556

 A CURIOUS MANUSCRIPT FROM THE BEYLIK PERIOD:

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
First and foremost, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my supervisor,
Tülay Artan, for her continuous support, enduring patience, and motivation.
She not only brings me different perspectives with her insightful knowledge and
guidance in the course of studying this manuscript and writing my thesis, but also
has continuously encouraged me, especially during the tough times of the pandemic.
Alongside my supervisor, I would like to thank my thesis committee, Ferenc Peter
Csirkés and Melis Taner, for their valuable feedback and detailed comments.
My sincere thanks go to Hatice Aynur, Ali Emre Özyıldırım, and Fatma Şen, who
I consulted for the dating of the manuscript. I am especially grateful to Fatma
Şen, who spent weeks studying the text with me. During our sessions, she not only
explained the verses written in Old Anatolian Turkish, but also provided interesting
remarks on the context. I am also thankful for her time and attention in correcting
the mistakes in my transcription.
During my undergraduate years, the courses I took from Günsel Renda on
illustrated manuscripts and Ottoman painting, and Suzan Yalman on Medieval
Anatolia, fed my interest in the field of art history. I am always grateful for their
continuous support for pursuing an academic career in Art History and for their
valuable comments on my thesis. I also would like to thank Serpil Bağcı for her
kind responses to my e-mails.
I thank İsa Uğurlu for his kind advices and support, from my very first day
at Sabancı University to the last. For my fellow friend Başak Yağmur Karaca,
thank you for your heartwarming friendship and encouragement; and thank you to
Abdullah Güloğlu, A. Seven Hasdemir, and Saffet Öztürk, for your support and
feedback.
I am grateful to my dear friend Yılmaz Yeniler for his patience, support and
insightful feedback in each and every phase of this thesis. Our discussions on almost
every topic are always interesting, inspiring and exciting.
iv
My greatest thanks go to my parents. During the writing process of this thesis, we
experienced many things together: the pandemic, the devastating fires in Marmaris
and İçmeler, where our family house is located, and more. Despite all the things
we have gone through, you always prioritized my education, my career and my life
above anything else. I am grateful for your dedication, optimism, patience, endless
motivation and enthusiasm. I am so lucky to have you as my parents. We are the
best team I have ever seen.
v
ABSTRACT
A CURIOUS MANUSCRIPT FROM THE BEYLIK PERIOD:
RECONTEXTUALIZING FALNAME (NO.5179)

Keywords: Falname, fortunetelling, bibliomantic traditions, illustrated manuscript
patronage in Anatolia, the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries
This thesis examines a fortunetelling manuscript called Falname (no.5179) from
the National Library of Turkey, which has previously been dated to the 16th century.
The study focuses on the question of whether the manuscript was produced
earlier than suggested, namely in the Beylik period, by analyzing the text and the
illustrations. Written in Old Anatolian Turkish, and with each verse illustrated,
the manuscript’s unique mode of representation contributes to our understanding
of the sophistication of bibliomantic traditions during this particular period, as well
as the extent of illustrated manuscript patronage, especially in the context of vernacularization.
The first chapter briefly surveys the historical background in which
the illustrated manuscripts were commissioned and texts in vernacular Turkish were
produced, and how the practices of fortunetelling evolved into bibliomantic traditions,
after which they became widespread. The second chapter focuses on the
characteristics of the Falname (no.5179), in order to discuss the content of the text
and how it was utilized. The last chapter of this thesis elaborates on the issue of
patronage by analyzing two major components, the text and the illustrations, in
order to contribute to redating and recontextualizing Falname (no.5179).
vi
ÖZET
BEYLIKLER DÖNEMINDEN BIR EL YAZMASI: FALNAME (NO. 5179)’NIN
YENIDEN BAĞLAMLANDIRILMASI

Anahtar Kelimeler: Falname, fal, fal kitapları geleneği, Anadolu’da resimli yazma
hamiliği, on dördüncü ve on beşinci yüzyıllar
Bu tez, Milli Kütüphane’de bulunan ve daha önce 16. yüzyıla tarihlenen Falname
(no.5179) adlı bir el yazmasını incelemektedir. Çalışma, metin ve resimleri temel
alarak yazmanın önerilenden daha erken, özellikle Beylikler döneminde üretilmiş
olma sorusuna odaklanmaktadır. Yazmanın kendine özgü temsil tarzını oluşturan
hem Eski Anadolu Türkçesi ile yazılmış olması, hem de her dizenin resimlenmiş
olması; o dönemdeki fal geleneklerinin karmaşıklığını göstermesinin yanı sıra,
resimli el yazması himayesinin özellikle Türkçeleşme hareketi bağlamında anlaşılmasına
katkıda bulunmaktadır. Tezin birinci bölümünde, resimli yazmaların ve
Türkçeleşme hareketlerinin ortaya çıktığı tarihsel arka plan ve fal uygulamalarının
kitap geleneğine nasıl evrilip yaygınlaştığı kısaca ele alınmaktadır. İkinci bölüm,
muhtevasını ve metnin fal bakarken nasıl uygulandığını ortaya koymak için Falnâme
(no.5179)’nin özelliklerine odaklanmaktadır. Tezin son bölümü ise, yazmanın ana
bileşenlerinden ikisi olan metin ve resimleri analiz ederek patronaj ve üslup konusunu
detaylandırmaktadır. Böylelikle Falname (no.5179)’nin yeniden yorumlanmasına ve
tarihsel bağlam kazanmasına katkıda bulunmayı amaçlamaktadır.
vii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vi
ÖZET . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii
LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . x
LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi
1. INTRODUCTION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1.1. Anatolia in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
1.2. Literary Production in Vernacular Turkish in Fourteenth- and
Fifteenth-century Anatolia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
1.3. Illustrated Manuscript Patronage in Anatolia in the Medieval Period . 8
1.4. Fortunetelling and Bibliomancy in Medieval Anatolia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
1.5. Thesis Outline . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
2. FALNAME (NO. 5179) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
2.1. Description and Characteristics of the Text . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
2.2. The Organization Of The Text . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
2.3. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
3. A RECONSIDERATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
3.1. The Text . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
3.1.1. Falname (No. 5179) for Leisure at the Court . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
3.1.2. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
3.2. The Illustrations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
3.2.1. The Animals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
3.2.2. The Prophets and the Planets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48
3.2.3. The Floral Decoration. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56
3.2.4. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59
viii
4. CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61
BIBLIOGRAPHY. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64
APPENDIX. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70
ix
LIST OF TABLES
Table 2.1. The References of the Letters to the Birds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
Table 2.2. The references of the Birds to the Quadrupeds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
Table 2.3. The references of the Quadrupeds to the Prophets . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
Table 2.4. An example of the fortunetelling process from Falname (No.5179) 28
Table 2.5. Another example of the fortunetelling process from Falname
(No.5179) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
x
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 3.1. Dog from folio (6a) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
Figure 3.2. Camel from folio (6a) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
Figure 3.3. Elephant from folio (5b). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
Figure 3.4. The birds in folio (2a) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
Figure 3.5. Francolin from folio (3b) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
Figure 3.6. Animals and Birds from Munis al-ahrar fi daqa’iq al-ash’ar . . . 46
Figure 3.7. Folio from Munis al-ahrar fi daqa’iq al-ash’ar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
Figure 3.8. Noah with the ship from folio (13b) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48
Figure 3.9. Abraham from folio (17b) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
Figure 3.10. Ezra is composed with a fish (?) from folio (16b) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50
Figure 3.11. Jonah with a whale from folio (16a) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50
Figure 3.12. Mars from folio (24b) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
Figure 3.13. Constantine and Helena from Miaphysite Lectionary . . . . . . . . . . 52
Figure 3.14. Dormition of the Virgin by Sargis Pitsak, 1336. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53
Figure 3.15. Floral Decoration from folio (25a) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56
Figure 3.16. Floral Decoration from folio (4b). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57
Figure 3.17. Floral Decoration from folio (8b) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58
xi
1. INTRODUCTION
“Whatever is my bearing, let it be shown.”
There are many idioms in Turkish related to fortunetelling that are currently in
use, as the tradition of fortunetelling is still as vibrant as it has ever been; this can
be seen from the variety of fortunetelling methods still extant, from Turkish coffeereading
to palm reading. In the course of the emergence of this rich tradition, both
the terminology and the rituals of fortunetelling have become diversified throughout
the centuries. To begin with, there are several terms that are used for identifying
this practice and each of them has coreferential connotations. Among the most
frequently used terms, divination is defined as follows:
“Divination, the practice of determining the hidden significance or cause
of events, sometimes foretelling the future, by various natural, psychological,
and other techniques. Found in all civilizations, both ancient and
modern, it is encountered most frequently in contemporary mass society
in the form of horoscopes, astrology, crystal gazing, tarot cards, and the
Ouija board. . . ”
1.
As the explanation above suggests, the term divination evokes a formal practice of
a certain ritual involving spirituality and perhaps religion or occult sciences and
is not specifically used solely for foreseeing. Therefore, divination includes another
frequently used term – fortunetelling – which is defined somewhat vaguely as follows:
“Fortune-telling, the forecasting of future events or the delineation of
1G. Kerlin Park and Gilbert, Robert Andrew, “Divination,” in Encyclopedia Britannica, last modified
February 16, 2001. https://www.britannica.com/topic/divination.
1
character by methods not ordinarily considered to have a rational basis. . .
Predictive methods of fortune-telling include astrology (interpretation
of the movements of heavenly bodies as influences on earthly events),
numerology, and the utilization of objects such as playing cards, tea
leaves, crystal balls, dice, fire, water, and scattered salt.” 2
It can be inferred from the two definitions above that both divination and fortunetelling
require rituals with particular methods, whilst the latter exclusively
implies prognostication or foretelling as a result of a certain practice. Despite the
slight difference between these two abstract concepts, the practices of fortunetelling
are often subsumed under the term divination.
Fortunetelling was a common practice as early as 4000 BCE in China, Egypt and
Mesopotamia.3 Over time, the practice spread to various geographical regions in
which each civilization created its own terminology for defining such methods and
rituals.4 The word fal (fe’l), which is one of the most mentioned terms in this study,
is an Arabic word used for fortunetelling, while ırk was the Turkish word used for
‘good fortune and auspiciousness’ in Kutadgu Bilig, an 11th century book which
is one of the earliest written works in Turkish.5 On the other hand, the Greek
term manteia, which directly corresponds to the word prophecy, was transformed
overtime into mancy in English and mancie in French; this constitutes the basis for
the terms related to divination.6 More relevant to this study is bibliomancy, which
is the practice of fortunetelling by using books.
In the Milli Kütüphane (National Library of Turkey), I came across a curious
manuscript called Falname (No. 5179), registered as ‘06 Mil Yz A 5179’. It
epitomizes a unique mode of representation of the bibliomantic traditions of
Anatolia, both in terms of the manuscript’s illustrations and textual content. The
author is anonymous since the colophon is missing and the binding is not authentic,
yet the surviving eighty-nine illustrations in twenty-five folios hint at remarkable
2Amy Tikkanen, “Fortune-telling.” Encyclopedia Britannica, last modified June 12, 2022.
https://www.britannica.com/topic/fortune-telling.
3Wayne Shumaker, The Occult Sciences in the Renaissance: A Study in Intellectual Patterns (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1972), 11.
4Tikkanen, “Fortune-telling,” Encyclopedia Britannica.
5Abdülkerim Gülhan, “Türk Kültüründe Fal ve İsimlerle İlgili Bir Manzum Falname Örneği,” Divan Edebiyatı
Araştırmaları Dergisi 15 (2015): 196.
6Mehmet Aydın, “Fal,” TDV İslâm Ansiklopedisi 12 (İstanbul: Türk Diyanet Vakfı, 1995), 134-138
2
peculiarities, such as having each verse illustrated on every page. Moreover, the
manuscript has been previously dated to the sixteenth century,7 and there is a
translation of the full text available only in Turkish.8 My suspicion about the dating
of the manuscript, which I believe could be older than suggested, led to this present
study on the manuscript. As a result of consultations with experts in old Anatolian
Turkish, the text can now be dated back to sometime between the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries based on particularities of its grammar and vocabulary. Thus,
the main objective of this thesis is to redate and recontextualize the manuscript to
the Beylik period by studying the two components of the manuscript: the text and
illustrations.
In the light of this purpose, in this thesis I have revisited the complete manuscript
and have attempted to transcribe into Turkish and explain the verses in English
as accurately as possible, with the goal of providing a precise translation. As my
second objective, I attempt to reinterpret the provenance of the manuscript and
attribute the text to a patronage network by reassessing the historical context of the
work to sometime between the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Methodologically
speaking, discussions on manuscripts are predominantly interdisciplinary since they
provide reconsiderations from both an art historical and linguistic perspective.
Since it was not possible to submit the physical components of the manuscript such
as binding, paper, ink, paints for close examination and dating, this thesis considers
the text and the illustrations. In doing so, my methodology not only includes
qualitative analysis, but also the interpretation of contextual and circumstantial
evidence as part of textual and visual aspects of the manuscript.
In the first place, it is important to discuss some background information regarding
fourteenth- and fifteenth-century Medieval Anatolia, as well as the way in which
literary production in vernacular Turkish emerged and illustrated manuscripts were
commissioned in this particular period. Following this, in addition to a brief survey
of the practice of bibliomancy within the context of falnamas, which provides information
that will reinforce the issues discussed thereinafter, available studies about
this genre will be reviewed before the Falname (No. 5179) is analyzed in detail in
7Massumeh Farhad and Serpil Bağcı, Falnama: The Book of Omens (Washington, D.C: Arthur M. Sackler
Gallery, Smithsonian Institution, Thames & Hudson, 2009), 25.
8This was published by Esra Gencel as her M.A. thesis, but the number of mistakes in the translation may
have led some later scholars to misinterpret some of its content since it contains words that do not exist
in any language and was occasionally misread. Esra Gencel, “Ankara Milli Kütüphane’de Yer Alan 5179
Numaralı Falname” (M.A. Thesis, Erciyes Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Sanat Tarihi Anabilim
Dalı -, 2011). Also in Esra Tay, “Geleceğe Kur’a Atmak: Resimli Bir Hurşidname,” III. Uluslararası Akdeniz
Sanat Sempozyumu Kültürel Mirasın Korunması ve Yaşatılmması Sempozyumu-Sergisi, ed. Menekşe Suzan
Teker (Antalya: Akdeniz University, 2018), 109-118.
3
the following chapters.
1.1 Anatolia in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries
The social and cultural climate in Anatolia in the period during which the Falname
(No. 5179) was produced was profoundly fragmented and complex due to constant
political instabilities. Up until the mid-eleventh century, Anatolia9 was populated
largely by ‘Greeks and Armenians, and a relatively smaller number of Georgians
and Syrian Christians,’ and was entirely a Christian land.10 Following the conquest
of the Seljuks in Anatolia between 1081 and 1307,11 the turning point at that time
in history was the Mongol invasion in 1243 in which the Seljuks became vassals
of the Ilkhanids,12 Even though the Mongols were the new leaders of the former
Seljuk principalities, their absolute authority was divided among local Mongol
governors and Turcoman commanders, who then sought an opportunity to become
independent. Upon the collapse of Mongol domination in 1335, the local rulers
established autonomy in their districts; some of the prominent beyliks during this
period were the Germiyans in Kütahya, the Candarids in Kastamonu, the Eretna
around Sivas and Kayseri, the Karamanids, the Eşrefids and Hamidis in the central
Anatolia, and the Saruhanids and Aydınids in the coasts.13
9Blessing and Goshgarian discuss the ways in which the term ‘Anatolia’ is dynamic and coexistent within the
framework of multilingualism and political instability, in addition to the term’s geographical and political
connotations in modern historiography. See Patricia Blessing and Rachel Goshgarian, “Introduction: Space
and Place: Applications to Medieval Anatolia,” Architecture and Landscape in Medieval Anatolia, 1100-
1500 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2018), 1-7.
10A.C.S. Peacock, Bruno De Nicola, and Sara Nur Yıldız, “Introduction,” in Islam and Christianity in
Medieval Anatolia. (Farnham: Ashgate, 2015) 1-2.
11The encounter of the pastoral Seljuk culture and Byzantine Christianity in Anatolia is also crucial to
understanding the complexity of the culture of this era. Not only because the Seljuk dynasties appropriated
already established Byzantine culture, but also, as is mentioned, the cultural change to Islam (the so-called
‘Islamization’ period), was not a gradual process. Therefore, Islam could not achieve dominance in this
area until around the fifteenth century; that is, until ‘Anatolian Islam’ fully developed. For more detailed
information, see Peacock, De Nicola and Yıldız, “Introduction”; Alexander Beihammer, Byzantium and the
Emergence of Muslim-Turkish Anatolia, Ca. 1040-1130 (London and New York: Routledge, 2017); Sophie
Métivier, “Byzantium in Question of 13th century Seljuk Anatolia,” in Liquid & Multiple: Individuals
and Identities in the Thirteenth-Century Aegean. ed. Guillaume Saint-Guillain, Dionysios Stathakopoulos
(Leuven: Peeters. 2012), 235- 258.Johannes Preiser-Kapeller, “Liquid Frontiers: A Relational Analysis of
Maritime Asia Minor as a Religious Contact Zone in the Thirteenth-Fifteenth Centuries,” In Islam and
Christianity in Medieval Anatolia. ed. A.C.S. Peacock, Bruno De Nicola, Sara Nur Yıldız. (Farnham:
Ashgate, 2015), 117-147.
12This is a fragmented and culturally complex period of Anatolian history that is necessary to our understanding
of Medieval Anatolia because of the establishment of Seljuk institutions, both economic and
cultural. For more information on this period see Claude Cahen, The Formation of Turkey: The Suljukid
Sultanate of Rum: Eleventh to Fourteenth Century (London: Routledge, 2001); and Gary Leiser, “The
Turks in Anatolia before the Ottomans,” in The New Cambridge History of Islam 2, ed. Maribel Fierro,
299-312. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010).
13Following a brief review of the historical sources from this period, Rudi Lindner outlines the socio-political
conjuncture of Anatolia in 1300-1451 from the Mongol collapse and the establishment of the beyliks to the
rise of the Ottomans. Though his survey focuses on the Ottomans, he provides a critical overview of the
4
As the constant geographical dynamism of the beyliks suggests, they were predominantly
organized as pastoral military groups due to their dependency on territorial
expansion, taxation, and control of the trade routes either over land or sea. Their
state policy was based on the ‘family enterprises,’, to use the terminology of Sara
Nur Yıldız, and their lands were divided among the male members of the household.
Thus, the extreme decentralization of the beyliks not only brought weakness and
diffusion in a generation or two, but also competition in various areas, including
patronage.14
The beys, as independent Turcoman governors, ruled over a heterogeneous society,
spoke diverse languages such as Arabic, Armenian, Greek, Persian, and Turkish,
and practiced different religions. Considering the Turco-Mongolian nomadic modus
vivendi, the political organization inherited from the Seljuks, and the ‘Perso-Islamic
court culture’ from the Ilkhanids, the intensity of the cultural synthesis of the
beyliks provides a basis for their patronage activities.15
Due to a lack of sources that mention artisans and workshops and a lack of texts
that elaborate on artistic perception and aesthetic values, it is said to be difficult
to assess and interpret the material culture of Medieval Anatolia.16 Yet, in light
of the surviving texts, the Aydinids, Germiyanids, and Candarids were the most
prominent beyliks who patronized literary court culture, even though the Ottomans
were the leading political and military figures of fourteenth-century Anatolia. In
terms of literary production, the Candarids mostly preferred religious content, the
Germiyanids were interested in Turkish poetry, and the Aydinids’ preference of
literary production varied from mesnevi romances to formal texts including medicine
and adab literature,17 which will be elaborated on in the following chapter.
Beylik period, including their economy, culture, patronage, and polity, which also enables the reader to
understand why the beyliks were short-lived and the Ottomans survived. See Rudi Lindner, “Anatolia,
1300–1451,” in The Cambridge History of Turkey 1, ed. Kate Fleet, 102–37. (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2009).
14Peacock, De Nicola and Yıldız. Islamic Literature and Intellectual Life in Fourteenth- and Fifteenth-
Century Anatolia, 25-28.
15Ibid, 24-25.
16Blessing and Goshgarian. Architecture and Landscape in Medieval Anatolia, 1100-1500, 16.
17Peacock, De Nicola and Yıldız. Islamic Literature and Intellectual Life in Fourteenth- and Fifteenth-
Century Anatolia, 28.
5
1.2 Literary Production in Vernacular Turkish in Fourteenth- and
Fifteenth-century Anatolia
Since Falname (No. 5179) is written in vernacular Anatolian Turkish, the trend of
writing in vernacular Turkish in Anatolia, especially in the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries, is explored further below. I will refer to this phenomenon in Chapter
3 of this thesis when asserting the date of Falname (No. 5179)’s production and
correspondingly corroborating the claim through the recontextualization of the
manuscript.
The emergence and spread of texts written in Turkish in Anatolia is not only
related to the increasing patronage of literati by multiple courts that emerged as
an interrelated result of the aforementioned politically fragmented conjuncture of
Medieval Anatolia; it is also related to the spread of Islam among the monolingual
communities, that is to say in this case, people who only spoke Turkish.18 Some
of the earliest texts in Turkish were written in Kırşehir, which became one of
the religious centers of Central Anatolia with the rise of zawiyas and the Sufi
network. These texts, which included among them Gülşehri’s Mantık’ut Tayr
and Aşık Paşa’s Garibname, were largely hagiographies and mystical poems, with
target audiences outside of the literati. As this socio-religious context suggests, the
increasing tendency to write in vernacular Turkish was very much associated with
the effective proliferation and cultural dominance of Sufi orders in the region in the
late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries, especially in the absence of a court
sphere in Kırşehir.19
Likewise, the Turkish-speaking leaders of the beyliks enthusiastically followed the
phenomenon of vernacularization by patronizing the scholars and poets who were
pursuing commissions. Accordingly, literary production in Anatolian Turkish, in
addition to the translations from other languages such as Arabic and Persian,
flourished in the courts.20 The most significant of the beyliks, based on the intensity
of patronage activities, were the Germiyanids, centered in Kütahya,21 and the
18Ibid, 20.
19Ibid, 32-33.
20Ibid, 30.
21For more information on Germiyanid literary production, see Sooyong Kim, “Literary Culture in Fifteenth
Century Kütahya: A Preliminary Assessment,” in Islamic Literature and Intellectual Life in Fourteenthand
Fifteenth-Century Anatolia, ed. Peacock and Yıldız, 383-400; and Emek Üşenmez, “Eski Anadolu
6
Aydinids,22 on the Aegean Coast, who already developed literature in diverse genres
and in various languages.23
Edited by A.C.S. Peacock and Sara Nur Yıldız, Islamic Literature and Intellectual
Life in Fourteenth- and Fifteenth-Century Anatolia illustrates how the texts written
in Turkish exemplified the intellectual concerns of the courts due to the content
chosen by the patrons, as well as how textual production can shed light on the
religious and cultural interests of society away from the literate elites in the
courts in those particular centuries. Moreover, since the region called Anatolia
today was located between the Persian world, which inherited ‘Central Asian
Mongol traditions’ and housed the cultural centers of the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries, and the Arab lands which culturally flourished under the Mamluks, the
Medieval Anatolian intellectuals and patrons were inevitably exposed to influences
from both.24 It is also noteworthy that the independence of the beyliks from the
Ilkhanids induced their interest in literary production as a mode of emphasizing
their separation. In light of this socio-political context and the existing multilingual
and heterogeneous society, it might not be a coincidence that the beyliks aimed
to create a disparate identity and therefore displayed a predilection for writing in
Turkish, as has been suggested.25
As Peacock and Yıldız highlight in their introductory chapter, the exact relationship
between the establishment of Turkish-speaking beyliks and literary production
in vernacular Turkish still requires extensive study. This is due to the fact that
while a text should normally be studied within the framework of the socio-cultural
and political context it was written, the literary productions of this era have frequently
been studied independently. Consequently, this provides only a limited
Türkçesi Açısından Germiyanlı (Kütahya) Şairlerin Yeri ve Kütahya’daki Yazma Eserler Kütüphanelerinin
Önemi,” International Periodical For The Languages 8, no. 1 (2013): 2787-2805.
22As a bureaucrat in the Aydinid court and a bibliophile who had his own book collection, Umur Bey is
a fascinating case to discuss. I will discuss Umur Bey’s book collection in the following chapters of this
thesis. Related to the tendency to write in Turkish in this period, the vaqf inscription written in Turkish
on the mosque commissioned by Umur Bey is another remarkable example. See Mustafa Çağhan Keskin,
“Umur Bey Taş Vakfiyesi: Eser ve İçerik üzerine Bir Değerlendirme,” Osmanlı Araştırmaları / The Journal
of Ottoman Studies, LIII. (2019): 121-151.
23Peacock and Yıldız. Islamic Literature and Intellectual Life in Fourteenth- and Fifteenth-Century Anatolia,
32-33.
24Ibid, 20.
25Sara Nur Yıldız elaborates on the issue of forming a distinctive identity in her article. Sara Nur Yıldız,
“Aydinid Court Literature in the Formation of an Islamic Identity in Fourteenth- Century Western Anatolia,”
in Islamic Literature and Intellectual Life in Fourteenth- and Fifteenth-Century Anatolia, ed. Peacock
and Yıldız, 197-241.
7
understanding of the Medieval Anatolian literature and the centuries-long process
of its emergence and development.26 By the same token, often the texts of this era
are studied by Turkish-speaking historians exclusively with a philological interest,
since this particular language constitutes a basis for ‘Classical Ottoman Turkish’
from the sixteenth century onwards.27 To sum up, despite the fact that there have
not yet been enough studies done to properly depict the sudden burst of literary
production in Anatolian Turkish, the phenomena can still be traced back to the
Beylik period of the fourteenth century, with the trend gathering momentum in the
fifteenth century.28
1.3 Illustrated Manuscript Patronage in Anatolia in the Medieval
Period
In Medieval Anatolia, illustrated manuscripts were generally commissioned by
patrons. Before elaborating on the tradition of illustrated falnamas, a brief survey
of illustrated manuscript production will help to contextualize not only the genre
of falnamas and the practice of bibliomancy, but also the particular manuscript
that will be investigated in the following chapters. Since Falname (No. 5179) is
an illustrated manuscript that is datable to sometime between the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries, the concise overview below focuses on patronage activities both
before the fourteenth century and after the fifteenth century, in order to explore
the a priori resemblances discussed in the following chapters.
One of the earliest illustrated manuscripts in Anatolia was produced for the
Artuqids sometime in the twelfth and the thirteenth centuries.29 Due to the
burgeoning patronage activities of local notables in Diyarbakır and Mardin,
these cities became the centers for illustrated book production. For example,
the Suvar el-Kevâkıb el Sâbıta, an illustrated manuscript produced in 1135,
depicts the stars, zodiac signs, and cosmos based on Ptolemy’s Almagest, in a
26Ibid, 20
27Ibid, 22.
28Especially under the patronage of Murad II and Mehmed II. Ibid, 28-30.
29In addition to local traditions, the artistic milieu of this era conveyed traces of Central Asian styles and
techniques, which were brought by the Seljuks in Iran. For more information on the Central Asian style
and its influence on later centuries’ artistic production, see Esin, Emel Esin, Türk Sanatında İkonografik
Motifler (Istanbul: Kabalcı Yayınevi. 2003); Banu Mahir, “Osmanlı Öncesinde Türk Minyatür Geleneği,”
in Osmanlı Minyatür Sanatı (Istanbul: Kabalcı Yayıncılık, 2012): 31-35; Nurhan Atasoy, and Filiz Çağman,
“Introduction,” Turkish Miniature Painting, RCD Cultural Institute 44 (1974): 14-17.
8
schematic and colorless manner.30 Some other manuscripts with illustrations
that are known to produced under the Artuqid patronage include a copy of De
Materia Medica that contains hundreds of images of animals and plants, Kitab
el-Hıyel el-Hendesiye, the book on the mechanic devices of el-Cezeri (d. 1206),
a copy of Beydeba’s Kalila wa Dimna,31 and a copy of Hariri’s (d. 1122) Maqamat.32
As the capital city of the Seljuks, Konya was another center for book production
in the thirteenth century. A significant work, entitled Varqa and Gülşah, depicts
an eleventh-century love story through its 71 illustrations.33 Furthermore, in
Menakıbü’l-Arifin by Ahmed Eflaki (d. 1360), it is stated that Rumi and his companions
were interested in commissioning pictorial arts and artists. Two examples
of artists are Kaluyan, who is said to be unmatched in the art of depiction, and
Aynüddevle, who was commissioned by Gürcü Hatun (d. 1286), a notable from a
Seljuk household, to depict Rumi in twenty different illustrations.34 It is said that
these two Greek artists came to Konya from Constantinople, where they studied
Christian icon painting in the monasteries.35
As this case exemplifies, there was fluidity in terms of the identities of the artists in
Medieval Anatolia. For example, there are similarities in terms of the iconography
in Cappadocian murals from the thirteenth century and Daqa’iq al-Haqa-iq, a
manuscript commissioned by Seljuk ruler Gıyaseddin Keyhüsrev III (d. 1284) that
was produced by a Greek or Christian workshop attached to the Seljuk court.36 As
scholars suggest, parts of the manuscript were produced in Aksaray in 1272 and in
Kayseri in 1273, which together reflected the ‘Christian-Islamic artistic milieu’ of
30Zeren Tanındı, Türk Minyatür Sanatı (Istanbul: Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları, 1996): 3.
31Bernard O’Kane’s extensive study on the manuscripts of Kalila and Dimna demonstrates the similarities
and differences between previous and contemporary copies of the illustrated story in terms of its artistic
style. For more information, see - Bernard O’Kane, Early Persian Painting Kalila and Dimna Manuscripts
of the Late Fourteenth Century (London: I.B. Tauris, 2003).
32Ibid, 4-5. For more detailed information on the Maqamat, see David J Roxburgh, “In Pursuit of Shadows:
Al-Hariri’s Maqamat,” Muqarnas 30 (2013): 171-212.
33Bağcı, Çağman, Renda, and Tanındı suggest that the images were in line with the Kubadabad tiles and
minai ceramics, which together reflect the prevalent aesthetic manner of the era. See Serpil Bağcı, Filiz
Çağman, Günsel Renda, and Zeren Tanındı, Ottoman Painting (Ankara: Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlığı
Yayınları, 2006), 14-15.
34Ibid, 15.
35Tolga Uyar explains how Aflaki’s Manaqıb-al ‘Arifin narrates Rumi’s patronage of Kaluyan and Aynüddevle.
B. Tolga Uyar, “Thirteenth Century ‘Byzantine’ Art in Cappadocia and the Question of Greek Painters at
the Seljuk Court,” in Islam and Christianity in Medieval Anatolia. ed. Peacock, De Nicola, Yıldız,. 218.
36Ibid, 222-231.
9
thirteenth-century Anatolia.37
In addition to Greek artists, it should also be mentioned that there were several
illustrated manuscripts produced by Armenian artists, especially during the
medieval era from the ninth century onwards. Within the extensive geography of
the Armenian world, which stretched from Yerevan to Cilicia, the most popular
genre were the books of the Gospel, which included lavishly depicted saints, holy
figures of the church, scenes from the Bible, and even the portraits of the donors in
certain cases.38 The lifelike figures in these books were depicted in colorful scenes
with golden halos around their heads; these not only resembled church murals, but
also influenced manuscript production in later centuries.
In the Ottoman realm, the patronage of illustrated book production began in the
early fifteenth century. When he was a prince at the court of Amasya, Murad
II commissioned a copy of İskendername in 1416,39 which is said to be evidence
of an already sophisticated artistic milieu in Amasya.40 Furthermore, Mehmed
II commissioned Şerafettin Sabuncuoğlu, a physician in an Amasya hospital, to
produce a medical text called Cerrahhiye-i- İlhaniyye in 1466. Since the author
states that the book was written as a manual for physicians across Anatolia who
could only read in Turkish, the depictions were intended to be utilized for practical
purposes. Thus, the manuscript exemplifies how styles and depictions diversified in
fifteenth-century Anatolia.41
Not only in Amasya, but also in Edirne, there were a handful of illustrated
books commissioned and produced for the Ottoman court in the fifteenth century.
Among them was Dilsuzname by Bediüddin Tebrizi, produced aroudn 1455, and
its contemporary text Külliyat-ı Kâtibi, a corpus by Şemseddin Muhammed b.
37Bağcı. Çağman. Renda, Tanındı. Ottoman Painting, 15. For more information on the manuscript, see
Court and Cosmos: the Great Age of the Seljuqs. eds. Sheila Canby, Deniz Beyazit, Martina Rugiadi and
A.C.S. Peacock (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2016), 213.
38For more information on Armenian art, see Christina Maranci, The Art of Armenia: An Introduction,
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018).
39Bağcı elaborates on the styles of various images depicted in İskendername and its later copy in her
Ph.D. thesis. Serpil Bağcı, “Minyatürlü Ahmedi İskendernameleri: İkonografik Bir Deneme,” (Ph.D. diss.,
Hacettepe üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 1989). Bağcı, Çağman, Renda, and Tanındı also compare
Mehmed II’s copy of İskendername to those of the contemporary illustrated books created in Edirne. See
Bağcı, Çağman, Renda, and Tanındı, Ottoman Painting. 27-32.
40Bağcı, Çağman, Renda and Tanındı. Ottoman Painting, 21-22.
41Ibid, 23-24.
10
Abdullah Nişâburi.42 Upon the conquest of Constantinople, Mehmed II invited
artists to his court in the new capital city. Therefore, with the establishment of the
palace nakkaşhane, the new phase of Ottoman painting evolved.43
In short, illustrated manuscripts commissioned in Anatolia were both produced in
various parts of the region and were quite diverse in terms of their content. The
artist’s stylistic mode of representation was usually determined by the artists’ dialogue
with their contemporary context, as they blended certain artistic conventions,
creating a diversity of genres and subject matter. In conjunction with this phenomenon,
this brief survey argues that the variation of artistic themes that were
supported by patrons, and the aesthetic concerns of the patrons and their artists,
was due in large part to the region’s socio-political fragmentation, which eventually
contributed the development of established genres, but also engendered new genres.
1.4 Fortunetelling and Bibliomancy in Medieval Anatolia
Before elaborating on the Falname (No. 5179), it is useful to briefly look at the
tradition of bibliomancy and what has already been studied—most specifically in
terms of falnamas in the Islamic context—by explaining how and when the genre
emerged, and how it developed until the time that the Falname (No. 5179) was
produced.
A recent study on the subject is entitled Prognostication in the Medieval World:
A Handbook by Matthias Heiduk, Klaus Herbers, and Hans-Christian Lehner,
and consists of a two-volume guide introducing all of the types of prognostication
that were practiced during the Middle Ages by people of almost all religions and
cultures, including Islam. Organized as a series of essays written by prominent
scholars in the field, the first volume includes brief surveys of how prognostication
emerged in each culture, how it was perceived by society and scholars, and a list of
rituals and methods used for diverse purposes from weather forecasting to dream
interpretation.44
42Ibid, 24-26. For more information on Külliyat-ı Kâtibi, see Filiz Çağman, “Sultan II. Mehmet Dönemine
Ait Bir Minyatürlü Yazma: Külliyat-ı Kâtibi,” Sanat Tarihi Yıllığı 6 (1974): 333-346.
43Mahir, Osmanlı Minyatür Sanatı, 46.
44Matthias Heiduk, Klaus Herbers, and Hans-Christian Lehner, Prognostication in the Medieval World: A
Handbook (Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter, 2020).
11
As the particular study suggests, it is not necessarily within Islamic culture that the
tradition of bibliomancy first emerged and expanded; rather, earlier religions and
cultures were crucial in the establishment of bibliomancy as a body of knowledge
and practice. Seeking guidance from the Hebrew Bible by throwing dice was
a common practice in Judaism, in addition to seeking guidance from several
manuscripts written specifically for the purpose of foretelling. For instance, an
article by Ortal-Paz Saar contained in the volume demonstrates how documents
from the Cairo Genizah, manuscripts from between the ninth and nineteenth
centuries found in the Ben Ezra Synagogue, exemplified divination practices such
as lot divination and dice divination. These manuscripts were part of everyday life
for Jews from Late Antiquity up to the Medieval period.45
Moreover, Matthias Heiduk’s article about the relationship between prognostication
and games in the second volume brings to light another aspect of this practice:
that people also perceived fortunetelling as a form of entertainment. This was
likely because the process involves drawing lots or sticks, throwing bones or dice,
or counting rhymes. Heiduk’s article highlights the links between vernacular terms
used for defining such practices in various languages. This link was strong enough
that some fortunetelling books in the Medieval period explicitly write that the
reader should not take the ritual seriously, but rather perform it to seek amusement
and enjoy art.46 Interestingly, the same intention would be emphasized centuries
later in the falnama produced for Cem Sultan, most probably due to restrictions in
Islam which will be discussed in Chapter 3.47
During my research, I did not encounter any particular book written specifically
about fortunetelling in the Byzantine-Armenian-Greek context. Rather, what I
found is that, in addition to traditional methods such as consulting the Bible,
astrology, celestial signs, and so on, they also used Gospel books for divination.
In his book Divining Gospel: Oracles of Interpretation in a Syriac Manuscript of
John, Jeff W. Childers explores the usage of the Gospel of John as a divinatory
text; indeed, it had been consulted by Christians alongside the Bible as early as
45Ortal Paz Saar, “Divination and Prognostication in the Cairo Genizah,” in Prognostication in the Medieval
World: A Handbook. eds. Heiduk, Herbers, and Lehner, 746-752.
46Matthias Heiduk, “Games and Prognostication: The Examples of Libro de los Juegos and De vetula,” in
Prognostication in the Medieval World: A Handbook, eds. eds. Heiduk, , Herbers, and Lehner, 777-785.
47Ömer Faruk Yiğiterol, “Fal-name-i Cem Sultan,” in Cem Sultan ve Dönemi (Bursa: Bursa Osmangazi
Belediyesi Yayınları, 2018), 198.
12
the sixth century, even for everyday issues. In addition to explaining the process of
fortunetelling through the use of these books, Childers also provides four versions
of the text translated from Greek, Coptic, Latin, and Armenian, and compares
them to reveal that they are almost identical.48
In the Islamic context, fortunetelling is strictly prohibited in the Qur’an by
condemning those whose practice it, as seen in Surah Maidah [3]49 and [90]50. For
this reason, tafa’ul and istikhara which broadly mean ‘to interpret favorably,’ are
regarded as a form of fortunetelling. It is further reinforced by the Islamification of
the process, for instance reading some pages from Qur’an, performing namaz before
divination, and so on.51 Consequently, Arabic letters, numbers, God’s names, stars,
poems, and so on were frequently used in the Islamic world for divination, evidently
confirming that the practice of fortunetelling was indeed legitimized by the religion
itself.52
During the Middle Ages, one of the most common fortunetelling practices was
called fal-i Qur’an. As the name suggests, it was performed with the use of a
Qur’an.53 This particular type of fa’l or tafa’ul required user manuals for rules and
interpretations, which were called falnamas, and were either attached to the Qur’an
or composed as a freestanding text.54 Irk Bitig, the famous “Book of Omens” of
the Uighur Turks that was written in the medieval period, is an example of the rich
context for Islamic traditions of istikhara from books.55 Other notable examples
of this kind of divination include Muhiyiddin-i Arabi’s and Cafer-i Sadık’s books,
which were among the most common sources used for fortunetelling, and Hafız’s
48For more information, see Jeff W Childers, Divining Gospel: Oracles of Interpretation in a Syriac
Manuscript of John (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2020).
49“. . .You are forbidden to settle disputes by consulting the Arrows. That is a pernicious practice. . . ”
translated with notes by N.J. Dawood, The Koran. (London and New York: Penguin Books, 1990).
50“Believers, wine and games of chance, idols and divining arrows, are abominations devised by Satan. Avoid
them, so that you may prosper. . . ” The Koran, trans. Dawood.
51For more information on the divination in Islam, see Abdülkerim Gülhan, “Türk Kültüründe Fal ve İsimlerle
İlgili Bir Manzum Falname Örneği,” Divan Edebiyatı Araştırmaları Dergisi 15 (2015): 196-202.
52Christiane Gruber, “Divination,” in Medieval Islamic Civilization: An Encyclopedia 1, ed. Josef W. Meri.
(London: Routledge, -2006), 209-211; İsmail Hikmet Ertaylan, Falname (İstanbul: Sucuoğlu Matbaası,
1951), 1-20.
53Gülhan, “Türk Kültüründe Fal ve İsimlerle İlgili Bir Manzum Falname Örneği,” 196-202.
54Christiane Gruber, “The ‘Restored Shi’i Mushaf as Divine Guide? The Practice of Fal-ı Quran in the
Safavid Period,” Journal of Qur’anic Studies 13, no. 2, (2011): 33.
55Written around 930 CE in Mani, Irk Bitig consist of sixty-five chapters, each of them corresponding to a
particular divination. For more information on this manuscript, see Marcel Erdal, “Further Notes on the
Irk Bitig,” Turkic Languages 1 (1997): 63-100.
13
(d. 1390) Divan, the use of which expanded from Iran and circulated in Ottoman
regions later in the sixteenth century.56 Thus, the common practice of searching
for guidance from the aforementioned books enabled the development of the genre
of illustrated falnamas.57
The first extensive study on falnamas was İsmail Hikmet Ertaylan’s 1951 Falname,
which was a pioneer in the field due to its complete enumeration of surviving
falnamas. For the first time, Ertaylan classified falnama types for the benefit
of future researchers, and provided brief information on each falnama extant in
the libraries of Istanbul and other provinces, making it clear that the falnamas
were produced in significant numbers. Since this book was published before
the acquisition of Falname (no.5179) by the National Library, Ertaylan did not
cover this particular manuscript. Yet his work remains relevant to this study for
demonstrating the variety of falnamas produced across the centuries. It also has a
facsimile of a fortunetelling book that was commissioned by Mehmed II, which is
one of the comparanda in this study for Falnama (no.5179).58 Along with Ertaylan’s
book, Ayşe Duvarcı’s study entitled Türkiye’de Falcılık Geleneği İle Bu Konuda İki
Eser: “Risale-i Falname Li Cafer-i Sadık” ve “Tefe’ülname” represents another
prominent secondary source, since it discusses the origin of the word ‘fortunetelling,’
fortunetelling rituals, and how the traditions emerged.59 Similar to Ertaylan’s work,
she ends the text with her studies on the Risale-i Falname Li Cafer’i Sadık and
Tefe’ülname texts. These studies are perhaps the most cited sources by researchers
who analyze individual falnamas, either for linguistic, artistic, or historical purposes.
Thus far, the most lengthy and in-depth studies dedicated to the close examination
of particular falnamas have mostly been done with the aim of revealing either the
semantic or lingual characteristics of the texts. For this reason, falnamas have
mainly been studied independently of their historical context. For instance, in his
M.A. thesis “Falnâme-i Ca’fer-i Sâdık”, which is based upon his analysis of the
aforementioned text’s language and grammar, Umut Kadiroğulları indicates that
the text carried the characteristics of Old Anatolian Turkish and was translated
from one of the fortunetelling books by Ca’fer-i Sadık (d. 765), the sixth Imam
56Gruber, “The ‘Restored Shi’i Mushaf as Divine Guide?,” 31-32.
57Ibid, 29-30.
58Ertaylan, Falname, 1-20.
59Ayşe Duvarcı, Türkiye’de Falcılık Geleneği İle Bu Konuda iki Eser: “Risale-i Falname Li Cafer-i Sadık”
ve “Tefe’ülname” (Ankara: Kültür Bakanlığı Halk Kültürlerini Araştırma ve Geliştirme Genel Müdürlüğü
Yayınları, 1993).
14
of the Shi’ites.60 The text consists of 54 folios, including a guide for the process
of fortunetelling. In the first part, there are charts of the seasons and directions
that guide the reader towards their omens. After this, there are tables of horoscopes
and planets, with each of these directing the reader to the section of a
particular caliph. The last section contains verses of fortunetelling from thirty
caliphs, which allow the fortuneteller to eventually learn about the person’s future.61
Likewise, Vedat Kartalcık’s M.A. thesis on the Turkish translation of a falnama
that he found in Konya from the time of the reign of Murad II. Though the study
also aims to contribute to the field of linguistics, Kartalcık provides significant
information about the context of the text. As he notes, the manuscript was first
written in Arabic for the Abbasid Caliph Harun Reşid (d.809), translated into
Persian, and then translated into Turkish upon the request of Murad II, as the
inscribed dates suggest. The manuscript is unique because the author of the
manuscript explains how he studied books on astrology and fortunetelling from
India to Rumelia and then lays out his own complex method of fortunetelling that
he elaborates in detail throughout the text.62
By the same token, a recent article by Samet Onur on a falnama written in
Khwarezm-Turkish and now located in the Topkapı Palace Library (Koğuşlar,
no. 1057) argues that this particular falnama is one of the earliest in Anatolia,
dated back to the fourteenth century and presumably used in Edirne Palace. The
unillustrated manuscript consists of fifty-nine folios and the process of fortunetelling
is mostly based on numerical calculations involving Arabic letters, horoscopes, and
surahs from the Qur’an. Onur also mentions the marginal notes of the author
which explain the results of the fortunes of famous fifteenth-century figures such
as the poet Şeyhi and Anadolu Beylerbeyi Hamza Bey who were at Edirne at that
time, a feature which contributes to the dating of the manuscript.63
60This copy is now located in Bursa’s İnebey Manuscript Library (no. 5489), and other copies of this
falnama can be found in the National Library (no. A2146) and Süleymaniye Library (no. 0000153). Umut
Kadiroğulları, “Falnâme-i Ca’fer Sâdik (Giriş-İnceleme-Metin-Sözlük)” (M.A. Thesis, Uludağ Üniversitesi
Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Türk Dili Ve Edebiyati Anabilim Dali, 2016).
61Ibid, 18-19.
62Vedat Kartalcık, “Falname: Giriş- İnceleme- Metin- Söz Dizini- Tıpkıbasım” (M.A. Thesis, Süleyman
Demirel üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Türk Dili ve Edebiyatı Bölümü 2000).
63I will discuss this particular manuscript in the following chapters of this thesis. Samet Onur, “Harezm
TürkÇesiyle Yazılmış Bir Fal Kitabı,” Modern Türklük Araştırmaları Dergisi 17, no. 1. (March 2020):
96-119.
15
Even though they pursued different methodologies and had a different purpose than
this thesis, the preceding dissertations and the latter article are highlighted in this
brief review because of the fact that they are related in terms of demonstrating the
characteristics of falnamas in this particular era, and exemplifying the enthusiasm
of scholars from the period for this genre. These studies also illustrate the ways in
which each manuscript was produced, particularly during the period in which Old
Anatolian Turkish was still in use.
Perhaps the most comprehensive study that analyzes illustrated falnama books
in terms of their iconography is Zühal Akar’s M.A. Thesis, in which she analyzes
two monumental falnama manuscripts from the Topkapı Palace Library. The
falnama copy called H.1703, also studied by Bağcı and Farhad for a 2009 exhibition
(described further below), is the famous Falname produced by Kalender Paşa for
Ahmed I. It was composed in Ottoman Turkish verse and has thirty-five illustrations
of various religious scenes, from the miracles of the prophets to depictions of heaven
and hell. On the other hand, it is thought that H.1702 was produced after Kalender
Paşa produced a Falname for Ahmed I (H.1703). Written in Persian, it has sixty
monumental illustrations of religious scenes that are said to be reminiscent of
Tahmasb’s dispersed Falnama, which was produced in the 1550s in Tabriz or
Qazvin. It is also reminiscent of a copy of the Falnama now in Dresden, which was
also produced in the 1600s, most likely in Isfahan, and thought to be taken by the
Ottomans in 1718 or earlier.
In her work, Akar not only compares the text’s iconography with contemporaneous
manuscripts of its kind, but also analyzes the relationship between the text and
each illustration, though the content and iconography have similar tendencies in
terms of their mode of representation. She brings forth further sixteenth-century
manuscripts that contain illustrated stories of the prophets such as Kısas-ı Enbiya,
Zübtetü’t Tevarih, and Hadıkatü’s Süeda, in order to scrutinize the artist’s approach
and interpretation of each scene. She concludes that the artists of the falnama
manuscripts apparently applied regularized but simplified iconography. In this way,
they aimed to grab the attention of the reader and direct it to the text rather than
the image by maintaining the focus towards the falnama text itself, instead of the
actual story of the prophets.64
64Zühal Akar, Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi’nde Bulunan İki Falname ve Resimleri (M.A. Thesis, Hacettepe University,
2002).
16
The most recent and comprehensive publication dedicated solely to illustrated
falnamas is Massumeh Farhad and Serpil Bağcı’s catalogue of the exhibition
“Falnama: The Book of Omens” held in Washington between October 24, 2009 and
January 24, 2010.65 As their research demonstrates, before the full development
of illustrated falnamas as a separate genre, single page illustrations that depicted
divinatory features were widely available. The way in which the scenes were
illustrated in those separate images served as models for later falnama books. The
most exemplary depictions for falnamas were from Acaibü’l Mahlukat by Zakariya
ibn Muhammad ibn Mahmud (d. 1283),66 and Acaib by Muhammad ibn Mahmud
al-Tusi, written in 1160 or 1170. Both falnamas are about the lives of prophets
and kings, the interpretation of dreams and wonders of the world. Thus, these
books became significant sources and modeled for later depictions of the same
scenes.67 In parallel with these novelties, the first example of a detached falnama
with illustrations and corresponding omens is Muhammad ibn Badrettin Jajarmi’s
Munis al-ahrar fi daqa’iq al-ash’ar, written in 1341. This is one of the first examples
of divinatory poems with illustrations and one of the earliest visual representations
of the zodiac found in an Islamic manuscript.68
Bağcı and Farhad prefer to focus their extensive research on falnamas produced
over the course of the seventeenth century on a comparison between the Ottomans
and the Safavids. They highlight in their preliminary chapter that the origins
of the illustrated falnama tradition in Anatolia could be traced back to a book
called Daqa’iq al-Haqa-iq, dedicated to the last ruler of the Seljuks, Gıyaseddin
Keyhüsrev III (d. 1284). Even though the book was not specifically produced for
fortunetelling, it was used for divination since it combines magic and astrology.69
Hence, before analyzing the monumental illustrations of the Safavid’s dispersed
falnama and the falnama of Kalender Paşa commissioned for Ahmed I, they stress
65Farhad and Bağcı Book of Omens.
66Pancaroğlu examines images incorporated into cosmography that the writer Tusi aimed to posit within
the conceptual boundaries of the religious permissibility of figural representation in medieval Islam, particularly
in the late twelfth century. See Oya Pancaroğlu, “Signs in the Horizons: Concepts of Image
and Boundary in a Medieval Persian Cosmography,” RES: Anthropology and Aesthetics 43 (2003): 31-
41. Karin Rührdanz’s study on the sixteenth-century copies of this particular manuscript demonstrates
the significance of the manuscript, which continued to be commissioned with further additions and increased
aesthetic sophistication. See Karin Rührdanz, “Between Astrology and Anatomy,” Ars Orientalis
42 (2012): 56-66.
67Farhad and Bağcı, Book of Omens. 24.
68Ibid, 24.
69Farhad and Bağcı explain that even though the book was not specifically produced for augurating, it was
indeed used for fortunetelling. See The Book of Omens, 23-24. See also A.C.S. Peacock, “A Seljuk Occult
Manuscript and its World: MS Paris Persan 174,” The Seljuks and Their Successors: Art, Culture and
History (Edinburgh: Edinburgh Studies in Islamic Art, 2020), 163-179.
17
that the genre gained momentum in the second half of the sixteenth century under
Sultan Murad III, who was curious about dream interpretation, mysterious stories
and events, and exotic lands. In line with the demand and inclination of the patron,
copies and translations of Tarih-i Hindi Gharbi (Story of the West Indies) and
stories from the Thousand and One Nights and Acaibü’l Mahlükat were produced.
There is also an illustrated Siyer-i Nebi about the Prophet Muhammad and his
descendants’ lives, which ultimately became one of the most depicted scenes of
contemporaneous falnamas .
In that era, especially in court circles, many people were influential in the development
of interest in the falnama genre: Nurbanu Sultan as a queen and mother,
the chief white eunuch Gazanfer Ağa, the mistress housekeeper Canfeda Hatun,
and even Sufi sheiks that served as dream interpreters for the palace.70 As a result,
various books about talismans, zodiacs, and dreams, and also separate falnamas
Matali’ü’s- Sa’ade and Yenabi’u’s-Siyade were prepared for the daughters of Murad
III.71
It should be mentioned that both Mehmed II and Cem Sultan were interested in
commissioning fortunetelling books even before the genre evolved and diversified
in the seventeenth century. The Persian poet Hâmidi translated a falnama from
Arabic to Persian called Câm-ı Suhanguy for Mehmed II. He also commissioned
another Turkish falnama, which was published by Ertaylan and is located in the
İstanbul University Library, as mentioned above.72 On the other hand, Cem
Sultan’s falnamas were added to his Divan, and are available as two copies that are
both in the İstanbul University Library.73 Neither of the copies bears any images
depicting scenes or figures.
Moreover, the commissions of Turkish translations of Persian falnamas during the
70Farhad and Bağcı, Book of Omens. 73.
71See Bağcı, Çağman, Renda, and Tanındı, Ottoman Painting, 189-191 also discuss this period in terms of
their contribution to the art patronage of this era.
72Ertaylan, Falname, 31.
73For more information on the falnamas produced for Mehmed II, see Ertaylan, Falname; Duvarcı, Ayşe.
Türkiye’de Falcılık Geleneği. For more about Cem Sultan’s patronage, see Halil Ersoylu, “Fal-Falnâme ve
Fal-i Reyhan-ı Cem Sultan,”. İslam Medeniyeti Dergisi 10, no. 2 (1981): 69-81. Ömer Faruk Yiğiterol,
“Fal-name-i Cem Sultan,” Cem Sultan ve Dönemi. (Bursa: Bursa Osmangazi Belediyesi Yayınları, 2018):
197-207.
18
reign of Murad II74 and Bayezid II,75 in addition to Mehmed II’s and Cem Sultan’s76
ambitious patronage of falnamas77 , demonstrate how the already-established genre
continued in the expanding Ottoman state. During the sixteenth century, before
the aforementioned immense production of these texts began in the seventeenth
century, there were several types of books used for augurating. For instance,
Hurşidname (Book of the Sun) aims to allow one to prophesize through the letters
of the word hurşid, which means sun;78 this will be elaborated on in the following
chapters. Additionally, Yıldızname and Taliname, which are the same as falnama
in terms of content and purpose, but are different in terms of scheme, organization,
mathematical calculations, and the tone of the writer, are two other examples of
books used for augurating.79 It is also noteworthy that seeking guidance through
the use of the Qur’an was also a common practice in the Sunni Ottoman Empire.
The Safavid fal-i Qur’ans that were imported into Ottoman lands in the sixteenth
century were ‘Ottomanized’ before use by appropriating their ‘Shi’i characteristics.’80
Last but not least, Matthew Melvin-Koushki is another notable contributor to the
field, whose work is related to the Safavid notions of fortunetelling, occult sciences
and magic in the Islamic context. As he demonstrates, fortunetelling attained
further connotations in the Islamic context when the Ilkhanid theoretician Shams
al-Din Amuli (d. 1352) classified all occult sciences (such as alchemy, letter magic,
oneiromancy, physiognomy, and astrology) as natural sciences and Sufism as ‘the
supreme Islamic science;’ a model that was subsequently adopted throughout the
Persianate world.81 Furthermore, in relation to the increasing sophistication of the
74Discussed in Vural Kartalcık’s aforementioned study. See Kartalcık, Falname: Giriş- İnceleme- Metin- Söz
Dizini- Tıpkıbasım.
75Ahmet Tunç Şen studies Bayezid II’s personal interest in the science of the stars by analyzing his patronage
of books and münnecims (astronomers, astrologers) in light of archival documents and manuscripts. For
more information, see Ahmet Tunç Şen, “Reading the Stars at the Ottoman Court: Bayezid II and His
Celestial Interests,” Arabica 64, no. 3/4 (2017): 557-608.
76Gruber, “The ‘Restored Shi’i Mushaf as Divine Guide? The Practice of Fal-ı Quran in the Safavid Period,”
45.
77For more information on the enthusiasm for astrology and prognostication practices in the Ottoman Court
in this period, see Ahmet Tunç Şen. Astrology in the Service of the Empire: Knowledge, Prognostication,
and Politics at the Ottoman Court, 1450s-1550s. (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Chicago, 2016).
78Farhad and Bağcı, Book of Omens, 25.
79Nagihan Gür, “Osmanlı Fal Geleneği Bağlamında Yıldızname, Falname Ve Taliname Metinleri,” Milli
Folklor 24, no. 96 (2012): 211.
80Christiane Gruber explains that the endowment notes were added to the end of Qur’ans. Thus, once the
ending folios of the books were removed, they lost their Persian or Shi’ite character. See Gruber, “The
‘Restored Shi’i Mushaf as Divine Guide? The Practice of Fal-ı Quran in the Safavid Period,” 45.
81Matthew Melvin Koushki, “Astrology, Lettrism, Geomancy: The Occult-Scientific Methods of Post- Mongol
Islamicate Imperialism,” The Medieval History Journal 19, no. 1 (2016): 144.
19
process of prognostication and occult sciences, he argues that another aspect which
led to the production and spread of falnamas was the increasing anxiety about
the Messianic legitimization of political authority. The Islamic Millennium (1592
CE) and the apocalyptic concerns people had related to this event led to a rise in
alternative ways of accumulating power, including Sufism, occultism, and Shi’ism.
For this reason, the interest in occult sciences and literary production of this kind
(including falnamas) rose significantly from the fourteenth to the sixteenth century,
especially in the Persian world.82
This section has attempted to provide a brief overview of the historical context based
on the available literature, varying from broader texts on magic, prognostication,
and occult sciences related to falnamas in the Islamic context, to specific studies
dedicated to the falnamas as an individual genre. It can be concluded that there was
a dynamic fortunetelling tradition both long before and during the reign of the Ottomans.
Furthermore, certain transformations took place in the interests of patrons
in Anatolia, although in some cases examples of these texts have not been precisely
attributed to any particular commission network or the artistic milieu of any
particular principality. Consequently, there are many anonymous or unattributed
falnama manuscripts written in Arabic, Persian, or Turkish and located in various
library collections in Turkey and in other countries which remain unstudied and
unpublished.83
1.5 Thesis Outline
This thesis endeavors to present a complete transliteration of this authentic text,
as accurately as possible, in order to contribute an improved translation to future
research in this area; it also aims to bring forth the issue of patronage within the
framework of the manuscript’s historical context. In this regard, one chapter is
dedicated to each of the text’s two major aspects: the first focuses on the main
body of the text, and the second argues for the reassessment of its content and
illustrations as a means of determining the period of its production.
In the chapter following this introductory chapter, I begin with the main charac-
82Ibid, 142.
83Ertaylan provides a brief list of the manuscripts and their locations. Ertaylan, Falname, 29-38.
20
teristics of the text of Falname (No.5179) and how it is organized. I then provide
explanations as to how the practice of fortunetelling occurred with the selected
samples from the text. By providing these examples, I intend to establish a
coherent narrative of how the text once functioned, as well as to strengthen further
interpretations.
In the final chapter, I approach the issue of analyzing the text in two ways. The
first part focuses on the recontextualization of the text to fourteenth- and fifteenthcentury
Anatolia by reconsidering the various patronage activities that may have
possibly composed this particular manuscript, and manuscripts of this kind more
generally. In the second part, my aim is to transcend a formal analysis of the
illustrations by bringing in a comparative approach, that juxtaposes the artist’s
mode of representation with contemporary stylistic modes.
21
2. FALNAME (NO. 5179)
2.1 Description and Characteristics of the Text
The fortune-telling book that is registered as ‘06 Mil Yz A 5179’ in the National
Library, and that is the subject of this study, is an anonymous work.84 It does
not have its own original cover. The surviving manuscript consists of twenty-five
folios and eighty-nine illustrations. with dimensions of approximately 205 by 150
millimeters to 162 by 105 millimeters. However, after examining the catchwords
(reddâde), it is possible to say that some pages are missing from the beginning,
middle, and end of the folio. In addition, almost half of some of the pages have
been damaged or destroyed.
The language of the text, which is written in verse and in the naksh script, is
in vernacular Turkish based on the prosody of fe i lâ tün/fe i lâ tün/fe i lün.
Though there is always a possibility that this manuscript could be a copy of
a previous work, and further analyses of its physical components, such as its
paper and ink, are required for the most accurate dating, it has nevertheless been
determined after a linguistic analysis by experts in Old Anatolian Turkish that
the text was written sometime between the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
Furthermore, it is also rather unique among other contemporaneous fortunetelling
books because of the illustrations present on every page. The fact that it is an
illustrated manuscript inevitably brings forth the presumption that it was a product
of elite patronage; this particular issue will be discussed in the following chapter.
Additionally, it can be inferred that the text was likely considered to be a hurşidname,
a subgenre of fortunetelling books that were created through the drawing of
84It is noted on the manuscript that it became a part of the library after it was bought from Işıksal Baltacı
on June 15, 1983. It is unknown how the previous owner acquired the manuscript.
22
lots. At the most basic level, books that are classified as hurşidname are love stories
written in mesnevi style. The most prominent example of this genre, Hurşid-u
Ferahşad by Şeyhoğlu Mustafa, was written in 1387 for Süleyman, the Governor
of Germiyanids, and presented to Süleyman Çelebi, the son of Yıldırım Bayezid
upon the governor’s death.85 Another mesnevi work of this genre is the Cemşid-ü
Hurşid of Cem Sultan, translated from the namesake title by Persian poet Selman-ı
Saveci.86 However, the aforementioned books were not written with the intention
of being used for fortunetelling. Thus, though the names are identical, both the
content and the purposes of the books are irrelevant.
A hurşidname which is known to be written specifically for the purpose of
fortunetelling is the hurşidname kept in Bursa’s Yazma Eserler Kütüphanesi,
which was written by Sıdkı in the eighteenth century.87 Though the text was
prepared without illustrations, the process of fortunetelling and how to foresee
an omen by using this specific book are explained in detail. According to the
instructions, a sheet or lot including the Arabic letters of hurşid (ha, re, şın, yâ,
dal) is necessary for fortunetelling. The lot is drawn, or a finger is put randomly
on a letter. Afterwards, the text across from the relevant letter is read out loud.
After the lot is drawn again, the related planet or star, which is connected to
a type of plant or fruit, is found in the book. Once the referenced text is read
out loud again, the reader is directed to the section of wild birds and then to
that of wild animals. Through this section, the reader is finally directed to the
prophets, which marks the final part of the divination session. There, the omen of
the person seeking their fortune is concluded when the final omen is read out loud.88
Further, in another printed hurşidname entitled Kitab-ı Fal (Istanbul 1273), it is
explained that a dice is used that contains the letters comprising the word hurşid.
As written, it is necessary to read the couplets of the star that correspond to
the letter on the top of the dice. Following this, the reader is instructed to find
the couplets of the birds related to the letter selected in the second lot, followed
by the section of animals, and finally that of the prophets. Finally, the ultimate
85Uzunçarşılı, İsmail Hakkı. Anadolu Beylikleri ve Akkoyunlu, Karakoyunlu Devletleri. (İstanbul: 2003), p,
46 and 216.
86For more information on this book, see Meriç, Münevver Okur. Cem Sultan Cemşid ü Hurşid İnceleme-
Metin. Atatürk Kültür Merkezi Yayınları. (Ankara: 1997).
87Eğri, Sadettin. "Meyvelerin Dilinden Fal ve İşaretler". Turkish Studies, 2008(fall), 3/5, pp. 626-660.
88Ibid, p. 629.
23
fortune of the person is told by each prophet.89 In the same manner, Bağcı and
Farhad state that this method and other related methods rely on tables devised for
prognostication rituals with the Qur’an or Hafız’s Divan, somewhat similar to the
process described in great detail by an unillustrated eighteenth-century copy of the
text.90 Nevertheless, though the organization and flow of the texts are similar in
form, neither the two manuscripts nor the other copies of falnamas resemble each
other in terms of content. Therefore, Bağcı and Farhad conclude their comments
on Falname (No. 5179) by noting that this illustrated manuscript, similar to any
other divination text, was not modeled on a single source.91
To sum up, the copy in Bursa, the printed hurşidname entitled Kitab-ı Fal, and the
manuscript analyzed in this study Falname (No. 5179), which are all generically
categorized as hurşidnames prepared for fortunetelling, have some essential similarities.
In terms of organization and how to conduct the process, for example, they
have couplets with references to chapters that have almost the same titles and are
arranged in almost the same order.
2.2 The Organization Of The Text
Since there are no other surviving letters from Falname (No. 5179), other than
the letters of the word hurşid, this manuscript has also been understood as a
hurşidname. It starts with the letters of the word hurşid and continues with
couplets about the planets. As no dedicated guide for this particular manuscript
has survived, in what follows I presume that the process of fortunetelling from this
text was similar to that found in guides for similar manuscripts.
First of all, because only two of the planets, namely Mercury and Mars, have
survived intact in the text (see appendix folios (24a) and (25a)), their role in the
process of fortunetelling is not clear based on the surviving evidence. They do not
refer to any other section, and no section refers to the planets; rather, the planets
directly speak to the seeker like the prophets. Yet, the verses of both mention ‘lots,’
89Uzun, Mustafa İsmet. “Falname”. TDV İslam Ansiklopedisi. < https://islamansiklopedisi.org.tr/falname
> and Bağcı, Farhad. Book of Omens. p. 25.
90The copy is located in the İnebey Kütüphanesi in Bursa. Ibid, p. 25.
91Ibid, p. 25
24
from which we may infer that the section of the planets may mark the first part of
the fortunetelling process, when the seeker must draw lots. Then, as the explanatory
table below (Table 1) demonstrates, the process of seeking a fortune proceeded as
follows: the verses of the letters (the verse numbers are written in the parenthesis;
please see the appendix for further information) refer firstly to the verses of the birds.
Table 2.1 The References of the Letters to the Birds
The Letters → The Birds
Şın (173) Atmaca
Ya (174) Riş
Dal (175) Devekuşu
Ha (178) Ördek
Vav (179) Kaz
Ra (180) Turna
Şın (181) Leylek
Ya (182) Tavus
Dal (183) Tebnus
Ha (186) Dürrac
Vav (187) Tuti
Ra (188) Kelağ
Following this, the couplets of each bird which accompany the illustrations, refer
themselves to a respective section of a quadruped, as seen in the Table 2 below
(please see the appendix for the transcribed verses).
25
Table 2.2 The references of the Birds to the Quadrupeds
The Birds → The Quadrupeds
Ukab (1) At
Hümay (2) Ester
Kerkes (3) Eşek
Baz (4) Deve
Şahin (5) Kakum
Çakır (6) Yaban
Atmaca (7) Geyik
Riş (8) Keçi
Devekuşu (9) Şir
Ördek (10) Şir
Kaz (11) Kaplan
Külenk (12) Karakulak
Karga (13) Kurt
Kumru (14) Sırtlan
Kelağ-ı siyah (15) Ayı
Dürrac (16) Tilki
Keklik (17) Tavşan
Devlingeç (18) Çakal
Saksağan (19) Semmur
Semane (20) Kakum
Sığırcık (21) Sincap
Bülbül (22) Sansar
Hüdhüd (23) Kedi
Turum (24) Sıçan
Çegavek (25) Rasu
Piristu (26) Maymun
Güncüşk (27) Ejdeha
Finally, the verses of the animals refer to the longer divinatory texts in the chapter
of the prophets, which is where the reader can finally learn about his or her fortune,
as Table 3 below demonstrates:
26
Table 2.3 The references of the Quadrupeds to the Prophets
The Quadrupeds → The Prophets
Fil (28) Adem
Pars (29) Şit
Pelenk (30) Habil
Seg (31) İdris
Hük (32) Nuh
Üştur (33) Lut
Gav (34) İlyas
Gusfend (35) Danyal
Kulan (36) Hud
Geyik (37) Yunus
Keçi (38) Üzeyr
Semmur (39) Eyüb
Kakum (40) İbrahim
Sincap (41) İsmail
Sansar (42) İshak
Kedi (43) Yakub
Sıçan (44) Yusuf
Gergedan (45) Cercis
Feres (46) Musa
Zürafa (47) Suayb
Ester (48) Harun
Hımar (49) Davud
Kurt (50) Süleyman
Sırtlan (51) Zekeriya
Hırs (52) Yahya
Tilki (53) İsa
Çakal (54) Hızır
Tavşan (55) Salih
Ahu (56) Mustafa
Gav-ı kühi (57) Lokman
Şir (58) Ebubekir
Bebr (59) Ömer
Karakulak (60) Osman
. . . (61) Ali
Maymun (62) Hasan
Ejderha (63) Hüseyin
27
It should be noted that eleven prophets and religious figures are referenced by
sections on their respective quadrupeds, but the text is missing in the manuscript:
these are Cercis, Suayb, Hızır and the ones from Prophet Mustafa (Muhammed)
onwards. However, the remaining sections can still provide clues about how the
seeker heard their fortune from a prophet.
Table 2.4 An example of the fortunetelling process from Falname (No.5179)
To provide an example the process of fortunetelling, Table 4 illustrates a case from
Falname (No.5179). As explained above, the first step before using the text can
be accomplished in one of three ways: one may draw a lot, or may throw a dice
containing the letters of hurşid, or may place a finger randomly on a chart that
has the letters of hurşid written upon it. It is clear that these particular letters
were referred to multiple times in the manuscript, which means that a letter şın,
for example, has not one but two different verses, as the surviving pages suggest.
Assuming that the fortuneteller lands upon the first verse of şın (see appendix
(173)), this verse will then refer him or her to the section of the atmaca (see
appendix (7)). The verses of the atmaca then appear to direct the seeker toward
the section of the geyik (see appendix (37)), and finally the geyik refers to the
section of Prophet Yunus (see appendix (101-104)). Afterwards, the seeker may
learn his or her fortune through the words of Prophet Yunus.
28
Table 2.5 Another example of the fortunetelling process from Falname (No.5179)
Another example from Falname (No. 5179) is illustrated in Table 5. As explained in
the previous case, in the first place one of the methods for randomly selecting a letter
is chosen: either drawing lots, throwing a dice, or randomly placing a finger upon
a prepared chart. Assuming that one of the verses of the letter of ya (see appendix
(174)) drawn from the lot, this will then direct the reader towards the section of
the feather (r¯ış) (see appendix (8)). As may be seen in the table, and can also be
understood from the verses, the couplets of the feather (r¯ış) seem to then direct the
seeker toward the section of the goat (keçi) (see appendix (38)), and finally the goat
refers to the section of Prophet Ezra (Üzeyir) (see appendix (104-107)). After this,
the seeker could then learn his or her fortune through the words of Prophet Ezra.
2.3 Conclusion
This chapter is dedicated to the description and organization of the text, in order to
bring forth certain characteristics of the manuscript and its genre. As was discussed,
Falname (No. 5179) is thought to be a hurşidname, because of the fact that only
the letters of the word hurşid are present in the chapter which references letters.
Since no manual or explanation regarding the process of fortunetelling has survived
29
that directly references Falname (No. 5179), similar books, in addition to the content
of the text, have been utilized to understand how the text was actually used in
the process of fortunetelling. Though the role of the planets in the process of fortunetelling
has not yet been fully understood due to a lack of evidence, the sections
of the birds, animals and prophets are considerably more straightforward in terms
of directing the readers towards their final omen, as examples above demonstrate.
30
3. A RECONSIDERATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT
The previous chapter focused on the complete text in terms of its organization and
content; this chapter, by contrast, aims to reevaluate the issue of the manuscript’s
origin and in this regard takes into consideration two aspects of the manuscript:
namely, the text and the illustrations. The manuscript was previously dated to
the 16th century by Bağcı and Farhad, though they do not explain their reasons
for this attribution.92 However, in a recent article, Esra Tay supports their dating
of the manuscript to this time period.93 Based on the floral decoration, which
was said to be extant in the Ottoman Empire from the 16th century onwards, as
well as the frequent use of “-gıl” suffix in the text, which was likewise in use until
the 16th century in Anatolia, she argues that the previous dating was correct. In
terms of the illustrations, there is always the possibility of that these were later
additions. The text, however, is undoubtedly an earlier work. For this reason, in
this chapter, I first discuss the patronage activities in Anatolia in the fourteenth
and the fifteenth centuries, in order to reconsider the possible patronage networks
that this manuscript could have been produced by, and to speculate on the potential
attributions or origin of the manuscript. Secondly, I question the dating and style
of the illustrations within the scope of the this newly attributed time period, and
propose to reinterpret the artist’s mode of representation.
92Bağcı and Farhad, Book of Omens, 25. However, Esra Gencel supports this dating based on the Hatayi
motifs in the floral decoration. See Gencel, Ankara Milli Kütüphane’de Yer Alan 5179 Numaralı Falname,
131.
93“Hurşidname’nin ne zaman hazırlandığı konusunda yazılı herhangi bir belge yoktur. Eserin cildi olmadığı
için bir zahriye sayfası da bulunmamaktadır. Bu sebeple eserin hazırlanış tarihi hakkında elimizde tam
bir bilgi yoktur. Ancak bazı kaynaklar eseri 16. Yüzyıla tarihlemektedir. (Massumeh ve Bağcı: 2009,
25) Araştırmacıların bu tarihlendirmeyi neye göre yaptıkları hakkında bir açıklama bulunmamakla birlikte
tasvirlerin işlendiği zeminin çevresinde hatai ve şakayık gibi çeşitli bitkisel motifler yer almaktadır. Bu
motifler eserin tarihlenmesine yardımcı olabilecek niteliktedir. Hatayi ve şakayık motifleri Osmanlı süsleme
sanatlarında 16. Yüzyıldan itibaren görülmeye başlanmıştır. (Keskiner:2000) Ayrıca eserin dil özellikleri
incelendiğinde “-gıl” ekinin fazlaca kullanıldığı görülmektedir. Bu ek eski Anadolu Türkçesi’nde 16. Yüzyıla
kadar sıklıkla kullanılmış olup bu tarihten sonra yavaş yavaş terk edilmiştir. Bütün bunlar göz önünde
bulundurulduğunda eseri 16. Yüzyıla tarihlemek yerinde olacaktır. Tay, “Geleceğe Kur’a Atmak: Resimli
Bir Hurşidname,” 111.
31
3.1 The Text
As highlighted in the previous chapter, the text is dated to sometime between
the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, based on its linguistic characteristics.
In this way, the content and the tone of the text may provide clues as to the
target audience of the manuscript. These can also provide information about
the tastes of the patrons and contribute to an assessment of the patronage network;
I will attempt to make some deductions about these in in the discussion below.
This dating gives rise to two main questions: Why was the text produced?
And for whom? Since it is an anonymous work and neither the author nor the
illustrator can be recognized, here I mostly offer my speculations on the issue of
patronage. Since each verse is illustrated, which must have greatly increased the
cost of production, it is important to consider a broader network of patronage
rather than a single patron. Thus, I will first analyze the text and discuss some
clues about how it was produced, and then I will focus on the patronage circles
of the particular era, elaborating on the patrons’ interests in vernacular Turkish
texts and divinatory texts in order to enable a recontextualization of the manuscript.
First and foremost, it should be mentioned that finding an answer to the first
question—understanding the purpose of the illustrated text and the author’s
aim—inevitably contributes some possible responses to the second question. When
taking a closer look at the text, the choice of the birds, the animals, and the
prophets do not seem to be meaningfully associated to one another. As far as can
be seen, there was no attempt to create a coherent symbolic system and intertextual
message for the audience. Since there are no meaningful or logical connections
between the sections, as of now there has been no any pattern identified in terms
of the organization of the text. Moreover, although the prophets are depicted
in chronological order, the incorporation of holy figures such as Lokman, Khidr,
and the Ahl al-Bayt (People of the House) in the section of the prophets (Bab-ı
Peygamberan) demonstrates that the author did not make a clear division between
different types of religious figures.
From the same point of view, the text neither has the explicit characteristics of
a mystical work, nor any religious connotations other than bearing the names of
the Prophets and including two surahs from the Qur’an. Though it has since been
32
torn out, the section of the gazelle referred to the section of Prophet Mohammad,
which demonstrates when the text was first produced the Islamic prophet himself
could have been depicted providing omens. Yet, in addition to the absence of his
section, the faces of the other prophets had been damaged at some point in history.
Since the manuscript has not been destroyed completely, this action may indicate
possible religious appropriation by a patron at some point after it was produced.
We might then ask further questions about the textual content: why, for example,
did the author use birds to direct the reader toward the other sections? The brief
literature survey in the previous chapter demonstrates that texts of this genre
often adopted a variety of objects as a thematic structure, such as flowers, grains,
fruits, and so forth. Why did the author decide on birds? Does this have a special
connotation, or may it be considered as a choice inspired from other popular sources
of that era, such as Mantık’ut Tayr? Or was it produced for a patron who enjoyed
taking care of birds or hunting? Furthermore, what is the role of the planets in the
process of seeking omens? Only two of them survived in this manuscript, though
from the verses describing Mercury it can be inferred that there were seven heavens
originally indicated in the text (see appx. (184)). It is also remarkable that in the
text the planets speak directly to the reader, just as the prophets do, rather than
directing the readers towards other sections.
Returning back to the perspective and tone of the author, which was most probably
shaped by the demands of the patron of the text, the content gives little attention
to religious sensitivities as indicated above. Rather, it seems to prioritize the omens,
most probably for satisfying the expectations of the fortune-seeker. In parallel with
this aim, the author predominantly showcases auspicious omens throughout the
text, rather than bringing bad news. Yet while the latter occurs rarely in the text,
the author nevertheless ensures that the seeker is provided with advice that always
transmits the theme of ‘patience’. For instance, the omen of the Prophet Harun
(see appx. folio (20b)) is not auspicious, so the author advises the seeker to pray
and perform dhikr while being patient and waiting for the right time to come. The
excessive emphasis on the theme of ‘patience’ may give hints about the sociological
context. Still, why did the author stress the theme of patience for each and every
unfavorable omen? Likewise, the verses of the camel (see appx. (33)), which direct
the reader to the section of the Prophet Lot (L¯ut), advise the reader to abstain
from any degeneracy and corruption (L¯utiler işleri) by referring to the story of
33
Prophet Lot.94 Why was there a preference for auspicious omens, and why were
inauspicious ones used primarily to give advice? Was the reason for this political
and related to the commission? Or was it done in order to satisfy the patron or
conform to trends seen in advice-giving literature?
By taking into consideration our earlier speculations, it can be understood that the
manuscript carries the traces of courtly production, and thus was produced among
a high-ranking network of patronage. Hence, in respect to the time period that the
text is dated to, it might also be beneficial to elaborate on the patronage activities
of this genre in the Anatolian principalities in order to reinforce the recontextualization
of Falname (No. 5179). Since the literary production of this era is varied
in terms of content and language, and this manuscript is produced in vernacular
Turkish, one of the fundamental reference points of this discussion must be the
trend and tendency of writing in vernacular Turkish.95 Because of their interest in
aesthetic refinement, luxury manuscript production, and intense vernacularization
in literature, this chapter focuses on the courts of the Germiyanids, the Aydinids
and the Ottomans in Edirne.
As one of the leading centers of literary production in fourteenth- and early
fifteenth-century Anatolia, Kütahya became a place where many literati were
sponsored by the Germiyanids. As highlighted by the scholars, the Germiyanids
enthusiastically involved themselves in the commissioning of Turkish translations of
various texts in Persian and Arabic,96 as well as in promoting literary production
in Turkish.97 The possible reason for this tendency is perhaps explained most
thoroughly explained by Sooyong Kim as follows:
“. . .Whether the promotion of Turkish as a literary language was a conscious
effort on the part of the Germiyan court to distinguish themselves
culturally from other political rivals, including the Ottomans, is difficult
to determine, due to the lack of contemporary sources. What is appar-
94See M. Kamil Yaşaroğlu, “Livâta,” in TDV İslam Ansiklopedisi 28 (Ankara: Türk Diyanet Vakfı, 2003),
198-200. < https://islamansiklopedisi.org.tr/livata >
95See Chapter 1 of this thesis.
96For more detailed information, see Emek Üşenmez, “Eski Anadolu Türkçesi Açısından Germiyanlı (Kütahya)
Şairlerinin Yeri ve Kütahya’daki Yazma Eserler Kütüphanelerinin Önemi,” Turkish Studies 8, no.
1 (Winter 2013): 2787-2805.
97Kim, “Literary Culture in Fifteenth Century Kütahya: A Preliminary Assessment,” in Islamic Literature
and Intellectual Life in Fourteenth- and Fifteenth-Century Anatolia, ed. Peacock and Yıldız. 383.
34
ent, however, is that when the Ottomans took control of Kütahya, the
city was an established centre for Turkish literary production, in prose
and verse, and of a secular variety, from mirrors for princes to panegyrics,
in addition to translations and adaptations of Persian collections
of moralizing fables and romances. . . "98
As Sooyong Kim describes, the cultural climate of Kütahya before the 1450s was
elevated by the remarkable literary patronage of the Germiyanids. In addition
to this, it was also one of the main centers of education since the city contained
several madrasas, Sufi lodges, and Mevlevihanes with libraries, which served as
institutions of learning.99 Although the extent of Mevlevi literary production
is unknown due to a lack of evidence, it is clear that the process of education
in the madrasas included training in poetry.100 Kim also notes that patronage
activities were centralized in Istanbul upon the conquest of the city “with a bias
toward emphasizing the efflorescence of Turkish poetry."101 Thus, from the 1450s
onwards, including the princely residences of Suleiman’s two sons, Kütahya no
longer possessed the significant literary production it had in the Germiyanids’ era.102
Likewise, the Aydinids not only commissioned an impressive amount of literary
production in Persian and Arabic, but also patronized some of the earliest works of
written Anatolian Turkish.103 Based on the verses of the poets they sponsored, the
Aydinids aimed to represent themselves as ‘world-dominating potentates’104 within
the scope of the Perso-Islamic monarchic tradition, rather than local warlords,
regardless of the actual limits of their power and realm.105 Parallel to this desire
to build a specific image, various types of visual and written works were produced
under their auspices, from literature to architecture. All of this was largely aimed
at portraying the Aydinid rulers as the padişahs of what was in reality a largely
98Ibid, 384.
99Ibid,385.
100Ibid, 397.
101Ibid, 398.
102Ibid, 384.
103Sara Nur Yıldız, “Aydinid Court Literature in the Formation of an Islamic Identity in Fourteenth- Century
Western Anatolia,”in Islamic Literature and Intellectual Life in Fourteenth and Fifteenth- Century Anatolia,
ed. A.C.S. Peacock and Sara Nur Yıldız (Würzburg: Ergon Verlag in Kommission, 2016), 197-198.
104Ibid, 199.
105Ibid,199.
35
fragmented territory and society.106 Related to this, it should be noted that in
terms of assessing the patronage circle surrounding Falname (No. 5179), the
amount of effort that they put into the patronage of adab literature is significant.
This genre is defined rather concisely by Sara Nur Yıldız as follows:
“. . . In addition to its reference of any kind of pleasing speech and agreeable
act, the term adab encompasses a wide variety of literary activity
and texts primarily emanating from a ruler’s court, including philological,
medical, astrological, and divinatory works often with edification
in mind–in fact, adab may be seen as encapsulating all forms of courtsponsored
literature. Adab is best understood not as a genre but rather as
a discursive tradition aimed at creating political and social elites through
the transmission of canons of knowledge and ways of thinking that inculcate
aesthetic, ethical and religious values. Most importantly, adab
literature defined the norms and expectations that rulers were held to
by both the political elite and commoner alike and thus facilitated the
creation of a political culture which bound elites and common subjects
to a ruler based on notions of equity and the divine sanction of rule."107
As stated, adab literature is comprised of a diverse range of literary genres, including
written works produced for divination. Furthermore, based on the surviving data,
patronage by literati as sponsors seemed to be limited to the ruler and a limited
number of notables only.108 Within the framework of court patronage and the
motive of using adab literature to build one’s reputation, the extent of the tendency
to write in vernacular Turkish in this court should be underlined since Falname
(No. 5179) was also written in Old Anatolian Turkish.
In addition to the numerous Turkish translations of scholastic manuscripts,
including medical handbooks that were supposedly produced for practical uses by
more general audiences throughout the fourteenth century,109 there were also a
significant number of translations to Turkish sponsored by the Aydinids. It is far
beyond the scope of this chapter to acknowledge all of them here, however in order
to contribute to the recontextualization of Falname (No. 5179), it is worthwhile to
mention a few of them. For instance, in the 1330s, the Aydinid Prince Umur Bey
106Ibid,199.
107Ibid,198-199.
108Ibid, 200.
109For more detailed information, see Ibid, 207-231.
36
commissioned the poet Kul Mesud to translate a famous collection of entertaining
Persian fables entitled, the Kalila wa Dimna cycle, which stress the importance of
morality in governance.110 Furthermore, in 1367, Aydınoğlu İsa Bey commissioned
the poet Fahri to translate Nizami’s Khusraw u Shirin to be used for a performance
in his meclis, which constitutes the oldest Anatolian Turkish version of this text.111
Prior to this, the text had been translated to Khwarazmian Turkish in 1341 for the
prince Tini Beg and his wife, Cemile Han Melek Hatun,112 further demonstrating
the trend in Turcophone societies of writing in vernacular language from the
fourteenth century onwards.
Because the starting point of this discussion for evaluating the patronage of Falname
(No. 5179) primarily considers literary production in vernacular Turkish, it is also
useful here to bring forth certain trends and developments that took place after the
creation of Falname (No. 5179). Even though classifications of this kind are often
problematic because they proceed from generalizations, broad tendencies are still
worthy of consideration.113 Namely, the emergence of the so-called ‘classic’ style
in literature from the end of the fifteenth century onwards marked a new trend,
especially in literature.114 Indeed, there was a linguistic transformation which
constituted a ‘new literary language’ parallel to the changing identity of the court,
predominantly shaped by the increasing centralization around Constantinople
soon after the conquest of the city. The trend continued throughout the sixteenth
century, and it grew even stronger among the elites.115 These elite literati were
interested in establishing a hybrid language rather than adopting Arabic, Persian,
or Turkish individually, as can be observed in the case of Mustafa Ali.116 Thus,
considering this specific phenomenon as a crosscheck to the speculations noted
above, the attribution of Falname (No. 5179) to the sixteenth century can be
disputed.
Regarding interest in the patronage of falnamas as a particular genre, there are
110Ibid, 203-204.
111Ibid, 205.
112Ibid, 204.
113Selim S. Kuru, “Anadolu’da Türkçe Edebiyatın Büyük Dönüşümü,” Journal of Turkish Studies 42. (2014):
140.
114Ibid, 554.
115Ibid, 553-554.
116Ibid, 559-560.
37
significant manuscripts that may point to where Falname (No. 5179) stood within
this network of patronage. As an example, one remarkable bibliophile from the
Aydinid court, Umur Bey (d. 1461), was also known for his enthusiastic patronage
of Turkish translations of Arabic and Persian books, in addition to his interest in
collecting books more generally.117 It is known that Umur Bey had close relations
with the Germiyanid court and introduced the court to some of the famous poets
of his era. He was almost certainly influenced by the intense literary production
and patronage of the Germiyanids, which, as Tim Stanley suggests, induced him to
expand his interest in patronizing literati.118 Stanley categorizes Umur Bey’s books
into two inventories: Inventory A is based on records of his donation to his father’s
imaret,119 and Inventory B is constituted by the waqf deeds for his donations to
his mosque in Bursa.120 What is interesting is that there is a book on divination
recorded as ‘fal kitabı’ as the number [122] in the latter inventory.121
In addition to this, there is the aforementioned lengthy falnama located in the
Topkapı Palace Library (No. 1057) which is written in Khwarazmian Turkish.
Claimed to be used in Edirne Palace for fortunetelling in the first half of the fifteenth
century,122 the book is based on mathematical calculations using Arabic letters,
the zodiac signs and their characteristics, stories about jinn, and information about
how each jinn should be treated. It also contains a chart that refers to certain
parts of the Qu’ran and explains that the process of divination had previously been
done by throwing a bone that had Arabic letters on each side.123 Alongside this,
it is noteworthy that this book is identified as the first individual fortunetelling
book written in Turkish in the Islamic context.124 These manuscripts likewise
show that there was an interest in vernacular Turkish writing at the Edirne Palace,
exemplified by the illustrated manuscripts of Dilsuzname and Külliyat-ı Katibi, ,
though the content of these texts is different from that of a falnama.
117Tim Stanley, “The Books of Umur Bey,” Muqarnas XXI (2004): 323.
118Ibid, 324.
119Ibid, 325.
120Ibid, 326-327.
121Ibid, 330.
122Samet Onur, “Harezm Türkçesiyle Yazılmış Bir Fal Kitabı,” Modern Türklük Araştırmaları Dergisi 17, no.
1 (March 2020): 101.
123Ibid, 100.
124Ibid, 99.
38
As was mentioned earlier, over the course of the fifteenth century Mehmed II also
commissioned the translation of a falnama from Persian to Turkish, as well as
another Turkish falnama manuscript which was dedicated to him.125 Cem Sultan
also had a falnama which structured around a catalogue of flowers. As explained in
the preface to this manuscript, the reader was meant to choose one flower according
to his or her desire, and then the fortuneteller would read the verses of that flower,
which would constitute the omen. At the end of the manuscript, the writer states
that only God can know the unknown, and thus the aim of this falnama was
fundamentally artistic in character.126
In addition to this, Bayezid II’s interest in astrology and his patronage of books
of this kind, including divinatory books, is also notable. Nevertheless, it should be
noted that he seems to have had a preference for works on astronomy and divination
based on stars and zodiac signs inspired by Ptolemy’s studies;127 indeed, he possessed
an anonymous fortunetelling book entitled Fal-al-kawakıb, which made predictions
about the future by examining the stars.128 This thesis does not dwell on the
fortunetelling genre based on astronomy and astrology due to the fact that Falname
(No. 5179) focuses on the animals and prophets and does not contain zodiac signs;
therefore, its relation to astronomy remains limited to solely the depiction of the
planets. However, the case of Bayezid II, and also Mehmed II and Cem Sultan, shows
that there was a demand for patronage and in terms of the Sultan’s preoccupation
with divinatory books. It also shows how the genre evolved and became more varied
thanks to the support of Bayezid II in the second half of the fifteenth century.
3.1.1 Falname (No. 5179) for Leisure at the Court
As mentioned above, understanding the purpose of the text contribute considerably
to the assessment of Falname (No. 5179)’s patron. However, there is also the
question of how the text was used. Based on Matthias Heiduk’s studies on Libro de
los Juegos, which is a codex presumably completed in 1284 at the royal scriptorium
for King Alfonso X of Castile, it can be deduced that in the medieval period more
125See Ertaylan, Falname, 31. Also, the facsimile of the latter manuscript is provided.
126Yiğiterol, 199-200.
127Almagest for astronomy, and Tetrabiblos for ‘prognastication through astronomy’. Ahmet Tunç Şen and
Cornell H. Fleischer, “Books on Astrology, Astronomical Tables and Almanacs in the Library Inventory
of Bayezid II,” Treasury of Knowledge: An Inventory of the Ottoman Palace Library (1502/3- 1503/4)
(Leiden: Brill, 2019), 777.
128Identified as no [253] in Bayezid II’s inventory. Ibid., 798.
39
broadly there was no clear division between games and prognostication. As he
notes, the codex contains a number of games, from backgammon to astrologicalcosmological
board games,129 for comforting and entertaining people who were
“unable to ride out or go hunting and must stay at home.”130 There are other
examples of this kind of manuscript that Heiduk mentions, such as books with
cards from Mainz (late fifteenth century), the book of Konrad Bollstater (second
half of the fifteenth century), and De Vetula (thirteenth century).131
Moreover, Heiduk demonstrates that the blurred line between games and practices
of fortunetelling prevailed for centuries. He does this by explaining the etymological
and metaphorical relationship between games and divination, based on
the meanings of terms used for prediction, games, and risk. These terms include
‘chance’ (evolved from the Latin word cadere (to fall down) [of a dice], ‘venture’
(evolved from the Latin word ventura (good luck, lucky cards or luck in the dice),
and ‘hazard’ (evolved from the Arabic word al-zahr [to die]). Apparently, this kind
of perception of using fortunetelling for amusement not only existed in the spoken
culture, but was also adopted by medieval authors and consumers; as Heiduk states,
“The late medieval books of fate, for example, explicitly requested the
users to avoid taking the consultation of oracles too serious and to regard
it instead as a kind of amusement. Such request served also the strategy
of pre-empting the moralistic caveats against all kind of divination in
the Christian context."132
As demonstrated, games and prognostication practices were intertwined as part
of the practice and display of courtly leisure. The readers of such books not only
benefited from consulting the charts, dice, lots, and verses for learning about their
future, but also spent their time enjoying a game. In addition to this, the charts
sometimes had didactic purposes; for example, in the case of Libro de los Juegos,
as the games can also be used for educational purposes.133 As a final point, it
should also be noted that describing these manuscripts as ‘games’, ‘amusement’,
129For more information on how the games were played, see Heiduk, 779-780.
130Heiduk, 779.
131Heiduk mentions the names of the books, but his study does not cover how these books were used in the
context of games. See Heiduk, 780-783.
132Heiduk, 777.
133Ibid, 777-778.
40
‘leisure’, ‘education’ and so forth was also beneficial for justifying fortunetelling in
a Christian context, as highlighted by Heiduk above.
Likewise, in his article on Cem Sultan’s Falname, Ömer Faruk Yiğiterol states that
the author of the manuscript cautiously indicates in the very last verses of the
manuscript that the purpose of these kinds of books on divination is purely and
simply “performing arts” since “only God can know the unknown.”134 Interestingly,
for the falnama produced for Cem Sultan, the author goes further and states
explicitly that it was produced for artistic purposes, that is to say, for leisure.
Based on the parallels between Heiduk’s example and Cem Sultan’s Falname, it can
be concluded that Falname (No. 5179) was also likely produced for entertainment,
as the perception of games, education, art, and fortunetelling were intermingled in
one way or another. Beyond this, the omens detailed in Falname (No. 5179) are in
large part optimistic, which may have served to make the process less serious. It
should also be noted here that texts of this kind, which are composed in verse, were
frequently recited with music as part of courtly entertainments in meclis gatherings
with the involvement of multiple participants. Was this manuscript produced
simply for leisure, games, and seeking omens, or was the manuscript produced
within the scope of vernacular adab literature – that is, both encompassing and
transcending the realm of leisure? It is likely, I argue, that it served both purposes.
To explore this latter aspect further, I return to the beys of this era, who involved
themselves in patronage activities in competition with other beys. Although it is
not known for whom Falname (No. 5179) was specifically produced, I suggest
that it is possible to evaluate this manuscript in light of the practices of courtly
artistic production, since there are clues in this regard. As previously indicated,
the chapter Bab-ı Peygamberan, which should be solely dedicated to the prophets,
contains political figures such as Omar, Abu Bakr, Hasan, and Huseyin, Uthman
and Ali, which also enables the readers to follow the chronology of the Islamic
bloodline. Moreover, the book also has the prophets directly address the reader;
there is thus an emphasis on the direct communication between the omen-seeker
and the prophets of the Islamic tradition. It is not animals, nor birds, but only
the prophets and the planets communicate directly to the reader. This not only
enhances the experience but boosts the exclusivity of the fortune seeker being able
to apprehend his destiny and guidance by the prophets themselves. Accordingly,
134“Sanat yapmak” and “Gaybı yalnızca Allah bilir,” as quoted by Yiğiterol, 197-198.
41
performing Falname (No. 5179) in a meclis would have inevitably contributed to a
patron’s desire to see himself portrayed as a leader of a continuous Islamic heritage.
3.1.2 Conclusion
As a result of these discussions, it can be deduced from the remaining evidence that
Falname (No. 5179) was likely a courtly production that bears remarkable traces
of royal involvement. Furthermore, it is clear that there was an interest among
the patrons of fourteenth- and fifteenth-century Anatolia in books of divination in
various languages, including vernacular Turkish; Falname (No. 5179) may be understood
within this context. It should likewise be noted how refined the tradition of
falnama-writing had already become in medieval Anatolia, including the production
of texts in vernacular Turkish. Thus, there was not a single source for Falname (No.
5179), but rather many. Due to this diversity and sophistication in both the illustrated
manuscripts and the tastes of the patrons, further evidence, such as similar
manuscripts from the period, is required to trace the particular patterns associated
with any specific patron. Thus, although certain inferences can be made by examining
the circumstantial evidence discussed extensively above, further evidence is
required to attribute Falname (No. 5179) to an exact patron or patronage network.
3.2 The Illustrations
Not only does the text of Falname (No. 5179) hint at the demands and tastes of
the patron, but its illustrations also convey a great deal about stylistic tendencies
and the artist’s particular mode of representation within the scope of the patron’s
expectations. Although dedicated to this particular discussion, this chapter also
proves that Falname (No. 5179) can be dated back to before the sixteenth century.
There is, of course, always the possibility that the illustrations were painted later
than the text; nevertheless, it is also plausible that they might were produced contemporaneously.
For this reason, I will consider the notable aspects that emerge
from the text’s new temporal context, which inevitably brings forth particular questions
regarding the artistic style and tendencies, composition, and patronage. As
has been mentioned, the monumental manuscript of Falname (No. 5179) contains
eighty-nine illustrations that have survived; roughly sixty-three of them are animals
and various kinds of birds, twenty-four of them are prophets or holy people, and two
of them are the planets. Each of the groups will be elaborated on below.
42
3.2.1 The Animals
The intentional choice of including animals in the process of divination in this
particular manuscript is addressed in the previous section. As has already been
demonstrated, there are various objects that are used for seeking omens. In Falname
(No. 5179), these are not flowers, grain varieties, zodiac signs, or other objects,
but rather birds and animals that were preferred to direct the readers towards
the section of the prophets. Each bird makes a reference to a specific animal to
commence the process of divination.
Figure 3.1 Dog from folio (6a)
The reason why birds and quadrupeds were depicted but not marine species or
reptiles must have been simply due to what was available as sources. The animals
are not meticulously depicted, and are almost sketchy in some cases, giving the
impression of shorthand. Another possibility is that the artist or artists might have
had sources that were used as models, and that they used their imagination in the
absence of any other reference. For example, the dog (Fig. 1) and the camel (Fig.2)
were likely illustrated without recourse to reference, whereas the elephant (Fig. 3)
seems to be executed carefully.
43
Figure 3.2 Camel from folio (6a)
Figure 3.3 Elephant from folio (5b)
More intriguingly, the artist or artists made a remarkable effort to represent some
details of the birds in order to demarcate each kind of bird from the other (Fig.
4). For example, the attention paid to depict the morphology of the francolin or
Tetrao francolinus (dürr¯ac or turaç) in folio (3b) is striking, since the feathers on
44
the wings, the length of the tail, and the scale of the comb, all come together to
produce an almost realistic portrayal of the bird (Fig. 5).
Figure 3.4 The birds in folio (2a)
Figure 3.5 Francolin from folio (3b)
45
Figure 3.6 Animals and Birds from Munis al-ahrar fi daqa’iq al-ash’ar135
These illustrations may indicate a possible influence from the popular stories and
poems of the era such as Kalila wa Dimna, Mantık’ut Tayr or Munis al-ahrar fi
daqa’iq al-ash’ar (Fig.6) that were dominated by animals and birds. The latter of
these is a significant illustrated poetry book from the Ilkhanid period, completed
in 1341 by Bedrettin Jajarmi. Surviving folios from the manuscript demonstrates
that the artists paid close attention to the depiction of the birds, animals, trees
and plants on a red background. Figure 7 from the book illustrates the artist’s
mode of representation of figures, tents, drums, birds and animals. Though there is
an apparent difference in terms of style between this manuscript and Falname (No.
135From the Cleveland Art Museum. (https://www.clevelandart.org/art/1945.385.b0 For more information
see: Marie Lukens Swietochowski and Stefano Carboni, Illustrated Poetry and Epic Images: Persian
Painting of the 1330s and 1340s (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1994), Cat. No. 3 e-h, 32-33.
46
5179), it exemplifies how diverse the models and inspirations were for the artists of
the era.
Figure 3.7 Folio from Munis al-ahrar fi daqa’iq al-ash’ar136
Since special attention and knowledge is required to include and depict such a large
variety of birds, we can understand that it is likely considerable expense was paid
for this commission. The deliberate exclusion of well-known animals also gives hints
about the patron’s particular desires. When we consider our claim that Falname
(No. 5179) was a courtly production, it can also be deduced that the book was likely
designed for a patron who was enthusiastically interested in hunting, especially of
birds.
136Sourced from Harvard Art Museums/Arthur M. Sackler Museum, Bequest of Abby Aldrich Rockefeller.(
https://harvardartmuseums.org/art/215387) For more information see Swietochowski and Carboni, Illustrated
Poetry and Epic Images, 28-29.
47
3.2.2 The Prophets and the Planets
The section of the manuscript which discusses the prophets also brings out further
areas of interest. In addition to the prophets mentioned in the Qur’an, the
artist/author also includes the Prophets Daniel, Seth, Abel, Lokman, Khidr, and
mentions people from Ahl al-Bayt, such as Abu Bakr, Omar, Uthman, Ali, Hasan,
and Hüseyin, with each of them presented in chronological order. It is known from
the section of the animals that these names are given in order to finalize the omen.
Interestingly, the illustrations from the Prophet Salih onwards, including that of
Mohammed, were ripped out at some point in history, which may have happened
simultaneously with the destruction of the faces of the remaining prophets; further
evidence, however, is required to make such a deduction.
Figure 3.8 Noah with the ship from folio (13b)
Moreover, each prophet is depicted individually, either seated or standing alone.
None of them are engaged in an action nor with reference to the background; rather
the artist or artists seem to have depicted them as portraits. The prophets are
usually represented in a scene from their life,137 but Falname (No. 5179) is the
opposite. Some prophets indeed have attributes related to their stories, such as
Moses having his staff, or Noah being shown with a ship (Fig. 8), but many prophets
137For more detailed information, see Metin And, Minyatürlerle Osmanlı-İslam Mitologyası (Istanbul: Yapı
Kredi Yayınları, 2015).
48
are standing alone without any object that refers to their stories, including wellknown
prophets like Abraham (Fig. 9).
Figure 3.9 Abraham from folio (17b)
Furthermore, some are represented with unidentified objects or objects unlinked to
their stories; for example, Ezra is shown with a fish (Fig. 10), which might have
been caused by a mistake in the preliminary sketches, since in folio (16a), Jonah is
represented with a whale, as a reference to his story (Fig. 11).
49
Figure 3.10 Ezra is composed with a fish (?) from folio (16b)
Figure 3.11 Jonah with a whale from folio (16a)
Related to the representation of the figures, the surviving illustrations of the two
50
planets Mercury and Mars display the artistic conventions for depicting planets in a
personified manner.138 Mercury is depicted as seated, holding a pen and paper,139
and Mars carries a sword in one hand and a severed head in the other (Fig. 12);140
these images demonstrate that the artist or artists were exposed to the artistic canon
for such imagery and applied its conventions accordingly.
Figure 3.12 Mars from folio (24b)
Likewise, the halos around the figures’ heads are another interesting feature which
demands further elaboration. Remaining within artistic conventions, the illustrations
of the personified planets do not bear halos. The prophets, on the other hand,
including people from the House of the Prophet, are represented with golden halos
that catch the attention of the reader. Bağcı and Farhad state that the halos in
these illustrations are an indication of possible Christian influence,141 which is reasonable
considering the fluidity of the identities of the artists in the artistic milieu
of the era, and the sources that the artist or artists might have encountered. For
example, in Miaphysite Lectionary, a thirteenth-century manuscript that contains
illustrations of Christian saints, holy figures, and people to whom the church paid
homage, the illustration of Constantine and his mother Helena (Fig. 13) shows how
138And, Minyatürlerle Osmanlı- İslâm Mitologyası, 353-354 and 359. See similar examples from Canby,
Beyazit, Rugiadi, and Peacock, Court and Cosmos: the Great Age of the Seljuqs, cat. 123 on page 206
“Bowl with Courtly and Astrological Motifs” and cat. 125 on page 209 “Basin with Signs of the Zodiac”.
139For more detailed information on the history of this convention, see Ahmet Çaycı, Anadolu Selçuklu
Sanatı’nda Gezegen ve Burç Tasvirleri (T.C. Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlığı Yayınları, 2002), 93-94. Also see
a similar depiction of Mercury from cat. 130 “Daqa’iq-al-Haqa’iq (Degrees of Truths) of al-Nasiri in Court
and Cosmos: the Great Age of the Seljuqs, 213.
140For more detailed information on the history of this particular depiction, see Ibid, 83-85.
141Bağcı and Farhad, Book of Omens. 25.
51
similar visual canons were applied to enhance the portraits of important people.142
As Peacock states, the emperor and his mother were depicted with halos in order
to boost their royal and religious position.143
Figure 3.13 Constantine and Helena from Miaphysite Lectionary144
It is not only in Greek manuscripts, but also in Armenian gospel books, that there
are portraits of holy people depicted with similar iconography. For example, we
can look at the work of Sargis Pitsak, who was one of the most prominent painters
of fourteenth-century Armenian manuscripts, and who worked in the scriptorium
in Sis. Figure 14 demonstrates the way in which the artist absorbed and applied
142Depiction from cat. 171 ““Constantine and Helena” Folio from the Miaphysite Lectionary”. The manuscript
was produced for the Syrian Orthodox Monastery of Mar Mattai in Mosul sometime between 1220 and
1260 AD. It is now located in the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vatican City (Syr. 559; fol. 223v). See
Canby, Beyazit, Rugiadi, and Peacock, Court and Cosmos: the Great Age of the Seljuqs, 270
143Ibid, 270.
144Photo credit: cat. 171 ""Constantine and Helena" Folio from the Miaphysite Lectionary". From Canby,
Beyazit, Rugiadi, and Peacock, Court and Cosmos: the Great Age of the Seljuqs, 270.
52
Byzantine iconography through his use of bright and rich colors, crowded scenes,
the elongated bodies of the holy figures, and a focus on individual facial expressions
which give a sense of realism to the scene. Since these paintings also resembles= the
murals of the Byzantine churches of Cappadocia, this case also illustrates how the
artists’ identity and culture mixed with artistic canons and what they encountered
around them, which was all eventually exposed and reflected in their artwork. In
this scene, the halos around the holy figures are illuminated gracefully, except for the
Jew Jephonias at the bottom of the page, who according to the story had attempted
to attack the funerary couch of the Virgin.145 To distinguish the holy figures from
the others, a nimbus is applied to enhance their visual presence. Alongside this, the
birds at the top of the scene also somehow evoke the francolin (Fig. 5) of Falname
(No. 5179).
Figure 3.14 Dormition of the Virgin by Sargis Pitsak, 1336.146
145Maranci, The Art of Armenia: An Introduction, 120
53
Although has been noted that later Muslim painters also adopted the tradition
of illuminating discs around the heads of the figures to create halos in order to
distinguish the figures from the background,147 the artist or artists of Falname (No.
5179) seem to have adopted this canon largely to reinforce the religious identity and
sacredness of the figures, since the personified planets are represented without halos.
Yet, it is equally significant that the halos also provide clues about the dating
of the manuscript. As Michael Barry explains, the nimbus first appeared in
Buddhist figurative art in China and India around the third century AD, almost
simultaneously with when the Sasanian Persian royal halo or farr appeared. The
farr was adopted by the Roman Emperors from the fourth century onwards and by
the Byzantines for glorifying the emperors and the saints with the spread of Christianity.
148 The nimbus was also applied to the figural representations of Islamic
rulers until the fourteenth century. It should be emphasized that the disc form was
transformed into ‘pointed tongues of flame that flicker around the depictions of
saintly characters’ from the fifteenth century onwards with the ‘artistic influence of
the Chinese Buddhist.’149 Therefore, this particular phenomenon can also be considered
for the claim that Falname (No. 5179) is produced before the sixteenth century.
Regarding the stylistic features specified above, a major question thus emerges:
who decided upon the iconographic program of the manuscript? What sources did
the artist or artists use? It seems that the artist or artists preferred to include
attributes of the prophets related to their stories for identification when the stories
were known, other depictions remained plain portraits in which the respective
prophet can only be recognized from the title. On the other hand, the artist or
artists attempted to conform to the artistic conventions when personifying the
planets. It seems that this stylistic mode of representation was either related to the
artist’s or artists’ own interests, experience, or knowledge, or that there were other
reasons such as the direct involvement of the patron, or the types of available models.
It also important to note that there is an obvious inconsistency in the artistic style
146Photo credit: Christina Maranci, "Dormition of the Virgin by Sargis Pitsak, 1336, Yerevan: Matenadaran
5786 fol.266." From Maranci, The Art of Armenia: An Introduction, 120.
147Michael Barry. “The Formation of Islamic Figurative Art: From the Eighth to the Fifteenth Centuries”.
Figurative Art in Medieval Islam (Paris: Editions Flammarion. 2004), 59.
148Ibid, 59.
149Ibid, 59.
54
and the overall manner of the artist or artists. It can be deduced that the artist
or artists gave great attention to the birds in order to satisfy the patron’s likely
enthusiasm towards them. It can also be deduced that the artist/s deliberately
modified some conventions by interplaying with the portrayal of the prophets, in
order to reinforce the unique power of seeking omens directly from the prophets.
It seems that the presence of the prophets and planets were stressed more than
conveying their story or representing them in a realistic manner with the most
attention to detail and accuracy. The illustrations of the prophets which were less
finely articulated or left sketchy seem to imply that the point of portraying prophets,
had more to do with conveying their story. Though the artist or artists followed
an almost repetitive model to coherently depict each prophet according to their
attributes, scale, postures, and likewise followed the visual canons for representing
planets, he did not convey the prophets’ relation with their surroundings. All of
the prophets and planets are depicted against a plain background, which looks like
a model copied in every illustration since the artist or artists used nearly the same
trees and the same sense of depth. If there was a template for this manuscript’s
illustration, it gives rise to the question of whether there was more than one artist
who produced it, or a workshop rather than an individual artist; something that
seems more likely considering the contrast between sketchy portrayals and realistic
attempts of representations.
55
3.2.3 The Floral Decoration
Figure 3.15 Floral Decoration from folio (25a)
Along with the illustrations, there are also sophisticated recurring floral motifs that
decorate the blank spaces in the manuscript. These also demand a closer look, since
it is apparent that the artists or artists spent a considerable amount of time and
attention on these ornaments (Fig. 15). Even though the section of the prophets
does not have such adornments, most likely due to the deliberate simplicity preferred
in this portion of the text, the sections related to the animals, birds, planets, and
letters has fine examples of floral patterns. Usually in spiral compositions, the variety
of stylized plants applied to each folio range from peonies, roses, and carnations
to wildflowers in blue, red, and black, and constitute a valuable record of floral
ornamentation during this period. One can infer that the artist or artists aimed
to fill every blank frame left around the representations. Even the combination of
volutes with elegantly executed flowers and leaves flourishes the sense of harmony
by ensuring a picturesque visual experience.
56
Figure 3.16 Floral Decoration from folio (4b)
Considering the deliberate choice of birds and animals in the context of hunting,
and the way in which the artist or artists depicted the prophets against a simplified
naturalistic background, these meticulously decorated floral motifs demonstrate a
strong emphasis and focus upon natural forms These thoughtfully designed Hatâyî
patterns not only demonstrate the accumulation of traditions and rich artistic heritage
to which the artist or artists were exposed, but also their attention to detail,
and the efforts they exerted in order to aesthetically please the patron and increase
the artistic value of the finished product. This attention to detail is to be expected,
considering that the manuscript was most probably commissioned by a royal court.
57
Figure 3.17 Floral Decoration from folio (8b)
Lastly, it should be remembered that these types of embellishments were referenced
previously in the process of dating the manuscript. In addition to the recent article
cited earlier in this chapter, Esra Tay also states in her M.A. Thesis as follows:
“Tasvirlerin işlendiği zeminin çevresinde hataî ve şakayık gibi çeşitli
bitkisel motifler yer almaktadır. Bu motifler eserin tarihlendirilmesine
yardımcı olabilecek niteliktedir. Hataî ve şakayık motifleri Osmanlı
süsleme sanatlarında 16. yüzyıldan itibaren görülmeye başlanmıştır. Bu
da bize Serpil BAĞCI’nın yaptığı tarihlendirmenin, eserin süsleme özellikleriyle
de örtüştüğünü göstermektedir."150
1
She writes that due to the use of peony and Hatâyî patterns, the manuscript can be
150Gencel, Ankara Milli Kütüphane’de Yer Alan 5179 Numaralı Falname, 131.
58
dated to the sixteenth century, since these motifs are seen in the Ottoman Empire
from the sixteenth century onwards. However, variations of these particular motifs
composed in spiral forms that very much resemble the ones in Falname (No. 5179)
can also be seen on Seljukid tiles and objects.151 In fact, it is explained quite clearly
by Nursel Karaca that these motifs first emerged in China and came to Anatolia
through Iran.152 Even though peony and Hatâyî ornaments gained momentum in the
sixteenth-century Ottoman Empire, especially on tiles, they were in fact widespread
in the earlier Seljuk and Beylik periods.153 Based on this information, dating the
manuscript solely by considering the floral motifs is not sufficient, because there are
many possible origins as indicated above.
3.2.4 Conclusion
This manuscript provides solid evidence as to how the artists of medieval Anatolia
were in dialogue with a diverse artistic sphere and a wide canons of representations,
although they necessarily customized and transformed these influences according
to the ideological interest and demands of the patron. Based on the evidence that
we see in these illustrations, it is apparent that the artists were already aware
of the artistic conventions for representing planets and prophets. Yet, they also
chose to depict them with their own unique interest in the setting and with an
eye towards a more naturalistic mode of representation, as if the available styles
and canon were not sufficient for their aims and artistic goals Thus, shaped by the
multi-referential vision of the artist and the expectations of the patron, the artist
or artists created a link between the artistic conventions of the time and the patron’s
demands, as can be observed in each and every section of Falname (No. 5179).
As a result, these thoughtful choices of representation coherently transmit ideologies
in a twofold manner. On one hand, the simplified figural representations give rise to
the impression that the emphasis is on the presence of the prophets in the text; it is
almost as if both the patron and the artist or artists deliberately wanted to prevent
151See İsmail Yardımcı, “The Glazed Tile Tecniques of the Seljuk and Beylik Periods,” Journal of Literature
and Art Studies 13, no. 1 (January 2013): 42-51; Melahat Altundağ, “Sıtkı Olçar’ın Yorumuyla Selçuklu
Çini ve Seramikleri,” Kalemişi 6, no.13 (2018): 363-379; Leyla Yılmaz, “Some Seljukid Tiles Uncovered
From the Archaeological Excavations at Alâiyye Castle, Southern Turkey,” SOMA 2011 Proceedings of the
15th Symposium on Mediterranean Archaeology, held at the University of Catania 3-5 March 2011, ed.
Pietro Maria Militello and Hakan Öniz. Vol.1, BAR International Series 2695 (I) (2015), 925-928.
152See the full history and evolution of these patterns in Nursel Karaca, “Türk Çini Sanatında ‘Hatayi’
ve ‘Şakayık’ Motifi Örneğinde Çizim Özellikleri,” Uluslararası Toplum Araştırmaları Dergisi 18, no. 43
(November 2021): 7082-7105.
153Ibid, 7086.
59
any distraction from the prophets and thus did not provide anything related to the
identity of the prophets or anything other than modest objects for identification.
This tendency thus ensured the exclusivity of hearing a fortune directly from the
prophet, as if the prophet came alive just to state the seeker’s omen. Secondly,
the attention paid to the theological and dynastic chronology, and the incorporation
of political figures and their representations into the illustrations, reemphasizes
the theme of continuity by constructing a privileged identity for the patron and
propagating his political persona in the Islamic context; this is in parallel with the
discussion of the text of the manuscript.
60
4. CONCLUSION
The starting point of this thesis was my suspicion that the text of Falname (No.
5179) was produced earlier than the sixteenth century, as has been previously
suggested. Due to the fact that the manuscript does not bear any signature of
an artist or workshop, nor is there any mark of a particular author, insignia, or
location, and because I was unable to conduct further analyses on the physical
components of the manuscript such as the binding, illustration, paper, and ink, I
was forced to rely on the text to confirm or deny my suspicions. Upon consultation
with experts of Old Anatolian Turkish, the text has been dated to sometime
between the fourteenth and fifteenth century. Though there is always the possibility
of a copyist, or later additions such as illustrations, an accurate redating of the text
bring forth a new context for the manuscript. For this reason, this thesis reconsiders
Falname (No. 5179 ) as belonging to the Beylik period, as the earliest-surviving
illustrated fortunetelling book written in vernacular Turkish.
In the course of my revision of the transcription and as I wrote the English explanations
of the text, many errors made in the previous thesis on the subject have
been corrected. Those inaccuracies in the former translation not only mislead the
reader and cause confusion about the content, but also prevent the establishment
of a coherent narrative that contributes to understanding the overall organization
of the text. Consequently, I have decided to centralize my study on presenting the
most up-to-date translation, which will provide a solid basis for further studies and
further interpretations of Falname (No. 5179). For this reason, Chapter 2 of this
thesis has aimed to introduce the manuscript by describing its characteristics. It
also intends to illustrate how the text functioned in the process of fortunetelling by
putting forward selected cases from the surviving text.
In Chapter 3, in which I aim to recontextualize the text as belonging to fourteenthand
fifteenth-century Anatolia by speculating about the issues of its origin, patron,
61
network, and provenance, I build my discussion on two major aspects of the
manuscript: the text and its illustrations. Since this manuscript enables a dual
experience for the reader—both verbal and visual—it is essential to scrutinize both.
Due to the anonymity of the manuscript and the lack of evidence referring to any
patronage network, circumstantial evidence and the historical context of the era in
which the text was produced are necessary in order to establish a new perspective
on Falname (No. 5179). In light of certain aspects of the text, such as the language
being vernacular Turkish, the text has been recontextualized into the Beylik period,
when the trend of producing manuscripts in vernacular Turkish gained momentum.
Based on the indications and evidence that have already been elaborated on in
the text, it is likely that Falname (No. 5179) was produced for a patron of high
status. Furthermore, the intense interest in this genre by the patrons of literati
led to many diverse versions of falnamas being produced contemporaneously to
Falname (No. 5179); this led to there being a variety of sources for the authors
and/or artists, which complicates any exact attribution. For this reason, the lack
of direct evidence which prevents us from tracing the text back to any exact patron
or attribute the manuscript to any particular network has led to various interpretations
and speculations, which I have discussed throughout Chapter 3 of this thesis.
Because the text is straightforward - in other words, there is no pattern in terms
of the organization of the text, including the absence of any reason behind the
association of a certain animal with a prophet – is seems likely that the text did
not have a more hermeneutic reading, such as from a Sufi context. This particular
lack of cohesion may also indicate a sensitivity to religious issues, and represent
an attempt to prevent Falname (No. 5179) from being taken too seriously as a
divinatory text. As a contribution to this hypothesis, this thesis has also discussed
the way in which the fortunetelling books were perceived to be a form of leisure
and art. The lines between seeking omens and playing games were blurred, and
they were often intermingled as part of courtly entertainments.
Moreover, the prophets are not depicted within a systematic iconography that
refers to their life stories, as was commonly preferred, but rather are depicted either
standing or seated with a plain background. Further narratives or any biographical
association might have been seen as a distraction to the reader in the process
of divination, since these individual portraits of the prophets not only enhance
the legitimization of the omens, but also underline the exclusivity of hearing the
62
omens directly from the prophets themselves. Portraying them in a plain manner
shows that they are there only for augurating, and it also enables a two-way
direct communication with the reader, both verbally and visually. Therefore, it
seems likely that both the patron and the authors and artists of Falname (No.
5179) aimed to create a balance between the heavy presence of the prophets in an
illustrated fortunetelling manuscript, and a book produced for apparent leisurely
consumption.
Last but not least, the floral decoration in each folio, namely the Hatâyî motifs, had
earlier been used to help date the manuscript to the sixteenth century. However,
this thesis also notes that such motifs were available long before the sixteenth
century, which means that the question of whether the illustrations and/or the
floral decorations were produced earlier still remains.
In the process of doing research for and writing this thesis, I have come to the
conclusion that my earlier suspicion regarding the dating of the Falname (No. 5179)
has been validated, and that an attribution to the Beylik period seems increasingly
plausible. Though there are many questions regarding Falname (No. 5179) that
require further research with comparanda of its kind, the revised transcription with
brief explanations, in addition to the reassessment of the content and the illustrations
in light of the new historical context, may hopefully lead to further research in the
field; after all, there are many falnamas in libraries and archives waiting to be
studied.
63
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APPENDIX
The Birds
The chapter of the birds consists of five folios. It starts from ’ukab and ends with
güncüşk. As the catchwords suggest, there are no missing pages in this section.
(1a)
(1) ’Ukab
At ne kim dir-ise anık.
ıl˙gıl
Ne buyurursak.
ula˙gunak.
oy˙gıl
The first folio begins with the eagle (’ukab), which then directs the reader to the
section of the horse. The author advises that the reader should do whatever the
horse says and should keep his instructions in mind.
(2) Hüm¯ay
Felegüŋh.
¯alüni ey¯a mihter
S.
orariseŋ diyüvire ester
The second section in the first folio is the lines of the mythical bird Huma or
Homa (hüm¯ay), whose shadow falls on future kings according to Persian legend.
Therefore, the title used to describe the royal households called homayun or
hümayun means ‘the fortunate’. The author leads the reader to the section of the
mule (ester) in order to reveal his or her fate (felek). Felek is a celestial term
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used to identify destiny that is characteristically related to the ancient science of
astrology because of the long-rooted belief that the worldly life is interdependently
the ultimate reflection of the celestial sphere. The horoscope (çark-ı felek) is a
wheel that is perpetually on the move so that each moment is different than before.
As the intertextual reference suggests, Huma is the bird that could inform the
reader about his or her destiny (felek).
(3) Kerkes
F¯aluŋuŋ r¯azını kişi bilmesün
Meger eşük diyüvire saŋa pes
The verses of the vulture (kerkes or akbaba) point to the section of the donkey
(eşük) if the reader has not been informed yet about his or her destiny. Thus, for
the sake of ascertaining the mysteries of his or her omen, the reader should visit
the section of the donkey.
(1b)
(4) B¯az
Eger ister-iseŋ bu derde dev¯a
Saŋa bir ç¯are idivere deve
The second page of the first folio begins with the falcon (b¯az or doğan). The author
directs the reader towards the section of the camel (deve) if he or she wishes to find
a cure (dev¯a) for his or her inconvenience. As the lines promise, the camel has the
remedy.
(5) ޯah¯ın
K.
¯ak.umuŋ çok. durur begüm hüneri
K.ab¯
ul itdi vire saŋa selamı
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The verses of the hawk (ş¯ah¯ın) speak to the reader directly referring to him or her
as sir or madam (beyim or begüm). The author then points to the section of the
ermine (k.
¯ak.um), which has many talents. It is one of the rare animals in whose fur
was reserved solely for the use of royal families throughout history. Thus, it may
not be a coincidence that the author not only highlights the skills of the ermine but
also heralds that it agrees to salute the reader.
(6) Çak. ır
K.
ula˙guzuŋ saŋa yabandak.
olan
Yol bulur her kişi yabanda kalan
The first folio ends with the lines of the goshawk (çakır), as the author directs the
reader to the section of the Equus onager (kolan), also known as wild donkey. It
is stated that the onager guides the one who strays through wilderness, thereupon
allowing her or her to find his or her way.
(2a) 154
(7) Atmaca
Giyige var su’¯al eyle iy y¯ar
Saŋa eydivire nedür ah. v¯al
The couplet of the second folio by the hawk (atmaca) appeals to the reader as his
friend (iy y¯ar) and advises him or her to visit the section of the deer (geyik). The
reader would be informed about his or her circumstances (ah. v¯al) upon asking the
deer.
(8) R¯ış
Eyleme kimseye küsi vü yeci
Saŋa eydivire F¯aluŋı keçi
154There are no missing pages between (1b) and (2a) as the catchword ‘atmaca’ suggests.
72
The title of this section, R¯ış, means feather or wing, yet in this context contingently
implies a bird. It signifies that the section of the goat (keçi) will reveal the fortune
of the reader. The author also admonishes the reader to avoid being offended (küsi
vü yeci) by someone.
(9) Devekuşı
F¯aluŋı ol kişiyes.
or su˙guna
Eydivirse ş’irini hem o˙guna
The ostrich (devekuşı) guides the reader to the section of the lion (ş’ir)155 in order
to reveal the omen of the reader who has a desire to hear it.
(2b)
(10) Ördek
ޯırdür cümle c¯anav¯ar hânı,
S.
oyunur aŋa virenün cânı
While the verses of the duck (ördek) refer to the lion (ş¯ır), they also alert the
reader with a warning. Due to the fact that the lion is the king of all predators
(c¯anav¯ar)156 , it could take the lives of the ones who would dare to come nearby.
(11)k.
az
S.
orar-isen saŋa diyek.
aplan
Ne ki dirse sen aŋa vark.
atlan
155The Persian word for lion, şir, is misspelled.
156The word c¯anav¯ar comes from c¯an-aver which means the one who could take life.
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The goose (k.
az) forwards the reader to the section of the tiger (k.
aplan), which will
answer questions if the reader asks. The author further recommends the reader to
endure whatever the tiger expresses.
(12) Külenk
K.
arak. ula˙ga eyleh.
¯alüŋi ’arż,
Ol saŋa diyüvire v¯acib ü farz
The couplet of the crane or Grus cinercus (külenk) leads the reader to the section
of the caracal (k.
arak. ulak. ). Cranes are messenger birds in Turkish mythology;
further, the termk.
arak. ulak. was used to refer to the messengers waiting at doors in
the Ottoman Empire. In addition to the correlated contextuality, the author also
states that the crane will inform the reader about necessary actions (v¯acib) and
obligations (farz).
(3a) 157
(13)k.
ar˙ga
K.
urda vars.
orh.
¯alüŋi iy em¯ır
N’olaca˙gın saŋa diye bir bir
The third folio begins with a reference to the section of the wolf (kurd) by the crow
(k.
ar˙ga). The author addresses the reader as amir (iy em¯ır) and clarifies that the
wolf will tell the reader what is going to happen if the reader visits him and explain
his or her situation.
(14)k.
umrı
S.
ırtlandur senüŋ h¯alüŋi bilen
Dilegüŋi aŋa di vü diŋlen
157There is a missing folio or folios between (2b) and (3a).
74
While the verses of the dove or Streptopelia decaocto (k. umrı) steer the reader
toward the section of the hyena (s.ırtlan), the author encourages the reader to
express his or her wishes to the hyena since it has comprehensive knowledge of
the circumstances of the reader. Also, the author advises that after the reader
transmits his or her wishes, he or she should become relaxed since the hyena is now
aware of the reader’s situations.
(15) Kel¯a˙g-ı siyah
Ayuya sor f¯aluŋı sen iy y¯ar
Ol kime kim buyursa sen aŋa var
The couplet by the raven or Corvus corax (kel¯a˙g-ı siyah) speaks directly to the
reader as his or her friend (iy y¯ar), as he does occasionally throughout the text,
and advises the reader to visit the section of the bear (ayu). If the reader asks the
bear, he or she will be informed about his or her fortune. Additionally, the author
instructs the reader to go to whomever the bear indicates.
(3b)
(16) Dürr¯ac
Dilküden sor˙gıl sen esr¯arı
Z¯ıra oldur bularda ’ayy¯ar¯ı
In the verses of the francolin or Tetrao francolinus (dürr¯ac or turaç), the author
admonishes the reader to ask the fox (dilkü) for its secrets (esr¯ar) by directing the
reader to its section. The author also makes a cohesive comment about the fox by
stating that it is the master of deceit (’ayy¯ar), and therefore is able to know the
secrets.
(17) Keklik
T.
avşanas.
or ki f¯aluŋı bilesin
75
Başuŋa gelecegini göresin
The partridge (keklik) forwards the reader to the section of the rabbit (t.avşan),
which is able to demonstrate the omen if the reader asks. Therefore, the reader
would be able to foresee what is going to happen to him or her.
(18) Devlingec
Çak. ala var dah
¯
ı su’¯al eyle
Ne ki dirse saŋah.
el¯al eyle
The third folio ends with the section of the kite (devlingec or devlengec) by
suggesting that the reader should ask his or her questions to the jackal (çak. al).
The author not only points the reader to the jackal’s section, but also suggests that
the reader should give his or her blessings (h.
el¯al eyle) to whatever the jackal says
to them.
(4a) 158
(19)S.
ak. sa˙gan
Kişi kim f¯al ura semm¯ura vara
K.
ay˙gudank.
urtula sür¯ura vara
The fourth folio starts with the magpie (s.ak. sa˙gan) and directs the reader to the
section of the sable (semm¯ur or samur). The author states that the reader will feel
relieved and achieve happiness (sür¯ur) upon his or her visit to the sable.
(20) Sem¯ane
K.
¯ak.uma var ki ol bilür r¯azı
H¯
¯ublarıŋ çün eyü gelür n¯azı
158There are no missing pages between (3b) and (4a), as the catchword ‘S. ak. sa˙gan’ suggests.
76
The verses of the quail or Colurnix communis (sem¯ane, sumane, or bıldırcın) advise
the reader to visit the section of the ermine (k.
¯ak.um) since it knows the secrets
(r¯az). Besides, as indicated in the second line, the coyness of the beauties (h
¯
¯ub)
delights people.
(21)S.
ı˙gırcık.
F¯aluŋı eydiyor çün sinc¯ab
Z¯ıra oldur senüŋle hem-dem-ih¯
¯ab
The starling or Sturnus vulgaris (s.ı˙gırcık. ) guides the reader to the section of the
squirrel (sinc¯ab) in order to learn all of his or her fortunes. The author further
describes the squirrel as the sleeping mate of the reader (hem-dem-i h
¯
¯ab).
(4b)
(22) Bülbül
‘Arż eyleh.
¯alüŋi saŋsara
Olma˙gılh¯
¯anum¯andan ¯av¯are
The verses of the nightingale (bülbül) point to the section of the marten (saŋsar) in
order to enable the reader to present his or her circumstances to it. Furthermore,
the author warns the reader that once he or she brings his or her matter forward
to the marten, he or she should stay home and avoid going out.
(23) Hüdhüd
Kedidens.
or r¯az u esr¯arı
Z¯ıra oldur dün [ü] gün ’ayy¯ar¯ı
The hoopoe (hüdhüd) leads the reader to the section of the cat (kedi) that will tell
secrets (r¯az u esr¯ar) to the reader. Likewise, the author identifies the fox (dilkü)
77
as the master of deceit (’ayy¯ar) in the previous verses about the francolin. The
author further describes the cat as a thief and a trickster (’ayy¯ar) of day and night.
Therefore, as the inter-correlation suggests, both the cat and fox are able to know
secrets.
(24)T.
¯ur¯um
S.
ıçanas.
ormak. isteseŋ r¯azı
Eylemişdür bu yolda c¯anb¯az¯ı
In the last section of the fourth folio, the camel calf (t.¯ur¯um) advises the section
of the rat (s.ıçan) if the reader wishes to ask for his or her omen. It is stated in
the second line that the camel calf does not hesitate to give its life along the way
(c¯anb¯az)159.
(5a) 160
(25) Çegavek
R¯as¯uyik.
oma r¯azuŋı o bilür
Ne ki yavuk.
ılursaŋ o bilür
The fifth folio begins with the verses of the lark or Otocoris pencillatus (çegavek
or toygar kuşu) that directs the reader to the section of the weasel or Mustela
vulgaris (r¯as¯u). The author warns the reader not to underestimate the weasel
since it has already been aware of the unpleasant actions that the reader would take.
(26) Pirist¯u 161
Maymuna var ki yüzi meym¯undur
159The word c¯anb¯az comes from c¯an-baz, which means the one who plays with his or her life.
160There are no missing pages between (4b) and (5a) as the catchword ‘Çegavek’ suggests.
161The word ‘kırlaguç’ is noted under the title in Ottoman handwriting.
78
Z¯ıra f¯aluŋ senüŋ hüm¯ay¯undur
The swallow or martin (pirist¯u, kırlangıç, or kırlaguç) navigates the reader to the
section of the monkey (maymun) because of the fact that its face is auspicious.
In the subsequent line, the author asserts to the reader that his or her fortune is
blessed (hüm¯ay¯un).
(27) Güncüşk
Ejdeh¯adans.
orar iseŋh.
¯ali
H.
¯alüŋ eyde senüŋ o fi’l-h¯ali
The lines of the sparrow (güncüşk or serçe) point the reader to the section of the
dragon (ejdeh¯a). They also promise that the dragon will immediately mention the
reader’s circumstances if he or she inquires.
The Quadrupeds
The chapter of the quadrupeds starts with the elephant (5b) and ends with the
dragon (11a). As the catchwords suggest, there are no missing pages in this section.
Yet, the last page of this chapter is torn in half.
(5b)
(28) F¯ıl
Saŋa yol gösterici ¯Ademdür
Z¯ıra enbiy¯ad’as.l-ı ‘¯alemdür
The verses of the elephant (f¯ıl) initiate a new pattern to direct the reader to the
sections of the prophets rather than to that of other animals. The author explains
to the reader that Prophet Adam ( ¯ Adem) is the reader’s guide since Adam is the
one who originated life on earth and therefore is the ultimate foundation.
79
(29) Pars.
ޯıte varh.
¯alüŋi bulısarsın
Saŋa n’olaca˙gın bilisersin
The black leopard (pars.) guides the reader to the section of Prophet Seth (ޯıt) so
that the reader can ask him about his or her situations. Consequently, he or she
will figure out what will happen to him or her in the future.
(30) Pelenk
H¯abile var ki f¯al k¯abildür
Z¯ıra K¯abil ziy¯adek.
¯abildür
The author ends the fifth folio with the section of the tiger (pelenk) and advises the
reader to visit the section of Prophet Abel (H¯abil) since the omen will reveal itself
there only. In the following verse, the author praises Prophet Cain (K¯abil) because
of his talents. Besides, the choice of correlating the tiger with the story of Abel and
Cain seems to be a deliberate one due to the fact that the tiger is famous for being
vindictive, so much so that there is a specific phrase for defining its malevolence
(kine-i pelenk).
(6a) 162
(31) Seg 163
F¯aluŋı arż eyle İdr¯ıs’e
Dürişür düni gün ol derse
The sixth folio starts with the dog (seg), which directs reader to the section of
162There are no missing pages between (5b) and (6a) as the catchword ‘Seg’ suggests.
163The word ‘it’ is noted under the title in Ottoman handwriting.
80
Prophet Idris (İdr¯ıs). The author indicates that the reader should ask Prophet
Idris for his or her fortune due to the fact that he or she studies day and night.
Apparently, the author also makes a reference to the story of Prophet Idris, who
was the first person to use a pen and paper on earth.
(32)H
¯
¯uk 164
F¯aluŋı eydivire saŋa N¯uh.
Andan olur saŋa ey dost füt¯uh.
The pig (h
¯
¯uk) forwards the reader to the section of Prophet Noah (N¯uh. ), who will
tell the reader his or her fortune. In the second line, the author addresses the reader
as his friend (ey dost) and clarifies that Noah will open many doors or conquests
(füt¯uh. ) for the reader. Yet, it should be explained that the word füt¯uh. also has an
esoteric connotation since it also signifies ‘openings’ in a spiritual sense.
(33) Üştür 165
L¯ut ne dirse sen anıt.
ut˙gıl
L¯utiler işlerini unut˙gıl
While the verses of the camel (üştür) refer to the section of Prophet Lot (L¯ut ),
they also alert the reader with a warning. The author suggests that the reader
should abstain from homosexuality (L¯utiler işleri) by making a straightforward
reference to the story of Prophet Lot.
(6b)
(34) G¯av 166
164The word ‘domuz’ is noted under the title in Ottoman handwriting.
165The word ‘deve’ is noted under the title in Ottoman handwriting.
166The word ‘sığır’ is noted under the title in Ottoman handwriting.
81
F¯aluŋıs.
ork.
oma İly¯as’ı
Aŋa varsaŋ gider göŋül pası
The verses of the ox (g¯av) lead to the section of Prophet Elijah (İly¯as) and advise
the reader not to underestimate him while asking for his or her omen. Furthermore,
the author expounds that once the reader consults him, his or her sorrow (göŋül
pası) will disappear.
(35) Gusfend 167
Danyal’a su’¯alk.
ıl f¯alı,
Z¯ıra oldur zam¯ane remm¯ali
The couplet by the sheep (gusfend) directs the reader to the section of Prophet
Daniel (Danyal). If the reader asks the bear, he or she will be informed about his
or her omen. Additionally, the author defines Prophet Daniel as the geomancer
(remm¯al) of his time.
(36) Kulan
Her kişinüŋ ki f¯alını bile H¯ud
T.
¯ali’i olısar anuŋ mes’¯ud
In the last section of the sixth folio, the kulan168 points to the section of Prophet
Hud (H¯ud). Moreover, the author promises that the reader’s fortune will be
felicitous due to the fact that it will be told by Prophet Hud.
(7a) 169
(37) Geyik
167The word ‘koyun’ is noted under the title in Ottoman handwriting.
168It is a subspecies of the onager native to Central Asia (Equus hemionus kulan).
169There is not any missing page between (6b) and (7a) as the catchword suggests as ‘Geyik’.
82
Y¯unus’a m¯unis olmayan bilmez
Yavuk.
ıldu˙gunı henüz bulmaz
The seventh folio begins with the deer (geyik) referring the reader to the section
of Prophet Jonah (Y¯unus). The author states that if the reader will not become
friends (m¯unis) with Prophet Jonah, the reader will not be able to acknowledge his
or her misbehavior (yavuk.
ıldu˙gunı).
(38) Keçi
Faluŋı eydivire saŋa ’Üzeyr
Ki anuŋ yanına iderseŋ seyr
The lines of the goat (keçi) point the reader to the section of Prophet Ezra (’üzeyr).
It also promises that he will tell the fortune of the reader immediately if the reader
pays a visit to him.
(39) Semm¯ur
Var su’¯al eyles.
abrı Eyy¯ub’a
S¯ıreti gökçeks.
¯uretih¯
¯uba
The weasel (semm¯ur) refers the reader to the section of Prophet Job (Eyy¯ub) who
has a beautiful face (s.¯ureti h
¯
¯ub) and a delicate soul (s¯ıreti gökçek). The author
advises the reader to ask the value of patience to him by making a reference to his
life story.
(7b)
(40)k.
¯akum
R¯azuŋı eydevire İbr¯ah¯ım
83
F¯aluŋı eyleye saŋa ta’l¯ım
The second page of the seventh folio begins with ermine (k.
¯akum) and points to the
section of Prophet Abraham (İbr¯ah¯ım). As the author indicates, Prophet Abraham
will both reveal and teach the reader’s fortune.
(41) Sinc¯ab
F¯alına her kim ister-ise del¯ıl
Aŋa del¯ıl yiter İsm¯a’¯ıl
While the verses of the squirrel (sinc¯ab) navigate the reader to the section of
Prophet Samuel (İsm¯a’¯ıl), the author suggests that he himself is going to be a
testimony for the reader who requires evidence for his or her omen.
(42) Saŋs¯ar
Ger göresin yüzini İsh. ¯ak. ’uŋ
Bulasın sen rıż¯asınıh.
ak.k.
’uŋ
The author ends this folio with the section of the marten (saŋs¯ar) by advising the
reader to visit the section of Prophet Isaac (İsh. ¯ak. ). As the lines promise, the reader
will attain God’s mercy if he or she sees the face of Prophet Isaac.
(8a) 170
(43) Kedi
Ger varasınk.
atına Ya’k¯ub’uŋ
h.
¯as.ıl ola muh. ibb ü mah. b¯ubuŋ
This folio begins with the verses of the cat, which forward the reader to the section
of Prophet Jacob (Ya’k¯ub). As it is attested, the reader’s friends and the ones who
170There are no missing pages between (7b) and (8a) as the catchword ‘kedi’ suggests.
84
love him or her (muh. ibb ü mah. b¯ubuŋ) will be elicited once he or she arrives at
Prophet Jacob’s side.
(44) Sıçan
Ger göresin Y¯usufıs.
ıdd¯ık.
Eyde saŋa n’olaca˙gın tah.k.
¯ık.
The verses of the rat (sıçan) guide the reader to the section of Prophet Joseph
(Y¯usuf ) by advising the reader to be close friends (s.ıdd¯ık. ) with him. Therefore,
Prophet Joseph would be able to explicitly transmit what is going to happen to the
reader.
(45) Gergedan
Çün işitdüŋ nas.¯ıh. at-ı Cerc¯ıs
K.
atuŋa gelmeye senüŋ İbl¯ıs
In the lines of the rhinoceros (gergedan), the author admonishes the reader to follow
the advice of Prophet Georges (Cercis) by directing the reader to his section. The
devil will remain away from the reader if he or she listens to Prophet Georges.
(8b)
(46) Feres
F¯aluŋı M¯usa’dan işit iy kel¯ım
Z¯ıra oldur bu f¯al içinde ’al¯ım
The second page of this folio begins with the horse (feres) by pointing to the
section of Prophet Moses (M¯usa), who is identified as omniscient (’al¯ım) in terms
of fortunetelling. The author speaks directly to the reader as a ‘talker’ (iy kel¯ım)
even though the term kel¯ım is one of the epithets of Prophet Moses since he had
communicated with God on Mount Sinai.
85
(47) Zür¯afa
Var Şu’aybuŋk.
atına iy ’¯ak. il
Ol saŋa ne dir-ise anık.
ıl
The verses of the giraffe (zür¯afa) address the reader directly as ‘intellect’ (iy ’¯ak. il),
as the author directs the reader to the section of Prophet Shuaib (Şu’ayb). The
author admonishes that the reader shall do whatever Prophet Shuaib utters.
(48) Ester
Çün dutasın nas.¯ıh. at-i H¯ar¯un
’İzz ü devlet saŋa ola mak. r¯un
This folio ends with the lines of the mule (ester), which lead the reader to the
section of Prophet Aaron (H¯ar¯un). The author promises that the reader will
approach auspiciousness and glory (’izz ü devlet) if he or she follows the advice
of Prophet Aaron (nas.¯ıh. at-i H¯ar¯un). It is noteworthy that the author makes a
reference to the story of Aaron with the choice of the word nas.¯ıh. at since Prophet
Moses deputized him as his advisor in his journey to Mount Sinai.
(9a) 171
(49)h.
ım¯ar
F¯aluŋı ’arż eyle D¯av¯ud’a
İrgüre seni t¯ız mak.s.¯uda
This folio begins with a section about the donkey (h.
ım¯ar) that directs the reader
to the section of Prophet David (D¯av¯ud). It is indicated that Prophet David can
transport (irgüre) the reader wherever he or she wishes to go (mak. s.¯ud) once the
171There are no missing pages between (8b) and (9a) as the catchword ‘hımar’ suggests.
86
reader presents his or her omen to him.
(50)k.
urt
F¯aluŋıs.
orasın Süleym¯an’a
Ol seni diyüvire sult.¯ana
The verses of the wolf (k.
urt) forward the reader to the section of Prophet Solomon
(Süleym¯an). The author remarks that the reader should ask the prophet for his or
her fortune. In addition, there is a contextual reference to the epithets of Prophet
Solomon since the author promises the reader that the prophet will drop the names
of the reader to the sultan of his or her era, once he or she asks him for the omen.
(51) Sırtlan
Zekeriyy¯a’ya var su’¯alüŋs.
or
Ne cev¯ab eydür-ise anı gör
The couplet by the hyena (sırtlan) advises the reader to visit the section of Prophet
Zachary (Zekeriyy¯a). The reader will find the answers to his or her questions if he
or she asks them to the prophet. Furthermore, the author instructs the reader to
implement whatever Prophet Zachary prescribes.
(9b)
(52)H
¯
ırs
Çünki Yah. y¯a saŋa naz.ar eyler
Saŋa n’olaca˙gın ’ay¯an eyler
The lines of the bear (h
¯
ırs) point the reader to the section of Prophet John (Yah. y¯a).
They promise that the upcoming incidents will be revealed (’ay¯an eyler) to the
reader immediately since Prophet John beholds them (naz.ar eyler).
87
(53) Dilki
’¯Isa pey˙gamber dururk.
ula˙guz
Andan ayruk. saŋa kimi bulavuz
The fox (dilki) guides the reader to the section of Prophet Jesus (’¯Isa) by identifying
him as the ultimate guide (k.
ula˙guz). The author draws attention to his or her
importance by directly asking the reader who else could be found as a guide other
than him or her.
(54) Çak. al
H¯
ıżra var kim çün ol dururh.
¯ażır
Dükeli yirdeh.
¯ażır u n¯az.ır
This folio ends with the lines of the jackal (çakal), which refer to the section of
Prophet Khidr (Hıżr). As the author states, he or she is ready for everything
everywhere (h.
¯ażır u n¯az.ı). It is remarkable that the author makes a reference to
one of the major particularities of Prophet Khidr, which is ubiquity.
(10a) 172
(55) Tavşan
Saŋa ne dirse işit olS.
¯alih.
Z¯ıra kimh.
alk.a oldurur n¯asih.
The author starts the tenth folio with a reference to the section of Prophet Saleh
(S.
¯alih. ) by the rabbit (tavşan). The author further implies that the reader should
listen to the advice of the prophet because of the fact that he is the admonisher
(n¯asih. ) of the people.
(56) ¯Ah¯u
172There are no missing pages between (9b) and (10a) as the catchword ‘tavşan’ suggests.
88
Mustaf¯a’dans.
orar iseŋ falı
Dükelinden yeg bilürh.
¯ali
The couplet of the gazelle directs the reader to the section of Prophet Muhammad
(Mustaf¯a) and instructs the reader to ask for his or her fortune. As the second line
suggests, the author asserts that he or she knows the events better than anybody
and any other prophets.
(57) G¯av-ı K¯uh¯ı
F¯alh.
¯alin bilici Lok.m¯an’dur
H.
ikmet aŋa hem¯ışe ferm¯andur
This folio ends with the section of the wild ox (g¯av-ı k¯uh¯ı), which forwards the
reader to the section of Luqman (Lok.m¯an). By making a reference to the esoteric
context, the author elucidates that he or she knows the omen due to the fact that
he or she possesses the mysteries of the creation and ethereal realm (h.
ikmet).
(10b)
(58) ޯır
S.
or f¯aluŋı sen Eb¯ubekr’e
Düşme zinh¯arh.
¯ıle vü mekre
While the verses of the lion (ş¯ır) make a reference to the section of Abubakr
(Eb¯ubekr), the author also provides the reader with a warning. As the author
advises, the reader should refrain from cheating and deceit (h.
¯ıle vü mekr).
(59) Bebr
T.
ut etegink.
oma sen ol ’Ömer’üŋ
89
Z¯ıra üst¯adı ol durur hünerüŋ
The author navigates the reader towards the section of Omar (’Ömer) in the verses
of dassie or Hyrax syriensis (bebr). The author states that the reader should hold
on to Omar’s skirt and never let go of it by virtue of him or her being the master
of talents.
(60)k.
arak. ulak.
Ne ki gelür saŋa iy y¯ar ziy¯an
Saŋa iydivire anı ’Osm¯an
The couplet by the caracal (k.
arak. ulak. ) speaks directly to the reader as his friend
(iy y¯ar), which the author does occasionally as observed in the verses thus far.
Moreover, the author advises the reader to visit the section of Utman (’Osm¯an).
There, the reader will be informed about whomever or whatever will cause damage
or evil to him or her.
(11a)
(61) . . . . 173
F¯aluŋı eydivire saŋa ’Al¯ı
Aŋah¯
oşn¯uddur neb¯ı ü vel¯ı
This folio begins by directing the reader to the section of Ali (’Al¯ı) by advising
the reader to ask Ali for his or her fortune. Also, the author indicates that both
Prophet Mohammad and the saints (nebi ü vel¯ı) are content with him.
(62) Maymun
Ger dilerseŋ olasın sa˙g u esen
173The word is not legible and cannot be deciphered, but there are no missing pages between (10b) and (11a)
as the catchword corresponds with the first title in (11a).
90
F¯aluŋı sor eydivireh.
asan
The couplet by the monkey (maymun) forwards the reader to the section of Hasan
(h.
asan). The reader will be healthy and happy (sa˙g u esen) if he or she asks for his
or her fortune from Hasan, who will answer immediately.
(63) Ejderha
Çünh.
üseyn’den su’¯alk.
ıl f¯alı,
. . .
Even though the second line cannot be read due to the page being torn, the lines
of the dragon (ejderha) point the reader to the section of Husain (h.
üseyn) by commending
him or her to ask Husain for his or her omen.
The Prophets
The chapter of the prophets begins with Prophet Adam (11a) and includes all
the prophets until Jesus (24a). After examination, it appears that there are some
missing and torn pages. Yet, it can still be deduced that the author follows the
chronological order of the prophets.
(11b)
B¯ab-ı Pey˙gamber¯an-ı ’aleyhi’s-sel¯am
The Chapter of the Prophets
174
174“Allah’ın, lutuf ve kereminden kendilerine verdikleriyle sevinçli bir halde rableri yanında rızıklara mazhar
olmaktadırlar.” (Al-i İmran Suresi 169–170)
91
K.
¯ale ¯Adem ’aleyhi’s-sel¯am 175
Prophet Adam said
(12a) 176
(64)
Şimdiden girü sen em¯an bulasın
K.
ay˙gudan ˙girü ş¯adum¯an olasın
The author heralds that the reader will feel safe (em¯an) and release his or her
anxiety from this day forward. Therefore, he or she will be happy (ş¯adum¯an) as
promised.
(65)
Düşmenüŋ ola renc ü zahmetde
Çün göre seni n¯az u ni’metde
This couplet prophesizes that the enemies of the reader will feel distressed and
agonized (renc ü zahmet) when they see that the reader is prosperous and spoiled
(n¯az u ni’met).
k.
¯ale ޯıt ’aleyhi’s-sel¯am
Prophet Seth said
(66)
Devletüŋ dem-be-dem ziy¯ade olur
Anı gördükçe müdde’¯ıler ölür
175Since this folio is torn, the remaining part cannot be read.
176The catchword of the previous page cannot be read because the bottom part is torn.
92
It is indicated that the auspiciousness of the reader is incremented day by day. The
claimants who witness the crescendo will decease.
(67)
Elüŋi ne yires.
unarsaŋs.
un
Çün olur devletüŋ senüŋ efz¯un
The author tells the reader that he or she wishes that the reader’s auspiciousness
will exceed whatever he or she sets his or her hands to.
(68)
Devletüŋ ’izzetüŋ ey¯a ’¯ak. il
Dükelinden artuk. ola bil
The author addresses the reader as an intellect (ey¯a ’¯ak. il) and announces that the
auspiciousness and greatness of the reader will be more than that of anyone.
(12b)
K.
¯ale H¯abil ’aleyhi’s-sel¯am
177
Prophet Abel said
(69)
Saŋa çünkim bu f¯al geldi iy y¯ar
Kimse ile savaşma˙gıl zinhar
177“Allah’ın sana indirdiği hükümlerin bir kısmından seni saptırmamaları için onlardan sakın (diye onu indirdik)”
(Maide, 49)
93
The author calls the reader his friend (iy y¯ar) and advises him or her not to fight
anybody because of the fact that the reader has this particular fortune. It is
noteworthy that there is a textual reference to the story of Abel and Cain since
this particular fortune is in reference to war and conflict.
(70)
Kimsenüŋh¯
¯atırını yık.mas.
ak. ın
Yimeh.
ak. suzın kimesneh.
ak. ın
It is exhorted to the reader that he or she should avoid hurting feelings and being
unfair towards people.
(71)
H¯
¯atıruŋdan gider begüm hevesi
Bu hevesden kimesnek.
ılmaz as.s.
ı
The reader is addressed as sir or madam (beyim or begüm) while he or she is advised
to dismiss futile enthusiasm from his or her mind. Moreover, nobody can benefit
from this enthusiasm.
(13a)
(72)
ޯadilik. k.
apusını ba˙glama˙gıl
Olma˙gıl sen mel¯ul a˙glama˙gıl
It is instructed that the reader shall not close the doors of happiness (ş¯adilik.
K.
apusı) in order not to be sad (melül) and cry later.
(73)
94
Bir nice gün saŋas.
abr görinür
Düşmenüŋüŋ olur begüm gözi kör
The author addresses the reader as sir or madam (beyim or begüm) and foresees
that there will be patience for a while. After the period of patience, the enemy will
go blind.
k.
¯ale İdr¯ıs ’aleyhi’s-sel¯am
Prophet Idris said
(74)
İdris eydür kit.
¯alib olduŋ sen
Düşmen üstine ˙g¯alib olduŋ sen
As the couplet states, Prophet Idris says that the reader became a claimant and
was defeated by his or her enemy.
(13b)
(75)
P¯adişehlar saŋa naz.ars.
alısar
’Adular hep ˙gazabdan öliser
It is expressed that whilst the rulers take a look at the reader, his or her enemies
will be green with envy.
(76)
95
Dirilürsin göŋül mur¯adınca
Dünyede zehr ük.
ahr dadınca
It is indicated that once the reader suffers from distress and sorrow (zehr ü k.
ahr)
in the world, he or she will overcome it and recover in his or her own sweet way
(göŋül muradınca).
(77)
Devletüŋ gemisini yil götürür
S¯ah. iline sel¯ametüŋ yitürür
In these metaphorical verses, it is presaged that the reader’s ship of auspiciousness
will be moved by the wind. After, the wind will carry the ship to the coast of peace
(s¯ah. iline sel¯ametüŋ).
k.
¯ale N¯uh. ’aleyhi’s-sel¯am
Prophet Noah said
(78)
Eyü f¯al geldi saŋa iy server
ޯad ol zinh¯ar ey dilber
The author calls the reader a leader (server) and announces that this is a lucky
omen. Therefore, he or she shall be happy (ş¯ad ol zinhar).
(14a) 178
(79)
H¯
ayr işle ne iş işleriseŋ
H¯
ayr işle hem¯ışe işleriseŋ
178This folio is recorded as (15a), though it is actually (14a) because the catchword in (13b) is ‘hayr’.
96
In the first couplet of this folio, the author advises the reader to stay frequently
busy with charity. He also states that whatever the reader does, it should be salutary.
(80)
Dilegüŋ her ne kim olah.
¯as.ıldur
Düşmenünüŋ işi cümle b¯at.ıldur
The author states that whatever the reader wishes will come true. Moreover, he
puts out that any actions of the reader’s enemy will amount to nothing.
(81)
Dilerseŋ düşmenüŋle dâd eyle
Dileriseŋ dostlarla şâd eyle
It is indicated that the reader will either do a favor for his or her enemy or be
happy with his or her friends; the circumstances will not change.
(82)
Cümle ’¯alem senüŋ elüŋe bak.a
Devlet ırma˙gı gökden ak.a
In the last verses of this section, it is highlighted that the reader is the source of
goodness for everybody in that people can depend on the reader. Furthermore, the
reader’s auspiciousness is metaphorically identified as a river (devlet ırmağı) in the
second verse. As it is explained, the river will be flow from the sky; most probably,
this is a reference to a divine resource.
k.
¯ale L¯ut. ’aleyhi’s-sel¯am
Prophet Lot said
97
(14b)
(83)
H.
¯ıle eylert.
apuŋa düşmenler
S.
oŋra olur işine peşm¯anlar
The author predicates that the reader’s enemies are doing evil to him or her, though
they will bitterly regret it afterwards.
(84)
Sefer itmek saŋa eyü olmaz
Eger eyler-iseŋ eyü gelmez
In these lines, the author warns the reader that it will not be beneficial and
propitious for him or her to embark on a journey. If he or she begins a journey in
spite of this warning, it will have a bad effect on him or her.
(85)
Saŋas.
abr eylemek gerek niçe gün
Ta igirmi bire degin gice gün
Related to the previous couplet, the reader is encouraged to be patient for twentyone
days.
(86)
Çünki igirmi gün saŋa geçiser
Rah. metik.apusın saŋa açısar
The author continues explaining that the door of the benediction (rah. metik.
apusın)
will be open for the reader following the specified period.
98
k.
¯ale İly¯as ’aleyhi’s-sel¯am
Prophet Elijah said
(87)
F¯aluŋ eyü gelüp durur iy y¯ar
Gizleh.
¯alüŋi bilmesün a˙gy¯ar
The author addresses the reader as his friend (iy y¯ar) and announces that his or
her omen is auspicious. He recommends that this shall be kept secret and that no
one other than the reader (a˙gy¯ar) shall know.
(15a) 179
(88)
Ne mur¯aduŋ ki var-ise dilegil
Taŋrıdan sen dilegüŋi dilegil
This folio begins with the suggestions of the author by saying that the reader
should make a wish for whatever he or she desires and trust in God.
(89)
Böyle eyü olur senüŋh.
¯alüŋ
Z¯ıra eyü gelüp durur f¯aluŋ
Following the previous verses, the author affirms that the reader’s circumstances
will be better due to the fact that his or her omen is auspicious.
179This folio is recorded as (14a), though it is actually (15a) because the catchword in (14b) is ‘ne’.
99
(90)
Dilegüŋ toh
¯
mını eküpdurusın
Niçe gün zah. metin çeküpdurusın
As the author indicates in the first verses, the reader should wish for whatever he
or she desires immediately. In these verses, the wish is associated with a seed, and
the reader should plant it. Therefore, once he or she puts in the labor, it will grow
after a while.
k.
¯ale Dany¯al ’aleyhi’s-sel¯am
Prophet Daniel said
(91)
F¯aluŋ eyü gelipdür ey sel¯ım
Rah. met ide saŋa Ker¯ım ü Rah.¯ım
The author addresses the reader as benign (ey selim) and declares that this omen
is auspicious. Moreover, the author wishes that God, who is compassionate and
gracious, will have mercy on the reader.
(92)
Rencüŋi r¯ah. ata mübeddel ider
Ne ki rencüŋ var-ise cümle gider
As it is remarked, distress of any kind will be relieved. Moreover, it will be reversed
to contentment.
(15b)
(93)
100
Devletüŋ dün ü gün ziy¯ade olur
Eylügüŋ bilişe vü y¯ade olur
In these verses, it is predicted that the auspiciousness of the reader will be ascending
day by day. Thus, the reader will be eminent and remembered with respect.
(94)
Düşmenüŋ ni’metin saŋa vireler
Alalar zah. metüŋ aŋa vireler
It is supplicated that blessings from the reader’s enemies will be redirected towards
the reader. In return, the afflictions of the reader will be transmitted to his or her
enemy.
(95)
Elüŋet.
opra˙gı eger alasın
T.
oprak. altun olur anı bilesin
The author predicates that if the reader has soil in his or her hands, it will transform
into gold.
k.
¯ale H¯ud ’aleyhi’s-sel¯am
Prophet Hud said
(96)
Eydivirem saŋa nedür f¯aluŋ
Bir zam¯an işe urma sen elüŋ
Since the author reveals the fortune of the reader immediately, he or she shall not
101
commence a new business for a while.
(97)
Rüzg¯aruŋ senüŋ per¯ış¯andur
Niçe gün tali’üŋe nok.s.
¯andur
Following the previous verses, the author asserts that the reader is going through
bad times and his or her misfortune will be maintained for a longer time.
(16a) 180
(98)
Saŋas.
abr eylemek gerek nice gün
T¯a ’adular olak.
atuŋda zeb¯un
This folio begins with the advice of the author, which is to be patient for a while.
He delimits the period of patience by stating that the reader shall endure until his
or her enemies will be delignated (zeb¯un) and the reader will be dominant.
(99)
Sen eger ögüdüm işidürseŋ
Pendüm-ile eger iş iderseŋ
In these lines, the author alerts the reader that he or she must follow the author’s
advice and act in light of the particular exhortation mentioned in the preceding
couplet.
(100)
’¯Ak. ıbet ¯ah
¯
irüŋ sa’¯ıd ola
H¯
¯at.ıruŋ ˙gus.s.
adan ba’¯ıd ola
180There are no missing page between (15b) and (16a) as the catchword ‘sana’ suggests.
102
This couplet prophesizes that the reader will elude affliction and free his or her
worries from the mind. Therefore, [if he or she is patient] his or her fate (’¯ak. ıbet)
will be good (sa’¯ıd).
k.
¯ale Y¯unus ’aleyhi’s-sel¯am
Prophet Jonah said
(101)
Bu f¯aluŋda saŋa beş¯aret var
Olısardur saŋa sa’¯adet var
The author claims that this omen consists of good news (beş¯aret). In addition to
that, the reader will be met with happiness (sa’¯adet).
(102)
Olısardur başuŋa devlet t¯ac
P¯adiş¯ahlar ola saŋa muh. t¯ac
Following the previous verses, the author foresees that auspiciousness and felicitousness
will become a crown on the reader’s head. As these metaphoric lines
suggest, even the sultans will rely on the reader.
(16b)
(103)
Zahmetüŋ ¯ah
¯
irinde rah. met olur
Diŋlenür c¯anuŋ uş r¯ah. at olur
In this couplet, the author states that if a person experiences suffering or trouble,
he or she will have blessings and feel a glow of peacefulness in the end.
(104)
103
Şimdiden giru olasın dilş¯ad
H¯
¯at.ıruŋ ola ˙gus.s.
adan ¯az¯ad
The author wishes that the reader shall be happy and relieved (dilş¯ad) from now
on. Moreover, his or her heart or soul (h
¯
¯at.ıruŋ) shall be distant from sorrow (˙gus.s.a).
k.
¯ale ’üzeyr ’aleyhi’s-sel¯am
Prophet Ezra said
(105)
Saŋa bu f¯alk.
utludur yavlak.
Naz.ar eyleyiser saŋa çünh.
ak.k.
It is proclaimed that this omen is extremely auspicious since God is protecting the
reader.
(106)
Eyü yüri seni eyi diyeler
Dükelih¯ alk. ni’metüŋi yiyeler
The author preaches that the reader shall do good in order to have a high profile in
society. Thus, people will be able to benefit from the reader because of his or her
benevolence.
(107)
Oldu˙gunda eyü sa’¯adetlü
Yılduzuŋ olısar sa’¯adetlü
As it is stated in this couplet, once the reader is well and happy, his or her star
rises and is also happy. It is noteworthy that the astrologic convention of being
104
happy if the person’s star is radiant is reversed in this case.
(17a) 181
(108)
Ulu kiçi senüŋk.
atuŋda gele
Dükelih¯ alk. seni ulu bile
In the first couplet of this folio, the author wishes that people of young and old age
(ulu kiçi) shall come knocking on the reader’s door. Furthermore, everybody will
know the reader as eminence (ulu).
k.
¯ale Eyy¯ub ’aleyhi’s-sel¯am
Prophet Ayyub said
(109)
Çün f¯aluŋda senüŋs.
abır görinür
S.
abr eyle düşmenüŋ ölür görinür
It is foreseen that this particular omen refers to patience by making a contextual
reference to Prophet Ayyub’s story. Additionally, the author states that if the
reader becomes patient, his or her enemy will be dead eventually.
(110)
S.
abr başdan başa bel¯ayı savar
Taŋrınuŋk.
ulları bel¯ayı sever
As the author asserts, patience emancipates people from trouble, yet the [beloved]
servants of God enjoy trouble.
181There are no missing pages between (16b) and (17a) as the catchword ‘ulu’ suggests.
105
(111)
S.
abr iden kişi r¯ah. ata irişür
S.
abrsuz kişi mih. nete girişür
Following the intertextual references that the author makes in order to establish a
cohesive meaning, he or she continues to sermonize by implying that a patient person
will reach a state of comfort and harmony whilst an impatient one will have troubles.
(17b)
(112)
S.
abr eyle benüm sözümi işit
Ne iş eyle dir-isem anı it
In this couplet, the author admonishes to follow his advice and be patient. In
addition to that, the reader shall do whatever the author declares.
(113)
T¯a olasın cih¯anda ber-h
¯
vord¯ar
Hem sa’¯adet ola senüŋile y¯ar
It is advised in these lines that, once the reader is patient, he or she shall be happy
in the world (ber-h
¯
vord¯ar). Therefore, felicity (sa’¯adet) will become his or her
friend and stand by his or her side.
k.
¯ale İbr¯ah¯ım ’aleyhi’s-sel¯am
Prophet Abraham said
(114)
106
Bu faluŋda nedür diyem mak.s.
¯ud
Yılduzuŋ sa’d üt.
¯ali’üŋ mes’¯ud
As the author makes clear, the purpose of this particular omen is to demonstrate
that the reader’s star is auspicious (sa’d) and his or her destiny is fortunate (mes’¯ud).
(115)
Bah
¯
t ü devlet saŋa olupdur y¯ar
B¯az-ı ’izzet elüŋde eyle şikâr
Following the previous verses, the author heralds that good fortune and auspiciousness
(bah
¯
t ü devlet) will become friends of the reader. Moreover, he advises that
the reader seize this opportunity and go hunting (şikâr).
(116)
Sefer eyler iseŋ müb¯arekdür
Z¯ıra kimt.
¯ali’üŋh¯
¯ubrekdür
The author concludes this folio by clarifying that if the reader would like to embark
on a journey, it will be blessed due to the fact that his or her fortune is better now
than before.
(18a) 182
(117)
Sefer eylememeŋ dah
¯
ı yigdür
Diler-iseŋ yüri dilerseŋ otur
This folio begins by warning the reader that he or she shall avoid going on a journey
182There are no missing pages between (17b) and (18a) as the catchword ‘sefer’ suggests.
107
even though the author leaves the final decision to the reader by stating to either
take the trip or stay in place.
(118)
Devletüŋ atına süv¯ar olasın
Bu cih¯an durdu˙gınca var olasın
The author metaphorically wishes that the reader shall become the rider (süv¯ar) of
the horse of his or her auspiciousness. Moreover, he or she shall exist forever and
ever.
k.
¯ale İsm¯a’¯ıl ’aleyhi’s-sel¯am
Prophet Ismail said
(119)
Bu f¯aluŋda saŋa beş¯aret var
Olısardur saŋa sa’¯adet y¯ar
It is proclaimed that this omen is full of good news. Therefore, felicity will be a
friend of the reader.
(120)
Devletüŋ uyh
¯
udan olur b¯ıd¯ar
Olısarsın cih¯anda ber-h
¯
vord¯ar
As the author highlights, his or her auspiciousness will awake from sleep. Consequently,
he or she will be happy in this world.
(18b)
108
(121)
Kendüŋi dileseŋ ki şâd idesin
Viresin dah
¯
i ’adl ü d¯ad idesin
As stated in this couplet, if the reader would like to make himself or herself happy,
he or she shall be fair and benevolent.
(122)
Düşmen ayruk. saŋaz.
afer bulmaz
Devletüŋ t¯aze olur us.
olmaz
It is proclaimed that no enemy will be victorious against the reader. Moreover, the
author metaphorically states that his or her auspiciousness will be fresh and will
not wither.
(123)
Devletüŋ olısar senüŋ mans.¯ur
Düşmenüŋ olısar senüŋ mak.h¯ur
Following the previous verses, the author heralds that the auspiciousness of the
reader will gain the victory (mans.¯ur). Therefore, his or her enemies will be
destroyed (mak. h¯ur).
k.
¯ale İsh. ¯ak. ’aleyhi’s-sel¯am
Prophet Isaac said
(124)
Saŋa bu f¯al yol gösterdi
109
T.
¯ali’üŋ buldı ne kim isterdi
The author explains in the couplets that this omen guides the reader towards his
or her fortune. Thus, he or she ascertains the way in which his or her fortune occurs.
(125)
S.
abr eyle ki bulasın mak.s.
¯ud
S.
abr eyleyeni sever Ma’b¯ud
This folio ends by advising the reader to be patient since God, who is worshipped
(Ma’b¯ud), loves the one who endures. In addition to that, the reader will obtain
his or her goal (mak. s.¯ud).
(19a) 183
(126)
Sabr eyle. . .
Be patient. . .
(127)
S.
abrsuz ¯ademüŋ sa’¯adeti yok.
S.
abr-ıla devlete iren kişi çok.
It is declared that an impatient person will not achieve happiness. On the other
hand, there are many people who find happiness by enduring.
k.
¯ale Ya’k. ¯ub ’aleyhi’s-sel¯am
183The top of (19a) cannot be read because it is torn. It is possible that there are no missing pages between
(18b) and (19a) because the main theme of ‘patience’ continues in the following verses. Also, the chronology
of the prophets is correct as Jacob is subsequent to Isaac.
110
Prophet Jacob said
(128)
Bu f¯aluŋ devlete del¯ıl durur
Düşmenüŋh¯
or u hemz¯
el¯ıl durur
The author vaticinates that this particular omen is evidence of auspiciousness.
Further, the enemies of the reader are both despicable and reptile (h
¯
or u hem z
¯
el¯ıl).
(129)
’İzzetüŋ atına süv¯ar ol˙gıl
Devlet-ile hem¯ışe y¯ar ol˙gıl
It is instructed metaphorically that the reader shall become the rider of the
horse of greatness (’izzetüŋ atı). Moreover, he or she shall always be a friend of
auspiciousness.
(19b)
(130)
. . . . dan ¯az¯ad ol
. . . .elude
k.
¯ale Y¯usuf ’aleyhi’s-sel¯am
Prophet Joseph said
(131)
111
F¯aluŋuŋh.
¯alini baŋa digil
T.
¯ut.ilik. eylegil şeker yigil
The author declares that the circumstances of the reader’s omen shall be explained
like a parrot. Therefore, once the omen is told, sugar will be given.
(132)
Dostlaruŋ ola n¯az ü ni’metde
Düşmenüŋ ola renc ü mih. netde
It is wished that the friends of the reader shall experience abundance (n¯az ü
ni’met). His or her enemies, on the other hand, shall experience affliction and
suffering (renc ü mih. net).
(20a) 184
(133)
ޯad olasın cih¯anda sen d¯ayim
K.
arşuŋa devletüŋ olurk.
¯ayim
This folio begins with the author’s good wishes that the reader shall always be
happy in the world. Furthermore, his or her auspiciousness shall exist eternally.
(134)
Dün ü gün ’izzetüŋ ziy¯ade ola
Düşmenüŋ d¯a’im¯a piy¯ade ola
Following the previous verses, it is expressed that the greatness of the reader shall
expand day by day. Moreover, it is wished that his or her enemy shall always be
184There is a missing page between (19b) and (20a) as the catchword suggests a different word which cannot
be read.
112
infantry.
(135)
’¯Ak. ıbetüŋ olur senüŋ mah.m¯ud
Saŋah.
¯asıl durur hep mak.s.
¯ud
The author continues his good wishes and omen by stating that at the end, the
reader shall be praised (mah.m¯ud) and accomplished. That is to say, the reader
shall always attain his or her purposes (mak. s.¯ud).
k.
¯ale M¯us¯a ’aleyhi’s-sel¯am
Prophet Moses said
(136)
Her kimüŋt.
¯ali’inde ola bu f¯al
Olmaya görmeye mel¯ul ü melal
In these verses, it is wished that the person who receives this omen shall never
suffer and experience distress.
(137)
Dükelih¯ alk. aŋa it.¯a’at ide
ޯaz
¯
ilik. gile ˙gus.s.
ası gide
As the preceding couplets in this folio supplicate, it is stated that people shall obey
the reader. Therefore, felicitousness (ş¯az
¯
ilik. ) shall come while suffering (˙gus.s.a)
shall be gone.
(20b)
(138)
113
Devleti dün ü gün mez¯ıd ola
Düşmenlerüŋ g¯ur u yez¯ıd ola
The author ends his good wishes by attesting that the auspiciousness of the reader
shall increase (mez¯ıd) day by day during the time his or her enemies will be
disgraced.
(139)
H.
ak.k.
te’¯al¯a seni em¯ır eyler
Düşmeŋüŋi saŋa es¯ır eyler
It is proclaimed that God will make the reader a leader (em¯ır). Moreover, He will
make the enemies of the reader his or her prisoner (es¯ır). Therefore, felicity will be
friend of the reader.
(140)
Düşmenüŋ cümlesi olur mak.h¯ur
Dostlaruŋ cümlesi olur mans.¯ur
The author heralds that all the enemies of the reader shall be destroyed (mak. h¯ur),
whereas all of his or her friends will achieve their goals with the help of God
(mans.¯ur).
(141)
Saŋa devlet hem¯ışe y¯ar olur
Sevmeyen seni hor u z¯ar olur
As the author states, the auspiciousness of the reader will be with him or her
eternally (hem¯ışe y¯ar). Besides, the ones who do not like the reader will be
dishonest and unfortunate (hor u z¯ar).
k.
¯ale H¯ar¯un ’aleyhi’s-sel¯am
Prophet Aaron said
114
(142)
İy fal issi hem¯ışes.
¯abir ol
Arıt.
ut kendüzüŋit.
¯ahir ol
The author addresses the reader as the owner of the omen (iy fal issi) and advises
him or her to be patient always. Likewise, he or she shall keep himself or herself
clean constantly; [by this way] he or she will be pure (t.¯ahir).
(143)
K.
ıldu˙guŋ niyyetüŋ senüŋ yaramaz
S.
adak.a eyle dah
¯
ı eyle niyaz
This folio ends with a warning that the intention of the reader is not wholesome.
Therefore, the reader shall give alms and pray.
(21a) 185
(144)
Sefer eyler iseŋ eyü gelmez
Bu sefere varan girü gelmez
The author continues to warn the reader by stating that if the reader would like
to embark on a journey, it will not be fortunate since the one who goes on this
particular journey will not be able to come back.
(145)
Dün ü gün sen du’¯aya meş˙g¯ul ol
Ta vire saŋa rızk.uŋ All¯ah bol
It is propounded that the reader shall be busy with praying day and night until
God provides abundance.
185There are no missing pages between (20b) and (21a) as the catchword ‘sefer’ suggests.
115
(146)
Z¯
¯akir olup bel¯ayas.
¯abir ol
Taŋrı ne kim virürses.
¯abir ol
Following the implications above, it is advised that the reader shall be the one
who recites the names of the God (z
¯
¯akir) and be patient in the face of troubles.
Moreover, he or she shall accept whatever God sends.
D¯av¯ud ’aleyhi’s-sel¯am
Prophet David said
(147)
F¯aluŋ eyü gelüp durur iy y¯ar
Gizleh.
¯alüŋi bilmesün a˙gy¯ar
In the couplets above, the author addresses the reader as his friend (iy y¯ar) and
heralds that this omen is auspicious, but also that the reader shall keep the good
news to himself or herself and not tell the others.
(148)
Eyi yavuz ne kim işlerseŋ
T.
anışup işle iş işlerseŋ
It is advised that the reader shall consult others before taking any actions, whether
they are good or bad.
(149)
Ta ol işden saŋa nas¯ıb ola
Hem senüŋ derdüŋe tab¯ıb ola
116
Following the previous lines, the advice continues and states that the reader shall
consult others until he or she achieves his or her goal or finds the cure for suffering.
(21b)
(150)
R¯uzig¯aruŋ senüŋ olah.
ürrem
Yöreŋe u˙gramaya ˙gussa vü ˙gam
The author wishes that the reader’s lifetime shall be prosperous. Additionally, the
reader wishes that the distress and sorrow shall stay away from the reader.
(151)
Şimdiden girü olmaya zah. met
Gelek.
apuŋa devlet ü ni’met
The good wishes in the previous couplet continue and it is stated that the reader
shall encounter no suffering. In contrast, auspiciousness and blessings shall come
knocking at the reader’s door.
k.
¯ale Süleym¯an ’aleyhi’s-sel¯am
Prophet Solomon said
(152)
Geldi f¯aluŋ senüŋ be-˙g¯ayeth¯
¯ub
T.
aleb eyle ele girür mah. b¯ub
The author foretells that this particular omen is auspicious. Further, the reader
will win his or her lover if he or she claims the lover.
117
(153)
Gitdi senden dükeli ˙gussa vü ˙gam
R¯ah. ata döndi cümle renc ü elem
It is presaged that all the sufferings and torment are now gone, and that they will
transform into comfort from now on.
(154)
Ne niyet kim sen eyledüŋ bilesin
K.
orkdu˙guŋdan hem¯ışek.
urtulasın
The author envisions that the reader will be at ease and free from his or her fears
and whatever he or she contemplates.
(22a) 186
(155)
Dünyaya olma˙gıl iŋeŋ ma˙gr¯ur
T¯a ola düşmenüŋ hep mak.h¯ur
In the first couplet of this folio, the reader is exhorted to avoid being haughty
(ma˙gr¯ur) against his or her enemies since they will be destroyed eventually
(mak. h¯ur).
(156)
Ne mur¯aduŋ ki varh.
¯as.ıldur
Düşmenüŋ nek.
ılursa b¯at.ıldur
186There are no missing pages between (21b) and (22a) as the catchword ‘dünyaya’ suggests.
118
The author continues his or her good omen by stating that all desires of the reader
will become true. Moreover, no matter what they do, his or her enemies will achieve
nothing.
k.
¯ale Zekeriyy¯a ’aleyhi’s-sel¯am
Prophet Zachary said
(157)
Bu f¯aluŋda senüŋ mel¯amet var
Hem mel¯ametlı˙ga del¯alet var
As it is vaticinated in these lines, this omen is full of reproach (melamet) and also
includes evidence of reproach.
(158)
Eyüceklik begüm saŋa yaramaz
Düşmenüŋ gözleri seni görmez
The author speaks directly to the reader, calling the reader sir or madam (beyim or
begüm) and announces that being a good person in front of others is not beneficial
for the reader. Furthermore, the reader’s enemies do not perceive the reader as good.
(159)
S.
abr-ıla işle iş kim işler iseŋ
S.
abr-ıla başla ne ki başlar iseŋ
Following the previous verse, the author recommends that the reader should
commence all work with patience and be patient throughout the work.
119
(22b)
(160)
Z¯ıra düşmen saŋa vef¯ak.
ılmaz
Nice kim eylük eyleseŋ bilmez
The author continues to warn the reader by foreseeing that the enemies of the
reader do not pledge royalty to the reader. Therefore, no matter how many favors
the reader does for them, they will still ignore the reader.
(161)
Bir niçe gün saŋas.
abr görinür
’¯Akıbet düşmenüŋ olur gözi kör
In this verse, the author is again instructing the reader to be patient by expressing
that if the reader becomes patient for a while, his or her enemies will become blind.
In other words, they will not realize what the reader is doing.
k.
¯ale Yah. y¯a ’aleyhi’s-sel¯am
Prophet John said
(162)
Bu falüŋ devletek.
ar¯ın durur
Nus.retüŋ yâr u hem-niş¯ın durur
It is claimed that this omen is close to auspiciousness. Further, victory (nus.ret)
will become a friend of the reader with the help of God.
(163)
120
Saŋa bu f¯alk.
utlu f¯al oldı
M¯al u ni’met saŋah.
el¯al oldı
As it is declared in the previous lines, it is indicated once more that this particular
omen is blessed since both assets and abundance are permissible (h.
el¯al) to the reader.
(164)
Ol a˙gaç kimk.
urumuş-idi zam¯an
Girü yaşardı yaprak. oldı hem¯an
The author ends this folio by stating metaphorically that the tree of the reader has
been dead for a while, but nevertheless, it becomes green again and full of leaves.
(23a) 187
(165)
. . . rlık. eyle kim em¯ır olasın
Dükeli ˙gus.s.
adan em¯ın olasın
The author remarks that if the reader does something, he or she will be free from
suffering. It is unclear what ‘something’ refers to, as the page cannot be read
because it is torn.
k.
¯ale ’¯Is¯a ’aleyhi’s-sel¯am
Prophet Jesus said
(166)
Bu f¯aluŋda senüŋ müb¯areklik
187The top of (23a) cannot be read because it is torn. It is possible that there are no missing pages between
(22bb) and (23a) since the chronology of the prophets is correct as Jesus is subsequent to John.
121
Var durur dah
¯
ı bir ulu beglik
It is declared to the reader that this omen is blessed with good news that the reader
will be awarded a high-status empery.
(167)
Gerçi kimk.
ul iseŋ vez¯ır olasın
Ger vez¯ıriseŋ yine em¯ır olasın
Following the couplet above, the author continues his auspicious omen by further
emphasizing the theme of sovereignty. According to the fortune, the author who is
now obedient shall become a vizier (ruler). If he already is a ruler, he will achieve
an even higher status than the one he currently holds.
(168)
Gey başuŋa sa’¯adetüŋ t¯acın
Doyura gör bu düny¯anın acın
Moreover, the author presages that becoming the highest-ranking person will not
be enough for the reader; he will also crown himself with felicity. Moreover, since
he will have both power and wealth, the author exhorts the reader to feed the poor.
(23b)
(169)
Şimdiden girü hiç egilmegil
Müdde’¯ıler sözini diŋlemegil
The author advises the reader to not bow before anyone from now on. In addition
to that, the reader shall not listen the words of any claimants.
k.¯aleS.
¯alih. ’aleyhi’s-sel¯am
122
Prophet Saleh said
(170)
Eyü gelmedi f¯alüŋ ey ’¯ak. il
Sefer eyleme olma˙gıl ˙g¯afil
The author addresses the reader as intellect (ey ’¯ak. il) and announces that this omen
is not blessed. Therefore, the reader shall avoid embarking on a journey in order to
not be blindsided. It is noteworthy that after the section of Jesus, Mohammad’s
section should follow based on the chronological order that the author used. Yet,
his section has been eliminated intentionally.
(171)
Elüŋi hiçbir işes.
unmas.
ak. ın
Gerek-ise ırak. gerekse yak. ın
The author’s warnings and advice continues in this couplet by stating that the
reader shall not begin any new work. He or she shall abstain from any work even if
it is distant or nearby.
(172)
Bir nice gün hele senk.
atlan˙gıl
Senk.
an¯a’at atına atlan˙gıl
This folio ends with the author’s ultimate advice, which is to be patient for a while
in this particular situation. Moreover, as the author metaphorically suggests, the
reader shall mount the horse of satisfaction (k.
an¯a’at atı).
123
The Letters and Planets
The letters of the word hurşid are included twice to direct the readers toward
the following chapters. In terms of the planets, the surviving pages only cover
Mars and Mercury. When comparing the available manuscripts of this genre to
this particular one, it can be deduced that there are some missing pages from this
section, especially the planets. This can also be deduced because what remains is
inadequate for directing the reader to the subsequent chapters.
(24a)188
Hur¯ufü’ş-şın
The Letter of Şın
(173)
T¯ız var˙gılk.
atına atmacanuŋ
H¯
aberinden ferah. bula c¯anuŋ
The author directs the reader towards the section of the hawk (atmaca) and
explains that the reader shall be relieved when hearing the good news that the
hawk will tell him or her.
Hur¯ufü’l- ya
The Letter of Ya
(174)
R¯ışe var˙gıl ˙gayrı unut˙gıl
Ol saŋa ne ki dirse sent.
ut˙gıl
188There is a missing page or pages between (23b) and (24a) as the catchword suggests a different word which
cannot be read.
124
The letter of ya forwards the reader to the section of the feather (r¯ış), which
probably refers to a bird. The author recommends that the reader obey whatever
is expressed to the reader there in addition to forgetting everything else but the r¯ış.
Hur¯ufü’d-d¯al
The Letter of Dal
(175)
Devek.
uşından iste sen naz.arı
Ol saŋah¯
oş diyüvireh¯
aberi
The lines of the dal point the reader to the section of the ostrich (deve k.
uşı) in
order for the reader to consult his opinion. As the author remarks, he will deliver
good news to the reader immediately.
Nüc¯um-ı Merr¯ıh
¯
Mars [Planet]
(176)
Baŋa dirler felekde Merr¯ıh
¯
n¯am
Bir adumdur benüm G¯ır u Behr¯am
In this section, Mars speaks directly to the reader and introduces his name first by
indicating that his other names are G¯ır and Behr¯am.
(177)
K.ur’a’[y]ı
sen benümk.
atumda getür
Saŋa râzın diyüvirem sen otur
125
He orders the reader to bring lots to his side, which indicates the fifth of the seven
heavens. Once the reader abides, he promises he will tell the secret of the reader’s
omen.
(24b)
Hürufü’l-h. ¯a’
The Letter of Ha
(178)
T¯ız var˙gıl sen ördegüŋk.
atına
K.
ula˙guzlaya devletüŋ atına
The verses of the letter of Ha point to the section of the duck (ördek) and urge the
reader to go there immediately. Therefore, the duck will guide the reader to the
right path towards the horse of auspiciousness.
Hurüfü’l-vav
The Letter of Vav
(179)
Ne ki buyurak.
az sen anıt.ut
Sözin işitsen ayru˙gı unut
The lines of the letter Vav direct the reader to the section of the goose (k.
az) by
admonishing the reader to do whatever the goose says. Moreover, the reader shall
forget everything else apart from the goose’s words.
Hurufü’r-ra
126
The Letter of Ra
(180)
Ne kit.
urna diye saŋa oldur
Z¯ıra anuŋ keremleri boldur
The author guides the reader to the section of the crane (t.urna) and advises the
reader that he or she shall do whatever the crane says since his favors are abundant.
Hurufü’ş-şın
The Letter of Şın 189
(25a)
(181)
T¯ız var leylege su’¯al eyle
Ne kim dirse saŋa ’amel eyle
The author navigates the reader towards the section of the stork (leylek) by
instructing the reader to ask for his or her omen from him immediately. Further,
the reader shall do whatever the stork says.
Huruf’ül ya
The Letter of Ya
(182)
Ve ger Cemş¯ıd ü ger Keyk¯avus
189The bottom part is torn, so the verses in this section and the catchword for the next folio cannot be read.
127
Saŋah.
¯asılk.
ılıveret.
¯av¯us
The couplet of the letter Ya advises the reader to visit the section of the peacock
(t.¯av¯us). The reader will be given information about sultans like Cemş¯ıd and
Keyk¯avus from the peacock. Additionally, the author instructs the reader to go to
whomever the peacock indicates.
h.
ur¯ufü’d-d¯al
The Letter of Dal
(183)
Ger varursank.
atına tebn¯usuŋ 190
Çalınısar nak¯are191 vü küsüŋ192
The section of the letter of Dal conducts the reader towards the section of cock
(tebn¯us). Once the reader arrives at this section, his or her drums (nak¯are and küs
193) will be played as promised.
Nücum-ı ‘Ut.¯arid
Mercury [Planet]
(184)
Ben direm kim ‘Ut.¯arid ¯Ademdür
Yedik.
at gök baŋa bir adımdur
Similar to the section of Mars, Mercury also speaks directly to the reader and
introduces himself as Adam. Further, he expresses that the seven heavens are one
step away for him, which is probably a reference to his ability to move quickly.
190The word ‘yani horoz’ is noted under the title in Ottoman handwriting.
191Davul.
192Davul.
193Nakkare: a small kettledrum, and küs: a big drum. They were both used in mehter music.
128
(185)
Kur’ayı sen benümk.
atumda getür
Deyüvirem saŋa bile ki nedür
He continues by revealing that if the reader brings lots to his level, which means
the second layer of the seven heavens, he will tell the reader about his or her
circumstances once the reader reaches his section.
(25b)
Huruf’ul-ha
The Letter of Ha
(186)
Dükelih¯ alk. ola muh. t¯acuŋ
Ger varursank.
atına dürr¯acuŋ
The author states that if the reader visits the section of the francolin or Tetrao
francolinus (dürr¯ac), all people will rely on the reader.
Hur¯ufü’l-v¯av
The Letter of Vav
(187)
T.
¯ut.inüŋ sözinek.
ulak. tut˙gıl
Andan ayruk. sözi sen unut˙gıl
The author advises the reader to follow the advice of the parrot (t.¯ut.i) by directing
the reader to his section. Moreover, the reader shall forget any remaining words
129
said by the others.
Hur¯ufü’r-ra
The Letter of Ra
(188)
Dilemezseŋ ey y¯ar göŋlüŋe da˙g
K.
abul eyle saŋa ne dirse kel¯a˙g
The last verses of the manuscript speak to the reader as a friend (ey y¯ar) once more
and advise the reader to visit the section of the raven or Corvus corax (kel¯a˙g) if the
reader would like to be free from burdens in his or her hearth.
130