese also offered three ships to join
expedition. Also, they declared that they would ask the pope to appoint Peter
as the captain-general of the expedition, for which, in return, Peter graciously
thanked the Genoese and replied that he would request the same from the
pope. However, he added that he was about to depart and could not wait for
the Genoese ships to arrive, which were then in the East.502 In addition to the
fleet setting sail from the West, Peter had also ordered his brother to ready
the Cypriot troops, leaving a sufficient number of contingents on the island
for its defense.503
Eventually, on 27 June 1365, Peter and a part of his army set sail from
Venice to Rhodes and, having favorable winds, reached in a short time.
Alongside Peter, he had Peter Thomas and Philippe de Mézieres as well,
and the Grandmaster of the Hospitallers, Raymond Bérenger, warmly
welcomed them.504 Peter and his troops remained in Rhodes, waiting for the
army to assemble, and they were still at Rhodes in July. Finally, on 19 July,
500 Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 125, 127-28.
501 These contingents also contained English companies. See Atiya, The Crusade in the Later
Middle Ages, 341 and fn. 2.
502 The letter was sent on 16 May. For the letter, see Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 266-67. See
also Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 266.
503 Peter sent a letter to his brother a few months before, asking him to start the preparations.
Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 125-26.
504 Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 125.
171
the pope blessed Peter and his army, and in August, Cypriot army
arrived at Rhodes, commanded by his brother and the regent, John, set sail
from Cyprus, and was received with great joy by the inhabitants of
Rhodes.505 During their stay in Rhodes, Peter Thomas spent considerable
effort to raise morale. He cared for the sick, absolved sinners, solved
disputes, and mediated confrontations within the council.506
So, what was the number of the crusaders and their ships assembled at
Rhodes? The present evidence regarding the total number of participants of
the expedition is limited and primarily based on Mézieres' given numbers. As
for the size of the fleet, we have relatively more information. Mézieres depicts
that Peter had many different types of ships, 100 of which were paid at his
own expense. The total number of the army, according to Mézieres, was
10.000 armed men, 1000 armed nobles, and 1400 horses.507 Mézieres does
not give a total number, but estimation is 165 as well; 33 fuste, six
ships, nine boats, and 11 horse transport totaling 92, and together with the
Cypriot vessels, 165 short and large vessels.508 According to Makhairas, on
the other hand, Peter arrived in Rhodes with a total of 31 ships, 15 of which
came directly to Rhodes with Peter, and an additional 16 traveled to Genoa
505 Raynaldus, 1365, p. 120, n18. According to Machairas the fleet arrived on 25 August.
Machairas, Recital, 90.
506 He became an utterly respected and blessed personality as the crusaders believed that
kissing his hands would save them from evil that day. Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 125;
Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 264.
507 Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 127-28. Mézieres states that among these 10000 were
Cypriot, English, French and German knights.
508 Bustron, Chronique, 262.
172
and then headed to Rhodes.509 He also notes that three other Genoese ships
arrived as well. Additionally, the Cypriot fleet that arrived in August numbered
108, of which 33 were horse transport, 10 were merchant ships, 20 other
vessels, and 4 Hospitaller ships totaling 165 pieces.510 Amadi provides the
same information regarding the size of the fleet. estimation is
the same as he gives a total of 165 vessels assembled at Rhodes.511
Western chronicles compromise upon these numbers, apart from
assumption about the number of the men-at-arms, which seems quite
exaggerated given that 10.000 is an auspicious number for a crusading army
even if a major European ruler led it. Another estimation regarding the size of
the fleet belongs to the eye-witness of the expedition Muammad ibn al-
al- al- al- who highlights that the crusaders
embarked on their ships, which were 70 in total. However, he does not
highlight a specific number regarding the size of the army, and his estimation
of the fleet is based on his description of the crusader retreat.512
Nevertheless, it is safe to estimate that fleet was as large as 165
vessels.
509 Machairs, pp. 89-90.
510 Twenty additional ships were called doves See, Machairas, Recital, 89-90.
511 Strambaldi, Vol. 2, 67.
512 For al- and the Mamluk sources in detail, see below. For the account, see Kitāb al-
Ilmām bi-l-’alam fi ma jarat bihi al-aḥkām wa al-amūr al-maqḍiya fi waq’at al-Iskandariya, (Book
of Gleanings Related to What Happened in the Events of the Fall of Alexandria). Hereafter, al-
Kitāb al-Ilmām. Due to language restrictions, I made use of a translation of Kitāb al-
Ilmām from Arabic to English provided by Stanford University Global Medieval Sourcebook: A
Digital Repository of Medieval Texts. See | Global Medieval
Sourcebook: A Digital Repository of Medieval Texts. account of how the Cypriots gained
victory over Accessed December 21, 2021.
https://sourcebook.stanford.edu/sites/all/modules/custom/vm/VersioningMachine/texts/Book
of Knowledge.html
173
4.15 Final Destination: Why Alexandria?
On 4 October 1365, the army set sail from Rhodes after a sermon preached
by Peter Thomas on the royal galley.513 However, the final destination of the
army was yet to be obvious, even for the participants. Additionally, even one
of the principal contributors to the expedition, the Venetians, was unaware of
the expedition's target, which was disturbing for them. Genoese also had
doubts about the destination of the expedition, and it was perhaps the
preliminary motive behind their offer of help, sending three ships.
Some traditional studies regarding the rationales behind picking Alexandria
were chosen as the target, suggesting that Peter sought to recover the Holy
Land, his primary passion was to defeat the infidels, or it was primarily out of
political interests. One of the main contributors to the history of Lusignan
Cyprus, Hill, states that Peter was by one ruling passion, the
prosecution of war against the infidel in obedience to what he genuinely
believed to be a divine 514 For Runciman, Peter was devoted to
recovering the Holy Land.515 Setton calls him Christian and
states that he yearned to regain his Jerusalemite heritage.516 Classical
historians such as H. E. Mayer and J. Prawer follow the same tone regarding
513 Machairas, Recital, 92; Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 128-129. Venetian letters about the
destination. Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 3, 751-53.
514 Hill, History of Cyprus, 368.
515 Runciman, History of the Crusades, 448.
516 Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 242, 282.
174
motivations.517 The general tone in the main chronicles of Mézieres,
and Machaut, from which this study has benefitted, follow the same
interpretation. However, of course, these accounts also develop dramatic
pro-Latin rhetoric. On the contrary, for al- the main motivation of
Peter was to stop the persecution of the Christians in the East.518
So, how realistic is it to posit that Peter sought to recover the Holy Land?
According to Edbury, if Peter was motivated to restore the Kingdom of
Jerusalem, his understanding of military realities was inadequate, and he
was delusional. For Edbury, given that Cypriot commerce had declined in the
latter half of the fourteenth century, especially after the outbreak of the Black
Death, a severe blow to the treasure, Peter wanted to restore the economic
heyday of the kingdom. For Edbury, due to this decline, Pe Alexandrian
expedition derived solely from commercial concerns. Common opinions in
the works of Mézieres and Machaut are mostly blatant propaganda or an
attempt to promote chivalry, as the audience was interested in hearing. In
sum, Edbury suggests that Peter may have had two primary purposes; to
capture Alexandria and create a commercial triangle by having Famagusta,
Antalya, and Alexandria to derive profit or to raze the city to the ground and
get rid of leading commercial rival.519
517 Hans Eberhard Mayer, The Crusades (Oxford England ; New York: Oxford University
Press, 2009), p. 238; J. Joshua Prawer, The World of the Crusaders (Quadrangle, The New
York Times Book Company, 1973), 148.
518 al- Kitāb al-Ilmām. Despite promoting Peter in his work, Machairas suggests that
Peter answered the papal call and only briefly mentions that he hoped to recover Jerusalem.
519 Edbury, The Crusading Policy in Kingdoms, XII, 91-105.
175
In light of all the narrative and documentary evidence, I should disagree with
strict assumptions regarding motivation behind the attack on
Alexandria. The first and foremost reason is that European Tour
came up as a solution to his accession problem, and he most probably
sought to settle the issue and rule the island as its legitimate ruler. Even if
Peter had ideas precipitated by his enthusiastic chivalric nature, those must
have been premature. We lack evidence regarding an attack on Alexandria
but an intention -or perhaps a wish- to save the Holy Land from Muslim
dominance. As mentioned earlier, we may see this in his letter to the
Seneschal of Naples, Acciaioli.520 Suppose Peter desired to recover the Holy
Land, in that case, this seems utterly understandable as he was also the
titular king of Jerusalem. Moreover, we may see that he specifically indicated
that the kingdom is his inheritance and that he was the legitimate ruler of the
Kingdom of Jerusalem many times, such as he demonstrated during his
speech with Edward III of England.521
However, although it is evident that Peter was probably aware of the realities
before his departure, suggesting that his motivations were almost entirely
commercial would need further evidence. Underpinning the commercial
intentions might well be based on some realities, as kingdom was
economically in decline. The main economic port of the kingdom,
Famagusta, was losing its share in the oriental trade. The lifting of the papal
bans, changing trade routes, and the effects of the Black Death seriously
520 Mas Latrie. Histoire, Vol. 2, 239.
521 Chronique des quatre premiers Valois (1327-1393), 128; Froissart, Chronicles of England,
France, and Spain, 306.
176
blew the commercial status. However, even if so, for Peter, after an
almost three years long costly tour as a result of which he spent his own
financial and military sources to orchestrate the expedition, would not be as
fruitful as one might think, especially considering the power imbalance
between the Mamluks and his kingdom. Moreover, we do not have
documentary evidence regarding the councils that were held at Rhodes. It
may have been believed that holding on at Alexandria may pave the way for
further conquests, which might eventually lead to the recovery of the Holy
Land. Meanwhile, Peter may have thought that he could recover his sources,
given that Alexandria was now out of competition. Nevertheless, it is hardly
possible that Peter sought to capture Alexandria only to dominate commerce.
The strategy to attack Egypt was not new as it was an elder idea traceable to
the previous century.522
Two expeditions in the thirteenth century targeted Egypt. One was the
crusade of 1217-1221 during which the crusaders captured Damietta in
1219. The Muslims proposed surrendering Jerusalem, and in exchange, they
requested the crusaders to leave Egypt. However, the crusaders rejected this
offer, believing they could use Damietta for further support from the West.523
The second expedition was St. Seventh Crusade, during which the
crusaders embarked on Damietta and discussed attacking Alexandria or
522 Edbury, Crusading in Kingdoms, XII pp. 94. Invasion of Syria via Armenia had
also been another proposed strategy in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries but was not widely
accepted. See, Atiya The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 105-6.
523 Peter Lock, The Routledge Companion to the Crusades (Routledge, 2013), pp. 167-169;
Jonathan Riley-Smith, The Crusades : A Short History (London: Athlone, 2001), 143-149;
Runciman, History of the Crusades, 160-63. For more details about this crusade, See James
M Powell, Anatomy of a Crusdae 1213-1221 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press,
1994).
177
Cairo, eventually deciding on to march to Cairo, hoping that they could use
their conquests as a base to recover the Holy Land or exchange these lands
with the Holy Land.524
When in Rhodes, waiting for the rest of the army to assemble, Peter and his
council were probably aware of the capabilities of their army and discussed
the possible strategies. Most probably, they also revisited the strategies of
the previous crusaders. Although the 1217-1221 crusade was a failure, it was
due to the poor estimations of the leaders who rejected the Muslim peace
offer. Frederick Sixth Crusade was another example during which he
recovered Jerusalem without an invasion.525 In 1311, ancestor King
Henry II argued that a surprise attack on Egypt, using Cyprus as a base,
would be strategically feasible, as, unaware of the main target, the Mamluks
would need to defend all coasts of Egypt and Syria, and by the fear of a
Mongol attack, would avoid withdrawing their troops from Syria.526 When the
crusaders expressed their desire to leave Alexandria, Peter Thomas also
advocated this idea to persuade them to stay and defend the city for further
conquests, waiting for aid from the West and then recovering the Holy Land.
The last suggestion of this study regarding Alexandria was chosen as the
primary target would be that when in Venice and then Rhodes, it was too late
524 Lock, The Routledge Companion to the Crusades, (2013) pp. 177-178; Riley Smith, The
Crusades, A short History, pp. 157-161; Runciman, History of the Crusades, 255-294; Jean
Richard, Saint Louis, Crusader King of France (Éditions De La Maison Des Sciences De
Paris, 1992).
525 David Abulafia, Frederick II : A Medieval Emperor (New York: Oxford University Press,
1992), 164-201.
526 Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 118-25; Edbury, The Crusading Policy, XII, 94.
178
for Peter to give up the expedition even if it was an option. Peter had
benefitted from his chivalric nature, greeted by the European royalties,
barons, lords, every possible ecclesiastics, and the townspeople. This
enthusiasm fueled Peter's character, and his image was almost perfect. As a
blessed warrior, champion, and devoted servant of the cross, he had
advocated his cause for almost three years. When military realities struck,
and he came back to earth -considering characteristics and
expenditures- one can imagine giving up would not be an option for him.
However, having a small army, he should have wisely chosen a target, and
Alexandria would be a suitable target. First, the city would be the fulcrum of
his army, and if they could defend it, it would be possible to have
reinforcements from the West, as there were still leaders preparing for a
crusade, such as Amadeus of Savoy.527 Alexandria was situated on a
network of canals and had decent defensive constructions, which made the
city easier to defend while waiting for Western support. Besides, the Muslims
had destroyed many ports along the Palestinian and Syrian coasts, making it
difficult to unload the ships and hold on to a strategic position. Second, by
keeping Alexandria in hand, he could compensate for his enormous
expenditures, and of course, the commercial fireball, Famagusta,
would also benefit from this.
Nevertheless, the latter benefit, despite being quarreled by modern
scholarship, is not guaranteed. Would Famagusta benefit from the capture of
527 On 23 May, Emperor Charles IV and Amadeus of Savoy visited the pope and discussed
forming a new crusade. After Charlesdeparture, envoys from France and Normandy visited
the pope to discuss the problem with the free companies and how to help the Christians in the
East. See, Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 267.
179
Alexandria in the long run? Given the Mamluk war potential and
resources, how easy it would be to keep Alexandria as a commercial hub is a
question. Likewise, the effects of destroyed commercial relations with the
Italians should be considered as well. If the expedition leaders believed that
they should capture Alexandria solely for commercial reasons, this would be
another delusion and strategic mistake. Even if they recover the Holy Land,
they must have been aware that keeping Alexandria would be very difficult
and financially and militarily exhausting.
On the other hand, they must be aware of the possible reactions of the
Italians, who had constantly been trading with the Mamluks. Moreover, as
mentioned earlier, Cypriot relations with the Italian states were fragile. The
results of the Alexandrian Crusade corroborate this hypothesis as the Italians
constantly tried to restore peace with the Mamluks to protect their business.
Therefore it is highly doubtful that having a hostile Mamluk Sultanate and
Italian states on the doorsteps would be feasible. Therefore, the commercial
business might not be as beneficial as it used to be. Additionally, possible
hostilities with the Italians with whom the kingdom had disputes recently and
faced off a possible full-scale war would not work in favor of Peter. Finally,
the rivalry between the Genoese and the Venetians should also be
considered. The security has relied chiefly on these states, and
the best example of this dependence is the fall of Famagusta after
death.
180
On 4 October 1365, the detached crusading army sailed against an unknown
target. Only the king and his chief consultants knew the destination, as Peter
and his council feared any Italian apostasy.528 This was a possibility
considering the recent commercial activities of the Italians. When Peter failed
to reach Venice and prolonged his stay in Europe, Venetians believed that
they were released of their obligations and the merchants rejoiced from this.
Moreover, both the Venetians and Genoese spied on movements. On
the one hand, the Genoese offered three ships to Peter, but on the other
hand, they sent two envoys to Egypt, probably to announce the
imminent departure.529 It also seems that the pope was not aware of the
destination of the expedition as he granted trade permission with Egypt on 25
August for six Venetian trade vessels. In September, the senate voted for
penalties for those who flouted the Mamluk customs rules. What is more, the
Venetians asked the pope to allow them to send galleys to defend the trade
ships to Egypt. Without a doubt, the papal permission complicated the
issues. It was not only Urban who permitted trade with the Mamluks as his
predecessor Clement VI also granted permission for Venetians to send ten
trade ships and thirty galleys to Egypt, especially to Alexandria. When Peter
left Venice, the Doge wrote letters to his captain and the officials in Crete
stating that in case if Peter intends to attack any of their Turkish partners (the
528 Atiya, Crusade, Commerce and Culture, 103. According to Machaut, the idea to attack
Alexandria was Percival of Colougnes, and Peter hesitated at first. Nevertheless, Machaut is
the only source for this information, which needs further evidence. Percival was one of Peters
chamber knights. According to Edbury, Percivals absence from any other sources but
prominence in Machauts work may indicate that he was one of Machauts informants.
Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 57-58 and fn. 7.
529 The Doge wrote to a commander of a galley, Niccolo Polani, ordering him to follow Peter
wherever he goes; Rhodes, Antalya or Cyprus. See, Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 3, 751-52;
Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 267; Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 261-262, and fn. 12.
181
emirates in Anatolia) they should warn the Turks and inform them that any
future attack would not be supported and approved by the Venetians.
Eventually, when Peter was in Rhodes, the Turkish emirates sent envoys to
Peter to pay him tribute.530 So, despite Italians being unaware of the
destination, they were alerted and endeavored to keep their commercial
relations safe.
Consequently, the reasons behind Peter choosing Alexandria as his target
needs more explanation than suggesting that he sought to create a
commercial kingdom, and to achieve this end, he spent almost three years in
the West. Instead, his actions should be elaborated by the variables such as
his royal position at the beginning of his tour, the image he had created
during his travels, and the outcome of these travels, which eventually fell
short of the marks. Now that Peter had a reputation to preserve, a kingdom
that its resources were mostly spent, and an army, he assembled with
difficulty. Naturally, Peter also sought to elevate his declining
financial state, and excluding this reality from the frame would be a mistake.
Alexandria was indeed the wealthiest city and the financial center of the
Mamluk state. Significant variety of goods and mines were traded at
Alexandria, and it was an economic hub that many Western merchants
benefited. However, the reasons behind decision are more than only
financial considerations but a combination of different variables.
530 Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 3, 752-53. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 262-63, 265.
182
CHAPTER V
THE END OF AN EPIC JOURNEY: THE ALEXANDRIAN CRUSADE
Vivat Petrus Jerusalem et Cypri Rex, Contra Saracenos
531
5.1 The Expedition
On 4 October, when army set sail for the expedition, only he and his
advisors knew of the main target. Venetian spies had doubts, and Peter kept
the secrecy believing that the Venetians might warn the Mamluks regarding
the expedition. The navy followed a route through Anatolia to the island of
Crambusa (Suluada) near Cape Gelidonya, where the target of the
expedition was finally announced.532 Despite challenging weather conditions,
the fleet arrived in Alexandria on Thursday, 9 October, after a five days long
journey. The date of the fleet's arrival is contradictory, but it is possible to
affirm the date due to the variety of primary evidence and eye-witness
accounts. The Western sources of the expedition agreed on 9 October,
531 When leaving Rhodes, the men cried these words, as Mézieres depicted. Vita Petri, in
Bolland, Acta Sanctorum III (29 January), p. 629; Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages,
347 and fn. 3.
532 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 60; Machairas, Recital, 92; Amadi, 377-78, no. 830.
Strambaldi calls Rauso, but explains that it was a port names Crambusa. See Strambaldi,
Vol. 2, 67 and fn. 13. Peters son, the prince of Cyprus, fell ill and returned to the
island shortly before. Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 281.
183
except Strambaldi, who suggests that the fleet arrived on 5 October.
Machaut, Machairas, and information consistently suggest 9
October as the arrival date, and Arabic sources of the expedition, despite
contradictions, support this date.533
Before the main events of the expedition, the Arabic sources regarding the
history of the capture of Alexandria must be mentioned. The Main Arabic
source highlighting the Alexandrian Crusade is previously mentioned al-
Kitāb al-Ilmām. Al- was in Alexandria when the Crusaders
arrived and was among those who fled from the city before the beginning of
the siege. He arrived in Alexandria in 1337 for pilgrimage, but he enjoyed the
prosperity and settled down, working as a copyist. Shortly after the end
of the expedition, he returned and witnessed the poor condition of the city
and its inhabitants suffering from the pillaging. Other than these, we know
only a little about his life. He started to write his work, which consists of six
volumes, in 1366 and finished sometime before he died in 1372. al-
work is perhaps the most authoritative Muslim source regarding the
expedition.534 According to al- he created his work because of his
love for the city and disguise against what the crusaders had done to it. He
was an almost fanatically pious man, and it can clearly be seen that his
533 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 62; Machairas, Recital, 92; Amadi, 377-78, no. 830;
Bustron, Chronique, 262; Strambaldi, Vol. 2, 68.
534 al- Kitāb al-Ilmām; Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 348. For the
three original copies of his work, see Ibid., fn. 1, and fn. 2. Also see Atiya, A Fourteenth Century
Encyclopedist, 18. For an assessment of the Muslim sources, see Jo Van Steenbergen, The
Alexandrian Crusade (1365) and the Mamluk Sources : reassessment of the Kitab al-Ilmam of
an-Nuwayri al-'Iskandarani (d. 1372 AD), 123-34.
184
personality affected his story. Nevertheless, his work is significant for the
story of Alexandria as it is the most detailed and dedicated Arabic source.535
Musa al- Iqd al-Gumān fī Ta'rikh Ahl az-Zamán536 is another main
Arabic source which concentrates on the history of Egypt and Syria from the
creation to Al- time. Al-Ayni was born in Gaziantep in 1361 and settled
in Cairo in 1399, where he was appointed to several high-rank ministerial
positions until he died in 1451. Al- work mainly concentrates on the
events in Cairo, and shows the Mamluks' reaction and their senior emir
Yalbuga al-Khassaki. Although the main events in Alexandria in his works is
brief, his chronicle is significant for the story of Alexandria in 1365.537
Abu Ibn Tagribirdi may be considered as al- successor as he
concentrated on the events of Alexandria by almost identically copying al-
work in his an-Nugum az-Zahira fi Muluk Misr wa l-Qahira.538
Tabribirdi was born in Cairo as a son of an emir in 1409 and he received an
academic and military education. Tagribirdi focused on the history of Egypt
from the Arabic conquest until his own time, and he died in 1470. Although
his account regarding the capture of Alexandria is identical to that of al-Ayni,
he puts some details in his work different from al-Ayni.539
535 al- Kitāb al-Ilmām. Steenbergen, The Alexandrian Crusade, p. 125; Atiya, A
Fourteenth Century, 18; Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 348 fn. 2.
536 Badr ad-Din Abu Muhammed Ma ibn Ahmad ibn al- Ayni. His work is translated
as A Pearl Necklace of the History of the People of the
537 Steenbergen, 127; Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 348.
538Resplendant Stars among the Kings of Misr and Cairo
539 Steenbergen, 128.
185
The other two historiographers are al- professional and personal rival
Ali al-Maqrizi540 and Iyas al-Hanefi541. Also born in Cairo in 1364, al-Maqrizi
undertook administrative and educational missions in Cairo and Damascus
and devoted himself to historiographical studies before he died in 1442. One
of his works is our Arabic source about the events in Alexandria: Kitab as-
Suluk li Duwal al-Muluk.542 Al- echo, on the other hand, is
clearly seen in the chronicle of al- Bada’i az-Zuhür fi Waqa’i ad-
Duhür.543 Lived between 1448 and 1524, al-Hanefi concentrates on the fall of
the Mamluk state in his account, also briefly mentioning the fall of
Alexandria.544
Considering the details and dedication of the work of al-Nuwayri, both Atiya
and Steenbergen agree that the most elaborate account is, by far Kitab al-
Ilmam. This consensus is hardly questionable as al-Nuwayri was the eyewitness
of the event and provided 44 pages long story of the capture of
Alexandria in his account, giving pinpoint details especially about the fights,
skirmishes and plunderings in Alexandria, by also listing many names
including so called of the muslim fighters in excessive details,
540 Taqi ad-Din Ahmed ibn Ali al-Maqrizi.
541 Zayn ad-Din Abu l-Barakat Muhammad ibn Ahmad ibn Iyas al-Hanafi.
542the Book of the Path of Knowledge of Dynasties and Kings
543Marvellous Blossoms among Events of the Times
544 Steenbergen, the Alexandrian Crusade, pp. 128-30.
186
compared to al-Ayni and al- a few pages long relatively shallower
accounts.545
Nevertheless, to build the history of the capture of Alexandria, it is of
paramount importance to benefit from the Arabic sources as well, despite
some contradictions between the Western and Eastern sources regarding
the dates. So if we focus on the arrival of army, al-Nuwayri depicts
that the army arrived on Wednesday, which corresponds to 8 October, with
70 Venetian trade ships. The fleet entered the harbor the next day, where the
defenders repelled their attempt to disembark. So al-Nuwayri places the
capture of the city on the next day. Al-Maqrizi also states that the army
arrived on Wednesday, but the conquest started on Friday. Al-Ayni, follows
al-Maqrizi as well, depicting that the city fell on Friday. However, even though
these sources provide the information on which day the crusaders appeared
near Alexandria, they also provide the date on mohammedan calendar,
which differ from each other.546 Converting these dates to the Christian
calendar, we can indicate that al- given date corresponds to 7
October, and al-Maqrizi and al- dates correspond to 8 October.
Compared to the Western sources, it is clear that Arabic given day
is one day earlier. This confusion is understandable because al-Maqrizi and
al-Ayni were subsequent historians, but al- confusion is interesting,
given that he was an eye-witness. However, this does not affect the
545 al- Kitāb al-Ilmām. Atiya, A Fourteenth Century, p. 18. Steenbergen, the
Alexandrian Crusade, 130.
546 Al-Nuwayri: Wednesday 20 Muharram 767. Al-Maqrizi: Wednesday 21 Muharram 767. Al-
Ayni: City fell on 23 Muharram 767.
187
credibility of his account altogether.547 This confusion arises because of the
inconsistency between the given date on Mohammedan calendar and the
day of the week. If we rely on the fact that the fleet arrived on Wednesday
and the hostilities took place on Friday, Arabic estimations support the
Western accounts. Moreover, explanation regarding the date given by
al-Nuwayri is credible. According to him, this difference may be explained by
the existence of Egyptian scouting vessels and watchtowers.548 All in all,
revisiting all the accounts, it is possible to fix the date of the fleet's arrival on
9 October.
According to Mézieres, soldiers had rejoiced to hear that the
destination was Alexandria. However, Machaut indicates that some of
soldiers had doubts about his decision as the city was too strong to capture.
In addition, the resources were so immersive that they could
gather 500.000 soldiers and outnumber the crusaders.549 Machaut then
states that Peter encouraged his men, telling them that the infidels do not
know God and his commands and eventually bring victory to the true
believers.550
547 Steenbergen, 132-33.
548 Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 348-349, fn. 2. The downside of Atiyas
suggestion is that the accounts of the campaign almost anonymously portray the appearance
of the fleet as a surprise.
549 Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas. Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 58-61.
550My lords,' he said…God will defeat them all, will keep you safe out of their hands. There
are a lot of them, a few of us - God will deliver them into our grasp! Machaut, The Capture of
Alexandria, 61. This rhetoric, portraying the enemy as powerful and crowded but defeatable,
is quite common in the historiography of the Crusades. According to Machaut, 9 October was
also birthday. There is no further evidence regarding the exact date of his birth.
Machaut may have deliberately chosen this date to consubstantiate Peter with the expedition.
If this date is correct, it was his thirty-sixth birthday. Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, XI.
188
Alexandria had a strong fortress and walls, and the city was crowded with
many people, Muslims, Jews, Christians, merchants from different nations,
and travelers. For Percival of Cologne, the city was large enough to harbor
thousands of people. However, the population is unwarlike and in case of an
attack, would flee without serious resistance.551 Nevertheless, the assaulters
had some advantages. Firstly, the Mamluk state was in turmoil after the
death of Nasir ad-Din Mohammed, who ruled the state with peace and
prosperity. After his death, chaos prevailed in the state for years, and
eventually, at eleven years old, Nasir ad-Din Shaban became the ruler of the
Mamluks. However, in practice, the state was ruled by the most potent and
influential emir, Yalbogha whose cruelty was well known. Without a strong
ruler and with a factious class, the state was not at its prime. Second, the
governor of the city, Salah al-Din ibn Arram was on pilgrimage at Mekka, and
the fortifications were not reinforced as the Mamluks did not expect an
attack on Alexandria which had long been a peaceful destination.552 Third, it
was a flood season of the Nile, making it difficult to travel from Cairo to
Alexandria while the Delta was flooded.553 It is possible that the crusaders
were aware of the current state of the Mamluks, estimating that they had
spies in Egypt.
551 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 58.
552 al- Kitāb al-Ilmām; Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 247; Atiya, The Crusade
in the Later Middle Ages, 351; Edbury, Kingdom of Cyprus, 167.
553 Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 351.
189
Nevertheless, despite the fact that the governor of the city was away and the
city was inadequately fortified, the walls were strong and struttled with
numerous towers, which were high, and many gates were reinforced with
steel. The city had two harbors; the New Harbor and the Old Harbor. The
New entrance was chained and proved to be more difficult to
breach. Aware of this difficulty, Peter proceeded into the Old Harbor.554 The
entrance of the gates, which were many, had been enclosed by a number of
Hostelries and fundacos built by Western and Eastern merchants, travelers,
and residents. These structures were under the responsibility of a consul.
When they arrived on 9 October, Peter decided to wait for a day, sending an
observation ship before landing.555 The defenders repelled this ship.
Meanwhile, Peter ordered the ships to anchor and form a block in the middle
of the Old Harbor. According to al-Maqrizi, after nightfall, he also sent a small
group of soldiers and spies to secretly land near the city and hide in the
graveyard for the next skirmishes.556 In the beginning, Alexandrians
thought that the approached fleet was a Venetian merchant fleet.557
554 The New Harbor, also known as Portus Magnus was known as the Chain Harbor due to
the colossal chain blocking the entrance during the night. This harbor was allocated for
Christian ships. The Old Harbor, also known as Eunostos of the Ptolemies was allocated for
the Muslim vessels. See, Atiya, Crusade Commerce, p. 181; Atiya, The Crusade in the Later
Middle Ages, 352.
555 According to Machaut, he waited for the rest of the fleet to arrive. See Machaut, The
Capture of Alexandria, 62.
556 al-Maqrizi, Sulük, 105.
557 Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 130-31; Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 62; Iorga,
Philippe de Mézières, 286-87; Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 353; Setton, The
Papacy and the Levant, 267. For Piri Reisillustration of Alexandria's harbors, see Atiya, The
Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 346. For another illustration, See Die Eroberung Von
Alexandria (iskanderîje) Durch Peter I. Von Lusignan, König Von Cypern 1365: Mit Einer Karte
Von 1894, 51. According to al- the citizens doubted if such a small
fleet would attack the city. See, al- Kitāb al-Ilmām.
190
When the night fell, Alexandrians lightened the city walls, being on alert and
fortifying the city because of the alien fleet waiting off shore.558 Nevertheless,
when morning came, the residents of Alexandria moved out of the city walls,
wondering about the Christian intentions. On the beach and on Pharos
Island, which separated the two principal harbors, buying and selling
continued as usual due to the ignorance of the inhabitants, who did not have
any war experience.559 Only a small garrison was installed in the city, and
some small number of bedouins were aware of the danger. The acting
governor of the city, experience and skills were poor so he made
a fatal mistake. Instead of forming a defensive position within the city walls
with as many men as he could gather, he allowed for an irregular resistance
outside the city. Those who had properties beyond the walls also stayed
outside to show their effort to protect their belongings.560
Equipped with swords and javelins, without any armor, the Mamluks strived
to prevent army from disembarking.561 To achieve this end, a small
group of Moroccans tried to set fire to the first ship to disembark but failed.
Meanwhile, Mamluk archers released arrows toward men, but his
558 Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 131.
559 Al-Maqrizi states that a group of sellers and some youths left the city for amusement,
unaware of the enemy. Al-Maqrizi, Sulük, 105-6.
560 Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 131; al-Nu Kitāb al-Ilmām; Machaut, p. 62; Setton, The
Papacy and the Levant, 265; Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 353-54. According
to Machaut, the gathered on the beach with all their strength, which is twenty
thousand, is an exaggeration. See Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 62.
suggestion, despite more reasonable, is still exaggerated which is ten thousand. Machairas,
Recital, 92-93.
561 al- Kitāb al-Ilmām
191
men could keep advancing and landed on the beach.562 Standing on his ship
and equipped with full armor and a cross in his hand, Peter Thomas blessed
the landing crusaders.563 According to Machaut, the first crusader to land
was the young count of Geneva, who was overpowered by the Mamluks but
rescued by Simon de Nores (Thinoli)564 and John of Morphou.565 After this
young count, the second who disembarked was nephew, with whom
he had disputes over the throne, Hugh, the prince of Galilee, who slayed
many of his enemies until sixty more crusaders arrived on the scene, and
many others followed them including William Roger III.566 Shortly after, Peter,
in full armor and a sword in his hand, thrust into the fight, followed by more
knights.567
562 al- Kitāb al-Ilmām. Mézieres does not mention the resistance of this group.
However, Machaut, despite not underlying this group, states that the Mamluks sought to keep
the crusaders away from the shore. Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 62.
563 Vita, S. Petri; Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 355.
564 Titular marshal of Jerusalem who accompanied Peter during his first and second tours to
Europe. See Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 63 fn 14.
565 Based on Machaut, Atiya provides that Amedeo III was the first one who landed on the
shore. However, Machaut refers to a young count of Geneva, who was most likely not
Amedeo III, but one of his sons because Amedeo, at the time of Alexandrian campaign, was
54 years old. According to Edbury, this Count might be Amedeos eldest son Aimon, who
succeeded to the title in 1367. See, Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 355;
Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 63 and fn. 13. John of Morphou was Peters commander
and the marshal of Cyprus, who received the title count of Edessa after the fall of Alexandria.
He was later accused of involving adultery with Queen Eleanor of Aragon. See relevant
section.
566 He was the count of Beaufort and viscount of Turenne. He was one of the most critical
figures in Peters army as he was also related to the popes Clement VI and Gregory XI.
Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 64 and fn. 16.
567 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 63-64; Machairas, Recital, 93-94. Machaut
exaggerates Peters arrival: Now the king leaves his galley. Nothing withstands his blows;
thirty fall dead in moments; space appears around him, in terror all back off. To put it briefly,
he excels them all. Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 64. According to Machaut, Percival
of Coulougne and Brémond de la Voulte joined the fight after Peter. Brémond received grants
in Cyprus, but these were confiscated after Peters death. See, Machaut, The Capture of
Alexandria, 64-66. and fn. 17.
192
During the skirmishes, Machaut and al- state that there was
bloodshed on the shore, and so many Muslims died before they retreated
within the city.568 What is more, despite volleys of arrows, a group of
Hospitaller knights, including the admiral of Rhodes Ferlino landed
on the New Harbor very quickly and attacked the defensive line from the
rear. The defenders were not well organized apart from a group of bedouins,
so the Ksopitaller attack completely crippled the Mamluk defense causing
immense panic.569 According to wildly exaggerated estimation, the
Mamluk defense outside the walls was twenty thousand men who fled into
the city. He also provided that eight thousand crusaders landed on the shore,
which also seems unlikely.570 story here is somewhat different from
that of Machaut and al- Mézieres depicts that after retreating into
the city, army continued their assaults and the Mamluks could barely
resist for an hour, and the city fell.571
568 al- Kitāb al-Ilmām; Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 65
569 al- Kitāb al-Ilmām; Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 67-68. Al-Ayni mentions
an ambush in result of which caused four thousand muslim casualties. See, Al-Ayni, Iqd al-
Gumān fī Ta'rikh Ahl az-Zamán XXIV/1, MS Cairo, National Library, 1584 Tárih, p.138. Ibn
Tagribirdi, on the contrary, does not mention an ambush at all. See, an-Nugum az-Zahira fi
Muluk Misr wa l-Qahira, pp. 29-30. Al- account, on the other hand, depicts that the
Mamluks completely retreated to the city and sent out a contingent to prevent the crusaders
from landing, but army did not react. However, he also adds that the aforementioned
small group of crusader soldiers hiding in the graveyard ambushed the Mamluks the next day.
For Al-Maqrizi, this ambush paved the way for the attackers to capture the beach, and
meanwhile, during the panic, many Muslims died trying to reach the city. Al-Maqrizi, Kitab as-
Suluk li Ma’rifat Duwal al-Muluk, III/1, pp. 104-107. According to Mézieres, thanks to Peter
efforts, in addition to the Knights Hospitaller, were Teutonic Knights in army
as well. These knights were amongst the most disciplined and robust troops in the army. See,
Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 126; Iorga, pp. 279-280. The documentary evidence shows that
the Knights Hospitaller and the Teutonic Knights supported expedition. However, it is
yet nebulous how many knights joined the expedition and how many of them were recruited
in Rhodes, Cyprus and perhaps in the Kingdom of Cilician Armenia.
570 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 66, 68. Al-Aynis estimation is even higher, as he
states that Peters army was thirty thousand strong. Al-Ayni, Iqd al-Gumān fī Ta'rikh Ahl az-
Zamán XXIV/1, MS Cairo, National Library, 1584 Tárih, 138.
571 Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 131-32.
193
After the Mamluks retreated into the city, Peter halted the pursuit to regroup
his troops and plan his next step by calling a council.572 However, some of
his men objected to continuing the offensive as they raised that the city was
invincible and impossible to capture thanks to its strong walls. Peter
persisted, asking the lords to counsel him about how to capture the city.
According to Machaut, everyone was silent except an admiral who proposed
to retreat, and many others followed.573 This admiral pinpointed the fact that
the walls are too strong to breach and the towers were large, also the
archers were effective. He added that there was no shelter across the way
from Alexandria to Jerusalem that the army could shelter in case of a defeat.
Moreover, even if the army retreats and marches to Jerusalem, it would be
impossible to do so successfully. Hearing his words carefully, Peter
answered, pointing out how hard it was to assemble this army, and now
retreating would be cowardice, and all the efforts would go to waste. Peter
convinced the crowd, and the council decided to attack the city.574 According
to Machaut, Peter called Percival of Coulonges, who knew the city well.575
According to Percival, a gate was not well defended and was not as strong
as the many other gates of the town. So, in the end, Peter ordered his
572 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 68-69.
573 According to Iorga, this admiral was an admiral of Hospitaller, and the admirals of Cyprus
and Rhodes agreed on him. However, Atiya asserts that Machaut may have been mentioned
a baron rather than an admiral. See, Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 294 and fn. 1; Machaut, The
Capture of Alexandria, 70-71; Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 357 fn. 3.
574 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 70-72.
575 For the role of Percival in Machauts work. See above.
194
brother John, prince of Antioch, to attack this gate, Bab ad-Diwan.576
Additionally, he decided to reward the first three men who could mount the
walls; a thousand florins to the first, five hundred to the second, and three
hundred to the third.577
The Mamluk defense focused on another gate, Bab al-Bahr, and mainly on
the western part of the city. Moreover, the commander in chief Janghara sent
the city treasure to Cairo, along with fifty Frankish prisoners, and a message
was probably sent regarding the city's current state.578 Under these
circumstances, army assembled near the northern wall and
attempted to burn down Bab al-Bahr but was repelled by Muslim arrows. So
they continued marching up further north, near the end of the northern walls,
near Bab ad-Diwan, where they could find a soft spot, an area undefended.
This spot was the customs house, and it was locked from the inside, making
it very difficult for the defenders to reach adjacent walls and defend the gate.
According to al-Nuwayri, secretary of Alexandrian Diwan, Shams al-Din ibn
Ghurab, and another officer Shams al-Din Odhaiba were in pay and
576 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 72-73. The gate Machaut mentioned was The
Customs Gate - Bab ad-Diwan, situated on the walls near the eastern harbor. Machaut, The
Capture of Alexandria, 72. Al- also mentions this gate. As al-Nuwayri reports, there
were seven gates; Bab ad-Diwan, Bab-al Bahr, al-Bab al-Akhdar, Bab al-Kokha, Bab Rashid,
Bab al-Sidra, Bab al-Zuhri and three other gates called abwab al-Barr. See al- Kitāb
al-Ilmām. For a discussion, also see Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 352, fn. 3.
577 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 72.
578 al-Nuwayri indicates that an arrow wounded Janghara, so he left the city walls with his men
but then re-entered on the western gate, dispatching the treasure beforehand. However,
according to al-Maqrizi, he left the city with his followers to Damanhur, which devastated the
city's defense. See, al- Kitāb al-Ilmām; Al-Maqrizi, Kitab as-Suluk, p. 44. These
prisoners were Western merchants and prisoners; some resisted arrest, and one was
executed. al- Kitāb al-Ilmām; Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 358;
Steenbergen, Capture of 130.
195
they locked the door.579 Regardless of al- prediction, it seems that
Peter had an intel and targeted this spot to attack the city.
According to Machaut, however, army attacked Bab al-Bahr, but the
Mamluks drove them off, after which they discovered the weakness in the
defense and targeted this soft spot near Bab al-Diwan.580 They rushed to the
area and climbed on the walls that the Mamluk soldiers could not reach
because of a tower dividing the passage. Crusader attacks on the walls were
fast and decisive, and they breached the walls soon after, before the
defenders arrived, who, realizing it was too late, retreated to save their
lives.581 Then, chaos prevailed among the city's residents, and al-Nuwayri
was among the inhabitants on the flight. He describes that the people of
Alexandria crowded the gates hoping to save their lives by escaping to
nearby towns, and the guards on the walls jumped down on the ground,
injured or died.582
579 al- Kitāb al-Ilmām. His suggestion that Peter visited the city before the attack,
dressed like a merchant, and was shown around, is undoubtedly a fabrication and
dramatization. Ghurab was executed after the Mamluks recaptured the city. See al-
Kitāb al-Ilmām. The gates of the customs house were probably locked due to the fear that
foreign residents might rob the goods. See, Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 351,
359.
580 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 73. After the first attack, which was a failure,
according to Machaut, Peter himself mounted his horse and commanded the next attack
himself. Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 74.
581 al- Kitāb al-Ilmām. As Machaut states, the first crusader who attacked the wall was
a Scottish knight who lost his life because a colossal stone fell during this attempt. Machaut,
The Capture of Alexandria, 73-74. For the identity of the knight, see above.
582 al- Kitāb al-Ilmām. He also mentions that Arab bandits attacked people on the road
to nearby towns.
196
From this point onwards, the story relies on what Machaut tells us. While the
inhabitants of Alexandria were on a flight, fighting continued in the inner city
during the day. As the city was fallen, the crusaders started to sack the city
savagely, killing the residents from all nations. For Machaut, they killed as
many as twenty thousand people in Alexandria.583 Meanwhile, Peter,
accompanied by some of his knights, left the city to destroy a nearby village,
which was a strategic point, would prevent the Mamluk army to come to save
the city, thus providing time to set up a proper defense, because the
crusaders had burnt down two main gates during the fight and had no time to
reconstruct those gates.584 However, unlike what Peter had thought, the road
to the bridge was covered with Mamluk soldiers who ambushed them and
endangered Peter's life.585 For the rest of the day, Peter supervised the city
defense, fortifying the gates and the towers, after which he retreated to one
of the largest towers to rest. Nevertheless, during the night, the Mamluks
pursued an attack that was hardly repelled by army.586
From Friday afternoon to 11 October, plundering and fighting continued, and
Peter eventually assembled a council on Pharos Island to discuss what to do
next. Within the council there was strong resistance to Peter, who wanted to
stay and defend the city. The majority of his men, voiced by William Roger III,
583 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 75.
584 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 76.
585 As Machaut indicates, Peters men failed to see his banners while leaving the city, so he
had only forty knights with him versus thousands of Mamluks approaching the city gates.
Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 76-77.
586 Machaut says ten thousand Mamluks attacked the city and burnt down a gate. See,
Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 77-78.
197
put forward that the Mamluk army would be too large to stand against as they
could recruit thousands of soldiers, and the city walls were too large to
defend. Moreover, he put forward that they lacked supplies and manpower
against the fresh Mamluk army.587 On the contrary, Peter, Peter Thomas,
and Philippe de Mézieres tried to persuade the crowd. The king delivered a
long speech in vain, trying to explain that they would have an advantage
against a larger army when fighting a defensive war, and added that
attacking the city was a thousand times harder than defending it.588 Peter
then continued saying that they had necessary weapons and supplies within
the city left by the Mamluks, the walls and gates were well fortified, and they
could hold on for months with all the supplies they had and all the supplies
that would be brought from Cyprus. Additionally, even though it is dubious if
he believed his own statement, he said that Emperor John V Palaeologos
would come for aid. Finally, he expressed his further thrust in Europeans who
would also come for help; from Venice, Genoa, Germany, France, Scotland,
Spain, Bohemia, and Hungary.589 After the king, Peter Thomas and Mézieres
added their plea to convince the crowd to stay in the city, but all their effort
went to waste.590 Most of the non-French crusaders supported William
statement and expressed their wish to leave.
587 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 82. William added that Peters artillery was finished,
food supplies were spent, so even horses would starve to death. See, Ibid.
588 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 83. Peter also said that only lazy, cowardly, idle, and
slow men would leave the city. See Ibid.
589 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 84.
590 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 84-85; Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 271;
Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 364. Mézieres even offered to defend the most
vulnerable tower with his men. Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 85.
198
The majority of the opposition was English knights, who did not want to stay
even a night at Alexandria and sought to protect the harbor and the ships
fully loaded with their loot rather than protecting the city. For Mézieres, they
sabotaged council and convinced the rest of the army, including the
French, the Hospitallers, and even brothers.591 English attitude even
reached Germany, despite the fact that English were proud of their part in the
expedition.592 Nevertheless, Anglo-Gascon opposition had a point. The major
setback to plans was the destruction of significant gates, of which
compensation would be impossible in a short time.593 Moreover, according to
an account, a Mamluk scout who claimed that he had previously been a
member of the Hospitallers of Rhodes but was taken captive by the
Mamluks, stated that a large Mamluk army, which was large enough to kill all
the Christians at Alexandria, was dispatched.594 At this point, despite
dramatization, we do not know about intentions. He
granted one-third of Alexandria to Philippe de Mézieres, where he wished to
establish a new order, Order of the Passion.595
591 Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 133-34, 138; Timothy, Chivalry, 46. According to Iorga, the
most numerous within the army (apart from Cypriot troops) were the English. See, Iorga,
Philippe de Mézières, 279.
592 For the view that the English fled with their loot, See, Chronicon Moguntinum, in Die
Chroniken der deutschen Stàdte vom 14. bis in 16. Jahrhundert, XVIII: Mainz, II (Leipzig,
1882), 170. For English view, see Ranulf Higden, Polychronicon, ed. J. Lumley, VIII (London
1882), 365; Walsingham, Historia Anglicana, 302; Chronicon Angliae, ed. E. Thompson
(London, 1874), 56-57.
593 For al-Nuwayri, if the crusaders had not destroyed these gates, they could have been the
new masters of Alexandria. See, al- Kitāb al-Ilmām.
594 The accuracy of this account is questionable. See, Anonimalle Chronicle, pp. 51-53;
Luttrell, English Levantine, 149; Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 364-65, fn. 6.
595 He also knighted his brother James and made him seneschal; John of Morphou was made
the titular count of Edessa, and his nephew Hugh was made titular prince of Galilee. See, Hill,
History of Cyprus, 331, fn.1; Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 138; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières,
299; Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 364; Setton, The Papacy and the Levant,
199
5.2 The Outcome
Eventually, despite putting all his effort and passion into persuading his men,
Peter failed and could do nothing but accept evacuation. The crusaders
barely occupied Alexandria for a week, and their best -and maybe onlyachievement
was to fill their ships with overflowing loot.596 Once they
returned to the city al-Nuwayri witnessed the stage of disaster at
Alexandria.597 The city was severely plundered; every community building,
warehouse, mosque, customs house, school, palace, shop, public market,
tomb, and many more were looted or set on fire and demolished.598 Goods of
merchants were seized regardless of their race and religion. All gold, silver,
precious jewels, spices, rich fabrics, candles, carpets, pots and pans, copper
wares, and even beds were plundered.599 The booty was so great that they
272. As Machaut depicts, Peter mounted his horse, expecting that many would follow him, and
rode to the city. However, only sixty men-at-arms followed the king. See Machaut, The Capture
of Alexandria, 84-85; Tyerman, 292.
596 According to the letter sent by Peter Thomas to the pope, he states that the occupation
took six days. See, Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 135-40; Setton, The Papacy and the Levant,
272 fn. 59; al-Nuwayri, on the other hand, indicates that the crusaders left after eight days
after their arrival. al- Kitāb al-Ilmām. The difference is probably because Peter Thomas
counted the occupation only, not the appearance. Al Maqrizi also provides the same date.
See, Al-Maqrizi. As Machaut points out, the crusaders remained on their ships for two days
after the council was held. See, Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 87. For Amadi, they
stayed in Alexandria for four days after they captured it on 10 October and then left. See,
Amadi, 378, no. 831. The loot was so great that five Genoese ships secured a loot worth
800.000 florins. See, Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 388. However, this information may have
been fabrication due to his hatred against the Genoese. See, Iorga, Philippe de
Mézières, 298.
597 Interestingly, although Mézieres was a closer eye-witness than al-Nuwayri, who had fled
by the time plundering began, does barely mention the terror and sacking of the city. See,
Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 130-34.
598 According to al-Nuwayri, there were seventy mosques in Alexandria all were sacked. The
crusaders also looted funduqs belonging to the Italian merchants, including Marseillais,
Genoese, and Catalans but failed to locate the Muslim armory. See, al- Kitāb al-
Ilmām.
599 Three main commodities exchanged at Alexandria were slaves, natural products and
manufactured goods. See, Atiya, Crusade, Commerce, 182.
200
left lesser goods on the beach because their vessels could carry no more.
The streets, mosques and markets were strewn with dead bodies left behind;
even horses and donkeys used for carrying the loot to the harbor were
stabbed to death once they unloaded the booty.600 Alexandria had suffered
so great that for Machaut Solomon was king, so great a massacre has
not been 601
Nevertheless, Peter had hoped to defend the city but was let down by his
lords, perhaps thinking more realistic or satisfied with their booty. From all his
effort, it seems that Peter tried to hold the city, for a further expedition to the
Holy Land. Nevertheless, so many crusaders had returned to their ships that
Peter had no choice but followed them, as the Mamluks had also approached
the city.602 The governor of the city had also returned and sent envoys to
Peter to exchange the Christian prisoners sent to Damanhur with
prisoners. However, Peter stalled for time, requesting letters from Christian
prisoners, a request that was impossible to meet.603 Eventually, on Thursday,
600 al- Kitāb al-Ilmām. For a detailed description given to al-Nuwayri, of the
way of setting fire to the buildings by a Muslim who had hidden in a secret place and watched,
see Ibid. For how the crusaders killed the residents regardless of their age and sex, see Ibid.
601 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 76.
602 Retreating would also be against his values and chivalric nature. When he realized that no
one would follow him, he shouted,"'Honour,' the king exclaimed, 'ladies and love! What are
you going to say when you see these crowding to run away? They'll never win glory and
honour, all are marked with shame!” Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 86. An emir,
Kutluboga al-Mansuri, led the approaching Mamluk army. See, al-Maqrizi and Tagribirdi.
According to Al-Maqrizi, fearing a possible plot, Yalbogha hesitated to send a relief force to
Alexandria. Additionally, the Nile flood refrained the army from reaching Alexandria on time.
Ibid.
603 The governor had sent a Jew for negotiations who crossed forty ships to reach Peters ship,
where he was probably with Peter Thomas and Philip, and was dressed in robes covered with
gold ornaments and with a precious crown on his hand. See, Atiya, The Crusade in the Later
Middle Ages, 369.
201
16 October 1365, carrying off countless plunder and five thousand prisoners,
army left Alexandria.604
The outcome of this expedition was different from what Peter had hoped. If
the sack of Alexandria was derived out from commercial purposes, which
was not denied but also not put at the center of motivation in this
study, he could achieve only a little. Likewise, hope to recover the
Holy Land came to nothing, which was a more significant failure for Peter. He
must have been disheartened that there was little chance of achieving his
lifetime goal, but his future actions proved that he still had hope. The pope
received the news with great joy, such as the enthusiastic crusaders of the
West.605 Amadeus of Savoy had completed his preparations, and Charles V
of France, whose father had the vow to participate in this expedition, sent an
envoy to Peter expressing his intentions to dispatch an army for the salvation
of the Holy Land. Du Guesclin also swore to fight against the infidels in the
East or the West.606 This would have supported Peter considerably if he had
managed to hold Alexandria and defend it against the Mamluks. The odds of
achieving this end are questionable due to the fact that the Mamluk sources
would predominate However, from the documentary evidence and
his actions after the Alexandrian expedition, it is safe to assert that he
believed and struggled to recover the Holy Land.
604 Slavery was the main commodity in the Mamluk state and the western merchant cities,
especially the Genoese, were active in the slave trade. See, Atiya, Crusade Commerce, 183.
605 Machairas, Recital, 94-95.
606 Jean Chevalier, Chronique du de Guesclin, v1, Bureau de la Bibliothèque choisie, 1830,
p. 65; Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 370.
202
The Mamluks immediately began rebuilding the city but the damage was so
severe that the revival took decades to achieve. Moreover, non-
Muslims in Egypt, especially the Christians, Jews, and Copts, suffered from
this catastrophe as well, having imposed new taxes to collect the ransom to
free some of the Muslim prisoners. Additionally, many Christians lost their
lands due to confiscation. Many others were imprisoned, and the foreigners
turned out to be an annoyance for the Mamluks.607 blow undoubtedly
shook the Mamluks, but an even more tremendous blow was dealt to the
future of the Kingdom of Cyprus. Even after death, animosity
between the Mamluks and the Cypriots continued until the Mamluks took
their vengeance in the fifteenth century. In 1425 and 1426, they attacked
Cyprus, almost conquered it, and captured king Janus, who remained in
captivity for eight months in Egypt.608
Another blow was dealt to the Italian merchants, who received the news
badly as their commercial relations with the Mamluks were ruined.
Immediately after the expedition, they sent envoys to the Mamluks, eagerly
proposing to establish peace and continue the commercial relationship.
However, the Mamluks refused their offer, expressing that to make peace
with Christians, they should first make peace with the Cypriots.609
Nevertheless, the Italian merchants, especially the Venetians, wrestled with
607 Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 272.
608 Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 272. For the reign of Janus, see Hill, History of Cyprus,
467-93.
609 Machairas, Recital, 96
203
making peace with the Mamluks, and they played tricks to create obstacles
for future plans. Deteriorated relationship with the Italians proved to
be a fatal mistake after death.
204
CHAPTER VI
DECLINE
The Alexandrian Crusade marked the end of the apogee of Peters reign, which
could be discussed in a very different tone before and after the expedition. The
expedition's outcome was mainly negative, and Peter could achieve only a little,
especially considering how hard it had been to orchestrate the crusade. Moreover,
now that his kingdom was at war with the Mamluks, the Italian city-states were
aggrieved by Peters expedition.
On 16 October, the English had already left, and the Germans and most French
followed them. Peter and his Cypriot troops were the last ones who left Alexandria.
They had planned a route to Limassol, in Southern Cyprus, to land the troops and
then carry the goods to Famagusta through Cape Greco.610 On their way, however,
a storm broke out, and, according to Mézieres and Machaut, it was so terrifying that
the crusaders regretted leaving Alexandria and not finishing the gods work.611 After
reaching the island, the western crusaders unloaded some of the cargo and
immediately departed for Europe carrying booty far too numerous.612 Peter and
610 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 87; Machairas, Recital, 94; Hill, History of Cyprus,
334; Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 272. According to Amadi, John of Tyre, the admiral
did not land as he was sent to the pope to announce the capture of Alexandria. See, Amadi,
378, no. 830.
611 Nevertheless, for Machaut, the god protected Peter. See, Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas,
134-35; Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 87.
205
Peter Thomas traveled to Nicosia, where a grand procession was held to
aggrandize Peters triumph against the infidels. During the celebrations, Peter
Thomas preached to the Cypriots, highlighting that another crusader force would be
dispatched from the West against the Mamluks.613
6.1 Peter’s Politics (Round Two)
In recent years, Peter had suffered from losing his allies and enthusiasts of his
ideas. However, one of the significant losses was yet to come. After the
celebrations, Peter asked the papal legate Peter Thomas to travel to Avignon to give
detailed information regarding the Alexandrian expedition and ask for further help.
Due to the results of the legates mission, Peter was going to plan another trip to
Europe. To depart for Avignon, Peter Thomas traveled to Famagusta in December
1365. However, while waiting for his transport, he actively participated in
Christmastide celebrations and rituals in the cold winter and was weakened by fasts
and vigils. Furthermore, he participated in solemnities where he walked barefoot in
the mud. Eventually, he fell ill, so Mézieres came to Famagusta with a physician.
Mézieres stayed with Peter Thomas until 3 January 1366, when the legate asked
him to return to Nicosia to conclude their preparations for their journey to Avignon.
On 6 January, however, Peter Thomas died and was hailed as a saint during his
funeral.614 By the legates death, Peter lost another ally, and this time, it was a loss
that was impossible to compensate for.
612 As Machaut indicates, Peter found them very troublesome. See Machaut, The Capture of
Alexandria, 87. Nevertheless, Peter stayed in his residence in Limassol and paid the remaining
lords and the local men lavishly before leaving for Nicosia. See, Ibid.
613 Machairas, Recital, 94; Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 87-88; Strambaldi,
Vol. 2, 68-69; Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 140-41.
614 Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 142-58. Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 311-15. Mézieres had
returned to Nicosia but then hearing the legates worsened condition, traveled to Famagusta
206
Before his death, Peter Thomas received a proposal from a merchant expressing
that he could intermediate between the Cypriots and the Mamluks to make peace.
However, Peter Thomas was not interested in this offer and threatened the
merchant with excommunication.615 The legates attitude is understandable as he
had sent letters to the pope and the emperor, remarking that Alexandria was the
Eastern equivalent of Venice and could have been the Eastern stronghold of
Christendom had not the crusaders abandoned the city.616
Nevertheless, the Italian effort to make peace continued. As mentioned above, the
sultan refused to maintain trade with the Italians while at war with Cyprus. Thus,
Italians sent envoys to Peter to persuade him to start peace talks. Both Peters and
the sultan's intentions were dubious, but starting the peace negotiations proved to
be a setback for Peters plans. After Peter agreed on exchanging envoys, without
waiting for any practical result, Venetians said to Europeans that peace was
concluded.617 This announcement dramatically affected the preparations as some
enthusiasts changed their minds, such as Amadeo of Savoy, who had previously
taken the cross to join Peter but postponed his departure. However, hearing the
news, he changed his destination and decided to fight for the Byzantines against the
Bulgarians who had captured the emperor, who was Amadeo's cousin.618 Charles V
shortly before his death. See, Ibid. John of Tyre had been waiting for Peter Thomas in Rhodes
to accompany him to Venice. Apparently, he was in Famagusta but then went to Rhodes to
wait for the legate. See, Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 314. Machairas and Strambaldi imply
that Peter Thomas died in Rhodes, but they are wrong. Strambaldi, Vol. 2, 69;
Machairas, Recital, 95. John of Tyre set sail for Avignon after the legates death in March.
First, he visited Genoa, then traveled to Avignon in August and presented the pope with a
banner from Alexandria. Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 305.
615 Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 140-41.
616 Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 135-40. Machairas, Recital, 94-95. We need documentary
evidence if he received any answers.
617 Machairas, Recital, 94-96.
618 Machairas, Recital, 95-96; Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages, 371.
207
of Frances support was also lost, and du Guesclin diverted his effort to fight in
Spain. At this point, Peter probably felt that he required some more time to strike
another blow to the Mamluks, as he dispatched three envoys, equipped with many
presents, to the sultan.619 Moreover, he immediately accepted the sultans first
request, which was to release the prisoners taken at Alexandria, and in good faith,
Peter ordered bringing them together in a ship to send to the sultan.620
However, there were several problems. The pope had restricted trading with the
Mamluks, and the immediate joy in the West turned out to be a downswing as they
started to feel a shortage of specific products. While the Eastern Christians were
under Mamluk pressure, in the West, especially the shortage of spice and
increasing prices became challenging.621 Worse, despite the fact that they began
negotiating peace, the Mamluks started to build a navy as large as a hundred
vessels, and it seems they played for time.622 On Peter's side, on the other hand, it
was not different as he sought to have assistance from the West for another
expedition while exchanging emissaries with the Mamluks. He obviously needed
time as Western support for his cause was diminished. Moreover, Peter had to halt
any possible Mamluk offensive as his kingdoms security laboriously relied on it.
It is evident that the Mamluks were aware of the difficulties the Westerners were
having. Therefore, in early 1366 he sent envoys to Venice and Genoa to examine
619 These envoys were John of Alfonso, George Settica and Paul of Belonia. See, Machairas,
Recital, 99. It is not clear how many prisoners were kept in Cyprus.
620 Machairas, Recital, 100
621 Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 274. Raymond Bérenger, the master of the Hospitaller
of Rhodes, alerted the brothers in France, stating that the Eastern Christians were under
Mamluk pressure. See, Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 89.
622 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 307. According to al-Nuwayri, the fleet was as large as 150
vessels. See, al- Kitāb al-Ilmām.
208
their moods. At this point, Italian motivation and their change of policies, that is to
say, their eagerness to make peace with the Mamluks, needs further explanation. At
the beginning of the expedition, Venetians and the Genoese were unaware of the
final destination of the crusade. Yet, they were on alert, extrapolating that the
expedition would target the Aegean, Syria or Egypt. What is more, they were most
probably aware of the impossibility of landing on Syrian coasts as main ports and
the strongholds had either been destroyed or adequately defended. Moral certainty,
in any case, was the Aegean or the Eastern Mediterranean, where the Italians had
commercial welfare.623 Despite their share was greater at Alexandria, yet their
commercial interests would be damaged even if the expedition targeted the Aegean.
There is no doubt that Venetians calculated the possible outcomes of this
expedition, yet they provided their ships and shared a huge sum of loot from the
plundering. However, all these were of Doge Celsis policies who, in one way or
another, supported -or obliged to support- the expedition. Nevertheless, Mark
Cornaro succeeded him in July 1365, when the fleet had already departed for
Alexandria. The new doge, Cornaro, sought to maintain peace and recommence
business with the Mamluks as soon as possible.624 In this respect, they constantly
dispatched emissaries to the Mamluks, which was observed by the papacy and was
not welcomed.
On 25 January 1366, Urban V sent a letter to the doge, protesting him because of
his contact with the Mamluk envoys. The pope urged him by noting that the
Mamluks desired to divide the Christians and implied that he knew that they were
preparing for another expedition. Hence, he forbade the Italians to negotiate with the
623 For the immediate objective and discourse, see above.
624 Hill, History of Cyprus, 336-37.
209
Muslims without papal permission.625 However, the Venetians had already sent
envoys to undertake individual negotiations with the Mamluks, realizing that the
pope would soon ban trading with the Mamluks. Thus the doge sent letters to
Venetian envoys in Cairo, Francisco Bembo, and Peter Soranzo, and sent two
ambassadors to the papal curia Marino Venier, and Giovanni Foscarini.626 Venetian
efforts were in vain because, although the Mamluks received the Venetian envoys
very well, they did not make peace, remarking that they should first punish Peter.627
Venetian envoys traveled to Cyprus without any practical result to persuade Peter to
make peace with the Mamluks.
In April 1366, Venetians reached Cyprus but failed to convince Peter.628 The envoys
reported their journey to the king and informed him that Mamluks arrested many
Christians and confiscated their lands. Peter lost his temper and nearly ordered his
ships to raid to Syrian coasts. However, his advisers barely stopped Peter by
begging that the Mamluks would kill the prisoners in Egypt and Syria.629 This was
undoubtedly a failure for the Venetians. So the doge fabricated a story, sending a
letter to his envoys in Avignon, asking them to inform the pope that a draft
agreement was made and Peter intended to end the war.630 Fake information was
also publicized to break down the crusading enthusiasm, which worked to a certain
625 Raynaldus, Annales Ecc. 1366, Vol. 7, no. 12, 134-35.
626 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 92-93; Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 3, 753.
627 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 92-93. The sultan allowed Venetian merchants to
come and go Egypt. See Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 754-55.
628 Machaut does not provide a date but reveals that they traveled to Limassol. Additionally,
he depicts that the envoys found Peter at his palace in Limassol. However, it is not certain if
Peter was in Limassol or Nicosa at the time. See, Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 93.
On the other hand, Machairas depicts that they traveled to Famagusta reaching on 25 April.
See, Machairas, Recital, 96.
629 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 93-94.
630 Amadi; Chronica del Regno di Cypro, Vol.2, 69; Chronique de lile de Chypre, 263;
Machairas, Recital, 97-98.
210
extent. However, the pope was still on Peters side, whose letter had just arrived in
Avignon, complaining about Venetians.631
Another Venetian arriére-pénsee was to obtain trading concessions from the pope, if
not immediately, in the near future. Their first attempt was inconclusive, but they
kept trying to persuade the pope, and eventually managed to have trade permission
on 23 June 1366, authorizing to send twelve vessels allowed to carry Venetian
goods excluding armaments, and materials that could be used to build weapons or
ships.632 In return, the Venetians assured the pope they would not conclude any
arrangements without papal consent. Finally, in January 1367, they were able to
have permission to send two additional galleys to Egypt, initially for the purpose of
bringing some Venetian captives into Egypt, but these galleys also transported
goods.633
Under their new doge, Cornaros rule, the Venetians took a step further, asking
Peter for compensation for the losses of Italian merchants who had warehouses in
Alexandria, which the king refused.634 In August 1366, the Venetians issued a ban
on transporting weapons and horses to Cyprus and a restriction on Venetian sailors
working for Peters fleet. Moreover, they sent numerous gifts to emir Yalbugha,
known for his passion for hunting and love of falcons. These efforts had two points:
first, they implicitly declared to the Muslims that they would not support Peters wars,
631 Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 3, 755-56.
632 Venetians were allowed to send eight ships and four galleys. See, Setton, The Papacy and
the Levant, 276.
633 Two more galleys were sent in June 1368 as well. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant,
276.
634 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 93-94; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 309; Hill, History
of Cyprus, 337.
211
and second, they took precautions to prevent Peter from exploiting their business.635
Although the pope protested Venetians in October 1366, the Venetian attitude did
not change and it proved to be more difficult to launch any successful attacks on
Egypt, Syria, and Palestine without adequate Western support.636 Nevertheless,
despite all their effort, the Venetian trade with the Mamluks did not cease. In June
1367, the senate decided to import some essential products from Egypt that were
vital for the city. In 1367 and 1368, they received a license from the pope to trade
with the Mamluks. As a response to the Venetian policy, outraged by the Venetian
edict of October 1366, Peter penned a letter to the doge, protesting the bans,
indicating that the Venetians should soon revoke the edict and return to the path of
Christ. He also stated that he assembled a fleet for his holy cause but delayed his
departure as the Venetian ships were still in Egypt, and he waited for their return.637
On the other hand, he sent Philippe de Mézieres to Venice to chasten the doge.638
Disrupted trade and political relations, did not work well for Peter and his kingdom
as well. The aftermath of the Alexandrian expedition and Peters politics strongly
relied on his relationship with the West. The Venetians were actively involved in
politics as voluntary mediators, despite the resistance of the pope and Peter.
However, Peter was in a politically weak position, and contrary to the general belief,
635 According to Hill, it is not entirely true to assert that Venetians deliberately intended to
mislead the West regarding the negotiations. Instead, he claims that Venetian interference
harmed the negotiations and provoked the failure as well. It is, however, highly doubtful as
Peter and also the sultan played for time, which could be the primary reason behind the failure
of negotiations. Moreover, it is not realistic to assert that the Venetians misunderstood the
intentions between the negotiators, because of the fact that they were at the center of the
negotiations. For Hills assertion, see Hill, History of Cyprus, 341.
636 Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 285-89; Machairas, Recital, 98-99. The Venetians sent gifts to
the Mamluks worth 600 ducats. However, many essential products were banned from
transporting, such as timber, food, fodder, horses, and arms. See, Iorga, Philippe de Mézières,
327; Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 277.
637 Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 286-88. 23 November 1366.
638 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 324.
212
disrupted trade did not flourish Famagustas role in the Mediterranean trade. What is
more, political turmoil created a financial burden for Peter. If he had gained anything
at Alexandria, he was obliged to spend it on further expeditions as the Western
support was now lost. On 23 October 1366, Peters envoys were in the papal curia,
and Pope Urban V delivered them a letter in which he noted that he was unable to
dispatch any support to Peter because he was transferring his seat from Avignon to
Rome and, acknowledging Peters intentions to fight against the infidels, he
suggested him to make an honorable peace with the Mamluks. It was also told to
Peters envoys that the free companies were still a terrible problem in Europe and
that the resources of Christendom were drained because of prevalent fights. The
pope also added that he called the West to support Peter militarily and would grant
indulgences to those who would want to join another crusade. However, this effort
had no practicality.639
Meanwhile, as mentioned above, Peter had already started negotiating with the
Mamluks, but this effort seems to a play for time. Peters fleet was almost ready and
had already started raids, if not directly, toward Egypt.640 He had sent envoys to
Egypt in March 1366 asking for the release of Christian prisoners. Later, he told the
Venetians that if the Muslims wanted peace, they should send their ambassadors to
Cyprus. Eventually, the Mamluk envoys reached Famagusta on 31 May 1366,
carried by a Venetian ship. Two days later, they were in Nicosia at Peters court and
639 Raynaldus, Annales Ecc. 1366, v7 no. 13, 135; Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 277-
78.
640 Peter had intended to attack Beirut but directed the attack to the Anatolian costs because
of the Venetians. The fleet raided the coasts between Alanya and Manavgat and retreated to
Antalya, before arriving at Famagusta, directed by John of Moustry admiral of Cyprus. See,
Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 91-92. John of Moustrys troops captured a fortress and
a harbor in Alanya and Brémond of La Voulte had been ordered to raid in the spring but failed
to undertake the mission due to a storm. The target was Asia Minor. See, Machaut, The
Capture of Alexandria, 89-90.
213
resided at the house of the Lord of Tyre.641 Peter and the Haute Cour listened to the
Mamluks' terms, and Peter offered his terms, which were not acceptable, and so
heavy that the Mamluk envoys asked Peter to send his envoys to Egypt. Peter had
asked for the return of the Kingdom of Jerusalem as it was his inheritance, for all
prisoners to be released, the merchants should be freed from customs duties, and
the Mamluks should not harbor the enemies of the Kingdom of Cyprus.642
Before leaving Nicosia, Peter organized festivities for the Mamluk envoys, during
which Peter's knights performed jousting, and the Mamluks were amazed.643 As the
Mamluks returned, Peter sent his delegation to Cairo. However, Peter still did not
have a real intention to make peace as, in addition to his previous demands, he
offered a combat between the best soldiers of two states; a combat between ten, a
hundred or a thousand men, or if the emir Yalbugha accepts, a duel between him
and Peter. Nevertheless, his demands were rejected.644 Meanwhile, the Italian
merchants continued suffering from the Mamluk pressure. Venetian and Catalan
merchant vessels were seized at Alexandria and Tripoli.645
6.2 The King Wants More: Negotiations and Raids
While continuing negotiations with the Mamluks, Peter built a fleet for his
expeditions. In October 1366, Peter answered the call from the sultan, who stated
641 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 321, fn. 3; Strambaldi, Vol. 2, 71. Machairas says
they arrived on 27 May. See Machairas, Recital, 98. The Mamluk ambassadors were
Tokbugha, an admiral, and Nasr-ed-Din, a Genoese convert. Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 321,
23.
642 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 97-98; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 321-22.
643 According to Machaut, the Mamluks do not understand these . See Machaut, The
Capture of Alexandria, 98.
644 Iorga, 321-22; Hill, History of Cyprus, 340. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 278.
645 Machairas, Recital, 102-103; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 340, fn. 1 and 2.
214
that he would continue negotiations only after the Muslim captives were released.
Peter answered this call, collected the prisoners in Cyprus, and sent them to Egypt
with his envoys, William of Ras and Paul of Belonia. Unfortunately, William of Ras
could not complete his mission as he fell sick and left the ship at Paphos, so the
latter continued alone. However, when the ship arrived, Paul of Belonia was
arrested because the sultan was angered as he did not expect an envoy with such a
low rank. Sensing the danger, the captain of the ship escaped and informed Peter of
the incident.646 Unhappy with his envoys imprisonment and the almost capture of
his ship, he finalized his preparations for his new raids. By the end of November, as
Machairas depicts, he had assembled a fleet of 116 vessels, 56 of them were
galleys and four of these galleys were Hospitaller ships.647 Peters fleet sailed on 17
January 1367, and according to Machaut, after five days and five nights at sea
struck by a terrible storm, Peter, very sick, came back to Cyprus, spending the rest
of the month in his chamber. However, fourteen galleys were separated during this
storm and continued their journey under the commandship of Florimont of Lesparre
in November 1366.648 Florimont and the others attacked Tripoli and captured the
commander of the castle, plundered the city, and waited for the rest of the fleet.
However, Peters fleet had been driven to Karpas, and he had retired to the island,
646 Machairas, Recital, 101-102; Strambaldi, Vol. 2, 73; Iorga, Philippe de
Mézières, 353. Hill, citing an account of Ibn Qadi Shuhbah in Weil, Gesch. d. Chalifen v4. p.
514 provides an alternative story, in which Peter sent fifty prisoners to Egypt and promised to
send the rest after the negotiations were finalized. However, he was yet to send the rest of the
prisoners after a month, which angered emir Yalbugha. The enraged emir sent his men to
execute the envoys and capture the ship. Nevertheless, the ship escaped to the protection of
Catalan and Genoese ships. Yalbughas three ships were involved in fighting with the Christian
ships and lost fifty men, after which the Christian ships sailed away. See, Hill, History of
Cyprus, 343 and fn. 1.
647 Machairas, Recital, 103. According to Machaut, the fleet was sailed in November, but
Machairas and Strambaldi depict that it was assembled in November and set sail on 17
January 1367. See, Macaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 102; Strambaldi, Vol. 2,
76. On the other hand, Amadi points out that Peter set sail on 6 June in command of a fleet of
116, of which four galleys and twelve foists belonged to the Hospitallers of Rhodes. See,
Amadi, no. 833, 378.
648 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 102; Machaut does not mention the attack on Tripoli.
215
so after twelve days, Florimont retreated from Tripoli to Famagusta where he found
the rest of the fleet.649
Although this expedition was a minor success, Peters war effort drove the Mamluks
to negotiate peace. As a result, Emir Yalbogha released Paul of Belonia and sent
him to Cyprus with his two ambassadors and their retinue of forty people.650 Peter
was in Famagusta when the Mamluk envoys arrived, and the Haute Cour had
advised him to continue negotiations. Negotiations proved to be successful and
agreed upon by Peter. According to the terms, it seems that Peter dropped his claim
on the Kingdom of Jerusalem but asked for permission for the pilgrims. Also, he
requested that the customs duties be reduced to half, and pilgrims related to Peter
or his royalty should be freed of taxes. Furthermore, Peter requested mutual effort
against the corsairs near Cyprus and Alexandria. Additionally, many terms regarding
trade relations were agreed upon.651 Peter sent his envoys with the draft treaty, and
James of Nores was responsible for this mission. Accordingly, two galleys set sail
from Famagusta, one of which belonged to the King of Aragon. They reached Cairo
on 25 March.652 However, emir Yalbugha was murdered, and a new administration
was established.653 The envoys reached Cairo on 25 March 1367 and were
649 Amadi, 379 no. 833. It is not entirely clear if this expedition was delayed because Peter
was already sick or got sick during the storm, returned to Cyprus, and retired in his chamber.
This confusion is due to the different dates given by the chroniclers mentioned above.
650 Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 292; Amadi, 379 no 833. According to Amadi, the negotiations
were made public on 10 February 1367. See, Ibid.
651 For draft treaty, See, Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 291-302. Also see Strambaldi,
Vol. 2, 77-79, 85; Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 102-4, 126-28.
652 Within these ships were Muslim prisoners in Cyprus and some knights who wished to visit
the Holy Land. According to Machaut, a thousand prisoners were sent on these ships, which
seems exaggerated. He also states that Peter refused some knights to leave, fearing they
might not return. See, Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 129-30.
653 Machaut depicts that Yalbugha plotted against the Cypriot delegation when they arrived in
Cairo but died before achieving anything. However, he had already died when the negotiations
started in Famagusta. See, Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 134-36. For the delegation
sent to Egypt, See Strambaldi, Vol. 2, 77; Amadi, 379; Machairas, Recital, 106.
216
honorably received. Nevertheless, the Mamluks changed their minds partly due to
the absence of Yalbugha or for an unknown reason. Another reason, however,
might be that James of Nores offended the sultan during a feast by commenting on
the Muslim way of fasting, which outraged the young sultan Shaban. Eventually, the
Mamluks let the Cypriot delegation wait for an answer for 20 days and sent their
envoys with new draft arrangement terms.654 When Mamluk envoys reached Cyprus
in June 1367, Peter had already left the island for Rhodes.
6.3 Attack on Corycos and Revolt at Antalya
While negotiating with the Mamluks, in February 1367, Peter heard from Corycos
that Karamanids were preparing to attack the city. As he was undertaking peace
negotiations, he sent his brother, John of Lusignan, to Corycos with a relief force of
ten galleys, which transported many knights, six hundred men-at-arms, and three
hundred archers. This fleet left Famagusta on 26 February.655 When the fleet
arrived, the Karamanids had already besieged the city, using war machines, and
captured a tower outside the city. The relief force engaged with the enemy but could
not succeed, so they retired to the castle. Meanwhile, John sent James of Nores to
Cyprus for more reinforcements. Cypriots held the city for a week but then engaged
in fighting, surpassed the Karamanid army, and forced them to retreat. When
another relief force arrived Corycos, the battle had already ended. Expecting a
counterattack, John waited at Corycos until 14 March but then returned to Cyprus.
654 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 142-44; Machairas, Recital, 106-7; Strambaldi,
Vol. 2, 80-82; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 364; Hill, History of Cyprus, 347;
Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 278.
655 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 105-6; Amadi, 379 no. 834. According to Machaut,
the fleet reached Corycos on the same day, but Amadi asserts that they reached the town on
the last day of February. See, Ibid. Machaut also indicates that the Karamanid army was as
strong as 45.000 men, which is an exaggeration. See, Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
105.
217
During the siege, some Christian leaders died, and some were wounded, including
Florimond of Lesparre.656
Until May, Peter was in Cyprus, waiting for a response from the Mamluks. While
waiting, he ordered his fleet to station in Famagusta, and among those ships were
some which had to set sail to Antalya to deliver the payment and supplies of the
garrison in the city. However, because of this delay, the garrison mutinied against
the commander-in-chief, Leon dAntiaume. Peter Canel led the revolted garrison657,
and he threatened Leon with delivering the keys to the city to the Karamanids.
However, Leon prevented him from handing the city over to the Karamanids and
immediately sent an urgent letter to Peter, which triggered him and let him leave
Cyprus with his fleet of at least 32 vessels on 26 May 1367, probably arriving on the
same day.658 The payments were made upon Peter's arrival, and Peter Canel was
executed. He left Thomas Montolif in charge of the city and, taking Leon with him,
traveled to Rhodes, where he expected to meet with the Grandmaster of the
Hospitaller of Rhodes.659 At the time, the Grandmaster, Raymond Bérenger, was not
656 This is Machauts version of the story which seems more reliable who delivers a very
detailed story, compared to Machairas, whose story is slightly different and brief. See,
Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 105-126. According to Machairas, the relief force did not
engage in any fighting but was directly stationed in the castle, resisting for three days but then
making a sortie which caused the enemy to retreat. As he depicts, John waited for twelve days
and returned to Cyprus. See, Machairas, Recital, 106-108. Machaut provides the names of
Cypriot belligerents in detail. Within the Cypriot forces were: John of Morphou, Count of
Edessa; Simon Thinouli; John of Ibelin, seneschal of Jerusalem, who had accompanied Peter
during his first tour to Europe and served to Edward III for a while, eventually returning to
Cyprus in 1366; a Cypriot knight, John Petit; Robert Le Rous, an English knight; John Pastés,
a known and respected knight; Guy La Bevaux; John Monstry and many other foreign and
French knights. See, Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 107. For other knights and a list of
the dead during the battle see, Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 108-10.
657 Amadi calls Master Peter Cavello, but Machairas calls Peter Canel. See, Amadi, 378,
no. 835; Machairas, Recital, 111, 114.
658 Twenty-eight of the ships were Cypriot, four were Hospitaller, and had some other vessels.
See, Amadi, p. 379, no. 835; Machairas, Recital, 111; Strambaldi, Vol. 2, 79;
Bustron, Chronique, 264. According to Amadi the other vessels were small leins. See, Amadi,
379, no. 835.
659 Amadi, 379, no. 835; Machairas, Recital, 111, 114; Strambaldi, Vol. 2, 79;
Bustron, Chronique, 264.
218
in Rhodes, and Peters intention is unclear. The documentary evidence regarding
his travel to Antalya is scarce, as Machaut does not mention this event, and
Machairas, Amadi, Strambaldi, and Bustron only provide very brief details. The
disruption in Machauts work is not entirely clear, but he provides detailed
information regarding Peters stay in Rhodes.660 Nevertheless, Peter may have
wished to discuss his plans regarding the Mamluk problem.
6.4 War Machine: Peter Attacks on Tripoli
When in Rhodes, James of Nores returned from Cairo with the Mamluk envoys and
met with Peter at Rhodes. However, hearing that previous terms were rejected and
renewed in favor of the Mamluks, he broke off the negotiations and imprisoned the
Mamluk envoys. Grandmaster Raymond Béregner, also delivered news from the
West, stating that admiral John of Sur was ready to depart for Cyprus for a new
expedition. Moreover, the Anatolian emirs had recently did homage to him, including
the emir of Tekke, so that Peter secured his kingdoms protection for a new
expedition.661
Under these circumstances, in early August, he traveled to Cyprus, and landed on
Kiti, a town in Southern Cyprus near Larnaca.662 However, Peter fell ill and traveled
to Nicosia to his palace, leaving his brother in charge, who also fell ill.663 On 22
September, a galley of John of Grimade664 arrived, carrying John of Sur and the
660 For the details, see below.
661 Machairas, Recital, 114.
662 Machairas, Recital, 114-15. The arrangements with the emirs were publicly announced.
See, Ibid. also see, Strambaldi, Vol. 2, 83; Amadi, p. 380 no. 837.
663 Machairas, Recital, 115.
664 Amadi calls Grimade, but Edbury and Hill adopt Grimante. See, Amadi, p. 380 no. 837, and
fn. 1; Hill, History of Cyprus, 352.
219
bishop of Famagusta, Arnaud. The next day Peter joined them and set sail for
Tripoli with at least 140 ships.665 Off the coast of Tripoli, a war council was
assembled and decided to attack the city. Peter may have thought of attacking
Alexandria again, but his spies informed him that Alexandria was on alert.666 Within
Peters army were Cypriot, French, and British knights, and it was as large as 7000
soldiers.667 The fleet reached Tripoli on the same day at night, but the city was well
fortified, although the commander of the city was absent at the time.668 Peter
ordered his troops to attack the city, but they achieved only a little despite frequent
attacks. The Muslims were driven back only after the involvement of the guards on
the ships, who rushed toward the enemy yelling out loud, and the walls were
reached. Peters soldiers immediately started plundering the city but retreated
Muslim soldiers who had assembled in the suburbs and hid in the gardens and
sugar cane plantations. Before evening fell, the Muslims ambushed Peters soldiers,
who were then disorderly plundering the city. This surprise attack terrorized the
attackers, who retreated and formed a defensive line. However, they had suffered
665 Machaut gives different numbers: 14 and 160. See, Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
146. Al-Nuwayri estimates 150 vessels. See, al- Kitāb al-Ilmām. The date of the
departure is provided differently. Machairas and Strambaldi provide 27 September, and Amadi
says 23 September. The date of the attack differs as well. Amadi points out that the fleet
arrived the next day and attacked on 25 September. Machairas gives 28 September and
Strambaldi 29 September as the date of the attack. See, Machairas, Recital, 115; Strambaldi,
Vol. 2, 84; Amadi, 380 no. 838. For a discussion, see Hill, History of Cyprus, 352,
fn. 6.
666 According to Machaut, they read it on the stars, see Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
146; Hill, History of Cyprus, 352.
667 Chronique des quatre premiers Valois (1327-1393), 185. This estimation seems
exaggerated that Peters capacity to recruit 7000 men during the Tripoli expedition is highly
dubious and needs further documentary evidence. According to the same chronicle and also
Machaut, the city was protected by 20.000 soldiers, which, again, seems hardly possible. See,
Chronique des quatre premiers Valois (1327-1393), 185; Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
147. Venetians ordered a captain of a ship, Micaletto Rosso to follow the fleet and report back.
See, Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 364, fn. 9. According to al-Nuwayri, Peter's army was 16000
strong and contained 1000 knights. Additionally, he depicts that within the army were Cypriot,
French, Genoese, Venetian, Cretan, Rhodian, and Hungarian soldiers. See, al- Kitāb
al-Ilmām.
668 As Machaut depicts, the city was 20.000 men strong, and 6000 of them were Syrian
archers. See, Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 149; Chronique des quatre premiers Valois
(1327-1393), 186.
220
some losses, and under the pressure of Muslim salvoes, they barely reached their
ships, and lost at least three hundred soldiers, abandoning most of the plunder.
Finally, however, they managed to carry off the city gate.669
Peters fleet set sail two days later to Tortosa, sometime in late September 1367.670
The city was thoroughly captured and plundered. War materials, wood, iron, pitch,
and alike, intended to be used for the sultans fleet, were destroyed; a cathedral was
burnt, and the city gate was carried off as a trophy.671 After the sack of Tortosa, the
fleet traveled to Valania (Banias) and destroyed the town, after which they intended
to land Laodicea but failed because of a storm.672 After two days, the fleet sailed
again to Laiazzo, a city on the Gulf of Alexandria. The city was prepared for an
attack and fortified very well. The army managed to capture a tower and the town,
but the citadel was so strong so that Peter retreated.673 According to Machaut, Peter
attacked and destroyed Tortosa, Laodicea, and Valania, but Laodicea might be a
confusion with Laiazzo.674 The same mistake was made in Valois in which it is
suggested that Peter attacked on Tyre, but after an unsuccessful attempt during
which the Prince of Antioch was wounded, the fleet went back to Cyprus. This
version of the story is not provided by the main chronicles, and it must have been
confused with the attack on Laiazzo.675
669 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 367 and fn. 2; al- Kitāb al-Ilmām. According to al-
Nuwayri, army lost 800 men, and the Muslims 21. This estimation seems to be a
fabrication. See, Ibid.
670 The exact date is unknown because of the sources' distinctive dates. See fn. above.
671 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 151-152; Machairas, Recital, 211; Amadi, 380, no.
839; Bustron, Chronique, 266.
672 Machairas, Recital, 212; al- Kitāb al-Ilmām
673 Machairas, Recital, 213; Machaut, 152-153; Amadi, 380, no. 839.
674 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 151.
675 Chronique des quatre premiers Valois (1327-1393), 189.
221
After his final raid to Laiazzo, Peter traveled to Corycos, waiting for the king of
Cilician Armenia, Constantine V, who had asked for help and promised to meet
Peter. However, the ports were blocked by the Muslims so that the two kings could
not communicate, and thus Peter returned to Cyprus, eventually reaching
Famagusta on 5 September.676 Peter was determined to travel to Italy to meet with
the pope. However, he allowed privateering and encouraged those who wanted to
raid Syrian and Egyptian coasts. Throughout 1368, Christian adventurers raided the
Mediterranean. Among those were Peter and John of Grimante who raided Sidon
and succeeded to capture three merchant ships. In response, the Mamluks
dispatched some Muslim raiders to Cyprus, but these raids were unsuccessful.677
6.5 Peter Misses Europe: The Second Tour
Worried about the recent developments in the East and to solve his problems with
Rochefort and Lesparre, Peter was convinced that he needed another large enough
expedition to change the game in the Eastern Mediterranean. So he planned
another trip to Europe in late 1367. However, the register of his second visit is not
as well documented as his first visit. The main sources documenting Peter are
There are some reasons behind this. Despite the fact that we may profit from the
works of the main historiographers of Peters reign, the absence of his prominent
supporters, such as Peter Thomas and John of France, negatively affected the
variety of documentary evidence. Now that his chancellor Mézieres was also out of
the picture as in the nucleus of his chronicle was Peter Thomas. Although he
676 Machairas, Recital, 213; Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 153-154; Amadi, 380, no.
839; Bustron, Chronique, 266.
677 Machairas, Recital, 219-222; Strambaldi, Vol. 2, 85. Also see, Hill, History of
Cyprus, 354.
222
accompanied Peter, he does not provide any written evidence after Peter Thomas'
death. Moreover, he had been in Europe since 1366 and recently returned to
Cyprus.678 Peter was received honorably, and yet he was a legend in the West.
However, the atmosphere in Europe had changed since his last visit due to the fact
that the general enthusiasm had faded due to political and economic challenges.
Even the pope had his own problems since he decided to transfer the curia to
Rome.
Peter traveled to Europe with a large retinue, in which he had his son Peter, nephew
Hugh, James of Nores, John of Moutry, Theobald Belfarage, and Philippe de
Mézieres.679 After his latest expeditions, and the commercial problems he had been
facing lately, for Peter, it became even more problematic to raise the necessary
funds for his trip to Europe.680 Leaving the island from Paphos, Peter arrived
Rhodes and after a short stay, headed to the court of Queen Joanna I in Naples,
where he stayed for some days due to his sons illness.681 When in Naples, Peter
received a Venetian official informing him that the pope approved undertaking
negotiations with the Mamluks, and Venetian envoys would be sent to Egypt. The
Venetians had convinced the pope, and he believed that hostilities affect
Christendom in a lousy manner, as the Mamluks still had Christians imprisoned, and
another crusade seemed not possible.682 In late February or early March, he
678 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 347.
679 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 346-47.
680 According to Amadi, Peter enfranchised the serfs in Cyprus for 200 Bezants per person.
This was particularly a low value compared to his earlier efforts. Peter had raised money the
same way during his first tour. However, richer serfs had already bought their exemption. See,
Amadi, p. 380-381, no. 840. Also see above.
681 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 370.
682 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 376-77.
223
reached Rome, where he finally settled his problem with his former knight, Florimont
of Lesparre.683
The main question was, without a doubt, Peters intention to wage war against the
Mamluks. He had relied on the popes support for another expedition, but Urban had
recently been under pressure from merchant communities, who desperately needed
to come to an agreement with the Mamluks. Urban advised Peter to negotiate but
also forbade negotiations with the Mamluks without his permission. The pope also
called the envoys of Venice, Genoa, and Aragon to arrive at Rome to agree with
Peter before contacting the Mamluks. Peter was in Florence in late April but traveled
to Rome to meet with the Italian envoys. Italians tried to persuade Peter but failed,
and he yielded only after the popes intervention. Eventually, on 19 May, Peter
declared that he would accept the terms of the 1367 agreement. In a few days, he
added new terms in the arrangement, mostly polished versions of earlier
agreements, focusing mainly on trading privileges.684 To prevent any Mamluk
request of indemnity because of Peters former expeditions, the envoys were
advised to declare that Peter raided their coasts as the sultan changed his mind and
violated the previous draft agreement. On the other hand, the Italian envoys were
obliged to cooperate with each other. Peter also informed his brother, John, who
was in charge during his absence, regarding the recent strides and advised him to
cooperate with Italian envoys when they reach Cyprus.685
683 Queen Joanna also arrived in Rome on 17 March 1368. Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 376,
fn. 5. Despite Florimonts grace and the popes mediation efforts, Peter resisted coming to
terms with Florimont but finally agreed. See, Ibid. Peter requested an official bull pointing out
his innocence. However, Roche fort did not show up and was thus proclaimed a coward. See,
Hill, History of Cyprus, 356.
684 Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 302-8. For Peter in Florence, see Ibid., 291-302.
685 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 377; Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 279.
224
In early June, Peter left Rome and headed to Siena, then reached Pisa, where he
stayed for three days, was honorably received, entertained, and feasted for three
days.686 After leaving Pisa, he took a road through Pistoia and Prato, eventually
reaching Florence in late June, after which he headed to Bologna.687 In Bologna, he
met with Jean Froissart and the brother of pope Anglic of Grimoard, cardinal bishop
of Albano, to consult regarding his crusading plans and current situation. In
Bologna, jousts were organized in his honor.688 On 10 July 1368 Peter headed to
Ferrara to meet with the emperor Charles IV, who was not in Ferrara but in Mantua.
Peter traveled to Mantua, accompanied the emperor back to Ferrara, and then
journeyed to Modena on 4 August.689 Meanwhile, the Venetians and the Genoese
had been pressing for peace, and realizing that it was impossible to organize a new
expedition, the pope complied. Now that Peter was alone and had no choice but to
give up. Venetians and the Genoese had equipped two galleys each, and together
with Peters instructions to his brother, regent of the kingdom, Peter sent them to
Rhodes. The Venetian envoys left on June 1368 and, having joined by the Genoese
in Rhodes, headed to Alexandria at the end of this month.690 Peter urged his brother
to release the Mamluk envoys he had taken prisoner before leaving for Europe and
explained that the peace was to be concluded. However, the sultan requested his
envoys to be sent to Egypt, and in return, he said he would consider releasing
686 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 371-72. It is not sure when exactly he left Rome, but we know
that he was still in Rome on 20 May. See, Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 241, 302-8.
687 Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 313.
688 Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 279. According to Machairas, Peter also visited Milan
and mediated between Bernabo Visconti and the pope. See, Machairas, Recital, 120; Bustron,
Chronique, 267; Strambaldi, Vol. 2, 87. Amadi, 381 no. 842.
689 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 379.
690 Amadi, 381-382, no. 844; Strambaldi, Vol. 2, 87; Bustron, Chronique, 267;
Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 172. Machauts account mainly concentrates on the
quarrel between Peter and Florimond of Lesparre.
225
Christian captives. Accordingly, two Italian galleys traveled to Famagusta on 24
August to transport the Mamluk envoys to Egypt.691
Peter left Italy on 23 September, with eight ships equipped by the Venetians for a
retinue of three hundred. However, he left Italy with five hundred people, and before
reaching Cyprus, he traveled to Morea where he was pleasantly received by his
cousin Margaret of Lusignan.692 After discussing her requests, he left for Cyprus,
and on the way back, he learned that the Mamluks rejected his peace offer.693 When
Italian envoys reached Egypt, they refused to deliver the prisoners before the sultan
accepted the terms. However, the emirs greeted the envoys, refused, and ill-treated
them, after which they left Egypt for Cyprus. Peter later sent a letter condemning the
sultan and requesting the Christian prisoners to be released.694
Before leaving Europe for Cyprus, Peter received news from the Kingdom of Cilician
Armenia, which was in serious turmoil and distress. The barons of the kingdom were
offering the crown to Peter, who, in 1362, upon Constantine IIIs death, had thought
Bohemund of Lusignan for the Cilician crown. But now he was being offered the
crown, and it seems that he accepted and took the title the King of all Armenians695
However, he never had an opportunity to visit the Kingdom of Cilician Armenia.
691 Amadi, 381-382, no. 844.
692 Margaret asked him to send his cousin Leo to Morea to arrange a meeting. Additionally,
Peter granted Margaret an estate with a revenue of 120.000 bezants. After Peters death,
however, Leo was not allowed to leave the island. See, Hill, History of Cyprus, 359.
693 Amadi, 382, no. 845; Strambaldi, Vol. 2, 90-91; Bustron, Chronique, 266-267.
694 Hill, History of Cyprus, 359.
695 For a silver coin of Peter on horseback, See Victor Langlois, Numismatique de l’Arménie
Au Moyen Âge, PI. VI, 9, (1855), 96-7, cited by Hill, History of Cyprus, 359, fn 1.
226
CHAPTER VII
FINAL MONTHS
7.1 Amare Vita’ of Peter: A Cruel Queen and a Humble Mistress
As a fearless champion, still, in his late thirties, Peter was an attractive king,
and he had a loving wife, Eleanor of Aragon.696 According to Machairas and
Strambaldi, during his journeys, Peter developed a habit: sensually attached
to her, Peter had been carrying the shifts of Eleanor and could only fall
asleep wearing her underwear.697 However, like most medieval kings, and
despite Eleanors alleged jealousy, Peter had taken mistresses as well; one
of these mistresses was Joanna lAleman, with whom Peters relationship
was publicly known, and the latter was Eschiva of Scandelion.698 Peter had
parted from Eleanor and was having a relationship with Joanna lAleman,
which was also reported to the pope, who eventually dispatched a letter to
Peter and asked the Archbishop of Nicosia to interfere and persuade Peter to
696 Peters marriage with Eleanor of Aragon is explained in detail. See above.
697 Machairas, Recital, 130, 216; Strambaldi, Vol. 2, 92-94.
698 Joanna lAleman was the lady of Khoulou and the widow of John of Montolif. See,
Ma A Cypriot Story about Love and Hatred, Text Matters, Volume 4,
Number 4, (2014), 201; Hill, History of Cyprus, 361. According to Hill, his adultery may have
been the reason behind why Peter had not received the golden Rose. See, Ibid. Machairas
asks a question and answers himself: and if anyone say, Seeing that he had such love for
her, how was it he had two mistresses? This he did because of his great sensuality, because
he was a young man See, Machairas, Recital, 242; Hill, History of Cyprus, 360 and fn. 5.
227
stop having an open affair and take back Eleanor.699 Nevertheless, the king
ignored the exhortations and left the island for his second trip to Europe in
late 1367.
When Peter left, Joanna lAleman was eight months pregnant, and aware of
Peters affairs, Eleanor could not tolerate a child being born by one of his
mistresses. So, Eleanor ordered Joanna to be brought to her and, expecting
to make Joanna miscarry the baby, atrociously tortured her. First, Joanna
was put on the ground, and a mortar was put in her abdomen, but it failed to
force her to miscarry. The next day, a hand mill, four measures of wheat, was
used instead, but again the attempts failed, after which Eleanors servants
tried drugs on Joanna to force an abortion. However, all of their efforts failed,
and eventually, Eleanor released Joanna to let her give birth to the child.700
Joanna gave birth to the child, but her child was taken away from her, and
although the infants fate is unknown, the child was probably killed. On the
other hand, the mother was locked in a prison in Kyrenia and treated
calamitously. A week later, the regent changed the dungeon keeper, and the
new appointee was a relative of Joanna, Luke dAntiaume, who ameliorated
Joannas conditions in prison. Eventually, the king heard about the story and,
threatening the queen, sent a letter to Eleanor, asking her to release Joanna.
The queen ignored the king's letter but shortly afterward, Luke persuaded her
in return for the disappearance of Joanna, which she did by retiring at an
699 The letter is dated 2 December 1367. See, Bullarium, p. 410, no. v-182. The reasons behind
Peter and Eleanors partaken is not entirely clear.
700 Amadi, 382, no. 845; Machairas, Recital, 215-16; Bustron, Chronique, 268; Strambaldi,
Vol. 2, 93; Hill, History of Cyprus, 361; Dabrowska, A Cypriot Story About Love,
201-2.
228
abbey, St. Clare.701 The subsequent part of the story of Joanna, from this
point onwards, is unknown. Returning from his travel from Europe during a
storm that had almost wrecked his ship, Peter vowed to present gifts to all
monasteries on the island, and his safe return was celebrated for eight days,
after which he visited the monasteries to fulfill his vow. During his visit to St
Clare, he found Joanna and sent her back to his palace.702
Our sources of the story of Joanna and Eleanor are Machairas, Strambaldi,
Amadi, and Bustron.703 However, Machairas provides the most detailed
version of it. The story got into Cypriot folklore as well, and two stories
regarding the confrontation between Joanna and Eleanor are added to the
nineteenth-century translations of Machairas.704 In Greek folklore, Joanna is
a lady named Arodaphnousa living in the vicinity of the royal palace and has
two sisters. The king is in love with her and aware of the kings love for
Arodaphnousa, the queen locks her into his chamber and cuts her head off
while the king tries to enter the chamber. Then, blaming himself for her
death, the king arranges a funeral for the lady.705 The second version of the
story is slightly different. Hearing Arodaphnousas cries, the king summons at
701 Machairas, Recital, 215-16; Strambaldi, Vol. 2, 93. Hill, History of Cyprus,
361-62.
702 Ibid. According to Amadi, Joanna stayed at St. Clare for about a year and a half. See,
Amadi, p. 382, no. 845.
703 Amadi, p. 382, no. 845; Machairas, Recital, 215-16, 234-237; Bustron, Chronique, 268;
Strambaldi, Vol. 2, 93.
704 Machairas, Recital, 234 fn. 1. Dawkins points out Müller and Sathas French translation.
See, Chanson sur Arodaphnousa. Appendix. Chronique de Chypre. Léonce Machairas.
Trans. Emmanuel Miller and Constantin Sathas. Paris: Leroux, 1882. 40005; Chanson de la
Reine et dAro Appendix. Chronique de Chypre. Léonce Machairas. Trans.
Emmanuel Miller and Constantin Sathas. Paris: Leroux, 1882. 40508.
705Chanson sur Arodaphnousa. 400-5.
229
the door of the queens chamber but finds it locked from the inside. So he
shouts that the Turks are following him. The queen opens the door, and the
king sees Arodaphnousa in the oven, after which he casts the queen into the
oven as well.706 The story of Arodaphnousa has changed over the centuries
and has become a folk song known today. In different versions of the story,
she is pictured differently, eventually evolving into an innocent country girl.
7.2 The Revenge of the Queen and the Murder of the King
By the time Peter was in Europe, he had left John Visconte in charge of his
household. Before setting sail for Cyprus, he received a letter from John on
13 September 1368707:
My most beloved lord - then the greeting - may your excellency know that your
most pious consort, the queen, and your brothers who are most dear to me are well.
Regarding the news of whom - cursed be the day that I found out and the hour that I
thought of notifying you of this, and cursed be the day that you appointed me as a
keeper- my heart breaks on announcing this news. I would have hidden it from you,
but fearing lest your highness might learn of it from others and that I would then be
rebuked, I am informing you of this, commending myself to the grace of God and to
your kindness. Word has spread throughout Nicosia that the count of Edessa is the
lover of our lady the queen, but it seems to me that they are telling lies, and I
absolve myself of this, conducting myself towards them with the required humility. I
entreat your lordship that I be commended to you, praying to God for your
highness's long life.708
According to the report of John Visconte, there was an affair between the
queen and John of Morphou, and upon Peters borthers suggestion, John
706Chanson de la Reine et d 405-408; Dabrowska, A Cypriot Story About
Love, pp. 198-199.
707 Bustron also gives the date as 13 October. Mézieres and Machairas, on the other hand,
date it 13 December. However, the date should be earlier to reach Peter, given that he left
Venice in September. Machairas, Recital, 251-58; Amadi, 382-83, no. 846; Strambaldi,
Vol. 2, 94-101; Bustron, Chronique, 268-271. Machaut refuses such an affair.
See, Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 175-77. For an astrological comment on the date,
the letter should have been sent, see Hill, History of Cyprus, 362 fn. 3.
708 Amadi, pp. 382-383, no. 846.
230
had sent a report to Peter. The kings business in the West seemed to be
settled, and he was expecting to make peace with the Mamluks. So he
immediately set sail for Cyprus and, after an arduous journey, reached the
island. However, before coming to any conclusion, Peter assembled the
Haute Cour to make a decision regarding the issue.709 The Haute Cour,
assembled to discuss how to react to the rumors, but it was hard for the lords
to decide against the queen, most probably and understandably not to ruin
the relations with the Aragonese royalty. As a result, they decided to put
John in prison in Kyrenia. Soon afterward, Peter transferred him to
Buffavento, where John died later, probably by starving to death.710 It is,
however, challenging to come to an accurate conclusion as the only
documentary evidence to suggest that such an adulterous relationship
occurred is the chronicles. On the other hand, this story may have been
nothing but common gossip. Whatever the truth is, Peter is dedicated to
finding it, but no one apart from John, even Peters brothers confirmed the
allegations were false.
After the allegations of adultery and the meeting of the Haute Cour, Peters
relationship with his household and the knights entered into a tremulous
phase. Suspicion and fear prevailed around Peter. The final straw was his
dispute with one of his lords, Henry of Gibelet.711 The kings twelve years old
709 Machairas also says that John of Morphou bribed the kings mistresses to spread rumors
about John Visconte fabricated the story. However, this seems unlikely. See, Machairas,
Recital, 260.
710 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 176-177, and fn. 10. A relative of John begged Peter
to release him, but Peter rejected. See, Hill, History of Cyprus, 363.
711 Henry of Gibelet, viscount of Nicosia. There were two knightly families of Gibelet in Cyprus.
It is not entirely clear to which family Henry belonged to. See Machaut, The Capture of
Alexandria, 179, fn. 15.
231
son and namesake, Peter aspired to have two greyhounds belonging to the
son of Henry, James of Gibelet. However, James refused to give his
greyhounds to Peter, and when the king heard of this incident, he dismissed
Henry from his office and put him in prison with his son. What is more, he
forced Henrys daughter to marry an artisan, and when the daughter refused,
tortured her.712 Having heard of the terror, the members of Cypriot nobility
were shocked and worried that if they did not interfere, this would encourage
the king to impose his cruelty on another member of the nobility. But,
according to the assizes, on the other hand, Peter had violated the law,
without imprisoning a lord without a common judgement of his peers.713
The nobles visited Peters brothers, John and James, and convinced them to
talk to Peter, which turned out to be an effort in vain as when they
approached the king, he got his temper and insulted his brothers. The nobles
and Peters brothers assembled the same night and discussed to remind
Peter of the vows he had sworn by the time of his accession. However, many
of the lords did not believe in this would solve the problems as they feared
that Peter would avenge them. Their solution, nevertheless, was to kill the
king. Early in the following day the lords released the Gibelets, and marched
to the royal household, eventually having access to the royal chamber. Three
712 Maria of Gibelet, widow of a knight named Guy of Verny. She took refuge into St Clare but
was taken captured. See, Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 183 fn. 21. Machairas, Recital,
268.
713 Edbury, The Murder of the Kings, p. 222; Hill, History of Cyprus, 364; Setton, The History
of the Crusades, 359-60. According to a tale, Peter had planned to put all of his lords into a
tower he named the Margarita Tower See, Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 265 and fn. 3;
Machairas, Recital, 260; Hill, History of Cyprus, 364. This tower was under construction, but
the purpose of building it is not known. Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 181.
232
leading figures of this party, Philip of Ibelin714, Henry of Jubail, and John of
Gaurelle715 stabbed the king to death. John Gorap, the former keeper of the
household, who had recently been put into prison by Peter, kicked the lifeless
body of the king, and the remaining lords in the party stabbed the dead king
many times. James of Nores, who was not a member of the plotting party but
was obviously concerned about his life after Peters death, drew his dagger
and cut Peters penis off, saying, It was this which cost you your life716
All of the main chroniclers record the death of the king, but they provide
slightly different details. The first question to answer is the date of the
murder. According to Machairas the date before the murder was 16 January
1369, and Strambaldi and Amadi confirm this date, by providing that the
event occurred on 17 January. Machaut, however, pinpoints that the murder
took place on 16 January, and Bustron gives 18 January. The exact date of
the plot holds little significance, but from the majority of existing evidence, it
is safe to set the date as 16 January.717 Furthermore, the Haute Cour seems
to have made decisions regarding the regency of the crown on 16 January,
714 Titular lord of Arsur.
715 Member of an old but little-known knightly family of Cyprus. See, Machaut, The Capture of
Alexandria, 178 fn. 14.
716 Machairas, Recital, 281; Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 187-189; Mas Latrie,
Histoire, Vol. 2, 322; Strambaldi, Vol. 2, 110; Bustron, Chronique, 273-276;
Amadi, 386-88 nos. 853, 854, 855; Edbury, of King Peter 221-22; Hill, History of
Cyprus, 364-65; Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 390. James of Nores probably thought to be on
the winning side. According to Machaut, based on his informant, a knight from Champagne,
Walter of Conflans, Peter was stabbed forty or fifty times to death. See, Machaut, The Capture
of Alexandria, 174. According to Machaut, Peter was sleeping on his bed next to the queen,
not his mistress, and twenty men blew in, among whom there was one knight, John of Vicomte,
who had planned this plot when Peter was in Europe. See, Ibid.
717 Machairas, Recital, 279; Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 187-189; Strambaldi,
Vol. 2, 107; Bustron, Chronique, 273; Amadi, 387-88 no. 855.
233
which makes it safer to assume the date of Peters death.718 Another
difference, which is not as minor as the former, is the contribution of Peters
brothers to the plot against him. Western chroniclers, Mézieres and Machaut,
openly outlaw Peters brothers and identify them as murderers involved in the
conspiracy and also strike the final blow to the king.719 On the contrary,
Machairas is more careful to associate Peters brothers into the scene,
underlining that the kings brothers tried to mediate between the lords and
Peter, and puts forward that his brothers were not on the scene of the death,
waiting outside the chamber.720
We do not have further evidence to associate John and James with the
murder for some reason. After the king's death, his son Peter II took the
throne under the regency of his mother, former Queen Eleanor of Aragon,
and no one on the scene was punished for the murder of the king. On the
other hand, we also lack documentary evidence regarding a former animosity
between Peter and his brothers. Furthermore, the evidence suggests that his
brothers had served him well and remained loyal to the king. John, for
instance, was a capable military commander who traveled with Peter during
his tours to Europe and participated in his expeditions as one of Peters most
trusted allies. Despite his young age in 1360s, James was also present at
Alexandria and was given the title the Seneschal of Cyprus. So, there is no
718 This information is based on John of Ibelins legal treatise. See, Livre de Jean dlbelin.
Recueil des histotiens des croisades, Lois Col. 1, 3-6.
719 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 189-190.
720 Machairas, Recital, 283. Edbury, Murder of King Peter 224.
234
clear indication to believe that Peters brothers were involved in a plot against
him. The only documentary evidence that might be associated with this is
Machairas story, in which he asserts that Peter also wished to put his
brothers in the Margarita Tower. The source of this claim, as is mentioned, is
the Western historiographers, who were not on the island when Peter was
murdered.721 However, it is yet not sure if they were aware that the lords
would want to murder Peter or if they knew why they did not prevent this
being happen.722
So what killed Peter? It is evident that there was a prevalent dissatisfaction
among Peters nobles, and Peters attitude in the last months prior to his
death must have precipitated this. However, was that enough to lead up to
his murder? First of all, within the story, apart from Peters brothers, six
names come to the forefront: afore-mentioned Philip of Ibelin, Henry of
Jubail, John of Gaurelle, James of Nores, John Gorap and additionally,
Raymond Babin.723 Philip of Ibelin came from a once very famous family of
Ibelin, but for an unknown reason, had been sent into exile by Peter.
However, by the popes reconciliation, he was pardoned and served for Peter
during his second tour to Europe.724 Henry of Jubails imprisonment started
721 Machairas, Recital, 260; Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 390; Cuvelier, Chron. du Guesclin, v1,
270. Also see Edbury, Murder of King Peter I, p. 225; Hill, History of Cyprus, 367. Machaut
suggests that his informant Walter of Conflans was a witness, but it is highly doubtful.
Machauts whereabouts -despite that he may have met with Peter back in 1364-is not known
either. See Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 9.
722 Walter of Conflans, accuses Peters mother Alice of Ibelin, but his information is not
corroborated elsewhere. See, Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 178 and fn. 13.
723 It is suggested that the plotters be assembled in Raymond Babins house.
724 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 340, fn. 4. He had also married twice to King Henry IV niece
and granddaughter. See, Edbury, Murder of King Peter I, p. 226 and fn. 8.
235
the dispute in the beginning, but formerly, Henry did not have any problems
with Peter as he was assigned as the viscount of Nicosia. John Gaurelle, on
the other hand, was not a well-known knight but had followed Peter during
his first tour to Europe. As Edbury suggests, he was a descendant of a
Poitevin follower of Guy of Lusignan the founder of the Lusignan rule on the
island.725 James of Nores and Raymond Babin were experienced knights
who served both Peter and his father, and proved their military excellence
during Peters wars. Additionally, Raymond had served as the captain of the
navy, and while James had been sent to Egypt as a Cypriot envoy to discuss
the peace, Raymond served as an ambassador to Pope Innocent VI.726
Finally John Gorap, was not an established lord, and his past can be traced
back to 1350s only.
Investigating the murderers past with Peter, it seems that they had wellestablished
relations with the king and that it is difficult to reveal any further
grievance between them and Peter prior to the recent incidents before the
latters death. However, from the developments after his death, we may
assume that the grievance Peter caused after he returned from Europe could
be able to more than one might think. Immediately after his death, the Haute
Cour made some decisions and issued an ordonnance. The initial and most
significant decision was to make provisions regarding the regency of the
kingdom. However, the Haute Cour also approved certain decisions during
this meeting. These decisions were composed of thirteen clauses, and it is
725 Edbury, of King Peter 226.
726 Ibid. Machairas, Recital, 102. Also see above.
236
apparent that many of these clauses simply referred to Peters former
decisions, and sought to prevent recurrence in the future, probably also to
protect themselves from any possible avengers.727 According to the
ordonnance, the king should not act against his feuds and lords without a
legal decision, nor arrange any marriages without considering the status of
the social standing of the target. The ordonnance also reminded the
responsibilities and rights of the king towards the noble women and the
vassals. The king should swear to protect the rights of his feuds, and the
Haute Cour should assemble at least once a month. One clause was
explicitly designed, evidently because of Peters financial policies. To afford
his travels and wars, Peter abused the financial system on the island,
bypassing the Haute Cour, and imposing financial decisions without
consultations. So the ordonnance aimed to install a new system in which the
kings power was limited.728
Considering Peters costly expeditions and diplomatic contacts throughout
his reign, it is not difficult to assert that Cypriot nobility may have been
irritated by the current situation. Peter had sacrificed everything in the name
of a holy war, and pursued his fantasies, which were not to come true. Before
his fathers reign, the island reached the peak of its prosperity, and by the
727 Jean Richard, La révolution de 1369 dans le royaume de Chypre. Bibliothéque de lEcole
des Chartes vol.110, pp.110-111; Bans et ordonnances des rois de Chypre. Recueil des
historiens des croisades. Lois v2, 378-379. Also see, Edbury, of King Peter 228-
229; Hill, History of Cyprus, 369.
728 Jean Richard, La révolution de 1369 dans le royaume de Chypre. Bibliothéque de lEcole
des Chartes vol.110,110-13.
237
time of Peters accession, some amount of wealth, if not much, was
accumulated in the royal treasury.729
Peter spent the last wealth his father had collected in the beginning of his
reign during his wars against the Turkish emirates. In the following years, to
compensate for his travels and wars, as mentioned earlier, he allowed the
perperiarii to purchase certain rights and immunity from the poll tax.
According to Machairas, the kings counselors warned him in 1366 regarding
the economic difficulties and showed their concern about the enormous cost
of his military expeditions.730 Eventually, when he died, Peter was in debt,
and had to spend the assets of the crown, also imposing new burdens on the
Cypriots. As a matter of fact, it is not surprising to have a poor relationship
with the localities for Peter by the end of his reign.731 In this respect, from the
decisions made after Peters death, it is clearly visible that the lords sought to
reduce the costs of war by limiting the kings power over politics and finance
and at the same time, sought to reduce the expenditure on other aspects of
the warfare, such as costs on mercenaries or the navy. Aware of the situation
of the royal treasure, the lords of Cyprus, limited the ability of the
mercenaries from discharging themselves from the royal service, due to the
fact that the state was not capable of make payments to the mercenaries.732
However, these precautions were also putting the kingdom at risk as peace
729 Edbury, Kingdom of Cyprus, 170 ; Idem., The Murder of King Peter, 228; Hill, History of
Cyprus, 368-69. Atiya, Crusade, Commerce, 223
730 Machairas, Recital, 93; Edbury, Murder of King Peter 228.
731 Edbury, Murder of King Peter I 228.
732 Ibid. 228-29; Jean Richard, La révolution de 1369, 115-16.
238
with the Mamluks had not yet been achieved, and perhaps the best way to
achieve this end would be to force the Muslims to accept a peace
agreement.
Another prediction regarding the reasons behind the murder of the king of
Cyprus is that the Cypriot nobility fell into jealousy because of the Western
knights Peter had accepted into his service. Mézieres and al-Nuwayris
assume that Peters local lords felt that they were not treated equally as his
foreign servants, and their consultancy was ignored.733 This claim, taking the
fate of Peters favorites after his death into account, makes sense. Brémond
la Voulte, who served Peter during his campaigns, became one of his
favorites and was rewarded with estates on the island -including Polemidhia
and Ayios Reginos- was deprived of his estates after Peters death, and
Béremond probably escaped from the cruelty of the murderers because he
was not on the island by the time of the murder.734 Another favorite of Peter,
a Byzantine Greek from Constantinople, John Lascaris estates were also
confiscated, and he was put into prison without a trial.735 Aforementioned
John Moustry, one of Machauts informants was also stripped out of his
possessions and sent into exile by Philip of Ibelin, who apparently had a
problem with John.736 Peters mistress, Eschiva of Scandelion, who had been
given estates by the king, also lost her possessions.737 On the contrary,
733 Iorga, Philippe de Mézières, 386 and fn. 5.
734 Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 64 and fn. 17; Machairas, Recital, 187.
735 Edbury, Murder of King Peter 228.
736 Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 302.
737 Machairas, Recital, 283.
239
however, Peters murderers and brothers enjoyed the islands riches and
their political positions during the reign of Peter II.738 In light of the evidence,
it is safe to assert that the old nobility dethroned the alien nobility on the
island.
Yet it must be answered that what pushed the Cypriot lords too far was to kill
their kings instead of to accoy him. Peters murder was a singular event in
the history of Lusignan Cyprus as never before a king had been murdered on
the island. Moreover, the crown and the nobility usually maintained a good
relationship throughout the history of the kingdom. So what pushed them to
go into extremes? For instance, king Henry II, had been forced to retirement
in the beginning of the fourteenth century because of his incapability of ruling
the island. The lords could have forced the king to retire or compelled him to
renew his oaths. However, herein a problem emerges. Peter had established
his own circle of favorites composed of foreign knights, and he still had a
reputation and influence in the West as well. Considering his strong nature
precipitated by his fighter self, it would not be wrong to assert that he would
take revenge on the local lords. Likewise, considering the power circle the
king had produced, it would also have ben impossible to isolate him from the
governmental elements.739
738 Mas Latrie, Histoire, Vol. 2, 106; Amadi, 387, nos. 856, 857; Edbury, The Murder of King
Peter, 229.
739 Edbury, The Murder of King Peter, 229.
240
Recent events, without a doubt, had affected Peter; his final effort to renew
an expedition to the East had failed, so the chance to recover the Holy Land
was now more complex than ever, negotiations with the Mamluks had
spoiled, he had consumed all of his financial resources, and had allegedly
been cheated by his wife. Moreover, given that he imprisoned some of his
knights without a decent reason, we may suggest that Peter was shirtier than
he had ever been and perhaps in some occasions lost his temper without a
real cause. However, there is still no reason to suggest that he was
murdered because he was mentally unstable. Above all, there was a
prevailing distrust within the kingdom, and the war with the Mamluks,
financial struggles, and Peters affinity with the Western knights seem to
have brought his end.
241
CHAPTER VIII
CONCLUSION
The Kingdom of Cyprus, as the easternmost stronghold of Christendom,
became an essential outpost for Western polities. Due to its geographical
proximity to important trade centers, it also became a crossroads for the
merchants. Indeed, the Cypriots and the Italian merchants enjoyed this
position on the island in the first half of the fourteenth century. Nevertheless,
the island partly owed this position to the fall of the Latin settlements in the
Levant at the end of the thirteenth century, and the papal restrictions on
trade. By the 1340s, however, papal restrictions were loosened and the
islands share in the trade decreased. King Hugh IV of Lusignans constant
contribution to the naval league drained the kingdoms treasure. On the one
hand, Hugh fought against the pirates and the Turkish raids on the sea, but
on the other hand, he left a fragile economy to his son, Peter I of Lusignan.
When Peter I of Lusignan was crowned as the king, he pursued policies
aimed at fighting against the same threats in the Mediterranean, but at the
same time, his legitimacy was challenged by his nephew, Hugh. Immediately
taking action, he sought to expand his sphere of influence through the
Anatolian costs and also sought to find a way to solve his accession case.
242
Additionally, he had long been dreaming of achieving his lifetime goal, which
was to restore his inheritance, the Kingdom of Jerusalem, and liberate the
Holy Land. He believed that he had a mission to undertake, and he believed
so since his youth when Peter established an order dedicated to Christ,
escaped from the island to assemble an army to save the Holy Land, and
constantly demonstrated his allegiance to the pope. In the end, his policy to
defend his homeland transformed into an epic effort to save the whole of
Christendom.
His kingdom was situated on the edge of the Muslim dominions, yet he
executed an unparagoned mission that can be distinguished from all other
crusades. His achievements in his short life also distinguished him from his
predecessors and marked him as the most extraordinary Lusignan ruler of
all. Peters mission could perhaps only be matched to that of St. Louis,
undertaken a hundred years ago. He did not just become a prominent figure
in his homeland but became a legend throughout Europe. He met with every
prominent figure of the fourteenth century, feasted, jousted, and entertained
with them, and above all, influenced them. Edward III, The Black Prince,
Emperor Charles IV, John II of France, St. Peter Thomas, and even the most
important scholars and poets of his time, met him.
Peter undertook a journey to Europe to legitimize his rule, but at the same
time to gain European support, which he achieved shortly afterward. The
European polities recognized him, and this recognition led him to believe he
could achieve more. Thus his journeys to the courts of the European
243
monarchs and princes began, and it took almost three years to set sail for the
East. However, the results were less fruitful than he would want to achieve.
Nevertheless, in 1365 he launched an attack against the Mamluks, at the end
of which he managed to capture one of the most important Muslim
settlements in Egypt, Alexandria. Despite all his efforts to hold the city, upon
request of his knight, he abandoned the town after six days, and his
expedition ended without a practical result. However, Peter did not give up
on waging holy war and launched a series of raids against the Muslims,
although the Italians pushed hard to restore peace with the Mamluks
concerning their profit from the Levant trade.
Peter pushed the Mamluks hard to reach a favorable agreement by
continuing his raids. Nevertheless, the never-ending war crippled the
kingdoms economy. Even so, Peter did not give up on trying, and planned
another tour to Europe, which was, unfortunately, for him, a failure. When he
returned, Peters relationship with his veteran lords deteriorated as result of
which one of the most prominent medieval figures, King Peter I of Lusignan,
was murdered by his lords.
This study sought to build a story of Peter I and revisited and analyzed the
former and present studies about his reign. This study, however, is more
than a survey of Peters history but also provides an assessment of Peters
policies, motivations, and story. To achieve this, various aspects of the topic
were discussed, and arguments were re-evaluated. The most widely
accepted of the modern arguments is the presumption that Peters ten-year
244
reign and all of his achievements as well as failures were precipitated by his
secret agenda, which was to create a commercial bull in the Eastern
Mediterranean. This study, however, put forward that although the present
scholarship have a standpoint, Peters motivation was fueled by a greater
goal. In this sense, this study aimed to demonstrate that Peter should not be
solely assessed as a politician but instead as a medieval character, whose
personality traits and agenda affected his policies. That is, however, not to
say that present arguments are completely mistaken, but it would not be an
accurate interpretation to explain Peters journeys simply with his financial
thirst.
Although his pure intentions were not apparent at the beginning of his
tour, this study would suggest that one of his main motives was to legitimize
his rule in the Kingdom of Cyprus by solving disputes on the throne. Rather
than destroying the Mamluk trade and creating his commercial dominion in
the Eastern Mediterranean, his idea of a crusade may have been derived
from gaining the papal and French support for his accession, as it is clear
that these political entities had been supporting his nephew Hugh.740 This is
not to say that Peter started his journey only to meet the call as
Machairas suggested, because his procurators could have solved the
accession case for Peter without him leaving the kingdom for such a costly
journey. However, his victory against the infidels in Anatolia, the Turkish
740 See relevant section above.
245
emirates, must have encouraged premature ideas. He may have
undertaken a journey to Europe combined with his accession case.741
Even if the main purpose was to legitimize his rule on the Cypriot
throne, however, this does not solely explain such an effort. chivalric
nature had been widely known not only for the Cypriots but also for the pope.
He had been one of the last representatives of traditional chivalry, longing for
a war against the infidels. This personality trait can be observable in
entire lifetime: his youth, his reign, his attitudes, his diplomacy, and even his
death.742 As a consequence of his personality traits, and given that he was
very well received by the European polities when he came up with the idea of
crusading, he may well have developed an idea and believed that he could
actually recover the Holy Land. If we consider the political realities, this
seems possible. After solving the succession case, Peter was supported by
one of the major monarchs in Europe, John II, who was to be appointed as
the leader of the crusade. dispute with England had entered a new
phase, and despite the peace was fragile, with papal interference,
maintaining the peace seemed possible. Moreover, English participation was
considered suitable, and it would be fruitful for Peter and a relief for the
French associating with their recent competitors.
741 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 245, fols. 16-17; Machairas, Recital, 92-96, 112-14;
Bullarium, Vol.3: v-10. Machairas states that the pope summoned Peter. However, we lack
any documentary evidence.
742 For Peters personality and influence, see the relevant section.
246
This relatively positive environment, however, changed when Peter
returned from London without personal participation. Yet he had
relied on John participation, but sadly for Peter, son Louis
escaped from captivity, and the French king died in London. If Peter still had
hoped to recover the Holy Land, French and English absence must have
disheartened him, forcing him to seek support from other European
monarchs. In the end, without any support from European monarchs, when
he finally reached Venice, he must have realized that it was impossible to
recover the Holy Land. Herein I agree with argument. If Peter
believed his army could recover the Holy Land, he must have been
delusional or lack of military realities.743
To be able to achieve an end, this study reassessed and extracted a large
amount of data from surviving documentary evidence. Chronicles, papal
registers, and official documents were used to construct the biography of
Peter. Moreover, an itinenary of Peter I was created using documentary
evidence. In this respect, this thesis has added to the studies of the Kingdom
of Cyprus and featured Peter as a character rather than a king. Additionally,
this dissertation aimed to build a complete story of Peter rather than an
episodic thematic work.
Indeed, the archival evidence presented in this works offers a more detailed
understanding of Peters reign. As this research progressed, it is experienced
that Peter could be explored further, and some of the nebulous parts
743 Edbury, Crusading in Kingdoms, XII, 93.
247
regarding his life were neglected for almost a hundred years. One of the best
examples of this is his journey to England, which was considered by recent
scholarship as if it had never happened. However, the details of the visit
reflected much more than a singular event that should be overlooked.
On the reverse side, however, as this research progressed, it was revealed
that there is still room for improvement. Due to the complex political
background of the island, some of the archival evidence disappeared, which
caused some parts of Peters reign to remain nebulous. As mentioned at the
beginning of this dissertation, certain periods of Peters reign are yet to be
discovered.
248
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APPENDICES
Appendix 1: The Itinenary of Peter I of Lusignan
284
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
9 October 1329 Nicosia? Born -Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 5
para.127-136.
June 1342 Nicosia? Peter married with Echive of Montfort. -Lettres closes, ed. Vidal, nos.
1967,2500
-Bzovius, Ann. Eccl. 1342, §23;
Wadding, Ann. Minor. (Quaracchi), vii,
301.
1343 Guy, the Prince of Galilee, Peters elder
brother died. Later when Peter was
crowned, Guys son Hugh, the Prince of
Galilee, claimed the throne.
285
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
1347 (?) Cyprus Before his accession, Peter found the
Order of the Sword.
-Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
11-16. lines 259-380
-Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
24-29.
-André Favyn, Le Théâtre dhonneur et la
Chevalerie. . . (Paris, 1620), book IX,
1569-70.
286
1349 From
Famagusta to
Europe and then
to Kyrenia
Peter and his brother John secretly left
Cyprus to visit Europe. Their father Hugh
spent considerable money and effort to
bring them back.
-Makhairas, 79-85
-Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
16-18.
-Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
28-29.
-Lettres closes, patents et curiales
interessant les pays autres que la
France, ed. E. Deprez and G. Mollat
(Paris, 1960-1), nos. 2278, 2494.
-Makhairas, chron. de cypre, leonce
macheras, 49.
-Bullarium, t448, 266-267.
-ML v2, 206.
287
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
1353 Nicosia? Peters wife Echive died in 1350 at the age
of 26, and Peter married to Eleanor of
Aragon, the daughter of Peter of Aragon,
infante of the crown of Aragon, fourth son
of James II.
-Mas Latrie,, Gen. 25, fn 9.
1353 Pope Innocent VI absolves him from vows
to visiting the tomb of St. James of
Compostela
-Rüdt de Collenberg, 1975-77: 211-12.
288
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
24 November
1358
Nicosia? Before his death, King Hugh IV had Peter
crowned the king.
Ceremony was performed by Guy of Ibelin
the Bishop of Lemesos, brother of the Lord
Arsuf.
-Makhairas, 86, 90.
-Amadi, 372.
-Machaut, Machaut, The Capture of
Alexandria, 30, fn. 5.
15 January
1359
Corycos -Amadi, 374.
5 April 1360 Famagusta King Hugh IV died on 10 October 1359.
Peter was crowned as the king of
Jerusalem by Peter Thomas on Easter Day
in Famagusta cathedral.
-Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 89-92.
-Amadi, 372.
-Makhairas, 104
289
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
10 April 1360 Famagusta Peter sends John of Morphou, Count of
Edessa and marshall of Cyprus, and
Thomas of Montolif, the auditor to
-Amadi, 373.
23 August 1361 Antalya Peters fleet, commanded by himself
landed near Antalya.
-Makhairas, nos. 121-123. -Amadi, 411.
-Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
641.
290
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
15 June 1362 Nicosia Peter asked for aid to recover Jerusalem
Also set 1 March 1364 for the crusaders to
assemble
Florentine
Government
Naples
-Giuseppe Müller, ed. Documenti sulle
relazioni delle citta toscana colloriente
cristiano e coi Turchi, Florence, 1879, pt.
I doc. 82. 119-474.
-Mas Latrie, Histoire, vol. II, 236f.
15 September
1362
Nicosia Peter thanks Niccolo Acciaioli. Niccolo
offers ships to lend.
Niccolo Acciaioli
(Seneschal of the
Kingdom of
Naples)
-M. L., II, 239.
-L. Makhairas, Sweet Land of Cyprus
entitled Chronicle, ed. and trans. by R.
M. Dawkins, vol. I, Oxford 1932, 109.
291
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
24 October
1362
Paphos Peter set sail for Europe. With a retinue of
knights. Also with Peter Thomas, Philippe
de Mézieres, and future Peter II.
-Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 94.
-F. Bustron, Mas Latrie, ed., Chronique
de lile de Chypre; Melanges historique,
vol 5 1886, 259.
Early November
1362
Rhodes Peter met with the Grandmaster of the
Hospitaller Roger de Pins. Stayed a few
days in Rhodes.
-Chronique dAmadi, vol II, 51
-Makhairas, vol I, 71-72
292
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
29 November
1362
Venice
(Palazzo Zane,
Rialto)
Pope Urban V
On Hugh of Galilees claims on the throne.
Offers his mediation and requests a
solution.
Peter I -Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 245,
fols. 16-17.
-Makhairas, v.I, 92-96, 112-14.
-Bullarium, vol3: v-10.
-Amadi, 375, fn. 4.
293
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
5 December
1362
Venice
Palazzo Corner-
Piscopia
(Municipio)
Peter was greeted by the residents. Met
with Doge Lorenzo Celsi.
1328 grants were renewed. Celci pledged
to help. Promised to keep the expedition
secret. Offered support in his negotiations
with other rulers.
-Sanudo, Vite, col. 655
-Mas Latrie, 228-32, 239-41. (L.Mas
Latries Itinerary)
-Makhairas, Vol. I pars. 129-31.
-Amadi, p. 412
-Strambaldi, Vol. 2, 50
-Bustron, Chronique, 260-61.
-Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 102-104.
294
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
December 1362 Venice The senate voted to arm 12 galleys, 6 in
Venice and 6 in Crete. Assurance of the
ships and supplies. Sending ambassadors
to Avignon.
-Misti, Reg. 30, fol. 119, 124. (fol 119:
dated 30 November
fol. 124: dated 31 December)
-Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 103
-Chronica del regno di cipro V. 2, 50.
December 1362 Venice Invitation from Nicholas II of Ferrara.
Peter denied, but received gifts. Padua
ruler Francis I sent a message, invited
Peter to Padua, pledged to support him in
return.
Peter I
295
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
1-2 January
1363
Venice Peter left Venice, accompanied by the
doge and podesta of Treviso Andrea Zane
to some point beyond Mestre and
Marghera.
-Mas Latrie, Histoire, de lile de Chypre,
v. 2, doc. III, 239-40, 247.
21 January
1363
Through Mestre,
Padua, Vicenza,
and Verona
reached Milan
He headed around 200 knights and
numerous retinue. Stayed a while with
Bernabo Visconti, who pledged him help.
He wants to reach Avignon at once.
-Mas Latrie, Histoire, de lile de Chypre,
v. 2, 239-40, fn. 1.
296
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
Late January
1363
Pavia Greeted by Galeazzo II of Visconti. -Mas Latrie, Histoire, de lile de Chypre,
v. 2, 239-40, fn. 1.
1 February 1363
(Already in
Voghera at this
date)
Voghera (the
Duchy of
Montferrat)
At the court of John II Montferrat
(Grandson of Byzantine emperor
Andronicus II Palaiologos.
-Mas Latrie, Histoire, de lile de Chypre,
v. 2, 239-40, fn. 1.
2 February 1363 Tortana Spent the night and headed to Genoa at
dawn with his entourage.
-Mas Latrie, Histoire, de lile de Chypre,
v. 2, 239-40, fn. 1.
4-5 February
1363
Genoa Greeted by the Doge Simone Boccanegra.
297
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
5 March 1363 Genoa Peter renewed rights and privileges
granted by Henry I in 1232. Among the
witnesses there is Philippe Mezieres,
chancellor of Cyprus.
Grant -RRH, no 1037, 271.
-Mas Latrie, Hist, 248-49.
-Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 103-104.
298
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
February-March
1363
Genoa Boccanegra supported Peters expedition.
At his request, Peter made his son, Baptist
Boccanegra, a knight. Doge was poisoned
during the feast, died a couple of days later
in March. It is announced to the public on
March 13-14.
299
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
March 1363 Genoa New doge Gabriele Adorno did not support
Peters plans. Threatened him with war,
requested further privileges. In return
promised to provide 3 ships. Immediately
afterwards, and as soon as he received a
letter from Peter Thomas, Peter I left
Genoa.
-Makhairas, v. 1, 112-16 (83-86).
-Mas Latrie, 248-49.
-Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 104.
-Mas Latrie, Neuv. preuv. 68.
300
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
29 March 1363 Avignon Peter reached Avignon. he was piously
and lovingly received by the pope, the king
of France (John II), and the cardinals
-Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 105.
-Amadi, n. 822, 375.
-Baluze and Mollat, Vitae Paparum
Avenionensium, vol 1, 352-53, 396, 400
and vol 2, 499.
301
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
31 March 1363 Avignon Urban V bestowed the cross to John II,
Peter I, Cardinal Talleyrand of Perigod and
various barons and nobles. John II was
designated the rector and the captaingeneral.
Letters were sent to the important
rulers across Christendom.
-Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 105.
-Baluze and Mollat, Vitae Paparum
Avenionensium, vol 1, 352-53, 384-85,
396, 400 and vol 2, 499.
302
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
11 April 1363 Avignon Camera Apostolica paid 3 florins for the
repair of jewelries given to Peter by the
pope.
-K. H. Schafer, ed., Die Ausgaben der
Apostolischen Kammer unter den
Papsten Urban V and Gregor XI (1362-
1378), Paderborn, 1937, 12.
31 May 1363 Left Avignon Before leaving he solved the problem
regarding Hughs claims on the throne. The
pope recognized Peters rule and Peter
paid compensation to Hugh. Mézieres and
Peter Thomas remained in Avignon.
-Baluze, Mollat, Vitae, vol1, 384-85, 396,
400.
-Strambaldi, Vol. 2, 51.
-Amadi, 375.
.Makhairas, 72.
303
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
10 June 1363 Pont-de-
Sorgues
(near Avignon)
the Camera paid 51 florins for the
expenses of Peter and his retinue.
-Schafer, Die Ausgaben, 13
Late June 1363 Alsace-
Rhineland
On the road many French knights joined
his party. In the end of June headed to
Rhine.
Early July 1363 Basel
304
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
4 July 1363 Strasbourg Arrived in Strasbourg. During his stay A
tournament was organized in his name in
the northwestern part of the city, Marche
aux Chevaux (the horse market). Many
noble ladies watched the tournament and
three types of wine were served.
25 July 1363 Mainz
(Maybe stopped
by Cologne)
He arrived in Mainz. -Koelhoffsche Chronik, III, 15-31.
305
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
August 1363 Paris Peter reached Paris and met with John II.
They discussed the crusade and the free
companies harassing the country.
13 August - 11
September
Normandy
(Rouen and
Caen)
Upon Prince Charles(future Charles V of
France aka Dauphin) invitation, Peter
visited him. Duke of Normandy gave him a
great reception. Charles was reluctant to
join Peters cause.
-M. L. vol 2, 248.
306
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
September 1363 Cherbourg Mediation between Charles II of Navarre
with Louis II. Charlesbrother Louis was
there. Another brother Phillip (Count of
Longueville had promised to attend and
provide 1000 men in the crusade.) But he
died in August 1363
307
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
Late
September-
October 1363
Pont de lArche,
Picardy,
Abbeville, Rue,
Montreuil,
Boulogne-sur-
Mer
Traveling with a large retinue. He crossed
the Seine at Pont de larche. Headed for
Ponthieu in Picardy, crossing the Somme
at Abbeville. Via Rue, Montreuil, Boulogne
to Calais.
308
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
20 October
1363
Calais Wrote a letter informing that his ranks are
already included many French, German
and other nobles and knights from across
Europe. He also recalled the promise the
doge had given. Doge replied stating that
he is going to keep his promise as soon as
he brings order to Crete.
Doge Lorenzo
Celsi of Venice
-M. L. vol. 3, 743.
(Lorenzo Celsis reply)
309
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
2 November
1363
Calais and
Dover
Set sail for Britain. Reached Dover the
same day with a very crowded retinue.
Among them there was a Lithuanian noble
(dubious) Earl of Hereford, Humphrey
Bohun greeted Peter at Dover and
escorted him to London
-Froissart, Chronicles of England,
France, and Spain, 306.
310
6 November
1363
London Arrived at London. Greeted by king Edward
III and his wife Philippa. They undertook to
cover all the expenses of Peter. Apart from
his crusade plans, he acted as a mediator
between the pope, John II and Edward III.
-M. L. vol 2, 240, 247, 252-53.
-Froissart, Chroniques de Jean Froissart
(1360-1366), 381-82, XLV, 90-91, 283.
- P. Lecacheux, G. Mollat . eds., Lettres
closes, secrètes et curiales du pape
Urbain V, nos 476, 477. 233.
-Henry Knighton, Knightons Chronicle,
1337-1396, (ed., 1995) 187.
- Bullarium v3, 377, v-40.
- Eulogium Historiarum, v3, 233.
311
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
6-13 November
1363
London During his visit Peter enjoyed feasts at
Westminster. Mayor of London, Henry
Picard, master of Vintners wine company
organized a banquet (Banquet of the
five(?) kings) during which Peter lost
money gambling with Picard, but he
returned Peters money back to him.
-Eulogium Historiarum, rolls series 3,
233.
-Mas Latrie,, vol 2, 247.
-Chronicle of Reading, 158.
-Knighton, v1, 189.
-Historia Anglicana, v1, 299.
312
11 November
1363
London A tournament was organized at Smithfield.
For the tournament Edward and Peter
exchanged gifts.
-NA E36/4 9d (Wardrobe Account)
-NA, E403/417 m. 13.
-NA, E403/417 m. 19
-NA E101/394/16, m. 17.
-Knightons Chronicle, 187.
-Mas Latrie, vol2, 247
-Public Record Office, Exchequer
Accounts (K.R.) Wardrobe and
Household, 37, 38 Edward III.
-37-38 Edward m, Exchequer L.T.R. 4,
m. 9.
-Register of the Black Prince, vol 4, 428.
313
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
November 1363 London Edward assured that as many English
knights as possible will accompany Peter.
He expressed his interest on seeing the
Holy Land but he emphasized his
advanced age. It is claimed that the King
presented peter a warship called
Catherine worth of 12.000 florins, but it is
dubious.
-Froissart, Chroniques de Jean Froissart
(1360-1366), 380-81 (90-92, 280-84)
-Chronique des quatre premiers Valois,
128.
-Froissart, Chroniques de Jean Froissart
(1360-1366), 381, 385-86.
24 November
1363
London Peter sends a letter regarding the revolt in
Crete.
Doge Lorenzo
Celsi
-Mas Latrie, vol. 2, 250.
314
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
28 November
1363
London (?) the Pope urges him to go back to Cyprus
as Turkish threat is intensified.
Peter I -Reg. Vat. 246. fols. 13-14.
Early December
1363
(Stayed in
England around
a month)
London-Dover Peters retinue was robbed on the way
back to Dover. Upon hearing about it
Edward III ordered to punish the
highwaymen.
-Froissart, Chroniques de Jean Froissart
(1360-1366), 385-86.
December 1363 Boulogne-
Amiens
Peter headed to Amiens after reaching
Bolougne. At Amiens the King John II and
his two sons had been staying.
-Froissart, Chroniques de Jean Froissart
(1360-1366), 386.
315
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
December 1363 Beauvais-
Pontoise
Peter and his retinue continued their
journey to Paris accompanied by Prince
Charles.
-Froissart, Chroniques de Jean Froissart
(1360-1366), 387.
316
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
December 1363
(Before
Christmas)
Paris Peter reached Paris, where preparations
were made. There he witnessed the arrival
of Prince Louis who escaped from captivity
in England. Royal goldsmiths Jean
Picquigny and Claux of Fribog presented
gifts to Peter. Three rooms in the royal
residence were arranged for him. He also
became mediator between two lords. (du
Guescelin and Wilhelm Felton)
-Les Grandes Chroniques de France
selon que elles sont conservées en
l de Saint-Denis en France
publitées par M. Paulin, vol. 6, Paris
1838, 228-29
-Froissart, Chronicles of England,
France, and Spain, 387-89
317
February-March
1364
(27 February?)
Left Paris for
Angouleme (in
Aquitaine)
through,
Pontoise,
Beauvais,
Poitiers and
Niort. (La
Rochelle
afterwards)
At the turn of February and March Peter I
reached Angouleme, where Edward the
Black Prince and his wife Joan Kent was
preparing a celebration for the birth of their
son. Edwards knight John Candelos
greeted Peter. A tournament was
organized for Peters arrival. Edward and
most of these knights promised to join the
crusade. Tournaments and festivities
continued as Peter stayed here one month.
One of his strongest supporters, Cardinal
Helie Talleyrand de Perigord (Apostolic
Legate of the crusade), died.
-Froissart, Chroniques de Jean Froissart
(1360-1366), XLVI, 93, XLVIII, 93, 97-99,
285, 289, 290.
-ML. vol.3, 746., ML v2, 252 n.1)
318
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
Late March
1364
Town (Castle) of
Lusignan?
Accompanied by John Chandelos, he
visited the town of Lusignan. (dubious)
-Froissart, Chroniques de Jean Froissart
(1360-1366), 97.
- Herquet, Cypr. Königsgest, 12.
319
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
8 April-19 May
1364
Paris-Reims On his way to Paris, near Reims, he
learned of the death of John II (April 8, at
the Savoy Palace in England). Peter
decided to take part in the funeral. Johns
body arrived Saint Antoine, near Paris on
May 1. Peter also waited for Charles Vs
coronation in Reims. Coronation
ceremonies ended with a tournament.
-Mas Latrie. v2, 240.
-Machaut, the capture of Alexandria, 35
-Herquet, Beiträge zum Itinerar Karls IV
und zu seinem Aufenthalt in Schlesien
mit dem König von Cypern im Jahre
1364, 1878, XXIV, 523.
-Chronique des Quatre Premiers Valois,
144-48.
-Froissart, Chroniques de Jean Froissart
(1360-1366), 133-34, 312.
320
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
28 May 1364 Paris Peter I arrived Paris with Charles V.
Charles organized a feast and a
tournament. However Charles V did not
support Peters crusade telling him to visit
the emperor in Prague.
321
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
11 June 1364 Left Paris for
Rouen
Decided to split his delegation into two.
Ordered Philip Mézieres to visit Northern
Europe (Westphalia, Friesland, the
Netherlands, Zealand, Brandenburg,
Saxony and the Czech. Also visited
Scandinavian countries and the land of the
Teutonic Order. This mission took 10
months in total)
-Chronique des quatre premiers Valois
(1327-1393), 148
-Mézières, Le Songe du Vieil Pelèrin, ed.
G. W. Coopland, 1969.
322
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
Between
Late June (17th
day of the
coronation of
Charles?)
and Early July
1364
Headed for
Cologne, on the
way visiting the
Duchy of
Flanders,
Bruges
Visited the Dutch of Flanders Louis II
Dampierre. He received him at his court in
Bruges. In the end of July he arrived
Bruges and met Valdemar IV of Denmark
who was returning from Avignon and with
whom Peter shared his crusading plans.
-Machaut, the capture of Alexandria, 27,
37
323
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
July 1364 Brussels-Duchy
of Jülich-
Cologne
He visited the Duchy of Brabant. In
Brussels visited Princess Joan and her
husband, Wenceslaus I of Luxembourg,
brother of Emperor Charles IV. In Brussels,
a great feast was organized in honor of
Peter, combined with a tournament, and he
received numerous gifts. Also visited
William VI of the Duchy of Jülich.
-Froissart, Chroniques de Jean Froissart
(1360-1366), 85-86. (Gifts presented to
Peter, 85).
324
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
July 1364(?) Travelled to
Franconia, and
visited
Esslingen.
Afterwards
Thuringia,
Erfurt
Peter was warmly welcomed in Esslingen.
After a short stay he headed to Thuringia.
He reached Erfurt and propagated his
crusading plans, which were well received
by the knights and people in Erfurt. In
Peters crusading army, there were many
volunteers from this town.
-Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
36-37
-Herquet, Beiträge zum Itinerar Karls IV,
523
325
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
July 1364 Before reaching
Prague
Peters messengers carrying his letter to
the pope were robbed by the men of Louis,
Seugneur of Neuchatel.
-Lecacheux, Lettres Secretes, nos 1216,
1218.
326
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
Late July 1364 Meissen At the end of July Peter reached Meissen
where he was lavishly received by
Frederick III, Landgrave of Thuringia and
Margrave of Meissen. Frederick and his
house had close relationship with the
emperor Charles IV, and Frederick
promised to support Peters crusade
depending on Charlesresponse.
-Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 37
- ML, v2, 240.
327
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
August 1364 Saxony-
Dresden
Peter met with Rudolf II, Duke of Saxe-
Wittenberg. Rudolf was an elector and had
very close relationship with the emperor.
Peter believed Rudolfs support would be
favorable to persuade the emperor. Peter
stayed 9 days here.
-Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
30-31; La prise, 939-49 (30).
- ML, v2, 240.
328
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
Late August
1364
Prague Peter reached near Prague. Charles IV met
with Peter and accompanied him to
Prague. He stayed in Prague Castle. He
also met with the emperors wife, Elizabeth
of Pomerania. A tournament was organized
in his honor and the feast lasted three
weeks. Peter himself told that he has never
heard such a wonderful music in his life.
-Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
41-42
-Froissart, Chroniques de Jean Froissart
(1360-1366), 85.
329
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
1364 Prague A painting on a wall of St. Marys Chapel in
Karlstejn Castle (possibly) shows Peter
presenting relics to Charles IV. (Dubious)
http://www.kornbluthphoto.com/images/K
arlstejnMaryChapel_38.jpg
Early
September 1364
Prague Charles, despite enthusiastic about Peters
plans, stated that he was not able to
support the crusade efficiently. However,
he invited Peter to the long planned
Congress in Krakow where monarchs will
assemble.
-Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
41-42.
330
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
Early
September
Left Prague Peter left Prague with the empeor for
Cracow. They reached the Polish border in
3 days.
-Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
44.
Early
September
On the way for
Cracow:
Swidnica,
Legnica,
Glogow,
Koscian
(dubious),
Poznan
(dubious), Kalisz
(dubious),
Wroclaw,
Baranow
(dubious),
Opole, Bytom
Machaut lists some towns claiming that the
party visited. However, some of the towns
hes listed may have not been visited at all,
as such a route seems unlikely.
-Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria, 44
-K. Herquet, Beiträge zum Itinerar Karls
IV, 1878, XXIV, 524-25.
11-14
September 1364
Wroclaw The party stayed in Wroclaw for three
days.
-Herquet, 525-26
331
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
17 September
1364
Opole They reached the city of Opole near
Cracow.
-Herquet, 525-26
-Die Regesten des Kaiserreichs unter
Kaiser Karl IV (1346-1378), A. Huber,
Regesta imperii VIII, J.F. Böhmer, v. 8,
Innsbruck 1877, 332, no 4082.
332
19-20
September 1364
Through Bytom,
Bedzin and
Olkusz: Cracow
Peter and Charles IV met with the royal
envoys, and accompanied by them
reached Cracow. They were greeted by
Casimir and Louis I of Hungary. TThe kings
walked through the market square to the
Wawel Castle. The emperor and the kings
accommodated in the castle.
A tournament was organized in the Wawel
Castle. All monarchs and princes in
Cracow participated in the tournament,
including the emperor. Peter himself also
participated, and he was the winner.
All participants, including Peter received
gifts from Casimir.
- Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
44.
333
22 September
1364
Cracow The Congress of Cracow began. Peter I,
Casimir the Great, Emperor Charles IV of
Luxemburg, and Louis I of Hungary
attended.
It was held in the cathedral or in the town
hall.
Charleswife Elizabeth was not in Cracow,
Casimir was in search for a new wife, and
the host queen was not there. So women
did not take part in the gathering.
-Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
38-41.
-Janko of Czarnkow, Kronika, in
Monuenta Poloniae Historica, vol 2, ed.
A. Bielowski, Warsaw 1961, 630
-Rocznik swietokrzyski, Annals of Saint
Cross, in MPH, vol 3, Warsaw 1961, 80.
-Jan Dlugosz Annales seu cronicae incliti
regni Poloniae, liber IX, Varsoviae 1978,
318-321.
334
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
22 September
1364
Cracow All the rulers took an oath to help Peter.
Charles promised to turn to the electors
and ask for their help. He also wrote to the
pope. Casimir and Louis also promised
help. Louis was the only one who promised
to take part in the
crusade personally with his army.
Casimir may have announced the opening
of the University of Cracow
-Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
40-45.
335
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
Early October
1364
Vienna Peter left Cracow for Vienna, to the court of
Prince Rudolf IV, Duke of Austria. The
journey took about 10 days. Throughout
this journey he was received presents, took
part in tournaments and made a good
impression.
Rudolf had offered help but only on the
condition that the king of Hungary took part
as well. A tournament was organized here.
-Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
47-48.
-Herquet, Beitrage zum itinerar Karls IV,
526-27.
336
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
26 October
1364
Near Venice Peter crossed Drava and Sava, and
traveling through the Patriarchate of
Aquileia, reached near Venice. He also met
with Peter Thomas.
-Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
47-49
-Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 119
337
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
11 November
1364
Venice Peter reached Venice through Treviso,
greeted by the nobles, Marina Bono,
Andrea Paradiso, and Benedict Gauro.
Niccolo II of Ferrara had been waiting for
Peter in Venice to personally meet him
since 17 August. On 9 December they
were able to meet during a feast.
-Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
49-50
-Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 120-21
-ML v2, 240.
338
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
January 1365 Venice Philippe de Mézieresreturned to Venice to
meet with Peter. He shared the outcome of
his mission.
-Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 119.
Until 27 June
1365
Venice Peter stayed in Venice for the final
preparations for his crusade. He had a
dispute with the Genoese. Several letters
were sent regarding the problem.
-ML, Histoire, v2, 254-66
-Urban V Lettres closes, nos. 1027,
1034-1035, 1102, 1602, 1609, 1619,
1649-1650, 1681, 1700-1724.
-Makhairas, 145-49, 153-56, 173-74,
209.
-Bullarium
339
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
Until 27 June
1365
Venice Peter stayed in the palace of Frederick
Cornaro of Episkopi. (He stayed here in
1362 and 1368 as well) Frederick lent him
60.000 ducats. In return he was admitted to
the Order of the Sword with the right to
bear the arms of the House of Lusignan.
-ML, v3, 815.
340
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
April 1365 Venice Peters envoy Peter Marosello came back
from Avignon with a letter from the pope
dated 17 April 1365. The letter shows that
the dispute with Genoese is finally solved.
Peter
from the Pope
Urban
-Urban V lettres, no. 1700.
May 1365 Venice Peter sent a letter to the Genoese Doge
Gabriel Adorno expressing his pleasure
about the agreement.
Gabriel Adorno,
Doge of Genoa
-ML, v2, 266-67.
June 1365 Venice Philippe de Mézieres was granted
citizenship of Venice.
-ML, v2, 272.
341
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
27 June 1365 Left Venice Peter sailed from Venice for Rhodes
-ML, v3, 752
-Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 125, 127-
28.
19 July Popes blessing -Raynaldus, 1365, 120, n18.
342
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
August 1365 Rhodes Rhodes was fixed as the meeting point.
Some of those set sail from Venice
reached Rhodes via Genoa. Peter directly
sailed to Rhodes.
A fleet from Famagusta arrived at Rhodes
on 25 August. Commanded by John of
Lusignan the Prince of Antioch.
-Makhairas, 148-50
-Amadi, 414.
-Cronicha del Regno di Cypro, v2, 65-67
-Chronique de l de Chypre, 262
-Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 127-28.
343
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
4 October 1365
(Saturday)
Left Rhodes The crusader army embarked from
Rhodes. The primary target had not been
publicly known until this point. Peter
Thomas preached a sermon from the royal
galley.
-Makhairas, 150 (166)
-Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
127-36
-Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 128-29.
-ML., v3, 751-53.
9 October 1365 Alexandria Peter and his army reached Alexandria.
Landing began on 10 October.
-Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,,
-Makhairas, 150
-Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 130-31.
344
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
10-11 October
1365
Alexandria Crusaders captured the city and plundered
it. (Including Genoese, Catalan Marseillais
properties)
-Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 132
-Makhairas, 150-52
-Amadi, 411-15.
-Cronicha del Regno di Cypro, v2 69
-Chronique de lle de Chypre, 262-63
-ML v2, 388
16 October
1365
Left Alexandria
for Limassol and
then Famagusta
Crusader troops left Alexandria. Peter and
his Cypriot troops were among the last
ones left the city.
-Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
-Makhairas, 54
-Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 142-54
345
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
October 1365 Nicosia Peter and Peter Thomas went to Nicosia
where a procession of thanksgiving was
held. Afterwards Peter Thomas went to
Famagusta to wait for a vessel to go to
Avignon. There he sent letters to the pope
and Charles IV
Ban imposed on all trade with the
Mamluks.
While in Famagusta, Peter Thomas fell ill.
-Mézieres, St. Peter Thomas, 134-35,
140-41
346
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
6 January 1366 Nicosia Peter remained in Nicosia. Peter Thomas
died.
Negotiations with the Mamluks continued.
Venetians sought to make peace. Pope
forbade all negotiations without his
consent.
-Cronicha del Regno di Cypro, v2, 69.
-Makhairas, 174
347
31 May-2 June
1366
Nicosia Being mediators, Venetians brought
Mamluk envoys to Cyprus. Venetian ship
landed the envoys on Famagusta on 31
May
On 2 June the envoys reached at Nicosia,
and were lodged in the house of the Lord
of Tyre.
The Haute Cour was assembled to hear
the envoys. Peters terms, were not
modest.
Peter offered a duel with the Mamluk
Emir Yalbugha al-Umari.
Before Mamluk envoys leave, a great
jousting was given by the Cypriot knights.
-Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
128-34
-Makhairas,180-82
-Amadi, 415
-Bustron, Chronique, 263
348
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
June-July 1366 Nicosia Peter sent Philippe de Mézieres to Venice
to preach. In letter of 22 June, which
Mézieres carried, peter announced his
intention of sailing against the muslims in
August. Venetians did not support.
Urban V informed Peter that he granted
trade dispensation to Venice in a letter of 1
July. (he revoked it on 17 August thanks to
Meziereseffort)
-Libri Comm. reg v3, 47, 48, 49, nos 267.
273, 274.
349
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
22 August 1366 Unknown Venetian Senate forbade the export of
horses and arms to Cyprus. They also
gave permission to spend 600 ducats on
falcons to send to Yalbugha as a gift. Pope
and Peter protested. Pope sent a letter on
15 October.
-ML, v2, 285-86., 288-89.
350
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
23 October
1366
Nicosia (?) Still in Cyprus, Peter sent envoys to the
pope for further support. In Avignon, his
envoys received news from the pope that
he could not support Peter for his new
expedition. Meanwhile Peter was gathering
a fleet.
-ML, v2, 286-88.
-Raynaldus, 1366, 135,136 nos. 13, 15.
351
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
October 1366 Cyprus
(Nicosia?)
Peters envoys returned from Cairo. Sultan
promised peace only after the captives
brought away from Alexandria were
released.
-Makhairas, 185.
-Strambaldi, Vol. 2, 73.
-Venetian and Arabic versions of this
story is different:
-Libri Comm. reg v3, 52 n. 302
-Ibn Kadi Shuhbah in Gustav Weil,
Geschichte der Chalifen, 1846, v4, 514.
23 November
1366
Famagusta Peter sent a letter protesting Venetian
relations with the Mamluks.
Doge Marco
Cornaro
-ML, v2, 286-88.
352
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
Late November
1366
Nicosia Peters fleet was ready for operation. 116
units including 56 galleys and 60 other
vessels. 4 of them belonged to the master
of the knights from Rhodes.
Peter fell seriously ill.
-Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
130-32
-Makhairas 190-91
353
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
17 January
1367
Famagusta Completely recovered Peter set sail from
Famagusta. But the fleet was dispersed
because of a storm. 15 ships including the
one commanded by Florimond of Lesparre
sacked the port of Tripoli.
-Makhairas 172,174,176-78,190-91
-Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
130-32
354
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
10 February
1367
Nicosia the Haute Cour was assembled to hear the
Mamluk envoys. Recommended the king to
continue negotiations.
Sultan released Sir Paul de Belonia and he
was brought to Cyprus by the envoys.
-Mas Latrie, Histoire, v2. 292.
-Amadi, 379 no 833
355
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
February-March
1367
Cyprus
(Famagusta)
Turkish attacks on Corycos. Peter ordered
his brother, the Prince of Antioch to sail to
the city with 10 galleys. They left
Famagusta on 26 February. On 7 March,
Turkish troops retreated. The prince
returned to Famagusta on 14 March.
-Makhairas, 194-95, 200-1
-Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
135-72
-Amadi, 416.
-Bustron, Chronique, 264.
356
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
14 March 1367 Cyprus (most
probably
Famagusta)
James of Nores, the Turcopolier of Cyprus
was sent to Cairo with a draft peace treaty.
2 galleys set sail from Famagusta one of
which belonged to the King of Aragon.
The terms were not acceptable.
-Strambaldi, Vol. 2, 77-79.,
85.
-Annales ecclesiastici, 1366, 13
-Makhairas 189, 192-93, 197-98, 202-
205
-ML v2, 291-302 (draft treaty)
-Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
132-35, 172-79.
357
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
May 1367
(26 May)
Satalia His own garrison in Satalia mutinied. Peter
suppressed it. He had set sail from
Famagusta on 26 May.
-Makhairas, 194-95, 200-1
-Strambaldi, Vol. 2, 79
-Amadi, 416
-Bustron, Chronique, 264.
358
June 1367
(28 June?)
Rhodes Peter sailed to Rhodes after Satalia. James
of Nores came back from Cairo with
Mamluk envoys to negotiate a new and
less favorable treaty. Peter refused to
negotiate and imprisoned the envoys.
He started preparations for another raid.
In Rhodes he waited for the Grandmaster
Raymond Berenger.
While in Rhodes, he had disputes with his
knights; Sire of Rochefort and Florimond of
Lesparre. Peter challenged Sire and
Florimond to a duel.
-Makhairas, 202-205 (dispute 206)
-Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
179
-Strambaldi, Vol. 2, 82.
-Amadi 417
-Bustron, Chronique, 265.
-Raynaldus, 1367, 155, n. 13
359
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
Before 4 August Left Rhodes for
Cyprus
-
360
September 1367 Famagusta and
Tripoli
Another naval expedition was launched.
Tripoli was sacked. The fleet sailed to
Tortosa and destroyed warehouses and
docks.
They also set fire the supplies prepared for
the Mamluk sultans ships.Then they razed
Baniyas (Valania) and tried to land on
Latakia.
Peter decreed that any captain who would
engage in privateering against the
Mamluks could use Famagusta as a base.
-Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
130-32.
-Makhairas, 190-94, (privateering: 213,
219-22)
-Chronique de l de Chypre, 265-66.
-Cronicha del Regno di Cypro, v2, 84-85
-H.P. Herzsohn, Der Überfall
Alexandriens durch Peter I., König von
Jerusalem und Cypern, 1886, 43-44.
-Chronique des Quatre Premiers Valois,
188-91.
September 1367 Corycos
361
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
5 September
1367
Famagusta The fleet returned to Famagusta -Makhairas, 194
-Chronique de l de Chypre, 266.
Late 1367
December (?)
1367
Paphos and
Rhodes
Believing that another major expedition is
needed to change the situation in the
Levant, Peter began his second tour to
Europe. He had difficulties to fund this trip.
He set sail from Paphos and stayed in
Rhodes for a short time.
-ML, v2, 241
-Chronique de l de Chypre, 266-67.
-Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
-Makhairas,188
-Amadi, v1, 417-18
-Cronicha del Regno di Cypro, v2, 85-87
362
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
February 1368 Naples Peter reached Naples, to the court of
Queen Joan I. Stayed here for a few days
and continued his journey.
-ML, v2, 241
-Chronique de l de Chypre, 266-67.
-Machaut, The Capture of Alexandria,
-Makhairas, 188
-Amadi, v1,417-18
-Cronicha del Regno di Cypro, v2 85-87
Late February-
Early March
1368
Rome Peter reached Rome to settle his dispute
with Florimont of Lesparre
-Mas Latrie, Histoire, v2. 291-302.
Late April 1368 Florence
363
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
19 May 1368 Rome Peter declared that he would accept peace
terms with the Mamluks
-Mas Latrie, Histoire, v2. 302-304.
Early June 1368 Siena Peter headed to Siena, he was honorably
received.
--Mas Latrie, Histoire, v2. 304-308.
Early June 1368 Pisa He stayed for three days, greatly
entertained and feasted.
--Mas Latrie, Histoire, v2. 304-308.
Late June 1368 Florence
through Pistoia
and Prato
364
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
Late June 1368 Bologna He met with Jean Froissart and Anglic
Grimoard, brother of the pope. Jousts were
organized.
--Mas Latrie, Histoire, v2. 313.
-Machairas, Recital, 120
-Bustron, Chronique, 267
-Strambaldi, Vol. 2, 87.
Late July 1368 Ferrara and
Mantua
Peter met with Emperor Charles IV at
Mantua and traveled to Ferrara
4 August 1368 Modena
23 September
1368
Venice Peter left Venice for Cyprus.
365
Date Place Matter To Whom Document/Source
Late September
1368
Morea He met with his cousin Margaret of
Lusignan
Late
September-
Early November
Famagusta Peter returned to Cyprus for the last time
16 January
1369
Nicosia Peter was murdered by his barons in his
chamber at the palace
366
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