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MARKETING ELECTRICITY: AMELİ ELEKTRİK MAGAZINE (1925-1934) AND THE INTRODUCTION OF ELECTRICITY AS A MASS CONSUMPTION ITEM IN THE INTERWAR
Department of History of Science and Technology


FOREWORD
As a fresh graduate student, I was afraid to write a long academic document. Studying a historical magazine with sixty-seven issues in three different alphabets was intimidating to me. While studying this thesis, many people helped me both emotionally and technically. With their support, I bonded with my research material and overcome my fears.
First, I want to thank my dear mother Feyza Zaim Dalfes for her endless emotional support and for translating the French issues of the magazine. Without her support, it would be so hard for me to find the courage to finish this research. And also, my father H. Nüzhet Dalfes for being a role model academician to me since my childhood.
Secondly, I want to thank many institutions and persons who helped me in the process of finding the issues of the magazine, and also giving their academic and intellectual support. I give my appreciation to Gökhan Akçura for opening his archive to me and also mentoring me about the magazine. Likewise, I want to give my appreciation to İstanbul Bilgi University Document Archives and Amed Gökçen for giving permission to use the documents of their archive and also giving me pieces of advice. I would also like to thank Duygu Aysal Cin for sharing her knowledge on the electrification of İstanbul and helping me to understand certain topics. Since this magazine was never studied comprehensively, some aspects of the magazine were missing like visual representations and graphic design content. So, I would want to thank Ömer Durmaz for sharing his unpublished research with me on Ameli Elektrik and graphic design.
I would like to thank Muhammed Said Akca for helping me with the transliteration of the Ottoman alphabet. I also want to give my gratitude to Cemre Bozer for his endless emotional support and for helping me use Excel which I refused to learn at that moment. My dearest friend Ekin Akmanoğlu, as she has been by my side since 2006, did not hold back her support during this research. I would like to thank her for being with me every step of the way.
And lastly, my thanks must go to my dear thesis advisors: Burak Barutçu and Hasan Karataş for their support and guidance throughout my research in every step. Their patience and knowledge always inspired and motivated me.
December 2021 Fulya Lale DALFES
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
FOREWORD ............................................................................................................ vii
TABLE OF CONTENTS .......................................................................................... ix
ABBREVIATIONS ................................................................................................... xi
LIST OF TABLES .................................................................................................. xiii
LIST OF FIGURES ................................................................................................. xv
SUMMARY ............................................................................................................ xvii
ÖZET ........................................................................................................................ xix
1. INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................. 1
2. ELECTRICITY AND ILLUMINATION: A NEW TYPE OF TECHNOLOGY IN THE 19TH CENTURY .......................................................................................... 9
2.1 Before the Electrification of Turkey: A Brief Global History of Electricity ..... 9
2.2 First Power Plants and the History of Electrification Around the World ........ 14
2.3 The Electrification of Turkey Before the Silahtarağa Power Plant .................. 19
2.4 Illumination Before the Electricity ................................................................... 21
2.5 Silahtarağa Power Plant: Location and Construction ....................................... 24
3. AMELİ ELEKTRİK MAGAZINE (1925-1934), ADVERTISEMENT AND MODERNITY .......................................................................................................... 31
3.1 Ameli Elektrik: a General Overview ................................................................. 31
3.1.1 Physical features of the publisher ............................................................. 31
3.1.2 Mission & organization ............................................................................. 34
3.1.3 Content and main topics ............................................................................ 36
3.2 A Brief History of Advertisement in Turkey ................................................... 40
3.3 SATİE, Advertisement and Marketing Electricity in Turkey .......................... 44
3.4 Modernization, Electrification and Illumination .............................................. 50
3.5 Electricity is not a Luxury !: The Creation of Need in Ameli Elektrik ............. 57
4. AMELİ ELEKTRİK AND THE TURKISH SOCIETY TRANSFORMED .... 65
4.1 Ameli Elektrik Magazine and the Construction of New Gender Roles ............ 65
4.2 Politics in Ameli Elektrik or its Lack Thereof .................................................. 76
4.3 Visual Representations: Illustrations and Graphics Design in Ameli Elektrik . 80
4.4 Futher Assesments on Ameli Elektrik? ............................................................. 85
CONCLUSION ......................................................................................................... 89
REFERENCES ......................................................................................................... 93
APPENDICES .......................................................................................................... 97
CURRICULUM VITAE ........................................................................................ 109
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ABBREVIATIONS
AE : Ameli Elektrik
AEG : Deutsche Edison Gesellschaft für Angewandte Electricität
IETT : Istanbul Tramway and Tunnel Enterprises
SATİE : Société Anonyme Turque d'Installations Electriques
SOFINA : Ottoman Joint Stock Electric Company (Société Financière de Transports et d’Enterprises)
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LIST OF TABLES
Page
Table 3.1: Electrical appliances shown in AE magazine according to years, issues, and sums. ................................................................................................. 49
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LIST OF FIGURES
Page
Figure 2.1 : AE, Issue 44, 1930: Article “electricity around the world” p. 94 ......... 15
Figure 2.2 : AE, Issue 44, 1930: Article “electricity around the world” p. 95 ......... 15
Figure 2.3 : 17 June 1923. A contract on the name changes of the "Osmanlı Anonim Şirketi" Silahtarağa power plant information and documentation center archives.. ............................................................................................... 27
Figure 2.4 : AE Magazine, Issue 1, 1925, p. 3. ......................................................... 29
Figure 3.1 : Invoice of Paper Printing Company Inc. Sabık Fratelli Haim Ticarethanesi, October 1931 ................................................................. 33
Figure 3.2 : Invoice of Paper Printing Company Inc. Sabık Fratelli Haim Ticarethanesi, June 17, 1929 ................................................................. 33
Figure 3.3 : Metro Han building. Cover page of AE, 1926, issue:12. ...................... 45
Figure 3.4 : Ameli Elektrik, issue 53, February 1932. .............................................. 46
Figure 3.5 : Ameli Elektrik, issue 21, 1927, cover page. .......................................... 61
Figure 3.6: Ameli Elektrik, 1933, issue 62: Good light protects eyesight. Translucent Osram bulbs, provides a better illumination ......................................... 62
Figure 4.1 : Ameli Elektrik cover page. February 1934, issue 65 ............................ 67
Figure 4.2 : Ameli Elektrik, Women’s page: Aprons for Little girls, January-February,1932, issue 53, p. 17. ............................................................. 73
Figure 4.3 : Women’s Page: Fashion advice for the countryside and chilly weather. September-October, 1931, issue 13, p. 320. ......................................... 73
Figure 4.4 : Ameli Elektrik, 1932, November-December, issue 58, AEG slimming massage belt ad. .................................................................................... 74
Figure 4.5 : AE, 1928, November, issue 31, Maison J. Roussel Corset ad. ............. 75
Figure 4.6 : List of words aimed to be purified. (AE, 62, 1933, p. 96-98). .............. 79
Figure 4.7 : Ameli Elektrik cover. 1926, issue 13 .................................................... 82
Figure 4.8 : Ameli Elektrik cover. September-October 1931, issue 51 .................... 83
Figure 4.9 : Ameli Elektrik cover. May-June 1934, issue 66. .................................. 83
Figure 4.10 : Ameli Elektrik cover. November-December 1931, issue 52. .............. 84
Figure 4.11 : Ameli Elektrik, cover page, 1932, issue 57 ......................................... 84
Figure 4.12 : Ameli Elektrik, cover page. 1928 Almanac issue ............................... 85
Figure 4.13 : AE, SATİE announcement: “To help defeat the depression” March-April, 1933, issue 60, p. 27 ................................................................... 87
Figure A.1 :1926, no 3, A descriptive article on eye health and the possible hazards of the wrong illumination to the eye. ....................................... 98
Figure A.2 :Ameli Elektrik, SATİE advertisement, 1933, March-April, issue 60, page: 31-32. .......................................................................................... 99
Figure A.3 :Tramway and autobus routes in İstanbul. AE, 1928, January, Almanac issue 23. ................................................................................................ 99
Figure A.4 : AE, January 1927. Issue 14. “Ameli Elektrik paves the way to progress: sciences, literature, sports, fashions, news, commerce, industry. monthly circulation 38,500 copies with 150,000 readers.” ................ 100
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Figure A.5 : AE, November 1926, issue 12, p. 111-112. “Let’s Learn: Some Great Inventors” ............................................................................................ 101
Figure A.6 : November 1926, issue 12, p. 112. “Let’s Learn: Some Great Inventors”……………………………………………………………102
Figure A.7 : Ameli Elektrik, issue 12, November 1926, page: 108. An illustration on Metro Han building and Ameli Elektrik issues. .................................. 103
Figure A.8 : Ameli Elektrik, 1932, issue 57, page: 126. A comparison of electricity fees with different products: cigarette, match, a scone, a newspaper. no: 57, page: 126. ...................................................................................... 104
Figure A.9 : Ameli Elektrik, 1929, issue 32, page: 16. Some announcements of court judgments, the year 1928. ................................................................... 105
Figure A.10 : Ameli Elektrik, July-August 1931, issue 50, page: 51. Humor page from Henriot. ...................................................................................... 106
Figure A.11 : Ameli Elektrik, July-August 1933, issue 62. Osram Bulb advertisement. “Don’t Save on Lighting! Good lightning maintains vision.” ................................................................................................ 107
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MARKETING ELECTRICITY: AMELİ ELEKTRİK MAGAZINE (1925-1934) AND THE INTRODUCTION OF ELECTRICITY AS A MASS CONSUMPTION ITEM IN THE INTERWAR PERIOD
SUMMARY
Electricity was introduced to the Ottoman Empire with the establishment of the ‘Silahtarağa Power Plant’ in Istanbul in 1914. This new technology, like in all the other regions in the world, gradually brought massive changes in the daily lives of the İstanbul populace. Even though there were other illumination technologies and small-scale power plants before Silahtarağa, this plant offered a city-based and non-stop source of electricity to locals. Likewise, electricity with its appliances started to change many daily practices from transportation to cooking.
Electricity was comparatively a late coming technology to the Ottoman Empire. Factors like the rush to modernization because of rivalry in the European periphery have pushed the Ottoman government to finally accommodate this technology. Adaptation to electricity was important for the expansion of the customer base of the electricity company. A bi-monthly free-of-charge magazine titled “Ameli Elektrik” began to be distributed in 1925 to each electricity customer and continued until 1934. This magazine, with the SATİE company, mainly aimed to promote electricity, electrical appliances, etc., and a ‘new way of life’ which came with those. Commercials, cartoons, recent news about electricity, recipes, and fashion advice were all included in this print medium. Its content was shaped by its target audience, which was the upper-middle class of İstanbul, who were able to reach electricity and its appliances.
This study aims to examine this magazine’s content as a mirror on which the mentalities, ideologies, social norms, and biases of the period were reflected. The tools and concepts of the social history of technology and discourse analyses are the basis of this study’s methodology. The nine-year publication period of this magazine straddles the first years of the Turkish Republic, therefore witnessing innumerable changes. For instance, one can trace the radical political ups and downs such as the new reforms and the social change that came with them. Moreover, this magazine even reflects the impact of the alphabet reform of 1928 on print media. Similarly, we can see that gender structures and norms were both constructed, reproduced, and manipulated through this magazine. This thesis will present this magazine as multilayered evidence of technological and social change during the transition from the Ottoman Empire to the young Turkish republic. Finally, it will introduce a source that hitherto had not been examined on this scale.
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ELEKTRİĞİ PAZARLAMAK: AMELİ ELEKTRİK DERGİSİ (1925-1934) VE ELEKTRİĞİN İKİ SAVAŞ ARASI DÖNEMDE BİR TÜKETİM NESNESİ OLARAK SUNULMASI
ÖZET
Bu tez, elektrik teknolojisini topluma benimsetmek amacıyla, 1925-1934 yılları arasında yayınlanmış Ameli Elektrik dergisinin, sosyal tarih yöntemiyle incelenmesini ve kapsamlı monografisini çıkarmayı amaçlamaktadır. Araştırmada yöntem olarak kapsamlı monografi yöntemi kullanılmıştır. Çalışmanın birincil kaynağı olan Ameli Elektrik dergisi ülkede posta yoluyla gönderilmiş ilk dergidir. Derginin ilk sayısı 35.000 nüsha basılmış, İstanbul ve çevresindeki elektrik abonelerine elektrik faturalarıyla birlikte ücretsiz olarak dağıtılmıştır. Araştırma, 67 sayı olarak yayınlanan derginin 55 sayısı ile yapılmıştır. Derginin sayıları çeşitli arşivlerden toplanmış olsa da on iki sayısına ulaşılamamıştır. Dergi mikro ve makro ölçekte ele alınarak yayınlandığı dönemin tarihsel izdüşümü içerisinde incelenmiş ve dönemin baskın ideolojileri ile derginin içeriği arasındaki ilişki değerlendirilmiştir. Örneğin, derginin Erken Cumhuriyet döneminde yayın hayatına başlamış olması, yeni rejim ve modernite projesi ile birlikte değerlendirilmesini gerekli kılmıştır.
SOFINA şirketler grubu bünyesindeki Türk Anonim Elektrik Şirketi tarafından yayınlanan Ameli Elektrik dergisi, Aralık 1925 tarihli ilk sayısından başlayarak, elektriği tanıtma ve elektrikli aletleri pazarlama görevini üstlenmiştir. Ameli Elektrik dergisi bilimsel içerik üreten bir dergi değildi. İstanbul toplumuna öncelikle elektriği tanıtmak, elektrik hakkında bilinmeyenleri anlatmak ve elektrik kullanımını ve tüketimini özendirmek amaçlı, renkli ve eğlendirici bir içeriğe sahipti. Dokuz yıl boyunca yayın hayatına devam eden dergi, aynı zamanda dönemin sosyal, ekonomik ve siyasi konjonktürünü de yansıtmaktaydı. İçeriğinde hikayeler, karikatürler, moda tavsiyeleri, yemek tarifleri ve elektrikli alet tanıtımları bulunan derginin, elektriğin Türkiye’deki tarihsel gelişimi hakkında birincil bir kaynak olduğunu söylemek mümkündür. Ameli Elektrik, dönemin ilk ve tek elektrik dergisi oluşuyla da diğer dergi ve gazetelerden ayrılmaktadır.
Derginin, elektrik teknolojisiyle gündelik hayatta başlayan köklü değişimi ortaya koyması ve teşvik etmesi bu araştırmanın ana motiflerinden biri olmuştur. Elektrik teknolojisi, 1914 yılında Silahtarağa Elektrik Santrali’nin elektrik dağıtımına başlamasıyla Osmanlı Devleti’ne resmi olarak girmiş oldu. Öncelikle sokaklarda ve endüstride kullanılmaya başlanan elektrik teknolojisi, 1920’li yılların başına gelindiğinde yavaş yavaş hanelerde de kullanılmaya başladı ve birçok sosyal ve ekonomik değişimi de beraberinde getirdi. Elektriği tanıtan bir dergiyi anlayabilmek için, elektriğin ülkemize görece geç gelişinin sebeplerini, sonuçlarını ve elektrifikasyon sürecinin gelişimini irdelemek gerekiyordu. Bu nedenle çalışmada İstanbul’un elektrifikasyonu, dünyadaki elektrifikasyon trendleri ile birlikte ele alınmıştır.
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Elektrifikasyonun temel olarak İstanbul üzerinden ele alınmasının bir diğer nedeni de, elektriğin resmi olarak – şehir bazlı ve kesintisiz olarak - İstanbul’da kullanılmaya başlanmış olması ve bu tezin ana araştırma materyali olan Ameli Elektrik dergisinin İstanbul’da yayınlanıp, dağıtımının İstanbul’da yapılmasıdır. İstanbul’da elektrifikasyonun başladığı 1914 yılından yaklaşık on bir yıl sonra yayınlanmaya başlayan Ameli Elektrik dergisi, pazarlama ve satış stratejileri açısından da dönemin anlayışını yansıtmaktadır. Elektrik ve beraberinde gelen birçok değişim ancak elektriğin tanıtılması ve dolayısı ile toplumun bilgilendirilmesiyle hayata geçirilebilecekti. Elektrik teknolojisi, başta ampul olmak üzere çeşitli elektrikli cihazlar olmaksızın işlevini yerine getiremezdi. Bu ürünlerin ithal edilmesi gerekmekteydi. SATİE şirketi bu görevi üstlenmek üzere, 1924 yılında kurulmuş, ampul ve elektrikli aletlerin ithalatı ve satışı için çalışmalarına başlamıştır. Ampul, fırın, buzdolabı, elektrikli yastık, zayıflama kemeri, vantilatörler ve saç kurutma makinaları SATİE (Tesisat-ı Elektrikiye) şirketinin getirdiği ve sattığı elektrikli aletlerden bazılarıdır. Dergide, bu ev içi elektrikli aletler dışında sınai kullanıma yönelik vinç ve motor gibi ürünler de pazarlanmıştır.
Elektriğin yeni bir teknoloji olması ve bu teknolojinin yeterince bilinmeyişinin tüketicide yarattığı güvensizlik hissi, SATİE reklamları ve derginin içeriğindeki birçok yazı ve makale ile giderilmeye çalışılmıştır. Elektrik fiyatlarının, özellikle ev içi kullanım için yüksek olması ise, dergide elektriğin birincil ihtiyaç olduğu söylemini de beraberinde getirmiştir. Bu ihtiyaç kodlaması aslında elektriğin daha büyük kitlelere ulaşabilmesini ve böylece elektrik ve elektrikli alet tüketiminin artmasını amaçlamaktaydı. Dergide elektrik ve aydınlatmanın bir tasarruf mekanizması olarak sunulması da yüksek elektrik fiyatının göz ardı edilebilirliği söyleminin sıkça tekrarlanmasına yol açmıştır. Örneğin vitrinlerin doğru aydınlatılması, müşterilerin ilgisini çekecek ve dolayısıyla satışı artıracak önemli bir uygulama olarak sunulmaktaydı. Dergide doğru vitrin aydınlatması tüm detaylarıyla tanımlanmış ve bir pazarlama stratejisi olarak fiyat-performans açısından ele alınmıştır. İyi uygulanmış bir aydınlatmanın, iyi bir yatırım olduğu, bu nedenle elektriğe verilen ücretin göz ardı edilebileceği, iyi bir aydınlatmayla sağlanacak tanınırlığın diğer reklam mecralarından daha uygun fiyatlı olacağı vurgulanmıştır.
Doğru aydınlatma, dergide okuyucuya sıklıkla didaktik olarak anlatılmış, aynı zamanda modern (asri) olmanın bir önkoşulu olarak da tarif edilmiş, evlerin ayrı ayrı her odasının, ofislerin ve okulların doğru aydınlatılmasının gerekliliği sıkça vurgulanmıştır. Yanlış veya yetersiz aydınlatmanın göz sağlığına vereceği zararlar üzerinde durulmuş, göz hastalıkları ve aydınlatma ilişkisi üzerine doktorlar tarafından yazılmış makalelere yer verilmiştir. Döneminde lüks tüketim olarak algılanan bu teknolojinin ihtiyaç olarak kodlanması ve etkin biçimde pazarlanması amacıyla dergide uzman görüşlerine sıkça yer verilmiştir.
Aydınlatma ile birlikte, birçok elektrikli ev aletinin kullanımı da ‘asrilik’le ilişkilendirilmiş, elektrikli aletler tüketiciye bir sınıf atlama aracı ve gösterişçi tüketim unsuru olarak sunulmuştur. Sınıfsal kodlarla birlikte inşa edilmeye başlanan bu teknoloji ve uzantısı olarak gelen elektrikli aletler, elektriğin İstanbul’da yaygınca kullanılmaya başlanmasına kadarki süreçte, ‘modern’in ve belli bir sınıfa dahil olmanın göstergesi olarak kabul edilmiştir. Derginin hitap ettiği orta-üst sınıf İstanbul popülasyonu, önce hedef kitle, sonra da bu teknolojinin pazarlanmasında ayrıştırıcı bir konuma sahip olmuştur.
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Derginin doğrudan kadınlara hitap ediyor oluşu, bir kadın dergisi olarak konumlandırılması için yeterli değildir. Dergide kadına hitap, kadının satın almadaki karar ve teşviki nedeniyledir. Hatta kadın, evdeki Elektrik kullanımın sorumlusu olarak belirlenmiştir. Dergide cinsiyet rollerinin net bir şekilde vurgulanması, kadına biçilen “elektriğin pazarlamacısı” rolüyle bağlantılıdır. Bu anlayış, elektrikli ev aletlerinin toplumsal cinsiyet anlamında kodlanmasına ve cinsiyet rollerinin yeniden inşasına yol açmıştır. Bütün ev aletleri reklamlarında kullanıcı olarak kadınların resmedilmesi ve kadınlara hitap edilmesi de bu durumu kanıtlar niteliktedir. Kadınların cinsiyet rolleri elektrikli aletler ile pekiştirilmiş, elektrikli aletleri kullanan kadınların ailelerinin mutluluğu ve huzurunu sağlayacakları anlatılmıştır. Eşine ve çocuklarına vakit ayırabilen kadının elektrikli aletlerle olan ilişkisi huzur, boş zaman ve mutluluk gibi kavramlarla ilişkilendirilmiş olsa da, geleneksel ev içi rollerini değiştirmeye yönelik bir önermede bulunulmamıştır. Dahası, elektrikli aletlerin ev işlerini neredeyse kendi kendine yapıyormuş gibi gösterilmesi kadınların ev içi emeğinin görünmez kılınmasını da beraberinde getirmiştir. Dergide elektriğe aynı zamanda, zaman zaman doğaüstü bir nitelik atfedilmiş; elektrik bir peri, bir kurtarıcı olarak konumlandırılmış ve resmedilmiştir. Bu peri, evdeki hizmetçi ile kıyaslanmış ve hizmetçiye göre her koşulda çok daha iyi bir çalışan olduğu anlatılmıştır. Sihirli değneği olan, yorulmayan, sızlanmayan, insani ihtiyaçları olmayan ve gerçek hizmetçilere kıyasla belki de daha az ücret yükü olan bu ‘elektrik perisi’, elektriği topluma benimsetmek için kullanılan bir strateji olarak yorumlanmaktadır.
Dergi aynı zamanda birçok toplumsal ve siyasi değişime de tanıklık etmiştir. Dokuz yıllık yayın hayatı boyunca iki farklı alfabede yayımlanan bu dergide, dildeki değişimleri ve erken Cumhuriyet reformlarını izlemek mümkündür. Siyasi arenada olmama sözünü okuyucularına vermiş olsa da, Cumhuriyet’in ilk yıllarının ulus-devlet inşası ve erken Cumhuriyet dönemi ideolojisine dair söylemleri barındırmaktadır. Örneğin, Cumhuriyet’in 10. yılı dergide kutlanmıştır. Aynı şekilde, harf devriminden sonra, Farsça ve Osmanlıca kökenli kelimelerin Türkçe’den ayıklanmasına dair yapılan çalışmaları duyurmuş ve okuyucularını yeni kelimeler bulmaya ve bu kelimelerle şiir yazmaya teşvik etmiştir. Bu konuda bir yarışma da düzenleyerek okuyucularını bu sürece dahil etmiştir.
Dünyadan haberlere de sık sık yer veren Ameli Elektrik, elektrik teknolojisini daha erken kullanmaya başlamış ülkelerden örnekler ile okuyucuyu elektrik hakkında bilgilendirmiştir. Elektrik hakkında öğretici ve özendirici içeriği dışında aynı zamanda edebiyat ve karikatür gibi alanlara da yer veren dergi, bu içerikleri sıkça yabancı yazarlardan elde etmiştir. Paul Reuter, Tristan Bernard ve Alexandre Dumas gibi dönemin ünlü yazarlarının hikayelerine yer vermiştir. Dergi ilerleyen yıllarında, Ahmet Haşim, Yusuf Ziya ve Uşaklızade Halit Ziya gibi Türk yazarların yazılarına da yer vermeye başlamıştır.
Çalışmada, 1925-1934 yılları arasındaki elektrik tarihini, Elektriğin inşa edilen algısını ve pazarlanmasını renkli bir içerikle sunan dergi, dönemi yansıtan birincil bir kaynak olarak incelenmiştir. Toplumsal cinsiyet rollerinden, bir teknolojinin gelişiminin ve tarihinin izlenmesine, tanıtım ve pazarlanmasına, dildeki değişimden dönemin reformlarına birçok önemli değişime tanıklık etmiş olmasıyla dergi, yayımlandığı dönem içerisinde eşi benzeri olmayan bir yere sahiptir. Derginin renkli ve dönemin grafik tasarımı kültürüne göre yenilikçi görsel içeriği de, bu derginin görsel kültür ve matbaacılık açısından önemli bir kaynak olduğunu göstermektedir. Dergide sık sık kullanılan ikili karşıtlıklar ile birlikte oluşturulan söylemler elektrik teknolojisine bir
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kimlik yaratmıştır. Dolayısıyla, bu araştırma, elektrik teknolojisi ve İstanbul’daki tarihsel gelişiminde inşa edilen kimliğini ve bu kimliğin tezahürlerini ele almaktadır.
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1. INTRODUCTION
Electricity was introduced and gradually brought deep changes in the lives of the İstanbul populace after the establishment of the ‘Silahtarağa Power Plant’ in Istanbul in 1914. Different than previous illumination technologies and small-scale power plants used before, the plant offered local and non-stop power sources. Electricity was comparatively a late technology to the Ottoman Empire. Factors like the rush to modernization because of rivalry in the European periphery have pushed the Ottoman government to finally accommodate this technology. Adaptation to electricity was important for the expansion of the customer base of the electricity company. A bi-monthly free-of-charge magazine titled “Ameli Elektrik” (AE) began to be distributed in December 1925 to each electricity customer and continued until October 1934. This magazine, with the SATİE company, mainly aimed to promote electricity, electric appliances, etc., and a ‘new way of life that came with them. Commercials, cartoons, recent news about electricity, recipes, and fashion advice were all included in this print medium.
This study is the first comprehensive monograph of the AE, from a social history of technology perspective. Moreover, for this study, all the available issues are collected and archived. The content and aim of this primary source provide information less on the technical aspect of electricity and more on its social implications and the consumer culture from the Ottoman Empire to the early years of the republican period. The AE’s as the first direct mail magazine, not only created knowledge on electricity but also reflected its period’s social and cultural values, ideologies, and understanding.
Some of the issues of the AE are missing despite my extensive research. All of the issues covered in this study, except issues 4, 6, 15, 17, 30, 35, 36, 37, 38, 46, 48, and 56, all the issues are recovered in this study. This means out of 67 issues of the AE; 55 issues are collected in my archive. Every issue is an average of 20-50 pages long. Issues 7, 8, 9, 10 printed paired as 7/8 and 9/10. Every issue is an average of 20-50 pages long. This source is printed in two different languages and two different alphabets. Between the years 1925 to 1934, magazines were published in two different
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languages/alphabets. Turkish in Arabic and Latin letters and French. Until the alphabet reform in 1928, the AE was published in both Turkish and French the former being in Arabic letters. Its first Latin-script issue (issue 31) was naturally published in 1928, following the reform. Before and after the reform, French issues have remained identical to the Turkish versions. Magazine’s first issues were 27.5x20 cm and after the alphabet revolution, changed to 15x23 cm.
Found issues were accessed from various archives such as Salt Archives (borrowed from Atatürk Kitaplığı), İstanbul Bilgi University Document Archives, Wikilala, and the personal archives of Gökhan Akçura and Burak Barutçu. Some of the issues of AE are special issues such as almanacs. These almanacs have special content such as highlights of the past year. Issues 23 and 32 are almanac issues in the archive of the present researcher. Issue 64 is also special and printed to honor of 10th year of the Republic of Turkey in 1933. Furthermore, issue 66 is a special kitchen issue that only has content on cooking with electricity. Many different recipes and recommendations on how to select the right ingredients are given in this issue. Moreover, besides the collected issues, there is an additional kitchen appendix named “Küizin” that has no date or issue number information in it. This appendix is likewise, gives recipes and recommendations on how to cook with electricity. Lastly, issue 67 which is the last issue of the magazine also has a special topic of its own: illumination, as stated on its cover. Correct and proper illumination with its original name in Ottoman Turkish tenvirat was one of the main topics of the AE. In most of the issues, there are many recommendations on how to apply proper illumination.
After every issue available for AE was collected, to process the material, I investigated and summarized every issue. While doing this, I followed the guidelines for discourse analyses suggested by Wodak (2001, p. 54-55), so I used the critical discourse analysis method to understand the meanings and trends in the magazine. As Jørgensen and Phillips (2014) argue, “with language, we create representations of reality that are never mere reflections of a pre-existing reality but contribute to constructing reality (p. 8-9)”. Based on this thought, I argue that AE contributed to constructing reality, therefore had a distinct discourse. After I investigated the AE, its general themes, and the characterization of the magazine were distinct. For instance, the discourse of the magazine was reproducing the Early Republican ideology in many ways. Likewise, new gender roles and norms were also in the making at that period and AE was
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producing and reproducing the ‘new ideal Republican women’ image. Moreover, some common metaphors were correlated with the discourse such as illumination and modernization or being modern. Enlightenment metaphor is also traceable. Science and technology were also a part of the magazine. Scientific discourses are intertwined with new discourses that emerged with electricity. Illumination, being modern and the superiority of science was given to the reader through many different contents. From fun articles to graphic design representations, AE had a distinct discourse tailor-made for its audience. What’s more, ideological statements based on the contents were also discussed, such as the involvement of AE in the political arena. So, in this thesis, besides creating a comprehensive monograph of a primary source, discourse analysis was also conducted.
Besides these, Table 3.1, demonstrates every electrical appliance shown or demonstrated in the magazine, with pictures, advertisements, or written down. This table is done with the frequency analyses method by investigating every electrical appliance in AE. This table represents all the electrical appliances produced and sold in that period (1925-1934).
Therefore, to fully understand this primary source, and understand the discourse of AE, we need to locate it in a larger historical context that goes beyond its publication period. This study investigates the AE in a comprehensive monograph with a method based on a social history perspective. To understand the primary source of this study, the period preceding and following its publication life tried to be explored. Social implications of electricity were the main concern of this study because of the content and aim of the primary source. Consumer culture from the Ottoman Empire to the early years of the republican period was also handled detailly.
This study firstly needs to explain the history of the main content of this periodical, i.e. electricity. The cumulative progress of electricity was important to understanding the social and historical meanings of this technology. The significance of electricity in Turkey during the first quarter of the twentieth century needed to be investigated. Likewise, the electrification of İstanbul was another important subject for the main research question of this study. Furthermore, the related works on AE magazine were also important to investigate to understand the demonstration of this magazine in related inquiries. These studies are generally about the electrification processes of
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Istanbul, the Ottoman Empire, and Turkey. Finally, to inquire about the literature that is related to AE, the most recent literature on electrification was utilized.
As a theoretical framework, besides the below-mentioned studies, this thesis used the Social Shaping of Technology theory of McKenzie and Wajcman (1999). Since this theory is the basis of the social constructivist approach and criticizes technological determinism, it provided a perspective to understand and interpret Ameli Elektrik. Their criticism of the perspective of technological determinism, which attributes technology to a passive attitude is, what this study is also ignoring. Electricity technology and its technological system as a whole changed with the society and was constructed not in a passive way but reciprocally. As we can see in this magazine and thus in this thesis, technology influenced society in many ways from gender to politics, and also, societies shaped this technology with its artifacts and its reflections.
Duygu Aysal Cin’s (2019) dissertation was the main work in this study to understand the history of electricity in the Ottoman Empire and the entrance of electricity into Ottoman lands. Cin, in her critical and comprehensive study, discusses the electrification process of İstanbul and consequently, the concessions that led to the electrification. Likewise, Emine Öztaner (2014) also studied the history of electricity and electrification of the Ottoman Empire and particularly İstanbul, from a socio-historical perspective. Öztaner (2014) uses Hughes’s theory which argues that technology is a multidirectional construction (p.5). In the case of the AE, electricity can be evaluated as a multidirectional construction since this magazine has a very mutual relationship with its target audience, their interest, and needs (Bijker et. al, 2012). Besides, electrical appliances were evolved according to the constructed needs of society. Also, the AE shows the effect of a medium in marketing and the adoption of new technology, by society to adopt new technology. Technology by itself does not evolve but with the interaction of society, it is shaped. The present thesis is under influence of this theory. Öztaner (2014) also discusses the reasons and results of the so-called ‘late coming’ of electricity technology to the Ottoman lands. Both authors discuss the process of electrification in Turkey from a historical perspective. These studies, helped this dissertation to understand the history of electricity and its social and political implications.
Silahtarağa Power Plant and its construction was another important milestone in the electrification of Istanbul. The monograph “The Silahtarağa Power Plant (1910-
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2004)”, edited by Açıkbaş (2007) was an important contribution to literature for it helped us understand the electrification of Istanbul and the foundation and operation of the Silahtarağa Power Plant. This book also gives an insight into documents and also chronological information on the process of electrification. By investigating the historical development of the Silahtarağa Power Plant, this book also demonstrates the electrification of Istanbul from different aspects such as architecture. Moreover, one of the authors of the book, Murat Güvenç considers the electrification of İstanbul through the Silahtarağa Power plant as the “second industrial revolution (p.101).”
Şavk (2014) discusses the social implications of electricity, mostly in the sphere of the introduction of electricity around domesticity. How the electrical appliances and electricity became gendered was the main problem of her study. This literature also used examples of the AE and helped this study to interpret the gender relations in the magazine during this period. İleri (2015, 2020), on the other hand, investigates the relationship between electricity and security and modernization discourse on electricity mostly in the domestic sphere. İleri and Değirmencioğlu’s (2020) article on the Early Republican Turkey and modernization was also beneficial for this thesis to interpret the magazine. These sources were important to see the social impacts of electricity on two different topics: electrification of the domestic sphere and architectural changes with implementation. Moreover, these studies revealed the period which is overlapping with the AE publication period. Studies by Şavk (2014), İleri (2015, 2020), and Öztaner (2014) are important to understand and interpret new technology in a particular geography. All of the scholars studied this topic around Istanbul since this city was the leading city in the electrification process in the Ottoman Empire and later, Turkey.
The literature above aimed to investigate electricity, its history with its social impacts. İleri and Şavk-Emgin in particular used the AE as a source to demonstrate the social effects of electricity with many other magazines and printed press of the period. Since this study is specialized in the social and historical aspects of electrification, this literature created a theoretical framework for this study. In addition, there is no independent and comprehensive study of the AE magazine in the current literature, to the knowledge of the current researcher. Many scholars have used this source to understand and demonstrate certain topics in a limited fashion. So, this study aims to
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investigate the AE magazine in a comprehensive monograph for the first time in the literature.
However, because this magazine has a very large content spread to a nine-year publication and my thesis needed a coherent narrative framework, I needed to limit my examples to the most representative ones. Likewise, the discourse analysis of this source was limited to the achieved issues of the magazine. And there are, of course, certain limitations because of time and language constraints. For example, the unavailability of the issues mentioned above led me to understand the structure of the magazine such as the languages used, main contents, and main conjunctural discourses in a limited way. I had to find specific and the most representative example from the available content to substantiate my arguments. The first part of the study held the electrification process of İstanbul and later the first large-scale power plant in Turkey: Silahtarağa Power Plant. Historical information about the plant and history of electrification of the late Ottoman period and Early Republican period of Turkey was one of the key elements to understanding this magazine comprehensively. So, with a focus on the electrification process in Turkey, an overlook of electrification around the world, and the history of electricity is also discussed in the second chapter to give a sense of the period that led to the beginning of the publication of the AE.
The second chapter focuses on Ameli Elektrik, its descriptive features, and concepts such as advertising, consumer culture, modernization, and gender. Many different social and cultural aspects of the period affected the AE. Rapid modernization, change in the government, and many reforms intersected with the publication era of the magazine also gave the essence of the magazine. The AE, beyond being an electricity magazine, was a lifestyle magazine for a certain social class. Istanbulites who lived in wealthy neighborhoods and could able to reach electricity were the main target group of the magazine. Besides, with its higher prices, using electricity became a desire to represent status. Even, using electricity became a status symbol and conspicuous consumption item. So, electrical appliances are marketed with many social and cultural values. Likewise, electricity was directly a tool of modern, which was a very important phase to reach. Illumination, and using electrical appliances were the most basic proof of ‘being modern’. Furthermore, electricity created a new consumption habit coherent with the new consumer culture of the period. What is a ‘need’ and what is a ‘want’ coded and constructed through the magazine to highlight that electricity is a need, not
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a luxury. This is supported and legitimized by many arguments based on health and hygiene.
The main users of the electricity - as it is marketed- were the housewives and women. Even little girls were also shown as the users of these electrical appliances. Electricity is directly marketed to women in advertisements and articles in magazines. Women, as the main users of electricity, were also responsible for this technology as well as being in charge of the house. Domestic electrical appliances were the most advertised items in the magazine. From ovens to massage belts, many different electrical appliances are advertised and sold by SATİE, by directly addressing women. These appliances and thus electricity was demonstrated as the new servants of women from domestic work. This new servant, electricity, was also compared with the human servants, and electricity elevated.
Political representations in the magazine are also discussed, in the context of the political attitude in the magazine. Lastly, while investigating this source like a comprehensive monograph, the visual aspect of it was also important. So, visual representations and graphic design of the magazine are also discussed in the last part of the thesis.
In the beginning, the main research question of this thesis was: What are the main physical features of Ameli Elektrik, and what is the place of this magazine in the history of electricity? However, after gathering the available issues and investigating the magazine, my questions broadened. While I am doing my research, many other research questions such as: “What is the place of AE in gendering electricity in the Early Republican period?”, and “How did AE create a new consumer culture in İstanbul?” appeared in my mind. Therefore, along with my first research question, this thesis aims to investigate some other questions besides just creating a comprehensive monograph of this primary source.
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2. ELECTRICITY AND ILLUMINATION: A NEW TYPE OF TECHNOLOGY IN THE 19TH CENTURY
This chapter investigates the history of electricity technology and thus the electrification process of the Ottoman Empire and the Early Republican period. To give a clearer concept of electricity, this part firstly discusses the history of electricity, the milestones, and important figures in the evolution of electricity technology. The main concern of this chapter is to understand the electrification of İstanbul and Turkey in a more global sense. Later, other illumination practices before the electrification of the Ottoman Empire, such as gaslighting, lanterns, and as following illumination process discussed. Another main subject of this chapter is the Silahtarağa Power Plant, its history, construction, and its role in the electrification of the Ottoman Empire. This plant, as being the biggest and main energy source of İstanbul until 1983, was the main incite of the electrification of Turkey and consequently, Ameli Elektrik. Overall, in this chapter, how technology is socially shaped was demonstrated.
2.1 Before the Electrification of Turkey: A Brief Global History of Electricity
Electricity, as a source of energy, is a relatively new technology. The invention of electricity, until this day, has been dealt with race, war, and competition between various thinkers and scientists. As McKenzie and Wajcman (1999) argue, ‘notion of invention’ and ‘great inventor’ and ‘discovery’ discourses are diminishing the long and cumulative process of technological shaping of technology. This part will try to investigate the history of electricity technology, without over-simplifying the process. It is impossible to ignore the fact that electricity changed human life drastically.
When we investigate the invention of electricity, we see different names and common stories. If we take technology as an evolving or a cumulative entity, we can say that history of electricity was about accumulations. Various scientists throughout the last three centuries tried to produce electricity. This scientific knowledge has concluded with the illumination, in the 19th century with some further inventions such as the
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invention of the light bulb by Joseph Swan (1828-1914) its commercialization by Thomas Edison (1847-1931), and the invention of rotating magnetic fields by Nicola Tesla (1856-1943). George Westinghouse (1846-1914) was another important figure in the progress of electricity, mainly as an entrepreneur. We can array many different names in the ‘process’ of electricity technology. However, we can’t order them by the rating or value of their contributions. For instance, if Westinghouse did not believe in and fund this new technology, we might be able to reach electricity many more years later. So, I will try to summarize below the milestones and important figures in the history of electricity throughout history.
1Research on electricity as a phenomenon can be traced back to 2750 BCE, to the Egyptians and their observations of electric fishes. Going through a little bit further in history, Thales of Miletus was the first person that we know that recognized electricity in amber (stone). This was the static electricity that came out of rubbing the stone on another material such as clothes. When we come to the 17th century, terms such as “electric attraction”, “electric force “ and “magnetic pole” were founded by William Gilbert (p. 3). Moreover, his experiments on electricity actually “coined the Latin word ‘electricus’ from the Greek term for amber: electron (λεκτρον)” (p.3). In the 18th century, experiments on electricity were kept going by several different enlightenment thinkers such as Francis Hauksbee, Pieter Van Musschenbroek, and Benjamin Franklin. However, their experiments were still limited to static electricity, after Otto von Guericke, Francis Hauksbee’s static electricity generator led to the further contributions of other scientists (p. 4, Barutçu B., personal communication, November 2021).
Another milestone in the evolution of electricity was the invention of positive and negative electric charges: resinous (-) and vitreous (+) by Charles Francois Du Fay (1733). In 1746, Evald von Kleist and Pieter Van Musschenbroek independently of each other developed a device that enables the storage of energy, which is: the Leyden Jar (p.4). This invention could not be understood. The following development was from Benjamin Franklin. Franklin aimed to reveal the Leyden Jar’s working principle.
1 The following section on the history of electricity technology will be covered by the book section “Pathways to a smarter power system”, Chapter 1 (Tascikaraoglu et. al, 2019), and lecture notes of Burak Barutçu (2021) unless otherwise stated.
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In 1752, Franklin’s kite experiment2 revealed the relationship between lightning and electricity in nature. Furthermore, his terms such as conductor, condenser, charge, and battery are still in use. Luigi Galvani is another important figure in the history of electricity. Galvani was investigating the innate nature of electricity. He was using animal tissue such as dead frogs to understand if there is an innate vital force. In one of his experiments, a frog’s leg has responded to the electricity generator and as a lucky accident, he found out what he called “animal electricity” (p.6).
When we come to the 19th century, names and their inventions, and works which we are familiar with (Michael Faraday, Thomas Alva Edison, and Nicola Tesla) came onto the stage. The effects of the Scientific Revolution (18th century) and the recent Industrial Revolution has led to the accumulation of scientific knowledge that we are familiar with today. The scientific figures that I mentioned before, prepared the basis of the electricity technology that we know and use in our day. In the 19th century, starting with the Italian physicist Alessandro Volta, who disagreed with Galvani’s animal electricity, worked on the disproof of Galvani’s theory. Volta invented the ‘voltaic pile’, obviously named after him. This invention enabled sustainable electricity with the piles. His findings were published by the Royal Society and became a scientific invention that is commonly used and led to the other important inventions in the history of electricity. “Volt”, a unit that we are still using today to identify the electric potential was named after Alessandro Volta (p. 7). After Volta, British electrochemist and electrician Humphry Davy, “built a huge battery consisting of 400 voltaic cells underneath the Royal Institution, for utilizing its power in electrolysis experiments”(p.7). Davy’s battery obtained a light; arc light in 1809. Davy lamp, which was another invention of Davy, was created for protecting the mineworkers from the explosion of methane gas. Another important improvement was the invention of electromagnetism. Chemist Hans Cristian Øersted, in 1820 lay the foundations of electromagnetism. On the other hand, with the studies of Michael Faraday, electromagnetism reached significance when he discovered electromagnetic induction. As (Tascikaraoglu et. al, 2019) put it forward, “Faraday introduced electricity as a force for the first time in its history and provided an exciting opportunity to advance our knowledge of relationships between magnetism, electricity, and motion” (p. 9).
2 For further information on Franklin’s kite experiment: https://www.fi.edu/benjamin-franklin/kite-key-experiment accsessed: 28 June 2021
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Therefore, with Faraday’s invention of electromagnetic induction, steady and continuous electricity became possible to obtain.
On the way to the electricity that we use today, we can argue that Faraday’s invention was a turning point. Electric telegraph technology was another milestone. With the help of the electric wires, it became possible to send messages from one place to another. In the late 19th century, telegraphy became a widely used technology and maybe changed wars and shaped the world around that time. Telegraphy may be considered the first version of the Internet that we are using today. To sum up, with Faraday and his invention of electromagnetism, telegraphy, the radio, the telephone, and Internet technologies became available. Wireless telecommunication’s history is also embedded with the history of electricity and lighting.
The physicist James Clerk Maxwell who is known for his Maxwell’s equations is yet another crucial name in the history of electricity. His theories lay the foundations of much important scientific knowledge such as Albert Einstein’s special theory of relativity. Maxwell’s proposition of light is the form of electromagnetic wave, revealing the relationship between light, magnetism, and electricity.3 When we also add the contributions of Maxwell, an accumulative knowledge of electricity is revealed. Especially with the knowledge of Faraday, Maxwell created another scientific knowledge: Maxwell’s equations which led to the invention of wireless telecommunication, the radio, and the following inventions that operate by electromagnetic waves. It is an indicator of the many ‘inventions’ and great discoveries which we call are a product of many different scientists.
Thomas Alva Edison made his contributions and electricity’s evolution to what we know and use today. In addition to the commercialization of the light bulb, Edison invented the phonograph which was patented in 1877, and created a global frame for his name. His team in “Wizard of Menlo Park”, New Jersey – this formation was an industrial research laboratory which was established by Edison – worked on the research of incandescence and organic fibers for finding the best suitable materials for the light bulb. His commercialization of the light bulb became so important and made his name connotated in public because of various reasons. The main reason was that
3 His two significant articles, On Faraday’s Lines of Force and Physical Lines of Force, were published in 1856 and 1861, respectively.
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Edison’s contributions were that he “made the first commercial, practical, and affordable incandescent lamp for home illumination in 1897 (p.12).” As Tascilaroğlu et. al (2019), note, before Edison’s contributions, electricity and lightning were supplied to society. For instance, Sir Humphry Davy’s arc lighting was used for the illumination of street and railway stations. Furthermore, Warren de la Rue about 40 years earlier, already created lightning with thin and high resistance filaments. However, this version was uneconomic and had problems in achieving a good vacuum. Likewise, Joseph Swan in 1878, used a commercially-viable carbon his filaments were thick and caused rapid burnout4. As a result, in 1879, Edison made the most efficient light bulb and patented it in 1979. He marketed his patents and made this invention to become industrial. All the history of electricity shows us that, this technology was a product of many different scientists and thinkers. Nevertheless, it was a result of cumulative knowledge, that matured through time.
To mention his name in this section, Nicola Tesla since his name was generally called a war between him and Edison on the invention of electricity, Tesla’s contribution to electricity was understanding the significant advantages of the alternating-current (AC) system which made the biggest contribution to the modern-day power system. Also, to mention his name George Westinghouse was also a name that contributed to the “alternating current” with Tesla. Westinghouse, as an investor and an entrepreneur, invested in Tesla’s ideas on polyphase motor and transmission systems. With the help and investments of the Westinghouse Company, and Westinghouse engineers, Tesla’s well-known motors and systems were able to be built. The “War of Currents” phenomenon was based on the AC and DC currents (Hughes, 1983, p. 117-121).
The above-mentioned technological and scientific changes finalized what we call electricity and the technological system as a whole. Electricity technology by itself emerged from existing technologies, changing or modification of technologies (McKenzie and Wajcman, 1999, p. 12). Likewise, the technological system behind electricity makes electricity technology usable. Edison’s design of the light bulb was not isolated from electricity generation and distribution. Without the electricity, supply systems bulbs would be useless. This shows the interconnectedness of technologies and the progress behind them (p.16-17).
4 See: https://www.sciencefocus.com/science/who-really-invented-the-light-bulb/
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2.2 First Power Plants and the History of Electrification Around the World
The first large-scale, industrial power plant in America was the Pearl Street Station which was a low-voltage central power plant established on 4 September 1882. This plant was constructed with Edison’s DC concept. However, this current was not useful. The DC caused high losses due to low voltage. What solved this problem was the transformer introduced by Tesla. Caused the AC, in this system, electricity was able to flow with transformer, iron cores, and copper windings which prevents energy loss that occurs during the transfer process, especially when transferring the electricity from one place to another, especially in long distances. Moreover, delivering electricity to people with a low voltage was so important because of the dangers of the high voltage.
In 1896, a hydroelectric power plant was built in the US, with the AC principle by using the energy of Niagara Falls. This plant electrified the city of Buffalo. Though, it can seem that the AC system provided the optimal solution to the need for electrification. the DC system never became completely useless and unused. Today, various electrical devices are still working on the DC principle such as computers and LED’s.
As Aksoy et. al point out, electrical power production expanded throughout the world during the 19th century. Hence, by the early 20th century, large-scale plants were built and started to produce electricity in Europe and North America. The production and consumption of electricity are called ‘the second industrial revolution’ which implicates the importance of the industrialization (Aksoy et al., 2009, p.3). AE was not indifferent to these developments around the world, as the figures below demonstrate.
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Figure 2.1 : AE, Issue 44, 1930: Article “electricity around the world” p. 94.
Figure 2.2 : AE, Issue 44, 1930: Article “electricity around the world” p. 95.
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This article in Figure 2.1 and Figure 2.2 named “Dünya’da Elektrik: Electricity Around the World” is giving the news on electricity around the world in Turkey. On these four pages, there are photographs and tables about different countries. For instance, it gives the numbers of kW-h of electricity consumption of Paris in the years between 1920-1928. There is also similar information about Spain, Buenos Aires, Switzerland, and England. To sum up, these numbers show that, many countries were much more adapted to electricity even though the article does not mention this information. As I will discuss later in the following chapters, the AE magazine frequently reported such news about electricity technologies and their conditions as appropriate applications which modern countries adopted.
As Cin (2019) discusses the reasons for the late coming of electricity to the Ottoman Empire, she states that one of the reasons was the limited financial resources. In comparison with the European countries, Ottoman Empire did not want to apply self-regulating arc lamps (Jablochoff’s lamp). For instance, in Paris, these arc lamps were commonly used in street lighting by 1876. After the invention of carbon arc lamps, these lamps started to be used in street and industrial lighting. Thus far, except for these carbon arc lamp technologies, there were some power plants in New York, Milan, and Berlin 1882/1883. These plants were supplying electricity to a very limited area since they were small direct current producers (Cin, 2019, p.30-31). In the late 1890s with Tesla’s three-phase AC power led to the development of large-scale power systems (ibid.).
Hughes (1983) in his study of electrification of Western societies, focuses on three cities: London, Chicago, and Berlin. His compared study of these three cities, reveals that all of the cities had a different power system. Even though the technology pool was the same for all, this differentiation arise from the geographical, cultural, material, engineering, and entrepreneurial factors (Hughes, 1983 quoted in Öztaner, 2014). This also indicates that political and geographical variables affect the application of the technology. Since Istanbul was a heavily populated city, building a central thermal power plant was the most reasonable option. Moreover, unlike London which had more than fifty small electric power plants, the political structure of the Ottoman state (centralized authority) was efficient in the preferment in the centralized electric supply system: Silahtarağa Power Plant (Öztaner, 2014 p.74-75).
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The sociological effects of new technology also needed to be considered. Nevertheless, as a new technology, it had some responses from society. ‘What was electricity?’ ‘Was it harmful?’’ Why do we need this uncertain and new technology in our houses?’ In the light of Gooday, I will try to explore electricity as a dangerous element (Gooday, 2018). It is hard not to say that electricity was indeed a dangerous technology that could even cause deaths easily. In the first years of the electricity in cities, there were some incidents of deaths. Since Istanbul was a heavily populated city, building a central thermal power plant was the most reasonable option.
The public anxiety about electricity was generally undermined. There were many explanations on why electricity is not dangerous. For instance, electricity was only dangerous if there was carelessness in its installation. Moreover, these concerns on electricity technology were generally compared with gas installations and their dangers. Gooday (2018) states that the electrical accidents which happened in the late 19th century were in comparison much less. He gives the example of an explosion of a gaslighting system that happened in Vienna resulted in up to 600 deaths. Despite this, between the years 1880 to 1890, there were only 16 deaths related to electricity. Likewise, in the US it was ten times more than the accidents that happened in Europe (ibid. 65). As a note, all of the persons who died in the electrical accidents were males (ibid. 75). Besides the human accidents, there were some electricity-related fires. Furthermore, according to Gooday, this security anxiety was also about the gas companies’ intimidation about electricity technology. This argument was supported by the gas journals of the period. These journals were denigrating electricity with the incidents and deaths associated with it. Yet, fear was dramatized both with the fictional and the real accidents (ibid. p.89). This fear which started in Europe and US created new anxiety directly connected to electricity.
This fear had to be overcome since this new technology was also constituting a new industry. As Gooday (2018) puts it there was a need to construct a “new reputation.” “Technical expertise of electrical engineers and entrepreneurs was not a sufficient authority on which to ground claims for the superiority of electricity (Gooday, 2018: 93)”. To do so, many public mediums were used. International exhibitions held in Paris (1882) and London (1882) were important. Furthermore, as I will discuss below, some Ottoman officers and engineers such as Emile Lacoin (1835-1899), and Raif Efendi, visited these exhibitions. According to Cin, these exhibitions were places in which
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“knowledge on electricity was discussed and shared (Cin, 2019: 54).” In these exhibitions, new safety systems were also advertised such as fire alarms and Edison’s ‘safety catch’ developed to break electrical circuits when the current reaches a high level which could cause the melting of the wires. After the Crystal Palace exhibition (1882) has started, the royal visitations of the legitimacy of the electricity were brought to the public. Moreover, arc lamps were installed in the Buckingham Palace ballroom. Newspapers such as The Times played a very important role in both the legitimization and discussion of the reasons for the dangers of electricity (Gooday, 2018, p. 96-97).
Besides these international exhibitions, according to Gooday (2018), a new healthy, ‘healthful’ reputation was constructed for electricity. This new connotation was highly going along with the domestic appliances of electricity. An electricity and gaslight duality was always there. When electricity started to be promoted, gas houses and gaslighting became criticized. According to electricity promoters, gaslighting was much more harmful than electricity for health. On the one hand, there was the public fear of electricity with its possible hazards such as shocking and fires. On the other hand, gaslighting was also possibly harmful to the human body thanks to air pollution. Carbonic acid was produced by those gas burners. Consequently, electricity became a much more healthy and hygienic option compared to gaslighting. According to Gooday (2018), the electrical lobby created a hygiene-based discourse and cultivated the fear of gaslighting (ibid. 112). Drawing attention to the chemical hazards and the non-hygienic features of the gaslight was also created another fear in duality: a possibly dangerous technology, electricity, or gaslighting. However, to overcome the fears of electricity other alternatives were stigmatized.
In the early 1880s wearing electricity as a piece of jewelry became popular. This was also a representation of the femininity/aesthetic connotations of electricity. These lights were used in the bodies of the female dancers in theaters. Edison Electric company also used ‘electric girls’ who were wearing little lights, using to promote electricity at the Philadelphia Exhibition in 1884 (ibid. p.108). This femininity and electricity relation became very popular and femininity became a very important aspect of electricity technology.
As discussed above, the fear around electricity technology, couldn’t be overcome easily. This is even can be seen in AE magazine reflecting this fear and anxiety of electricity after almost 45 years after the first incident in Britain. As I will discuss
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below in other sections, magazines frequently warned and justified electricity with various news and didactic contents. Electricity, throughout its history, had meanings that were attributed to it. Electricity, in its journey in spreading to the world, take many shapes reciprocally with societies. As a technology, it is shaped by society and also shaped the society as Bijker et. al (2012) argue. Technology, and its unpredictable hazards, made scientists and producers create a new discourse to create a market as can be seen in the AE magazine.
2.3 The Electrification of Turkey Before the Silahtarağa Power Plant
Electricity was officially introduced to Turkey with the Silahtarağa Power Plant in 1914. Nevertheless, before this technology was introduced, there was telegraphy in Ottoman Empire. As Cin (2019) discussed, the existence of telegraphy before the electricity can be called as a starting point for the development of electricity in the Ottoman Empire (Cin, 2019, p. 47). Telegraphy was first established in 1854 in Ottoman Empire. Lacoine (1835-1899) who was mentioned above, was one of the most important figures in telegraphy at that period. He was an electrical engineer and he came to the Ottoman Empire while he was working on the project of the Suez Canal project. Lacoine was then appointed as the Ottoman telegraphy organization’s technical manager. In addition, he was assigned to Darrüşafaka to lecture about electric fields (Günergun, 2005). In his article, Lacoine explains the spread of telegraphy in the empire and the benefits of this technology resulting in military success. Furthermore, technical explanations of this technology and the general developmental news about telegraphy were also explained by (Cin, 2019, p. 47-48). Lacoine’s contributions to telegraphy technology in the Empire were remarkable. His teachings on telegraphy and electricity lead a road to the electrification of Turkey in the following years. As Cin (2019) points out, Lacoin’s students became the first electrical engineers of the Empire who were educated in Darüşşafaka (ibid. 49). As Bahadır notes in his book, lectures on telegraphy started in Darrüşafaka Highschool in 1880. Lacoine’s book “Mebahis-i Telgraf” which was translated to Turkish by Mehmet Raif was the basis of telegraphy education in the empire.5 Furthermore, Lacoine worked in Rasathanei Amire which is the royal observatory (Bahadir, 2020, p. 42-51).
5 Mebahis-i Telgraf, İstanbul: 1300 H /1883 M) Atatürk Kitaplığı https://katalog.ibb.gov.tr/yordambt/yordam.php?aTumu=mebahis-i%20telgraf
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According to Lacoin, the first uses of electricity before the establishment of the Silahtarağa plant were some electrical devices such as electrical clocks and boats. The production of these devices was tried experimented with in the telegraph factory. For the production of these devices, Tersane-i Amire was used. It is also known that a boat that is working with electricity was built for the Bulgarian Prince Ferdinand as a gift in 1888 (Lacoine, 1895).
This indicates that telegraphy was an important technology for electricity to become in use. Moreover, as Cin (2019) discusses, telegraph technology and the education toward this technology was an indicator of the modernization efforts in the education system of the Ottoman Empire following the Tanzimat era (Cin, 2019, p. 50). Furthermore, with the telegraph factory, many technological devices, and tools were produced by educated Ottoman engineers. According to Cin (2019), these tools were important for the good reputation of the empire at the World’s fairs since these tools were presented in them. The success of the telegraphy technology and devices were the self-presentation of the Ottoman Empire as a modern state (Cin, 2019, p. 53). Hence, the educated personnel of the telegraphy stations was educated in foreign countries such as Paris, France. They were fully educated in the recent electricity technology and they also knew foreign languages (ibid. 51).
As I discussed above, in the light of Gooday (2018), these exhibitions were also used to overcome the fear among society and also to create a new reputation for electricity. However, it is possible to discuss that in the Ottoman Empire, these exhibitions were not sharing the same purpose as the countries which already established electricity technology. For the Ottoman empire, these exhibitions were a platform for engaging with the world and showing the progressive work of telegraphy technology. It may also reveal how electricity technology was perceived in the same years among the world. For the US and the European countries, these exhibitions were a tool for the justification of electricity for society. On the other hand, in the Ottoman Empire, participation in these fairs was directly associated with governmental efforts toward modernity (Cin, 2019 p. 50).
By the time, the Silahtarağa Power plant was established, there were some uses of electricity in Istanbul, with the Tersane Electric Factory. This factory was mainly established for military purposes. Although, Tersane Electric Factory illuminated the costs of the Black Sea and Bosporus, some banks, Yıldız Palace, and a few hotels
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(Öztaner, 2014 p. 49). This shows that usage of electricity was possible, therefore its usage was rare and can be considered a ‘luxury’ since it was too expensive. As I will discuss below, the perception of electricity consumption was considered a ‘luxury’ and a privilege.
2.4 Illumination Before the Electricity
There were different methods of illumination and electrification before the first large-scale plant in the Ottoman Empire: Silahtarağa Power Plant. It was not the first plant that produced electricity however it was city-based and it was a continuous type of energy source for the city, unlike the previous small-scale plants. There was electricity production for other industrial regions and factories before, though these were built for industry and military purposes, not for the illumination of the public or the stress.
The first power plant of the Ottoman state was the Tersane Electric Factory which was established in 1888. This factory, as I mentioned above, was established for military purposes. Special permission from the government was needed for using the electricity produced by this factory. Pera Palace, Yıldız Palace, and Tokatlıyan Hotel were some of the exceptions to the permission requirement. Still, this factory was not sufficient to meet the need for electricity in Istanbul. Furthermore, security anxieties were the main reason behind the construction of this factory. Illumination of coasts, navy, and steamboats was the main reason for the construction, nevertheless, the electricity produced was not sufficient to illuminate houses or streets of Istanbul and even wasn’t sufficient for the military (Öztaner, 2014 p. 49-50). This limited electricity production revealed that the priority of the Ottoman governor’s main concern was naval technology (ibid. 51).
At the beginning of the 20th century, small provinces of the Ottoman Empire started to be illuminated with small-scaled plants. A small water plant built by the Municipality of Tarsus in 1902 was one of the first ones and also a private attempt. Furthermore, Izmir (1905), Thessaloniki (1905), Damascus (1907), and Beirut (1908) were also electrified with small-scale power plants. According to Öztaner (2015), the reason that these cities were electrified before Istanbul was, besides Damascus, Thessaloniki, Mersin, and Beirut were the important port cities of the state (Öztaner, 2015 p. 103). Notwithstanding, as I mentioned before, these power plants were neither city-based nor continuous. Their energy force was not enough for a large-scale city illumination.
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Besides and before these small-scaled plants, the illumination was done with several different methods which we could not call electricity. In the first phase, there were candles, lanterns, and oil lamps. Candles were generally used in houses, lanterns and oil lamps were used in the streets. Later, coal gas lamps started to be used in mid 19th century. As Aksoy et al. (2009) put it forward, systematic illumination has started after 1839 with the Tanzimat Period. Tanzimat regulations forced citizens were asked to place oil lamps in front of their houses and their shops. In those years, before gas light started to be used, it was obliged to use a lantern for citizens in the dark streets (Aksoy et al., 2009, p. 13). There were several reasons behind this order. The order of using lanterns was a declaration announced in 1854 and it was a strict rule because of security purposes. Anyone who is without a lantern would be seen as a potential criminal by the police and beaten or penalized. So that as İleri suggests, illumination in the Ottoman state, became a tool for nighttime order and an instrument of discipline (Ileri, 2015, p.145-148). Crimes in the nighttime were directly associated with dark and these illumination systems such as lanterns and oil lamps in the streets became a necessity.
The ingredients of these lamps changed through time and by the economic status of the citizens. In the upper class, beeswax was used for the lamps, and in the lower classes very different oils were used such as wax, olive oil, and even butter was as a fuel. Petroleum was a later coming ingredient for illumination. ‘Petroleum lamps’ became popular after it was commonly used in many European countries and America. This method became widespread both in houses and streets for illumination (Aksoy et al., p.13).
Coal gas lighting was another method that has been used. Dolmabahçe Gas House was built for the illumination of Dolmabahçe Palace. It was located close to this palace. A year after the construction of this gas house, a pipeline was constructed to illuminate some streets of İstanbul including Cadde-i Kebir (Büyük Cadde) known today as Istiklal Street today. Furthermore, Turkey’s first theater: the Beyoğlu Naum theater was also one of the places which were illuminated with coal gas lighting that came from Dolmabahçe Gashouse. This gas house led to the construction of other gas houses in İstanbul such as Kuzguncuk Gashouse and Yedikule Gashouse and later in 1891, Kadıköy Gashouse which was located on the Anatolian side of Istanbul (Ileri, 2015, p. 149-152).
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Besides the Dolmabahçe Palace, Yıldız Palace was also illuminated in honor of the Sultan before the 1910s. There was an undeniable request for electrification for some reasons. First, according to Cin (2019) electricity was a status symbol. The usage of electricity for the Sultan and in the Palaces was an indicator of it. Since electrification already started and developed in many countries its absence became more noticeable than before. For example, mines needed electrification and thus, they used lighting with the electricity in Balya mines. In some cases, electricity was used without permission, illegally. Summer Palace Hotel which was a very popular hotel in Istanbul, tried to use electricity illegally. In Ottoman Empire, at that period (the early 1900s) strictly forbade the entrance of any electrical tools and equipment into the country (Cin, 2019, p. 58-60).
As Cin (2019) discusses, electricity should be defined before creating an argument about the history of electricity. When we say electricity, we could be talking about several different applications such as street lighting, indoor lighting, and electrification of trams (Cin, 2019, p. 27). Hence, these other early illumination systems are not significant when we consider official electrification. These were as mentioned above, illumination was limited to some areas and could not be compared with a large-scale power plant. However, gas houses and such things as lantern orders are indicators of the need for electricity. Some discussed reasons, why the electricity technology came late to the Ottoman state, do not imply that illumination was a requested apparatus. Both the state and the citizens needed constant illumination even though there were several different reasons behind these requests.
When the history of electricity technology in the Ottoman state is discussed, it’s relatively ‘late arrival’ and its possible reasons are always an important topic. The most mentioned reason is the mentality of Abdülhamid II. His indifference to this new technology, perpetual fears of assassination and fires related to the electricity, his power anxieties, and the economic struggles of the state are generally mentioned as the reasons. These arguments are partly true and logical to discuss because of the political atmosphere and the sanctions of Abdülhamid II. For instance, the usage and selling the electrical appliances were forbidden. This was interpreted as fear.
Öztaner (2014) argues that the main reason for this was the economic concerns of the Sultan. The high price of the electricity technology compared to coal and gas technology delayed the entrance of a large-scaled power plant into the state (Öztaner,
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2014 p. 106). Since the state was already heavily invested in coal and gas technologies, electrification of the city was not an economical option. Furthermore, the state was going through a difficult period both economically and politically. So, Öztaner (2014), unlike some other scholars, argues that Abdülhamid had a different policy for the electrification process. Sultan also had perpetual fears such as safety concerns such as fire danger which can cause by careless consumption so he prohibited the private usage of electricity. Moreover, Refik Halit Karay argues that Abdülhamid had paranoia that his opponents could blow up the Yıldız Palace with this new technology: electricity (cited in Öztaner 2014 p. 99, Dinçel, 2007, p. 61). However, according to Öztaner (2014), this fear does not completely clarify the situation. She supports her argument by Abdülhamid’s monitoring of the electricity technology and scientific news about it including the ‘electric wars.’(ibid.) that, despite the Sultan’s concerns on security and the political conjuncture of the period which corresponds with the economic and political struggles of the state, in 1911 a concession has resulted to electrify Istanbul.
2.5 Silahtarağa Power Plant: Location and Construction
Silahtarağa Power plant was established in 1914 in the Haliç region of İstanbul. The region’s transformation started before the creation of the well-known Henri Prost in 1936-1937 and its eventual application in 1939. With this planning, argues the available literature, Haliç would have irretrievably become one of the main locations of the heavy mediocre industrial plants in twentieth-century İstanbul. For example, Önem & Kılıçarslan (2005) considers this planning as a turning point, Silahtarağa Power Plant’s construction started before this transformation; in 1914. Haliç region was already being used by the industrial companies before Prost’s plan. Around this period, establishing industrial buildings based on steam power was not allowed east of the Unkapanı Bridge (Aksoy et al., 2009, p.21). Thus, a region that involved Haliç, Unkapanı, and western Golden Horn became an industrial area. Silahtarağa Power Plant was one of these industrial developments.
There were several reasons behind the foundation of the industrial plants in Haliç. The centrality of the location, i.e. closeness to the water sources and the harbor (for the logistics), and the strategic proximity to the industrial area, is the main reason. Being close to the industrial area was important because the prices of providing electricity from one place to another were expensive at that time. The transmission of electricity
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was causing an energy loss. Due to this problem, establishing the plant close to the industrial area was important for the prevention of this potential energy loss (Aksoy et al., 2009, p. 23). As many scholars argued, electricity came late to the Ottoman Empire compared to the other empires and countries.
Furthermore, there was a need for coal for the plant. The ease in transporting coal to the plant was crucial. With the location of Silahtarağa by the sea, transporting coal through the harbor was practical. Moreover, the stream which was very close to the plant was beneficial for the plant to supply water easily. To conclude, the strategic location of the Silahtarağa power plant was its suitability in accessing the water resources in every aspect (Esenduran, 2010, p. 213).
The law “regulating the concessions concerning public interest” that was legislated in June 1910, leads to new specifications for the electrification of Istanbul. This concession concluded on 1 November 1910, with the attendance of eight companies. Production of electricity in Turkey was given to a corporation called Ganz Electric Works, which was an Austro-Hungarian company based in Budapest (Aksoy et al., 2009 p. 19). “Ganz considered being the weakest among the other companies applied for the electrification concession of Istanbul at first sight”(Cin, 2019 p. 132). This was because there were more experienced companies in the concession on the electricity production. The name of the in order are: “the Union Ottoman consisting of the Deutsche Bank and Constantinople Tramway Group, Fouquian Warnant (acting for a French group), Westinghouse Group, Cio Francaise d’Eclairage Electrique, Swiss Electrical Syndicat, Giros and Louchard (representing a group of French and Swiss electricians), Ganz & Co., and Schneider & Cie. (Cin, 2019, p. 130, quoted in The Electrician 15 June 1910 ). The exact names of the firms are unclear.6 Dersaadet Tramway Company7 which was also applied to the concession was also eliminated. Its shares were bought by Union Ottoman to eliminate a rivalry.
6 According to Duygu Aysal Cin, (Cin, 2019) there are different names for the companies and there is uncertainty about naming. The reason behind this is that “archival files do not mention the exact names”. Moreover, the submitted proposals of the concession are also cannot be found in the archives. See page:130.
7 Dersaadet Tramway Company was established on 30 August 1869 for transporting humans and goods in İstanbul. A concession for 40 years has been given to Dersaadet Tramway Company by Minister of Commerce Nazıdır Mehmet Kabuli Pasha. It has been started with 400.000 Ottoman liras (Kayserilioglu, 2006 p: 38-42).
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Even though Ganz was seen as a weak company, Hungary was also showing progress in scientific and technological development at the turn of the twentieth century. For instance, their success in the electric and chemical industries was remarkable (Cin, p. 132). Furthermore, it is also known that Ganz Company had experienced and well-educated engineers. After the succession of the Ganz Company, new regulations regarding the electrification of Istanbul were issued by the government. An internal regulations code (Nizamname-i Dahili) was drawn up. It consisted of the capital of the company (şirket spermaceti), shares of the company (hisse senetleri), regulations “nizamname-i dahili” (internal regulation), and stock information (temettüat) which was about the financial issues and records. (Cin, p. 221-222).
In the same year of abovementioned concession, Ganz Company’s management was given to Société Financière de Transports et d’Enreprises Industrielles à Bruxelles (SOFINA). This consortium managed the Silahtarağa power plant and the electrification of Istanbul until the nationalization of electricity in 1939. SOFINA was a consortium led by the Deutsche Bank. As Cin (2019) states, this company, is a common mistake known as a company of Belgian origin. In fact, SOFINA was an international consortium of several European companies and Belgium was its fiscal domicile because of the advantageous tax opportunities (p. 12). Furthermore, except from undertaking the management of Silahtarağa and acquiring the electricity production in Istanbul, this consortium also acquired sewerage systems and was active in the fields of electricity, tram, trolley systems. As Cin (personal communication, November 6, 2021) explains, SOFINA aimed to monopolize electricity in Turkey by buying all the companies and adding to its consortium. So, this company also bought and managed companies such as tunnel, gas, and tramway companies.
SOFINA was an important company to understand the process behind electrification. In 1923, with a new contract with the young Republican government, the name of the company was changed to “Turkish Electric Company” from “Ottoman Electricity Company” (Figure 2.3).
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Figure 2.3 : 17 June 1923. A contract on the name changes of the "Osmanlı Anonim Elektrik Şirketi" Silahtarağa power plant information and documentation center archives (Transferred in Aksoy et al. 2009, p. 27).
SOFINA’s official management continued for the next fourteen years and the plant expanded throughout those. This was rendered possible with the abovementioned new contract with the Republican government in June 1923. Until two years before the nationalization of electricity (1939), SOFINA continued to manage the Silahtarağa Power Plant, until 1937 (ibid.). In issue 44 of AE magazine, an article about electricity around the world summarizes SOFINA with these words: “SOFINA is one of the most important companies around the world which constitutes the electricity production. Also, in Turkey, this company is the one that provides the fund of Tramway, electricity, and gas consortiums (AE, 1930, 44, p. 94).” SOFINA as a consortium aimed to collect and control all the electricity, transportation, and energy operations in Ottoman Empire and later in Republican Turkey.
While the regulations were being drawn up by the government, the technical and construction process was started by the Ganz Company. The construction of the Silahtarağa plant was planned to be completed by June 1913. However, there were several obstacles. First of all, the Balkan Wars proved to be very heavy for the plant. As Cin (2019) pointed out, the construction of the plant was delayed for fifty-five days
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due to the Balkan War, because the workers of the plant were sent to the front (Cin, 2019, p. 237). Secondly, on 15 September 1913, the construction was flooded due to weather conditions. This flood had devastating effects on the construction area and even caused the death of some workers who were present at the construction site (Aksoy et al., p. 23).
With the obstacles listed above, it took a while for Silahtarağa to start its production. On 11 February 1914 electricity was supplied to tramcars and on 14 February 1914, it was distributed to the city from the Silahtarağa Power Plant. Before the electrification of trams, coaches and horse-pulled trams were used for the transportation in Empire (Cin, 2019, p. 421-423). The first official illumination of Istanbul has started in the 1st, 12th, and 20th municipal districts on the European side were electrified. Beyazıt, Sultanahmet, Fatih, Samatya, Eyüp, Beyoğlu, Hasköy, Arnavutköy, Yeniköy, Tarabya and Büyükdere were the first regions which were electrified. After all, according to the book Istanbul Tenvirat İstatistiği (1934): (Illumination Statistics for İstanbul) the city’s first ‘effective’ illumination has started in 1923. By effective, we can understand indoor illumination and house illumination. Electricity technology, when it started to be used indoors such as in houses, schools, and workplaces, started to be used by society itself, and thus became more familiar. Illuminated regions (where electricity infrastructure was available) were generally inhabited by non-Muslim communities such as Greeks, Armenians, Jews, and Levantines (Aksoy et. al., p. 37).
AE magazine announced the Silahtarağa’s establishment in its 1st copy. This magazine primarily had aim to inform and educate its subscribers about electricity, but it also provided updates about the Silahtarağa plant and its features (Figure 2.4). Frequently shared the electricity and tramway maps with its subscribers.
In 1937, the SOFINA period ends. The management of the plant transferred to “İstanbul Electric Works General Directorate8”. In 1939, this directorate established İETT (İstanbul Electricity, Tramway, and Tunnel Enterprises). İETT also started to operate the plant. This meant the nationalization of electricity production. Electricity production in Silahtarağa Power Plant continued until 1983. Beginning in 2004, with a contract signed with the Ministry of Energy and Natural Resources, Silahtarağa Power Plant’s utilization was given to İstanbul Bilgi University. Under the heritage
8 “İstanbul Electric Works General Directorate”: İstanbul Elektrik İşleri Umum Müdürlüğü.
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decree of the “Directorate of the Regional Committee of Number 1 Protection of Cultural and Natural Heritage”, the plant transformed into a platform of “education, culture, art and museum” (Aksoy et. al, p. 56). In 2007, santralistanbul opened the area of the plant and since then this area is used for educational and cultural purposes (ibid.).
Figure 2.4 : AE Magazine, Issue 1, 1925, p.3.
Figure 2.4 demonstrates how the Silahtarağa Power Plant and its construction were held in the first issue of AE as follows:
The first stone of the Silahtarağa Factory was laid in 1911 in Kağıthane. Today, the factory, which produces electricity from coal, has the most enormous and advanced facilities to provide the necessary electricity to Constantinople and its surroundings. The electricity obtained in this way is delivered to the city and its surroundings through a wide underground network and open-air electrical wires.
The implementation of this program required enormous capital. With approximately 6 million capital, the majority of which is Turkish gold liras, lands belonging to the electricity administration, which will be transferred to the state free of charge after the concession, were purchased and installations were realized.
We also aim to go into some details about these installations in the coming issues, to better understand their importance. (Translated by Feyza Zaim)
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3. AMELİ ELEKTRİK MAGAZINE (1925-1934), ADVERTISEMENT AND MODERNITY
This chapter explores the main features of the magazine such as the publication years, physical features, and main characteristics of the source. The information gathered from the investigation of the achieved issues is directly narrated to give a sense of the basic information in the magazine. Furthermore, the magazine’s main characteristics, such as the advertisement aspect, are discussed in a broader perspective with the advertisement trends of the period in Turkey. And lastly, as a very visible feature of the magazine as a result of the intersecting period, modernity, and its reflections in the magazine are covered in this chapter since it was important to see this magazine in the method of social history.
3.1 Ameli Elektrik: a General Overview
3.1.1 Physical features of the publisher
The AE magazine in its very best definition was a magazine to promote electricity usage in İstanbul. However, it is not a sufficient description to identify this magazine. Ameli in its lexical meaning in Turkish/Arabic can be defined as “practical, concerned with action, manufactured, artificial (Redhouse, 1890, p. 1321)”. As its name suggests, this magazine aims to describe electricity and its practical applications and daily usage. AE was first published in December 1925 and distributed to the public and it was published bi-monthly until October 1934. The magazine was distributed to the subscribers of the electricity company, together with their invoices, with an annual subscription fee of starting with 5 Kuruş and reaching 60 throughout the publication period of the magazine. In its first issue, published in December 1925 the fee was 5 Kuruş. It increased to 15 Kuruş by its last issue, October 1934. The magazine was published in distributed to İstanbul and its provinces. This information can be traced by the magazine’s index page by the statement of the subscription: “15 Kuruş per year for Istanbul and its provinces (AE, 1934, 64, index)”.
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Between the years 1925 to 1934, magazines were published in two different languages/alphabets. Turkish in Arabic and Latin letters and French. Until the year 1928, which is corresponding to the dates of the Alphabet reform9 of the Republic of Turkey, a magazine published both Turkish and French, the former in Arabic letters. Its first Latin-script issue (issue 31) was naturally published in 1928, immediately after the reform. Before and after the reform, French issues have remained almost identical to the Turkish versions in terms of content. As will be discussed in the next chapter, this reform and its social and cultural significance are traceable in the magazine.
The magazine was published by Istanbul Electric and Tramway Company, a SOFINA consortium. This information is openly stated on the cover page of the magazine in each issue10. After the alphabet reform, an inscription was also added, saying “Published by Istanbul Electricity and Tramway Companies in French and Turkish”. Moreover, on the index page of the magazine as the publisher’s information, Printing and Paper Company Inc.11 was continuously listed in every issue. This company belonged to Türk Anonim Şirketi and Fratelli Haim. This company was also distributing a “pichet” box of Underwood typewriters that happened to have advertisements in almost every issue of the magazine (Figure 3.1). Magazine’s first issues were 27.5x20 cm in dimensions and it changed to 15x23 cm following the alphabet reform.
9 Alphabet Reform took place on November 1, 1928. Ottoman Turkish script which was the main script among the French changed with the Latin-based alphabet. In January 1929, it become official and compulsory by the Law on Adoption. With the other reforms of the period, this reform was also a part of the westernization process. For more see Geoffrey Lewis, The Turkish Language Reform: A Catastrophic Success.
10 This magazine is published by Istanbul Electricity and Tramway Companies monthly.
11 Kaatçılık ve Matbaacılık Anonim Şirketi (Turkish Translation)
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Figure 3.1 : Invoice of Paper Printing Company Inc. Sabık Fratelli Haim Ticarethanesi, October 1931.
Source : https://www.modamuzayede.com/urun/1999592/efemera-matbaacilik-musevi-fratelli-haim-ticarethanesi-k-atcilik-ve
Figure 3.2: Invoice of Paper Printing Company Inc. Sabık Fratelli Haim Ticarethanesi, June 17, 1929.
Source: https://www.peramezat.com/urun/musevi-fratelli-haim-ticarethanesi-kagitcilik-ve-matbaacilik-as-antetli-#product
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During its nine-year publication life, 67 issues were published. In my research, I accessed 55 issues of the magazine. Since this primary source is almost 100 years old, some of its issues are not available in the archives. Except for issues 4, 6, 15, 17, 30, 35, 36, 37, 38, 46, 48, and 56, all of the issues are recovered by this study. Issues 7, 8, 9, 10 printed paired as 7/8 and 9/10. Every issue is an average of 20-50 pages long. Some of the issues of AE are special issues such as almanacs. These almanacs have special content such as highlights of the past year. Issues 23 and 32 are almanac issues in the archive of the present researcher. Issue 64 is also special and printed to honor of 10th year of the Republic of Turkey in 1933. Furthermore, issue 66 is a kitchen issue is dedicated to cooking, which only has content on cooking with electricity. Many different recipes and recommendations on how to select the right ingredients are given in this issue. Moreover, besides the collected fifty-seven issues, there is an additional kitchen appendix named “Küizin” that has no date or issue number information in it. Nevertheless, it is told that this is a gift book from AE to their women readers written by “Miss Keleci” (AE, Küizin, p. 1). This appendix likewise, gives recipes and recommendations on how to cook with electricity. Lastly, issue 67 which is the last issue of the magazine also has a special topic of its own: Illumination as stated on its cover. Correct and proper illumination (tenvirat) was one of the main topics of the AE. In most of the issues, there are many recommendations on how to apply proper illumination. Some of the questions are; What kind of lamps should be used? Where there should be placed with which angles? How should be schools, offices and houses should be illuminated? How could we illuminate our kitchen for the best cooking results? All of these questions are addressed in very detailed information and illustrations. Furthermore, this illumination emphasis was connected with being modern (asri). As will discuss in the following chapter, the undeniable emphasis on modernization and illumination with many other concepts were merged with electricity technology.
3.1.2 Mission & organization
Except for those few special issues that I mentioned above, AE has a unique and very repetitive narrative. This narrative is interconnected with the political and social context conjuncture in Turkey and the world around. It is possible to track such notions of new modes of production, Taylorism, modernity, and gender relations throughout this magazine.
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In every issue, there is a tariff section. In this section, tariffs are explained in detail. There are different tariffs for different seasons and different properties. Seasons are divided into four-month groups such as January-February-March-April. And the tariffs are calculated according to these months, probably this has to do with the temperature-related consumption and the longer nights of the winter months. The tariffs are also divided into domestic and commercial purposes. The bill of electricity is calculated with a specified ampere and kwh. For instance; for every 10 amperes 17,85 Liras was billed as stated in AE (AE, 1933, 61, p.66-69). Double tariff is for the customers who bought a new appliance which have a consumption of more than 500 kwh. So that the appliances are also included in the tariffs. “Elektrik Şirketinin Müşterilerine Sunduğu Menafi” (Benefits Offered by the Electricity Company to its Customers)” is another section of the magazine. In this section, they submit their very generous amounts of discount offers to customers. These offers are discounts. For example, on the first bill of the customers, there is a %50 discount. The magazine has an invoice column on the last page of every issue and has the “Mühim İlan” (Important Notice). This column has blank sections to be filled by the subscriber. The information asked were the installment number, date, and kW-h spent by the customer since the last issue. This invoice had to be delivered in eight days to the Turkish Electricity Company.
In the magazine, detailed information on how to become an electricity customer of the company is given (AE, Almanac, 1928, 23, p. 13-14). This information was important at that time since most of the buildings needed infrastructure to have electricity installed. So, the company was offering this infrastructure to their customers. Besides the insufficiency of the buildings, there was also a lack of electric lines in some of the regions of İstanbul which could necessitate excavation. In such conditions, customers needed to demand it from the company. If the company accepts this demand, the customer needs to pay a fee: 200 Kuruş of the payment as a deposit and 100 Kuruş for the installation, and 5 Kuruş for the stamp tax. According to the magazine, this installment takes 15 days unless there is no need for an outside installation.
The first issue of the magazine declares that it reached “35.000 homes, 150.000 to 200.000 readers (AE, 1925, 1)”. Thus, we can conclude that there were at least 35.000 electricity subscribers in İstanbul in December 1925. The number of readers given is calculated according to the average number of households. It should be noted that these 35 thousand subscribers do not only cover homes. Factories, tradesmen, companies,
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restaurants, cinemas, and many other buildings and establishments also benefited from the electricity produced in the Silahtarağa power plant. Since this magazine was sent to all the electricity subscribers its subscription numbers give significant data about the spread of the electricity usage in the period. This information on the printing numbers of the magazine is occasionally given. For instance, in the 12th issue of the magazine, these numbers increased to 38.000 homes, to 150.000 readers (AE, 1927, 14). Likewise, in the 54th issue, these numbers increased to 40.000 printing and 150.000 readers (AE, 1934, 54). Approximate reader numbers remained the same. Nevertheless, according to these pieces of information, it is clear that from 1925 to 1932, AE gained approximately 2000 subscribers.
In the second issue of the magazine, they state that:
We are pleased to announce to our readers that, from now on, the Tramway Company will cooperate with Ameli Elektrik, together with the Electricity Company, and that we will therefore devote a few pages of our magazine to urban transportation…We will inform careless persons about the precautions they must follow to avoid accidents. We will also provide some brief information about the sights and entertainment/recreation venues on Constantinople's tram lines. In short, our broadcast stream can be summed up in two words: “Service to you. Ameli Elektrik. (AE, 1926, issue: 2)
This text openly states the magazine's adopted mission: to ‘service’ the public. Moreover, AE’s one objective was to introduce urban transformation, mainly the tramway which was electrified during the electrification of Istanbul and changed the whole transportation structure of the city. In many issues, they informed the readers about the new trams and tram lines and hours with maps, and sometimes, the possible dangers in the traffic including the cars. Even more, in the 14th issue, the magazine gives a lecture about how to read a newspaper properly on a tram, in order not to disturb other passengers (AE, de la plate-forme, 14, p. 168). Transportation and electrification of the trams were very important in the context of the electrification of İstanbul. Even though it is not the first notable thing in the magazine because of its advertisement content, it had a great emphasis on mainly the first couple of years of the magazine.
3.1.3 Content and main topics
The AE’s content can be divided into three along the lines noted by Akçura (2002). First and foremost is the practical information on the use of electricity. For example;
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directives on how to illuminate certain rooms of our houses and information about safe usage of electricity, etc. (Akçura, 2002). The second group comprises the pieces of advice that channel the reader to buy or use a certain type of electrical appliance. These pieces of advice are about the aspects of Turkish society, which were deemed in need of progress by the magazine editors. Sometimes these are about health issues and other times about being modern or catching up with the contemporary. Moreover, by asking guided questions to the reader, editors aimed to create a more participatory relationship. For instance, the question, “You compare and research before buying a car, why not do the same before buying bulbs?” (Osram, AE, 1934, 67). In some advertisements, advertisers associate the product with its health benefits or the that it may cause. For instance, blow-dryer advertisements, usually mention the health hazards of not washing the hair frequently and the advertisement suggests washing the hair and drying it with a blow-dryer. Besides health, the importance of hair in beauty is also mentioned in some articles and advertisements in AE. For instance, in an article named “Some practical advice for hair hygiene”(AE, 1931, 52, p. 350-351) it has been mentioned that the use of a blow-dryer will prevent bacteria and thus hair loss. In some advertisements, the term ‘modern’ is emphasized to give the impression that buying a certain product is a necessity for being modern. Osram bulb advertisement suggests the reader not to do savings and to buy Osram bulbs and mentions “A good illumination is the inevitable need of a modern home (Osram, AE, 1932, 53)”. The third and final content group involves caricatures, fashion pages, small stories, and anecdotes that are also given in the magazine. Stories in the magazine belong to some of the popular authors of the era such as H. G. Wells, Alexandre Dumas, Curnonsky, and Pierre Mac Orlan. These stories are mostly not about electricity technology. Furthermore, these stories are not directly written for this magazine. They are known and already printed writings of these popular authors and AE is only reprinted in whole or in a series.
Hanım Sahifesi / Page de Madame (Women’s Pages) is another unchanged content of the magazine throughout its publication life. These pages are generally one to three pages long. These pages have illustrations or photographs of women and children, dressed in the fashion of the period, as examples. Fashion trends and recommendations are the main characters of this page. Its content changed according to the seasons. For instance, in a section titled “What should we wear on specific occasions?” an
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illustration of a woman in a dress, a hat, and coat is suggested as the “automobile dress” (AE, 1937, 57) i.e., what a woman who will ride in an automobile should put on. Similarly, other women’s wear is advertised as we see in many other women’s magazines of our day. As discussed in detail below, these pages are a descriptive way to teach how to be and dress like a ‘modern woman’. Furthermore, there are sewing patterns, mostly for children's clothing such as the title “dresses for little girls”. These pages reveal the period’s modernization efforts in the domestic sphere with the idealized women figure.
Nonetheless, AE magazine does not have a fully didactic tone in a technological sense. To put it clearly, AE is not a magazine that only aims to provide applied scientific or practical/technical information like contemporary typical science magazines, such as The Electrician (1878-1952) did. These magazines are published to educate or notify engineers or scientists. In AE, although there are several articles on how to use electricity safely and how to illuminate certain places in a slightly technical way, however, these pieces of information are generally not too technical. The few technical articles are about the working principles of certain appliances or medicine, such as eye health.
As a magazine that directly aims to promote the consumption of new technology, it also has content that aims to enhance its audience to engage them. Its content is based on its audience and its socio-economic status. The fun or more engaging part for an average reader is AE’s visual content and language. For instance, the caricatures of Henriot (Henri Maigrot, 1857-1933) and funny stories of several different authors made this magazine a more lifestyle magazine while also informing its audience about electricity.
Many topics on the latest scientific inventions and their inventors were given in some of the issues of the magazine. The most known names in the history of the invention and progress of electricity are told with their stories and biographies. These stories also have an entertaining tone. This is unique to the AE in Turkey, because, in that era, knowledge of science and technology was not spread to society with stories. The scientific content was generally given in educational and didactic publications. For instance, Ampere’s bibliography was given as “Ampere’s House (AE, 1937, 51, 355-357)”. In this article, Ampere’s childhood and his academic life are told about. Moreover, the story also mentions that his house became an electricity museum. As
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the writer and the source, the magazine mentions that this article was written by G. Leontre and quoted from Temps magazine, (Notre Temps). This also shows that the magazine was borrowing its articles from other countries’ magazines. How the science and technology theme was given in the magazine to its audience and what could be its social implications. Science and technology were important topics for the republican ideology and that had a very imprecise interest among the society and also in the discourse of modernity. “The positivist approach of the elites (İleri&Değirmencioğlu 2019, p. 107)” in the early years of the republic was very strong. With all of the progress and science emphasis, science and technology became the indicators of a modern society that have a positivist discourse. This discourse found itself a place in the magazine through scientific articles.
Technological articles in the magazine can be divided into two. The first type of scientific article is about health and its relationship to proper illumination. In these articles, there is much detailed information about the structure of the eye and scientific description of how we see the world. From a scientific point of view, it is told to the readers why the illumination is important; especially the correct type of illumination. Accordingly, these articles aim to impress and educate the reader with some scientific data. Many eye illnesses are also linked with electricity and illumination. It is also generally noted that wrong illumination can also affect the eye in a bad way. Hence, the ‘right illumination’ topic emerges in many parts of the magazine and is all linked with health. Some articles are written by doctors such as the article titled “Eye and Illumination” which was written by Dr. Hakkı Hayri (Hayri, Göz ve Işık, AE, 1934, 67). As I will discuss below, these articles are written by experts such as doctors to create trust in the reader with the scientific data to create a ‘need’ for electricity and its appliances in the readers’ mind. This detailed and scientific discourse can be connected with the anxiety and suspicion about this new technology. The unknown features of electricity were also pushing the advertisers to create more informative and scientific content for reassuring society and therefore to increase consumption. In all the issues that I investigated, there are similar and parallel discourses on science and technology.
As I discussed in the previous chapter, in Turkey electricity officially started to be produced and used in 1914 with the Silahtarağa power plant. However, domestic usage of electricity took off at the beginning of the 1920s and it gradually evolved. Likewise,
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industrial usage was not very common except in some of the factories. When electricity started to be available for domestic usage public knowledge was needed to be built. This magazine, with the Tesisatı Elektrikiye Anonim Şiketi/Société Anonyme Turque d'Installations Electriques company (SATİE) company, created this realm for electricity technology. As I discussed in the first chapter concerning Gooday (2018) like in the US and European countries, this technology was already started to be used in the 1880s and built up a public response in the US and European countries. Responses such as fear and anxiety about electricity were addressed by the authorities. The unknown tried to be swapped by the known and familiar and supported by the requested norms of the era. Clearly, an advertising discourse has already been formed for selling, promoting, and teaching electricity to society was when Silahtarağa Power Plant began to provide power to non-industrial customers. Many other magazines were promoting electricity around the world including some other Turkish magazines such as Yedigün and Cumhuriyet (Akçura 2002; İleri&Değirmencioğlu, 2020, p. 107). Other magazines at that time in Turkey were doing it by publishing articles and advertisements. AE however was devoted to this aim with its unique content and purpose of introducing, promoting, and creating a lifestyle around new technology. Moreover, AE can be accepted as the first direct mail magazine in Turkey (Akçura, 2002, p. 137).
AE has very heavy advertisement content. It is possible to say that almost 2/3 of every issue is filled with these advertisements. For instance; As I will discuss in the following section these advertisements are commonly electrical appliances (mostly for domestic use) such as irons, fridges, ampules, heaters, ovens, and even slimming belts for women I will discuss below. Besides the advertisements, there are many other contents which have little to do with the electricity technology as I mentioned above. To understand AE, there is a need to investigate and understand the mindset and social context of the period and what advertising meant in that era.
3.2 A Brief History of Advertisement in Turkey
Advertisement in the early Republican years was a new concept in Turkey. As Akçura (2002) discusses in his book, advertising for a product was an unusual act for the Ottoman merchants and craftsmen. It had a bad connotation and seemed like an inappropriate thing (p.13). It was a revealing action that is not seen as a misleading
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action and does not perceive properly by the artisans. Even though there wasn’t a common advertisement culture -as we know it today- in the Ottoman Empire, there were other practices for the announcement. Akçura (2002) suggests that the town/public crier’s (Tellal) job could be considered the root of advertising in modern society (p.13-14). Town criership was an occupation in the Ottoman Empire, commonly responsible for public announcements. They were doing it by walking around the streets and shouting what was needed to be announced, an act very close to peddling. These announcements varied from calling for lost children to selling toothpaste. This practice also continued with peddling. Peddlers were walking around the city and selling commodities with rhymed and fun slogans that describe their merchandise (Akçura, 2002, p. 7-15). Today, we can still see the continuation of this tradition in marketplaces and among street peddlers in Turkey. Of course, these occupations cannot be considered modern advertising.
As Akçura (2002) quotes Zafer Toprak, “advertising gains meaning with the dissolution of the traditional forms of production” (quoted in p. 15). Nevertheless, the announcement has been started even though there was no visible or widespread dissolution of the traditional forms of production in the late years of the Ottoman Empire. Department stores of the era were the first ones to make public announcements. Hotels and banks were also were the main announcers of the time. Some companies like Tiring, Orozdibak, Luvr, and Brod were some of them. Tokatlıyan Hotel besides being one of the first buildings that obtained electricity from the Tersane electricity plant in Istanbul was also one of the hotels that published announcements in the AE. This hotel was also one of the popular hotels of the time and its announcements have started long before the publication of the AE (Akçura, 2002, p. 25-27). After the emergence of the AE, Tokatlıyan Hotel became one of the main advertising clients of the AE magazine alongside the Ottoman Bank. In almost every issue of the magazine, it had an advertisement piece.
The first announcements of the republic had a decent tone of statism; hence state institutions such as Ziraat Bank and Sümerbank were some of the first announcers of the era. Furthermore, brands such as AEG and Telefunken, which we also see in the AE were also the first announcers of the time. As Yavuz (2013) suggests, modern advertising is based on naming anonymous goods (p. 229). Products that once were not tied with a company name or had a brand name, started to become brands. Around
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the world, this flow started in the late 19th century. In Ottoman Empire, the first example of these brands was Hasan (Akçura, 2002, p.29). This brand was selling products such as soaps, olive oil. Furthermore, around that time improvements in technology increased production, especially in industrialized countries. This also brought a bigger and faster production of the named goods (Tungate, 2014, as quoted in, Yavuz 2013). In the early years of republican Turkey, advertising was substantially based on selling imported goods. Since Turkey is a relatively late industrialized society, the goods that were advertised were imported goods. Ameli Elektrik’s advertising content is a basic proof of this situation. SATİE and many other importers, at that time, were creating an industry based on important appliances.
As mentioned above, in the Ottoman Empire, there was a different perception of advertising and announcing. This difference, according to Aydoğan (2009) was tied with the Muslim beliefs and culture that puts forward solidarity of communities over competition and rivalry. Moreover, earthly pride is considered senseless and disgraceful (p. 209). Abstinence and contentment were seen as an important virtue. Although, in the early years of the republic this perception changed with the social change that came since Westernization in the 19th century. Close relationships with the Western societies transformed Ottoman society. Changes in the traditional structure of the society and the emergence of a new middle-class bourgeoisie in the Ottoman Empire created a new target group for the advertisements. Even though consumer culture became more visible in Turkey around the 1950s (Aydoğan, 2009), it signaled its rise in the early republican period during which the AE was published. Furthermore, the new emerging consumer society started to take shape in the urban areas. İstanbul Selanik and İzmir were the cities that faced social change more explicitly. What’s more, these cities’ inner structures were non-homogenous regarding the effect of Western influences. For instance, İstanbul Pera, and Beyoğlu regions had a different socio-economic populace in comparison to those around Haliç. This also revealed itself in consumption habits and therefore advertisement strategies (Aydoğan, 2009, p. 210). Not surprisingly, these regions also happened to be the first regions to be electrified.
Especially, the need for catching up with modernity alongside the desperate desire to sell and market a new technology was the main motivation behind the advertisements in the Ameli Elektrik. As I mentioned above, as Gooday (2018) cites, as much as,
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electricity as a new technology created fear in the societies around North America, it was also nurtured by the gas companies and their magazines (p.100). Such an unseen type of rivalry made advertisements more visible in other countries. Advertising of electrical appliances was not unique to AE or Turkey. A long history of advertising and selling electricity ensued in countries like Mexico, which went through a similar process of electrification with the Ottoman Empire and Republican Turkey (Garcia, 2014).
If we consider, AE started its publication life in 1925, shortly after the foundation of the republic, modern advertisement became visible thanks to AE and other magazines. In a short period, right after the constitution of the republic, a magazine which has heavy advertising content started to be distributed. Many other magazines of the time also placed electricity advertisements on their pages. In other words, electricity, advertisement, and the republican regime were all new to this geographical region.
Moreover, magazines and printing culture were also new to the Ottoman Empire. Since printing technology came late to the empire compared to the West, printing culture and reading habits were shaped accordingly. The first magazine of the Ottoman state was a scientific magazine (medicine) named Vaka-i Tıp that was published in the years between 1849-1851 (Gönenç, 2011). In the following years until the formation of Republic Tukey, many other magazines were published. These magazines varied in content and audience by the political conjuncture. Magazines such as Servet-i Fünun and Malumat that printed in the Abdülhamid period, had their political agendas although they were seen as less threatening compared to newspapers of the period because of their literary content. In the following years, magazines with various content started to be published. Humor, children, women, economics, and religion were some of the topics of those magazines (Gönenç, 2011, p. 66). In the first years of the Republican government, many other magazines started to be published such as Resimli Ay (1924) Milli Mecmua (1923), Haftalık Mecmua (1925), and Hayat (1926). Resimli Ay among these had a society-oriented approach similar to Ameli Elektrik. As Gönenç addressed, after Resimli Ay, many more similar magazines started to be published (Gönenç, 2011, p. 67).
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3.3 SATİE, Advertisement and Marketing Electricity in Turkey
This section will investigate the abovementioned SATİE company and its relationship with Ameli Elektrik. SATİE, (Société Anonyme Turque d'Installations Electriques12), was established on 19 August 1924, approximately a year before the first issue of AE. The company was established with a contract held with the government and the objective of the company was to sell electrical receivers, engines, materials, and motors by importing them from foreign companies or manufacturing them on site. Moreover, the company was also dealing with electrical equipment and supplies trade and electrical installation works (Ökçün, 1971 as cited in Aksoy et. al 2009). In the first issue of the magazine, Thomson-Houston (Paris), AEG (Berlin), Therma (Suisse), and Osram bulbs were listed as SATİE’s as imported goods (AE, 1925, 1, p.9). Company established by three people: Uşaklızade Halit Ziya (1965-1945), İzzet Melih (Devrim) (1887-1966) and Abraham Barzilay (1861-1928) with 50.000 Liras capital. With other investors, mostly foreign13, in 1929 company increased its capital to 100.000 Liras (Ökçün, 1971, p. 26). Even though the company was established by three citizens, the majority of the investors the company were foreign investors; in 1934, 31 shares out of 35 of the capital belonged to foreign investors. On January 1, 1944, SATİE was dissolved and ceased to exist (Ökçün, 1971, p. 25-27).
The headquarters of the company was the Metro Han building in Tünel Square in Karaköy, which appeared on numerous issues and covers of the magazine (Figure 3.3). Moreover, in the following years of the SATİE’s foundation, multiple other branch offices were established. By the year 1934, Kadıköy, Beyazıt, Üsküdar, and Büyükada offices in addition to the Metro Han center were in operation. It also should be noted that the Metro Han building also housed the headquarters of the Turkish Electric Company, formerly Ottoman Electric Company.
The main purpose of the company was the import and trade of electrical appliances. Production of electrical technology with a power plant and delivering it to the consumers was just indicating the existence of the technology. Notwithstanding, the most important part was the availability of electrical appliances and necessary
12 Tesisat-ı Elektriye T.A.Ş
13 Monsieur Ch. de le Hoye, Monsieur L. Janlet, Monsieur R. Richard, Monsieur E. Vlamynck, Monsieur A. Petrie, Monsieur Nanquette, Monsieur A. Hanssens, Monsieur A. Ledouix, Haşim Bey, Nazım Bey (Tayfur Nasım bey). (Ökçün, 1971, p. 26)
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equipment that would serve for the use of this technology by society. For instance, indoor illumination would not be possible without bulbs and sockets. For this reason, SATİE was founded on the marketing of these tools and equipment. But marketing these products also brought with it the need to appeal to the public, since both the electricity technology and its appliances were very new.
Figure 3.3 : Metro Han building. Cover page of AE, 1926, issue: 12.
SATİE also provided free repair and consultancy services to its customers of electrical appliances. With frequent advertisements in the AE, SATİE ensured its customers that it would; pick up the broken tools from the house for repair and return them, assist those in need of the necessary installations in the houses, provide the correct illumination and services in all situations that require technical support (Figure 3.4). As stated in the figure, necessary installations and repairs are free of charge. Moreover, SATİE notes that few people are aware of this service. Moreover, they also promise their customers to apply the proper illumination and interior design advice with the help of their engineers. In an announcement in the 65th issue of the magazine that starts with the address: madame -which indicates that one spoken to is women-, they announce that they will provide this service with advantageous paying options (SATİE, AE, 1934, 65, p.32).
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With the exhibitions, cooking classes, and displays that the Electricity Company organized in the Metro Han building, this space transformed into an applied area for the magazine and SATİE company. Cooking classes were an important company activity held for women. These classes were designed to teach women how to cook with electricity. The special issue on cooking (AE, 1934, 66) announced these cooking classes and their places/hours. There was a huge demand for these classes, according to the AE. These classes also provided advertising space for selling the appliances. In addition, there was a permanent showroom that was built for the exhibition of electrical appliances and it offered a concrete and visual example for the clients. In the 39th issue of the journal, the following statement was published:
“Artists, Traders, and All Businessmen! Before you have any kind of lighting installation, visit the showroom of the Electricity Company. Experienced engineers will show you how to perfectly illuminate places such as workshops, offices, storefronts, shops, apartments, houses, and so on (AE, 1929, 39)”.
Figure 3.4 : Ameli Elektrik, issue: 53, February 1932.
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Selling electricity meant marketing electrical appliances. İstanbulites, who knew almost nothing about electricity and had never used electricity in their homes before, needed to be aware of this technology. The fear and curiosity brought about by the great unknown were tried to be reduced with a magazine with which electricity subscribers can establish an emotional connection. An attempt was made to create positive associations with the 'acceptable' images, symbols, and discourses of the period. Creating familiarity was an important marketing strategy for the magazine. Furthermore, encouragement and support were among the tactics used to introduce İstanbulites to this technology.
Even though the magazine is published by the Istanbul Electricity and Tramway Companies, it is possible to see SATİE as the main actor in the magazine. The most basic proof of this is that the majority of the magazine consists of advertisements for electrical appliances which SATİE imports. Electrical appliances of companies such as AEG, Mazda, Frigeco, Thomson Huston, Osram are some of the most common advertisements in the magazine. As seen below (Table 3.1), many different appliances were imported and sold. Some of these appliances are for industrial use such as motors and cranes, however, most of the appliances that were sold were for domestic use such as irons, ventilators, and ovens. As Table 3.1 shows, the most advertised appliances were bulbs, vacuum cleaners, and motors. In total, the thirty-two specific appliances can be observed in all issues of the magazine. This table represents the electrical appliances sold between the years 1925-1934, in İstanbul. Also, we can see the frequency of the appliances between the years and issues of the magazine throughout the years.
Colorful, entertaining and often encouraging advertisements for appliances such as refrigerators, ovens, stoves, heaters, weight-loss devices, light bulbs, water heaters, vacuum cleaners, washing machines, and propellers were available in the magazine. We can see that about two-thirds of any AE issue consists of these advertisements. Each appliance is depicted in great detail and enriched with images from which the necessary social codes can be read. How many kilowatt-hours of energy each appliance consumes, how to use it, and even clean the appliance are often explained.
It is strongly emphasized in the AE, that these tools are not actually a luxury, but savings opportunities. There are many electrical appliances whose target audience are women and these appliances were also associated with beauty. It is possible to see
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women using these appliances in most advertisements. As I will discuss later, electricity had its gendered representations in the formation of the new nation-state. Women became responsible for the domestic sphere and thus for the electrical appliances.
Apart from the electrical appliances and tools advertisements of SATİE, there are also advertisements not related to electrical appliances or technology in the magazine. These frequently repeated advertisements consist of some domestic and foreign companies that regularly advertise in the magazine. Underwood typewriters, Ottoman Bank, Tokatlıyan Hotel, Nordstern, Lucien Fettu Wines, Barzilay and Benjamen Armatörlük, Nestlé, and Aspirin are the brands whose advertisements are frequently seen in the magazine. Advertising fees of AE magazine are given on the index page. For example, for the year 1928 no:31, "a copy for publication and announcement is 5 Kuruş", and for 1933 no:60, "a copy is 2,5 Kuruş". Based on these advertisements, we can say that advertisements not related to electrical appliances also brought income to the magazine. Apart from all kinds of opportunities that SATİE offers to customers while marketing electricity and electrical appliances, it encourages the customer to purchase electrical appliances with credit or in payment installations with slogans such as "on loan", "loan with 12 months maturity", "Sales on credit and installs them". In conclusion, SATİE has tried to provide confidence to the customer at every opportunity.
SATİE held its advertising and marketing activities until the dissolution of the company in 1944. In other words, the company continued its presence and activities years after the last issue of Ameli Elektrik. Until the year of its liquidation, they continued their advertising in some other magazines such as Yedigün and Arkitekt. However, AE and SATİE had an undeniable collaboration in marketing electricity and thus, electrical appliances.
Table 3.1: Electrical appliances shown in AE magazine according to years, issues and sums.
YEARS AND ISSUE NUMBERS
Year 1925
APPLIANCE 1 2 3 4 5 6 7-8 9-10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 SUM
Bulb 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 3 2 3 2 1 1 2 1 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 2 70
Radiator 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 2 2 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 24
Slimming Belt 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 7
Oven 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 11
Refrigitator 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 1 1 1 3 2 1 1 23
Water Heater(ş) 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 17
Blow Dryer 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 11
Zenith Watch 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 2 20
Vacuum Cleaner 1 1 1 2 1 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 3 2 3 2 1 3 1 1 44
Iron 2 1 1 3 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 31
Pillow 1 1 1 1 4
Stove 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 10
Kettle 1 2 2 2 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 21
Motor 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 3 2 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 1 1 1 2 2 1 3 1 2 1 2 3 2 1 1 1 1 58
Fan 1 1 1 1 3 1 2 2 1 1 2 3 3 3 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 39
Foot Heater 1 1
Electric Kitchen 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 7
Crane 1 1 1 1 1 5
Dish Washer 1 1 2
Washing Mach. 1 1
Ice cream Mach. 1 1
Massage Mach. 1 1 1 1 4
Vapour Mach. 1 1 1 3
Sewing Mach. 1 1 1 1 4
Hair Cutting Mac 1 1 2
Electric Mirror 1 1
Artificial Sun 1 1 1 3
Epilation Mach. 1 1
Floor Polisher 1 1 2
Elevator 1 1 1 1 1 5
Speaker 1 1 1 1 4
Bed Heater 1 1 1 1 1 5
1926 1927 1928 1929 1930 1931 1932 1933 1934
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3.4 Modernization, Electrification, and Illumination
As explained in the previous part, the history of advertising in the Ottoman Empire and the early republican period was tied to global trends. The need for advertising appeared with the effect of global trends and industrialization. The history of advertising was particularly important to understand AE because advertising was its core selling/marketing strategy. Moreover, this magazine is a publication of a company whose objective was to sell electric appliances (SATİE). On the other hand, these advertisements’ rhetoric is the most important aspect in understanding the historical era and its mindset tied with electricity technology. As electricity technology emerged it, met and merged with the rising ideologies of the period. Modernization and the new modes of production affected its marketing. Furthermore, republican Turkey was also going through massive change with the reforms in all aspects of the society. In this special historical context, a new technology tried to be accepted by society itself was already going through massive changes. The influence of other countries was also visible in the ideologies of the republican government.
Modernization, Fordism, and Taylorism as a mode of production were the dominant indicators of the new emerging consumer culture in the USA in this period. These trends were opening the doors of consuming more and consuming cheaper because of the fast production possibilities. Campbell (1998) discussed, consumption habits and rhetoric behind and the theories on consumption. “Need” and “want” are important concepts to understand the consumption habits of a consumer society. Many different academic discussions have been made to understand the need and the want. Adam Smith (1723-1790), Karl Marx (1718-1783), and Thorstein Veblen (1857-1929) were some of the thinkers who dealt with this question. If we track the history of consumerism, traditional societies’ production was limited compared to modern societies. Therefore, the traditional consumer had many little options and variations to consume. On the other hand, modern societies have many options from which to choose. Another important aspect is to define what ‘need’ is. If Maslow’s theory of “needs hierarchy” is regarded, our basic human needs can be classified as food to fulfill hunger, a house as a shelter, sleep, and protection can be given as some basic needs (p. 239). According to Campbell (1998), the need rhetoric has its origin in Puritan ethics which considers ‘want’ consumption as ‘luxury’ and ‘excess’ and non-essential.
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According to this duality of need and want, what we want, should be legitimized as a need since the need rhetoric has had a greater legitimation. This legitimization can be done with any ‘logical’ reasoning the consumer has. A modern person can want or need something but when what we want to has its justification, it finds a meaning for the individual.
Want as a concept helplessly searching for legitimation, creates a realm for advertising and craftsmanship. In this scenario, advertising and marketing strategies have long been doing this legitimization for the consumers. Moreover, “modern consumption is that modern consumers expect to be able to indulge their desires while satisfying their needs” (Campbell, 1998 p. 242). At this point, professionals and experts on certain topics have the power to decide what is needed. Health is one of the most common expertise in deciding what is needed. To give an example, using glasses is generally a health situation that is recommended by a doctor or optician and regarded as a ‘need’. Hence a ‘want’ element can be added to buying glasses by purchasing a ‘want’, that is the frame to these glasses (Campbell, 1998). We can see this example in many types of products that are classified as a need but also involve the wanted aspect as well.
This also indicates that any form of product can be crafted as a need. Our needs today, were maybe considered as wants in history. In this context, electricity technology is a very new technology, considered a luxury and excess when it was first introduced. The high pricing and the unknown part of this technology made it seem like a ‘want’. There were other illumination technologies that the societies were used to such as gas lights. So that, more pricy option, that is electrical illumination, was seen in the category of ‘unnecessary’ and ‘luxury”.
When we take the historical period of the AE, consumer society was slowly shaping and the new consumption was in the process of forming as modernity was introduced to society. The basis of modernity however was partially linked to capitalist transformation and it all started in different periods of history according to a variety of thinkers. Some sociologists such as Weber and Simmel argue that modernity began in Renaissance. It is about being calculable and rationalization every aspect of life, both of which also led to the emergence of capitalism (as cited in Ördem 2001; Tuner 2001).
Ottoman modernization started to take place at the turn of the 19th century. Ördem (2018) referring to Ortaylı (2008) and Mardin (2001), argues that Ottoman Empire had
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its way of modernization practice in this century. While the Ottoman state was going through modernization since the Tanzimat era, modernization was already associated with the West’s image. As we see in literary works, from the beginning of the Tanzimat era, the West became an important figure. As Öztaner (2014) states, “in the second half of the 19th-century Ottoman state went through series of reforms, wars, economic crises, and clash of ideologies.” This brought the need to be modernized, catch the ‘age’ and adopt the latest technologies. According to Emgin (2019), the increasing domination of the West resulted in fast and urgent attempts to modernize and in fact, mimic the West. According to Mutman (Mutman, 2002, referred to in Emgin, 2019) because of the imperial power relations, mimicking was inevitable for the Ottoman-Turkish state.
These modernization efforts also changed Istanbul and its urban structure. Thus Cin (2019) notes that the electrification of Istanbul “constituted the last step of these urban development activities in Istanbul (p. 23).” In this fashion, the electrification of modern cities and factories trams were symbols of progress and civilization in that period ‘terakkiyat’ and ‘medeniyye’ were the words used for progress and civilization (p.10). Nevertheless, linking modernity with the ‘West’ could create an Orientalist point of view, while discussing Ottoman modernization such as superior and inferior dualities. Cin (2019) points out that cliché understandings of modernization of the Ottoman state such as Ottomans being the passive receivers of modernity need to be revisited (p.13). Hence, Öztaner (2014) also addresses the discourse on the perpetual backwardness of the Sultan should be considered. While discussing the modernization efforts, taking the West as the indicator of modernization is discussable. The political and economic situation of the Ottoman state resulted in a rapid modernization and adaptation of technologies. However, as Öztaner (2014) underlines the Ottoman state was not a passive receiver of modernity and it had its trajectory of modernization thanks to the changing historical circumstances.
At this point, electricity is important as a reflector of the mentality of the society of the period when electricity and modernity are being discussed. Electricity created a huge curiosity in the Ottoman society though it was a new technology for the whole world, and the Ottoman Empire adopted it relatively late. Some of the Ottoman elites who had the chance to visit Europe report their views on electricity. Several scholars who studied the history of electricity evaluated and discussed the literary reflections on
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electricity (Öztaner 2014, İleri 2015). How electricity technology is perceived as a modernity item can be traced in the writings of the period. Moreover, these writings can be evaluated as evidence of the perception of electricity technology. Yet, it should also be considered that these writings belonged to Ottoman elites so they cannot be accepted as the reflection of an overall view of all the Ottoman society. For instance, in contrast to the streets of Istanbul that were still illuminated with the dim light of gas lanterns, the writings on the developed cities with electric lights stood as the image of a “modernized and urbanized” city in the minds of the Ottomans. Öztaner (2014) lists some of the intellectuals who have writings on electricity: “Münif Pasha, İbrahim Şinasi, Ahmet Midhat Efendi, Ahmet İhsan Tokgöz, Ahmet Rasim, Ahmet Haşim, Refik Fenmen, Nafiz Ziya and Osman Nuri Ergin” (p. 79).
Münif Pasha (1828-1910), in his writings in the Mecmua-i Fünun, defended the view that electrifying Istanbul and its streets were important. He thought that, with the help of illumination, people can enjoy the night times of Istanbul, days could be longer, in addition to the benefits of security that illumination will bring. Ibrahim Şinasi (1826-1871), after he visited Paris, wrote about electricity and illumination in his magazine “Tasvir-i Efkar. “He used “light” as a metaphor for progress, reason and scientific truth; so, he interpreted street lighting as an indication of wisdom and knowledge” (Öztaner, 2014, p. 82). Moreover, Şinasi also emphasizes the electricity’s security aspect. Furthermore, though he defended the importance of electrification is important for the urbanization process of Istanbul, he also warned that these changes should be accepted as long as the Ottoman identity is protected (p. 83).
In the later years, authors Ahmet Mithat Efendi and Ahmet İhsan (Tokgöz) recounted their observations and fascinations in their travel writings after they visited electrified European cities. Ahmet İhsan, “recognized “electricity” as the soul of civilization (rûh-ı medeniyet)” (as cited in Öztaner, 2014, Ahmet İhsan Tokgöz, Avrupa’da Ne Gördüm?). Furthermore, Ahmet Mithat Efendi (1844-1913), who visited the Paris World’s Exposition praised electricity in his writings especially the usage of electricity in the theaters. Moreover, Öztaner argues that Ahmet Haşim (1864-1932) on the other hand, criticized electricity technology and discussed the possible ethical hazards it may cause (Öztaner, 2014).
All of these literary works show that there was interest and attention to electricity as it created new connotations based on the social and cultural context of the Ottoman state.
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Öztaner (2014) states electricity, for the Ottoman intellectuals became an indicator of modernization, progress, and development (p. 87). Moreover, as mentioned above different aspects of electricity and illumination created new mental classifications or metaphors which reveal the understanding of electricity such as the connections established between illumination and progress or darkness and backwardness, as in Namık Kemal’s views (İleri, 2015, p. 113).
When considering the history of electricity and modernization it becomes obvious that the AE magazine’s discourse is an internalized reflection of Turkish modernization. The early years of the republican period with its unique modernization steps and reforms created a legitimate basis for the consumption of all technologies. Such as an image of electricity as a new technology that connotated progress and modernity revealed itself in the AE magazine. If we consider the fact that the AE mostly sold domestic appliances, we may argue that it also created a modern space in the domestic sphere. History of modernization in the Ottoman Empire, and later in early Republican Turkey, also created the common history of electrification and later, electricity in the domestic sphere.
İleri and Değirmecinoğlu (2020), investigate electricity technology and the material culture that came with it in the process of the formation of the nation-state. While doing this they look up how domestic spaces are shaped by the efforts of modernization. They argue that the promotion of technology also constituted a rationalized home. Furthermore, the new regime’s aim to create a modern citizen also showed itself in the promotion of domestic electrical appliances. So, abstract modernization, finds itself a realm or a ‘body’ for materialization.
As electricity has long been created its meanings with many effects in both Ottoman Empire and also in the world, it also created its meanings. Early republican Turkey has its agenda while going through many changes. “We can say that the transformation of domestic objects is one of the elements that define modernity in Ottoman-Turkish society, as well as many changes in the fields of military, law, health, and education that took place in the political and social context” (İleri and Değirmencioğlu, 2020, p. 94). In the 64th issue which is published for the 10th anniversary of the republic, reforms that have been done in the first 10 years of the Republican government are celebrated in the article titled “Şanlı bir Merhale: Cumhuriyetin 10. Yıldönümü”, reforms that have been done in the first 10 years of the Republican government celebrated. A
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speech from İsmet İnönü, prime minister of the time, is quoted in this article as follows: “It points out that Turkey wants to become a modern nation by giving up all religious privileges and abandoning the old theocratic view (AE, issue 65, p. 138).”
As mentioned above, metaphors in the magazine metaphors are connected with progress, science, and technology and also its consequences as being modern and civilized. Furthermore, the ‘modern’ word is used in many different advertisements for electrical appliances. For instance, modern heating, modern ventilation, modern vacuum cleaners were some of the slogans used for these appliances. This also indicates that previous methods are the opposite of modern and outdated. In issue 54 of the magazine, an article with the title of “Terakki İçin” (For Progress) and with a signature by Ameli Elektrik, argues that usage of electricity in homes became essential and those who start using it once can no longer abandon it. The quote below from the same article shows how the mission of the AE intersects with the idea of progress:
Is it possible not to know what can be asked of this fairy in the face of the many needs of modern life, which electricity completely satisfies? We don't think so. Here, Ameli Elektrik magazine has been created to satisfy the mystery of this strange form of force and the method of giving it to our desires…For us, the biggest reward consist of helping the progress, which is impossible to resist, always spread faster. (AE, issue 54, p. 55)
This article directly reveals the perception of electricity and modernity relationship as well as the main motive of the magazine. Moreover, as can be seen in many other issues of the magazine, electricity is mentioned as a ‘fairy’ in this article. This fairy is generally represented as a supernatural force who is helping with our life. Şavk (2014), names this perception of electricity with supernatural as a strategy as mythification and explains it as: “attributing magic or otherworldly qualities to the technology using visual and textual expressions (Şavk, 2014, p. 90)”. As will be discussed below, these magical attributions to electricity also have a gendered representation in itself.
Illumination in this context, combined with all its metaphors, became one of the most important aspects of a modern home. Bozdoğan (2002), (quoted in İleri and Değirmencioğlu, 2020), notes that the new regime portrayed electricity as a catalyst for industrial process and in this sense adopted “enlightenment” both literally and metaphorically. And thus, public use of electricity was very important (p. 100). Consequently, illumination (tenvirat) with electricity was the basis of a modern (asri) home. İleri and Değirmencioğlu (2020) explore the illumination and modernization
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relationship by investigating many other magazines of the period such as Hakimiyet-i Milliye, Yedigün, and Arkitekt. They found a similar discourse on electricity in all of these magazines and periodicals. Still, I would suggest that AE had a more significant role in this process since this magazine only aimed to promote and discuss electricity. Hence, the similarity of electricity promotion and discourse in another magazine, on the other hand, indicates a common discourse on the modernization project and electricity relationship in republican Turkey what’s more, around the world.
Right illumination was a core concept/topic in the AE magazine. In many articles and advertisements, the right illumination is examined and explained in detail. Again, in this right illumination discourse, one can easily find a modernist approach, metaphors of progress, science and technology, and the notion of being modern and civilized as a consequence. In many issues, how the rooms in a household should be illuminated is demonstrated with photos. Moreover, illumination is connected with many different ‘important’ values and concepts such as hygiene, health, and happiness. In the 34th issue, ways to create a modern home discussed in the article titled as such “Evi Asrileştirmek İçin” is discussed. By exemplifying from the “National Home Council” in the USA, the article argues that the transformation of an old home into a modern one can be done by electricity construction and by electricians. The USA was put forward as an example for modern homes, and modernizing a home is transferred as a necessity.
Electrifying a home was a real necessity of time according to the magazine, although the real important aspect of electrification was doing it in the right way. While adopting a new technology that has never been used by society, teaching the right ways seemed to be important for the AE editors. In that respect, modern and proper illumination can be seen as a common topic in the magazine. Illumination types, bulbs, and correct applications are shown in many issues. Even which color of the bulb should be used is discussed. For example, it is suggested to paint the bulbs the proper color to match the interior decoration of the house such as matching the colors of the furniture and the correct bulb for that discussed (AE, issue 31, p. 232-240). How to illuminate every room of the house is in detail explained with the discussion of direct, semi-direct, and indirect illumination types are discussed to teach the reader to illuminate every room of their house correctly. In the 41st issue of the magazine, a metaphor is used to underline the importance of this issue: “A good fabric will not ensure a perfect dress,
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and a good light will not provide good illumination. For a dress to suit its owner completely, it must be cut and arranged according to the body of the customer” (Ziya ve Tenvir, AE, 1930, 41, p. 17-24).
Furthermore, the importance given to illumination and electrification was not only limited to those in the households. The illumination of the offices, schools and factories are also detailly pointed out. The importance of the right illumination in schools is generally associated with the eye health of the students and also their effective learning with the help of the right illumination. Eye health, in this illumination topic and in general, is frequently touched upon. Many eye illnesses such as myopia are associated with the AE, with the lack of illumination or excessive exposition to light.
Modern home discourse is intertwined with many social inequalities. Problems such as its expensiveness compared to gas, its dangers, etc. made electricity consumption either unnecessary or hard to purchase. Its high price made this technology -mostly in the early years of the electrification of Istanbul inaccessible to the majority of society (İleri & Değirmencioğlu, p. 99). Upper and upper-middle-class, were the consumers, hence the target audience of the AE a and also the clients of electricity. Moreover, modern home residents, in particular, the family is both the subject of the new regime, modernization, and electricity technology. There was a very specific representation of a ‘family’ was in the making. Today what we call a nuclear family is formed by a mother a father, and children were portrayed as very modern in the illumination advertisements (Figure 3.6).
3.5 Electricity is not a Luxury !: The Creation of Need in Ameli Elektrik
Abovementioned, the magazine also discussed how to illuminate schools, houses, and factories. Effectiveness was an important topic for the students and schools. Likewise, the right illumination was an important topic for industrial reasons. Factories were also discussed in the means of profit. Taylorism, which was a new and popular management system in the USA at that period echoed in the promotion of electricity in Turkey. According to İleri and Değirmencioğlu (2020), while the Republican regime was trying to form a rational household with ideal citizens and an ideal modern family, it also emphasized the relationship between Taylorism and right illumination in the household (p. 107). Nevertheless, since the industrial sphere and the shopkeepers
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were also among the subscribers of the AE, it placed articles about the efficiency of electricity in production and sales in its issues.
In the 32nd issue of the magazine, in an article written by L. Hulevig and titled “Lux does not mean luxury” (Lüks süs demek olan lüks (luxe) değildir) (Hulevig, AE, 1929, 32, p. 11-14) discuss the light (lux) and how the eye is a spectacular organ which can detect even the slightest light which also needs a sufficient amount of it for its health. How the eye gets tired with insufficient lighting is given in a very scientific explanation with its results of eye illnesses such as nystagmus as an eye illness which saw in children. Moreover, he states that myopia cases are also increased (43% and 51% are given as the increased myopia cases) because of the insufficient lighting in schools and offices. He suggests using a sufficient amount of light in particular situations. Hence, Hulevig argues that besides the physiological benefits of the illumination it also has a positive psychological effect on the workers by increasing their motivation for working. He further gives an example from the USA post offices and their increased efficiency in reading the letters. This increase in the efficiency of work can increase the salary of the workers. Besides, in the article Taylorism is praised, and avoiding the Taylor system and doing saving from lux expenses is an unpleasant situation. The article finishes by suggesting an imitation of the USA example and a phrase by Goethe’s last words: “Light! More Light!” This article demonstrates the discussions around modernity and efficiency. From its title suggesting that illumination is not a luxury provided statistics, the article summarily describes all the features of the “Taylorized” illumination (İleri&Değirmencioğlu, 2020, p. 108). Taylorization emphasis on the industrial sphere is discussed even in occupational accidents, claiming that, the lack of illumination in the darker hours cause these accidents and the article compares the prices of electricity with possible accidents (AE, 1926, issue 9-10). Thus electricity becomes a tool for industrial production and efficiency. As noted by Lefebre; “Modern daily life has become an area where everything is calculated, values are digitized into units such as money and time, and even individuals become a part of this mathematical system” (Quoted in İleri & Değirmencioğlu, 2020, Lefebre, 2007, p. 32).
The efficiency discourse on illumination and electricity can be discussed around the ‘want’ and ‘need’ (Campbell, 1998) rhetoric. As I mentioned before, electricity was a perfect tool for increasing productivity, managing time (electricity was enabling to
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work in the darker hours of the day), and making profits. Therefore, electricity was still a ‘want’ not a ‘need’ in the publishing period of AE. This can be considered likely since electricity was a very new technology. Today we can’t picture a world without electricity, and it is a ‘need’ consumption for us, but when it is considered new technology, it was a luxury for most people and therefore a ‘want’ For this reason, a need technology of today, was a want in the early 20th century. So, an adaptation period was inevitable. As mentioned before, the high prices of electricity and also the fears around the possible dangers of this ‘unknown’ technology (Gooday, 2008) resulted in creating marketing strategies and a positive image of electricity. Furthermore, the luxury the duality of need and luxury was needed to be overcome for the common use of electricity among the public.
As İleri and Değirmencioğlu (2020) suggested, “need” should have been coded and constructed. So, a perception of the “needing electricity has been constructed with advertisements and magazines like AE. In Turkey, the only electricity technology (aiming to sell and introduce electricity to the public) of the time was AE. So, this magazine tried to legitimize electricity, its appliances and tried to create a legitimized need for electricity consumption. SATİE, as a company that tried to sell electrical appliances, put an effort into legitimizing the consumption of electricity with its advertisements which underlines the cost-effectiveness. These advertisements put the emotional or commercial benefits in front of the high costs of electricity. These arguments were based on two main themes. The first theme promised happiness, peace in the family and the household by associating the electrical appliances with savers or maids which will help the women in the house, therefore, creating a more peaceful environment for the family. Secondly, illumination and some other electrical appliances and their benefits are associated with health (eye health, hair health, etc.) which also reveals the experts’ power in deciding what is needed (Figure 3.6). And also, the cleanness of the house. And thirdly, as a very clever efficient investment for a better modern life or a better income. For example, “Don’t do savings on illumination” was one of the main slogans of Osram bulbs hence in some of the advertisements the Osram it is suggested that saving from the illumination is a wrong saving: “Living in poorly lit places means living low. Better lighting is slightly more expensive than bad lighting. but on the other hand, it gives more relief and rests in life. A well-lit home means an abundance of joy and comfort” (Osram, AE, 1931, 52).
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Moreover, as I mentioned above illumination of the showcases is represented as a very low cost and efficient advertising option.
Illumination of the showcases was also a very important topic in the magazine. Besides the domestic use of electricity, firstly the street illumination and then the illumination of shops and showcases changed the appearance of the streets of Istanbul. The 21st issue of the AE’s cover page (Figure 3.5) demonstrates an illuminated shop window that captures the attention of people. Throughout the whole publishing period of the magazine, artisans, and shopkeepers were notified about shop window illumination and the possible profit it may bring. In all of these advertisements and articles, illumination is also represented as a profit mechanism. Illumination of the shops in this manner became a tool for advertisement just by illumination. Magazine argues that “Light attracts the public” was their motto to persuade shopkeepers to apply illumination to their shop windows. In many issues how to illuminate a window is described in detail with technical information such as which color of light bulb should be used for the right illumination of the objects (Girard, 1932, AE, 54, p. 33-34). SATİE, as in many of its services, also offered the service of lighting the showcases on credit and announced it with an emphasis on being modern: “modern illumination is done on credit” (SATİE, AE, 1933, 63, p. 118). In the 67th issue of the magazine, which is dedicated to illumination, many arguments have been presented about the illuminations of the showcases such as; “the public changes the pavement to see the showcase”, “showcase illumination cost is never important” “an illuminated commodity is half sold.”. SATİE argues that the advertising by the illumination of the showcase is the cheapest of all. As we can see in Figure 3.5, showcases and illumination became a new marketing strategy. Hence, SATİE compares other advertising mediums and their prices such as newspaper, radio, and theater, and as a result, demonstrates how cheap it is comparably. Moreover, they announce that in less than one year, SATİE illuminated more than 200 showcases with good illumination moreover, they have done it on credit (SATİE, 1933, AE, issue 67).
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Figure 3.5 : Ameli Elektrik, issue 21, 1927, cover page.
Illumination, which is a very important issue in the magazine, was used and constructed following the values and wishes of society. Positive connotations that are created around the electricity, illumination, and electrical appliances are all offering a better life and an idealized lifestyle for the electricity clients. Happiness, comfort, spare time were the qualities that were sold to the electricity abonnements through electric appliances. In many advertisements of the magazine, a modern family portrait is given. A woman doing housework, a man reading his newspaper, and children playing or reading in a properly electrified house. As I will discuss below, this new happy family portrait also produces and reproduce the new gender roles and norms of Republican Turkey. Furthermore, modern houses and buying modern electrical appliances directly create a symbolic consumption i.e. symbolic values of these electrical appliances while creating an ideal lifestyle. As Bourdieu argues, commodities have symbolic capitals; symbolic values beyond their ‘actual values. While buying a product we buy its symbolic value attracted to that. “Symbolic capital, together with the forms of profit and power it warrants, exists only in the relationship
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between distinct and distinctive properties, such as the body proper, language, clothing, interior furnishings” (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 2013, p. 297). Moreover, Bourdieu argues that in symbolic systems these signs are symbols of distinction which also creates an inequality (p. 298-300). Cultural capital, on the other hand, is a cultural accumulation that is not directly correlated with the economic capital of the person (elites), creating a social distinction. To sum up, according to Bourdieu, class identities, more than economic status, shape consumption practices (Grazia, 2001, p. 2684).
Accordingly, a small part of the society – also a small part of İstanbulites - could have reached electricity technology, because electricity was unachievable for most of society because of its high cost and limited distribution. It can be argued that since just a small part of the society – also a small part of İstanbulites - could have been reached to electricity technology, the market also created a discourse based on their social class and social interests. The need for distinction, in this case, was among the desires of the upper-middle class of society. Consequently, the symbolic value of electricity stemmed from its exclusion of the ‘others’, therefore creating a distinct lifestyle.
Figure 3.6: Ameli Elektrik, 1933, issue 62: Good light protects eyesight. Translucent Osram bulbs provide a better illumination.
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If we read and investigate AE from this perspective, we can see that electricity is presented as something worth the price. The pluses and minuses of electricity have always been investigated and with all of its pluses, a legitimization was constructed for this new technology. This legitimization occurred with the internal dynamics of the era, not only in Turkey but also all over the world. This can be explained by the social shaping of technology theory of MacKenzie and Wajcman (1999). As a technological system, electricity established its meaning with its appliances. The role of the human in the case of electricity technology resulted in many other social changes.
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4. AMELİ ELEKTRİK AND THE TURKISH SOCIETY TRANSFORMED
Electricity, as new technology created new practices in many people’s life. From domestic use of electricity to industrial usage, many changes occurred in the lives and the daily practices of society. In the context of the AE, these changes were firstly experienced and felt by the İstanbulites. Moreover, these new practices created their consumption habits. As a very important figure in the making of this new ‘electrified’ society of Istanbul, AE with the SATİE company had a huge role. The exported electrical appliances and who will use them were even a social result of this new technology. As will be discussed in the following part, electricity constructed itself around the gender norms and also, even reproduced the already existing gender roles. Another topic of this part is the visual representations in the AE and, their interpretation inside the graphic design discipline. Lastly, in this part, politics or the lack of politics in AE is discussed with examples from the magazine.
4.1 Ameli Elektrik Magazine and the Construction of New Gender Roles
AE, as a medium for promoting electricity also represented the gender roles of the period thus, contributing to their construction and reproduction. As McKenzie and Wajcman (1999) criticize the general assumption, “that gender is irrelevant to the technology just because no women were directly involved and the masculinity of the men involved was never mentioned explicitly in discussion of it” (p. 40) can be reevaluated through this magazine and thus electricity technology. As this chapter discusses, women are the main subject of electricity technology in the domestic sphere. Thus, in the publishing period of the AE, domestic electrical appliances were the most sold and marketed ones. Besides the general ‘traditional’ point of view about gender which excludes women from technology, this time technology is gendered in a reverse way (p. 44-46).
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If any issue of the magazine is read, it can be seen that most of the photographs and illustrations are constituted of women, especially women as a housewife, and the main user of electricity in a household (Figure 4.1). Gender relations represented in this magazine can be evaluated in many different aspects from the housework of the women to the construction of new modern Republican women figure. As demonstrated in Şavk (2014), in nationalist modernization discourse, the modern family “became a substantial actor in regulating gender identities, gender roles and sexuality” and this discourse “hold on the image of the modern Turkish woman.” (Sancar, 2004, p. 192, 200, 202, transferred in Şavk, 2014, p. 181).
Even though AE was not a women’s magazine it can be argued that the target audience of the magazine was women. There is much evidence of women being the target audience of domestic electrification. As I mentioned above, even in some of the issues, the magazine addresses its audience as madame (SATİE, AE, 1934, 65, p. 32). This direct form of address can be seen in many issues of the magazine. The Küizin appendix of the magazine starts with a short article named “Secret to Staying Young”. This article also starts by addressing the women and their problems such as how domestic labor is so exhausting that making them aging, and as a suggestion, it is told to use electricity and its appliances at home to overcome these issues and stop aging (AE, Küizin, p.1).
It is a magazine that includes the modernization steps that all women's magazines were presenting but has content that can be easily separated from these women's magazines due to its name and mission. Women’s magazines till then became popular around the world and in the late Ottoman state. In 1886, a magazine named Şüküfezar started to be published by women, as a women’s magazine (Şavk, 2014, p. 201). These kinds of magazines published by women can be considered feminist publications. For instance, according to Mesch (2013), French women’s magazines, Femina (1901) and La Vie Heureuse (1902) created the new modern woman, femme moderne. The new gender roles promoted by these magazines in France created a feminine ideal. The Belle Epoque literary feminism that started with these magazines resulted in the creation of new French femininity. This shows that women’s magazines had a great impact on the building of a new modern woman image. Besides these feminist magazines, some other magazines depicted women as new consumers (Şavk, 2014, p.
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202). Especially magazines which have advertisements that promote electricity constituted this ‘women as a consumer’ image (Şavk, 2014, p. 201).
As an electricity-promoting magazine with heavy content which directly targets women, the AE reveals the relationship between electricity technology and gender roles. Despite the Women’s Pages (Hanım Sahifesi/ Page de Madame) in the magazine which directly target women, most of the electrical appliances and the possible users are assigned as women with the visuals and articles. From vacuum cleaners to blow-dryers, advertisements and announcements speak directly to women. Besides the constant electricity exhibition of SATİE, also did cooking classes for women to teach them how to cook with electricity. These classes were announced especially in the last issues. In the 66 issues which are dedicated to cooking, AE announced this class to be scheduled every Wednesday at Metro Han (AE, 1934, issue 66). So, AE kills two birds with one stone both by contributing to the formation of a new modern woman and family discourse of the new building nation-building process and also by selling and promoting electrical appliances.
Figure 4.1 : Ameli Elektrik cover page. February 1934, issue 65.
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Şavk (2014) in her dissertation investigates the “promotion of domestic electrification and related technologies in Turkey (re)defined modern home and modern women that inhabit it as a part of a broader project of national modernization (p. 2).” As Arat (2000) argues, women played an important role in the modernization process and were asked to combine the traditional roles of the society with the Western moral framework. They were “expected to “bring “order”, “discipline” and “rationality” to homemaking in the private realm (Arat, 2000, p. 100).”
AE, as a major medium to promote domestic electrification, served the national modernization project between the years 1925-1934. Women became the central agents of this project. Moreover, the woman in this context was also the main promoter of domestic electrification and modern house. According to Grazia (2001), feminist historiography created a new understanding of how consumer practices shape around the “gendered division of labor around domestic goods, provisioning, and shopping, the bridges between market-driven consumption models and household decision making (p. 2468)”. So new consumer habits, especially about domestic goods, were assigned as the responsibility of women. According to Şavk (2014), one of the reasons for the domestication of electricity in Turkey was there was not enough industrial demand for electricity since industrialization in Turkey in the early years of electrification was not developed enough. So domestic use of electricity made sure of an increase in electricity consumption (p. 58-59). In Turkey, this role was carried out by the SATİE and AE until the last issue in 1934.
Domestic electricity, as a responsibility of modern housewives of the modern house, firstly should have been introduced by the women to the ‘men’ of the house. A series of stories was published in the magazine titled: “How did little Selma steal the husband’s heart with electricity?” (“Küçük Selma Elektrik Sayesinde Zevcinin Kalbini Nasıl Yeniden Fethetti?”) Beginning from issue 5, this story was about a woman who desperately wants electrical appliances in her home. In short, little Selma, in the story, is a sad and tired housewife who perished from the housework. She decides to ask her husband Fikret to buy some electrical appliances for the house. Fikret’s reaction was negative and he was displeased by his wife bringing it up. Selma cries because of his husband’s reaction. Fikret’s main concern was the high price of electricity. In the series, this couple faces many problems that can be solved easily with electricity and its appliances. Selma works on accounting for hours to create a budget to buy
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electricity. Selma does not dread his husband’s attitude and explains the benefits of the electrical appliances with her detailed accounting to Fikret. In the end, Fikret decides to buy all the things Selma wanted as a happy ending. In the list, there are appliances such as radiators, refrigerators, and electrified ovens. The appliances Fikret bought are defined as “modest and tireless little servants of the house”. The series ends with these sentences: “Moral of the story: When happiness deteriorates, a woman's responsibility is to seek the reasons for it and to overcome them when she finds it. In other words: you help yourself. God will help you too” (AE, 1926, 13, p. 139-140).
A lot can be deduced from this story, from the beginning to the last sentence. Firstly, the moniker used for Selma which means young or petite can be interpreted as a pejorative expression. Moreover, this series could be written according to the general public reaction to the electricity inside the families. The general opinion on the expensiveness of electricity might have been created in situations like this. The story directly gives responsibility to convince their husband and therefore Selma does anything to convince him. The last sentences sum up the roles of the under the guise of women’s responsibility. Women, in this context, are not only responsible for the house but also the happiness and peace in the house (AE, 1926, issues: 5, 7-8, 11, 12, 13)
The identification of the bought appliances as servants also indicates its role as a savior of women from the exhausting domestic work. Electricity in the magazine generally contrasted with the human maids. Since the magazine’s audience was the upper-middle class of Istanbul, many of the families of this social class had their servants/maids in their houses. As a modest and tireless servant, electricity promises a lot to women. The servant analogy is used in many issues of the magazine. The human servants or the maids of the house started to be contrasted with the electrical appliances. Many times, human labor is denigrated. For example, in the 41st issue of the magazine, an article by Pol Reyter (as originally written in the AE), “Hizmetçiler Hakkında Bazı Mülahazat”: (Some Information About Maids) the author compares maids and electricity/machines. This three-page article starts with this sentence: “There is no doubt that, at a time when the number of servants is dwindling day by day and those at hand are extremely demanding, a comparison between the machine, which is rather an orderly and faithful servant, is worthwhile.” The article continues by comparing maids and machines (electricity). Reuter argues that the money given to the maids is
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not reasonable and instead with this money electrical appliances can be bought with this money. Furthermore, she states that a maid in the house is having a stranger in the house is also spoils comfort and family intimacy. “Although having various servants may be considered an absolute necessity for a certain class, maids often do some work that the owner of the house does not want to do.” This sentence also implicates a certain social class has a perception of having a maid in a house as a necessity. Furthermore, it is argued that servants remind the times of captivity. The article finishes with this sentence: “Contemporary women, who have to live in cities where manual labor is highly valued and in very narrow apartments, will probably accept the second option (Reuter, AE, issue 41, 1930, p. 5-7).” Like most of the articles in the magazine, this article also guides the women in both being modern by keeping up with the times.
Another article that also became the title of Bahar Emgin Şavk’s (2014) dissertation: “The Servant Princess” was an article published in the AE and written by Pierre Mac Orlan (Orlan, AE, 1932, 58, p. 150-151). In this article, electricity is depicted as a princess with an image of a princess with a crown. As also Şavk (2014) addresses, this princess was portrayed as a pixie which is the electrical appliances at home that will solve all the problems of the women (p. 101). Pixie, fairy, compromising goddess, and magic wand are some of the words that are used to describe the perfection of this otherworldly thing. Furthermore, as Şavk (2014) states, the “servant princess” sounds oxymoron but she interprets this statement as a better and royal servant, instead of the non-electrical, human ones (ibid.), which also reveals the class consciousness. This non-human, supernatural but mostly ‘female’ electricity image can be seen in the AE many times. For instance, in the 58th issue, another story “Bir Dosta Hikaye” (A Story to a Friend), tells a story about a couple who moved to a house with electricity infrastructure. Electricity in this story, again, is called a fairy by this sentence “Our house has become modern with the magic wand of the electricity fairy (Jeannine, AE, 1932, issue 58).” This magic wand also can be indicating the quick and practical aspect of electricity. This magical image portrayed for electricity can be evaluated as sympathy for an unknown technology that might have hazards. As I mentioned above Gooday (2018) argued, the public fear of electricity was undeniable in Europe, so a similar public fear of unknown technology might be the reason behind it. On the other hand, why this supernatural image of electricity is portrayed mostly as a female figure is discussed as a strategy by Şavk (2014) with the concepts of ‘anthropomorphization’
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and ‘mythification’. With these strategies, fairies perfectly respond to a need for a supernatural figure, which also has humanlike features though better than a person created. Likewise, the other in front of the human maid became a fairy or a princess which is better than the human in every way. In the end, new values are attributed to electricity by creating a magical and supernatural positive image.
This image also carried some distinctive values to create a social distinction, a class consciousness. It would not be wrong to say owning these electrical appliances at home also had its symbolic meanings. The positive values attached to electricity including the nobility make electricity a better and more modern option to have in the houses compared to the servants. The servant with bad values and morals is contrasted with a princess-like new creature who will help you in the best way without human defects such as poor morals, high prices, and deficient labor. Visually familiarizing this technology with the users was the key. Electricity in this picture is loyal, unknown (not human) but better than a human and possibly a servant with good intentions.
So, with these strategies electricity was promoted as a commodity with class symbols. Also, it is argued that in the end electricity and its appliances became a conspicuous consumption item in Veblen’s theory. According to Veblen (1899) creating a distinctive expenditure was the duty of the housewife. Selecting and creating a distinctive domestic sphere with a taste, in a way doing a curation of the house that also serves his husband and his social class as a result of the ‘leisure’ time of housewife. In this sense, electricity and its appliances became conspicuous consumption items for the upper and upper-middle-class Istanbulites.
So, if the electrical appliances were promoted as the new maids or servants of the period were they are? Whether the electricity rescues the women from the housework, is a question since the users of the electrical appliances were still women. Even though the electricity showed us a new servant which will save the housewife from the housework, in a household woman was the one using these appliances in a household. This also shows the Taylorization in the house, especially in the kitchen. Using electrical appliances creates more efficient housework for women (Şavk, 2014). Moreover, the “sexual division of labor at home (Şavk, 2014, p. 171)” didn’t change with this technology. This meant less time consumed but the gender roles did not change and even strengthened (p. 173).
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Moreover, the promoted electricity kitchen (ovens, stoves, kettles, etc.) was offering to do more tasty foods to women. Also, according to the magazine, old kitchens were non-practical, dirty, and tiring. On the contrary, electrified kitchens are clean, safe (from fires), and easy (AE, 1933, 63). The cooking classes of SATİE were also organized for the women. So, the electrical appliances did not rescue women from housework, yet maybe to an extent helped and decreased the household labor. The cleanness of everything emphasis on every sphere of the house is also valid for the kitchen, especially with the right illumination.
As discussed in the previous chapter, especially modern illumination, and modern electrical appliances was a crucial element of the modern house. Thus, the responsible for the modern house in the making was the woman or the mother. Many things were expected from the women. Firstly, clothing appropriate to the era and the modern women’s image was one of the expectations. This thought was given by the Women’s Pages in the magazine, in every issue. Reforms about clothing and headgears were enacted respectively in 1925 and 1934 as part of the policy of creating a new society. Even though these reforms were mainly constituted for men, the main purpose behind them was to adopt modern clothing and create a new modern citizen image. Certain types of clothing and fashion became the symbol of the modern. Moreover, with the modernization efforts, and the new reforms such as the presence of women in the public sphere with men became more visible in the public sphere. This again creates a duality between the modern and the ‘other’. ‘Us’ and the ‘others’ duality, derived from the clothing, continued for a long time in Turkey. Especially in politics, it is hard to ignore that clothing represented some values, biases, and ideologies. So, while the AE was witnessing the early years of republican Turkey, it was also at the center of the political atmosphere and the construction of these dualities in society.
In the AE, like many other magazines of the period women were expected to be charming (Şavk, 2014). Women’s Pages in this sense give women detailed information on how to dress modern. These pages did not offer any electrical appliance-consuming habits. In the third issue of the magazine, these pages were introduced and narrated that it will be reserved for the women who are, with the help of this magazine, “will increase the welfare and the rest and beauty of the family by creating a close establishing a close relationship with electricity (AE, 1926, 3)”. Some sewing machine ads were available in the magazine but these pages were just planned to advise women
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how to dress and sew these dresses. Moreover, there are many sewing templates for children’s clothing (Figure 4.3) and fashion advice for the countryside and chilly weather (Figure 4.2).
Figure 4.2 : Ameli Elektrik, Women’s page: Aprons for Little girls, January-February, 1932, issue 53, p. 17.
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Figure 4.3: Women’s Page: Fashion advice for the countryside and chilly weather. September-October, 1931, issue 13, p 320.
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While almost all of the electrical appliances were indirectly promoted to women, some of them were more directly promoted to women, i.e. beauty products. Being beautiful, clean, and healthy, is presented as the necessities of women. Blow dryers, electric slimming belts, artificial sun (solarium), steam bath devices, and epilation devices were some of the beautifier appliances offered to women. Corsets were also promoted in the magazine, offering fashion and beauty (Figure 4.5). The most common device for women was the slimming belt that works with electricity and vibration. J. Roussel’s corset and AEG’S slimming belt advertisements can be seen in most of the issues of the magazine beginning from the third issue. The slogan in (Figure 4.4) is; “When there is an electric slimming belt, why would you need medicine?” And in (Figure 4.5) a corset for women offers a fashionable corset for a better-looking and body. Even in some stories in the magazine, the importance of beauty is underlined and electrical appliances are presented as the beautifying tools of modern women. Besides the beauty products mentioned above, electrical appliances were presented as a rescuer of women from domestic labor and therefore, prevented the aging caused by exhaustion and sadness (AE, Küizin, p.1).
Figure 4.4 : Ameli Elektrik, 1932, November-December, issue 58, AEG slimming massage belt ad.
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Figure 4.5 : AE, 1928, November, issue 31, Maison J. Roussel Corset ad.
In the 44th issue of the magazine in the article named: “Electricity and Conservation of the Beauty”, written by Simon Segalen, a very detailed perception of beauty are narrated. In this five-page article, why beauty for women is one of the most essential values and what should be done to be beautiful with the help of electricity is discussed.
Beauty is a woman's greatest strength to be liked and loved. A charming woman bonds with her husband by creating a happy home. … Electricity, which has many services in facilitating housework, helps to preserve female beauty…Women who are not naturally beautiful should not worry about it. Because electricity does what nature can’t… (Segalen, AE, 1930, issue 44, p. 106-109)
The following of the article continues with three different categories of beauty and the electrical solutions to these. The first one is Health and Beauty: and this part suggests that if there is no shine and freshness in the face, this means an unhealthy appearance. As a solution, the article suggests artificial sun composed of many bulbs with ultra-violet lights. The second beauty concern/solution is treatments for weight loss. This part suggests that women who can’t do exercise might get fat and the solution for this issue is a massage device with electricity. This device creates heat and is thus used for weight loss. In the first years of the magazine, this massage machine is advertised with many other possible benefits, not just as a slimming machine. In the last years of the magazine, beginning from issue 58, AEG’s slimming belt started to be advertised (Figure 3.4). This ad for slimming belts also reveals that there were pills for weight loss on the market in those years. Hair is another category in the article. Electricity massage for preventing hair loss, and drying the hairs immediately after the washing
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and curling irons are pieces of advice for the readers. The last category is about the removal of excess hair and dullness of the skin. To suffer for beauty is the first piece of advice about electric laser removal. This electricity technology was also used for skin dullness and spots. The article also mentions that “it should not be forgotten that patience and determination are reserved for women.”
These AE articles reveal the beauty perception and norms of the period. Also, they show the consumer culture of the period with the built ‘needs’ of the electrical appliances. As the target audience of the magazine, women were manipulated with these beauty appliances. The promotion of these appliances as can be seen above is done with emotional directions and imposed gender roles of the period. Throughout the magazine, certain beauty norms were imposed on the reader. How to dress, how to be beautiful, and most importantly how to do this while being modern was the main concern. Moreover, the ‘savior’ quality of the electrical appliances was also correlated with beauty and aging. Overall, an efficient, modern woman who was also responsible for the house and the promotion of electricity in the household was portrayed as coherent with the republican reforms.
4.2 Politics in Ameli Elektrik or its Lack Thereof
In the 32nd issue of the AE, which is an almanac issue of 1929, in the article titled “Beliğ Bir Bilanço” (A Clear Statement) the magazine briefly states its position on politics: “Our magazine has banned all kinds of entry into the field of politics, but we think that there is no politics in celebrating the anniversary of the Republic of Turkey, which happened last October 29 (AE, 1929, 32, p. 2-3).” This statement by itself may be revealing the political position of the magazine even though they state that they have been prohibited from the politics in the magazine.
To understand if this statement of the magazine is an indicator of a political position, we have to consider the history of the press and censorship in the late Ottoman period and thus the political environment of the era. The relatively late entrance of pressing technologies to the Ottoman empire (middle of the 19th century). During Mahmud II’s reign, two magazines were published by the government are Takvim-i Vekayi and Ceride-i Havadis. Until the Hamidian period, some press regulations have been constituted such as obtaining publication licenses. 1876 constitution claimed that the “press is free within the limits of the law”. Moreover, magazines were obliged to
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submit the written material to the Administration of Press Affairs for approval. Notwithstanding, this freedom was very subjective. Under the Hamidian regime, many magazines and newspapers were closed, and the press members of these unsuitable magazines were sentenced to prison or escaped to other countries. Critical satire magazines were the first magazines that were found threatening. There were many concerns of the Sultan about the printing press, mainly about losing his power. So, precautions on the press have tightened more and more. The “paranoia” of the Abdülhamid, reached even the other countries and their post offices and embassies to prevent this threatening or dangerous printing press from entering the empire. According to Yosmaoğlu (2003), the “mind confusing” press anxiety of Abdülhamid can be interpreted as the “sky is the limit” for the threatening press; anything could fit into this category. If we consider the censorship of the period, according to Yosmaoğlu (2003) it was mostly self-censorship of the press based on loyalty to the Abdülhamid. Moreover, the control mechanism on the press, to an extent was the society’s responsibility, by informing the opponents of the government. By the self-censorship method, the press decided what might be offensive, words such as dictator, anarchism, revolution, and were not used (p. 22).
When Young Turks who were once exiled or escaped to Europe, a group of came into power in 1908, the old self-censorship methods that prohibited freedom of the press, were abolished. Many newspapers started to be published immediately. As a continuation of the Young Turks, a group named The Committee of Union and Progress was established. This Committee, ruled the empire for ten years, until 1918. In this period, censorship in the press, become de jure unlike in the Hamidian period’s de facto practice. Press, throughout this period, became more restricted. According to Yosmaoğlu (2003), the press became a more “rational and impersonal mechanism” compared to the Hamidian period. As a result of this mechanism, many newspapers were closed (Yosmaoğlu, 2003).
In the following period, while the Turkish National Struggle for Independence was taking place, regulations on the press were strict. Newspapers such as İrade-i Milliye and Hakimiyet-i Milliye were magazines that were supporting independence. So, they had a strong political side. With the constitution of the Republic of Turkey in 1923, a new law on the press has been prohibited any unfavorable comments on president Mustafa Kemal Paşa. In the 1924 constitution, a law that prohibits any censorship was
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legislated. In 1925, after the Şeyh Sait rebellion, many magazines and newspapers were closed. In the same year, on 4 March 1925, a new law on the press, Takrir-i Sükun was legislated. This brought censorship to the press. Exactly nine months after this regulation in 1925 the AE started to be published. To sum up, the press was restricted during the publication life of the AE. (Transferred in Mazıcı, 1996; Yılmaz&Doğaner, 2006).
The first issue of the AE was published in December 1925, two years after the constitution of the republican government. Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, in all of the publication period of the magazine, was the president of Turkey. This first issue, with a picture of Kemal Atatürk, underwritten with the word “Mustafa Kemal Pacha” begins with a tribute to Atatürk. In some issues such as the special issue of the 10th year of the republic, and the Almanac issues, Atatürk, and the state officials such as İsmet İnönü’s photographs were used.
Likewise, as mentioned above, 32nd issue, the magazine celebrated the 10th anniversary of the republic with many praises. Some other highlights of the magazine were also reflecting the political atmosphere of the period. In the 61st issue of the magazine, five years after the alphabet reform in 1933, the magazine published an article about purifying the Turkish. The article discussed the new “Turkish Language Examination Committee” and its mission of creating a pure Turkish language freed from the Arabic and Persian words that the public was using. Also, inside the same article, AE magazine published the written notice of the committee which asks the citizens to create new equivalent words instead of the old Arabic or Persian words. Committee also asked magazines, newspapers, and news to become a medium for this purpose. AE also attended to this request with a competition, published a set of words, and announced that they will publish the winning words in the following issues. Also, the AE opened a poem competition with the purified Turkish among their readers (AE, 1933, 61, p. 48-50). This list of words continued to be published in the following issue (Figure 4.6). However, the promised new words did not announce in the following issues of the magazine.
Apart from these, Yusuf Ziya, in the 60th issue, wrote an article titled “Muhasebe- İki Ayda Bir”: (Bimonthly Accounting). This article gave a brief about the issues that happened in the past year. For example, beauty contests in the past year (1932), death announcements of important figures of the period such as Ahmet Rasim, Abdullah
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Cevdet, and Musa Süreyya. Furthermore, Ziya gives the most important event of the last two months: Domestic goods week and the tour of Mustafa Kemal around Turkey. He finishes his article with these words “Mustafa Kemal is in an atmosphere far from the sweet sleep and indifference caused by the end of the war of independence.” Lastly, in the article, Ziya reflected on his despair about the period. The planned feuilleton did not continue in the following issues (Ziya, Accounting, AE, 1933, 67, p. 17-18).
Figure 4.6: List of words aimed to be purified. (AE, 62, 1933, p. 96-98).
The magazine, continued this narrative until its last issue. As discussed above, even though there was a certain amount of censorship practice during the publishing period of the magazine, the magazine revealed its political position. The statement of the magazine that they banned themselves from the political arena, might be a reflection of the censorship history of both the Ottoman Empire and the early republican period. Even though it was an electricity magazine that mostly does electricity promotion, it also gives a place to the republican reforms, politicians, and even included the reader/audience interactively to these reforms as mentioned above. This discourse might be coherent with the almost obvious socio-economical class of the readers of the magazine. If this magazine continued for more years, with the expanded audience, the political discourses might also be changed. As McKenzie and Wajcman (1999) argue, “In adopting a technology, we may be opting for far more – economically, politically, even culturally, as well as technically – than appears at first sight (p. 4)”. We can conclude that the target audience, the political era, and the political discourse of the magazine can be considered in line and coherent.
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4.3 Visual Representations: Illustrations and Graphics Design in Ameli Elektrik
The AE magazine, during its nine-year publication period, promoted electricity and its appliances with many strategies, such as slogans, stories, and most important visuals. According to Ergüven (2021), “Graphic design is a visual communication technique used to promote and market products or services by creating visual appeal (Ergüven, 2021, p. 237).” Considering that, as a magazine aimed to create a marketing strategy for electricity and its appliances, the visual communication language of the AE was very colorful and symbolic. Electricity, with the help of the graphic design, presented to its audience and completed the messages that were trying to be given/imposed14.
The AE when it is considered the high printing prices of the period has a very colorful and attentive visual representation. The colorful pages of the magazine are fulfilling for the target audience of the magazine. There are many photographs, paintings, and illustrations. Most of the illustrations inside the magazine don’t have any signature on them. This might be indicating that these illustrations and visuals were gathered/outsourced collectively as printing blocks and used in the magazine as a printing technique. For instance, the Women’s Pages discussed in the previous part, generally have a very European style line representation which also increases the possibility of premade printing blocks gathered from European sources. However, this is different for the cover pages of the magazine. The paper used in the cover pages is thicker and is of higher quality than the inner pages. This also shows that cover pages and internal pages are printed separately. Moreover, along with the signatures of the illustrators or the painters, there is generally a sign of the printing company: Sabık Fratelli Haim. Regine Behar and Mik are some of the illustrators of these covers. No accurate information about Regine Behar besides her name that was learned from her signature could be found as a result of my research carried out in Turkey. Behar’s designs are important since they were the first examples of graphic design in Turkey. The graphic design language of these illustrations could not be directly classified with an art movement. Notwithstanding, the illustrations, belatedly trace the art movements of Europe, Art Nouveau, and Art Deco as an illustrative styles, belatedly. Regine Behar’s covers might be considered the most contemporary and most synchronized with European art movements among these. Generally, adopting and mimicking an art
14 The following part will be based on personal communication with Ömer Durmaz unless stated otherwise (Durmaz Ö., personal communication, 7 December 2021).
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movement in those years took almost ten years in Turkey. If it is considered professional graphic design discipline started in Turkey, in the early 1920s (Ergüven, 2021), these cover pages can be considered the first graphic design examples.
The styles of the covers of the magazine change through the years. In the first years of the magazine, the illustrations of the cover pages were generally constituted of the Metro Han building (headquarters of the SATİE) - Ergüven (2021) argues that the illustrations of this building had an implicit meaning of referring to the power and trust of the company and its capital (p. 233). Also, on the cover of the panoramic Istanbul views, mosques, and electrical appliances are illustrated with street illumination visuals lights, and bulbs (Figure 4.7). These illustrations of Istanbul, generally give a more modern city impression with elements like street lights and tramways (Ergüven, 2021). It might be argued that a shift from urban illumination to more domestic electrification took place through the years of the AE’s publication. It is known that in the first years of the electrification of Istanbul the biggest emphasis was on the electrification of trams and also the illumination of the city. Also, illustrations after the 1930s started to have a more modern, symbolic, and abstract stylization (Figure 4.8). This stylization puts the important message to the visual and symbolically engages with the audience.
From the beginning of the 23rd issue, the magazine started to give place to illustrations of women and children on the cover pages. Ergüven (2021) states using women’s images in advertising and as an eye-catching visual image started in late 19th century Europe as a characteristic of the Art Nouveau style. Moreover, these woman images on the covers of the magazine can be a reflection of the Art Nouveau movement in Turkey (p. 235). As discussed above, women as both the target audience and the promoter of electricity had an important role in the magazine. The women’s images on the covers can be divided into two. The first one is the housewife, which uses electrical appliances such as an iron or oven. Many of these covers are in the kitchen, giving the impression of how easy and modern to cook with electricity or use electrical appliances (Figure 4.9) and (Figure 4.10). These covers also included daughters of women learning how to use these electrical appliances. The second type of women’s image on the covers of the AE is described as a modern woman with a European type of clothing. This woman generally doesn’t do housework but benefits from the electricity (Figure 4.11), (Figure 4.12). Ergüven (2021) interprets this cover (Figure
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4.12), as a woman who has a break from reading a book, waiting for her husband to come back home in a scene illuminated by a table lamp. This visual also indicates the existence of electricity in the nighttime which also makes it easy to read with a lamp. A similar representation also can be seen in the (Figure 4.11) modernized women benefiting from the electricity and illumination.
To sum up, visual representations and graphic design in the AE also reveal progress and the promotion of electricity in the period and the visualization of women’s role in the electrification. From more urban-based electrification to domestic electricity, the formation of an electricity culture in Istanbul became visualized. The target audience and the intended modern culture of the period match these images: areas of Istanbul that were electrified primarily such as the Pera region and its non-Muslim populace also reveal themselves in the printing process: printing company (Fratelli Haim) and their illustrators like Regine Behar. It also represents the early years of the graphic design of Turkey, the first few graphic designers of the period, and their illustration styles. It is hard to ignore that they had an influence on European art movements and started a new way of visual communication in Turkey that also successfully promoted electricity.
Figure 4.7 : Ameli Elektrik cover. 1926, issue 13.
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Figure 4.8 : Ameli Elektrik cover. September-October, 1931, issue 51.
Figure 4.9 : Ameli Elektrik cover. May-June 1934, issue 66.
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Figure 4.10 : Ameli Elektrik cover. November-December 1931, issue 52.
Figure 4.11 : Ameli Elektrik, cover page, 1932, issue 57.
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Figure 4.12 : Ameli Elektrik, cover page. 1928 Almanac issue.
4.4 Futher Assesments on Ameli Elektrik?
It is hard to summarize the AE as purely an electricity magazine with practical information. So far, this study tried to analyze this magazine with the social conjuncture such as the modernity project, nation-state building, and gender relations. However, this study’s scope is limited to certain aspects of the magazine, although lastly, I will try to demonstrate other topics/issues. These highlights of the magazine could be used in further research from different disciplines such as the history of law, literature, and visual culture studies.
Firstly, “the Humor Page from Henriot” was an unchanging part of the magazine. Henriot was a French caricaturist who published in many magazines and hence had his caricature magazine named La Baïonnette. This magazine was a satire magazine that started to be published after the French Revolution. Many anti-Turk caricatures in this magazine also vilify the Ottoman Empire around the First World War (Özkan, 2017). This also shows the above-mentioned discussion on the censorship practices in the
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Ottoman Empire. Even though the caricatures of Henriot in Ameli Magazine were not of these caricatures which targeted the Ottoman Empire, in almost all of the issues of the magazine, Henriot’s caricatures were used in the Humor Page of the magazine. Also, it should be noted that Henriot did not draw these caricatures for the magazine, and AE most probably outsourced or borrowed these images. These pages also show that this magazine was also aimed to entertain its audience.
Other than the Humor Page, the magazine has published about court judgments and proceedings from time to time. These judgments were generally about illegal electricity usage. This indicates that the magazine created a dissuasive mechanism for preventing the illegal usage of electricity (AE, 1929, 32, p. 16).
Magazine mostly used foreign authors’ articles or anonymous authors in the early years of the publishing period. After the 1930’s some Turkish authors’ articles started to be published. In the early years, the only exception was the articles of some doctors like Şakir Ahmet on eye health. Ahmet Haşim wrote some articles in the magazine. In the 61st issue, an article titled “Kımıldamayan Işıklar” (Unmoving Lights), the author described his views and feelings about the darkness; how darkness gives fear and sadness (Haşim, AE, 1933, 61, p. 47). Another article was Uşaklızade Halit Ziya’s, titled “Bir Miras Meselesi” (A Matter of Inheritence). This short story was about a sick old lady and his relatives. The story finishes with the announcement of to be continued. Moreover, as mentioned above, we know that Uşaklızade Halit Ziya was also one of the shareholders of the SATİE. As mentioned above Yusuf Ziya, also wrote in the magazine to give a brief about what is happening in the country.
Lastly, as can be understood from Figure 4.13, the effects of the Great Depression (1929-1933) in Turkey were also traced in the AE. The announcement states the following: “To help overcome the depression, SATİE has decided to make a small lighting installation covering two to five sockets with a 36-month on credit. 40 to 80 Kuruş per month.” According to this announcement of SATİE, the economic reflections of the depression can be seen. SATİE always had a policy of installments and credits. Nevertheless, for once they justify their policy, by clearly stating the depression. It also indicates that buying electricity still needed some policy to increase consumption.
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Figure 4.13 : AE, SATİE announcement: “To help defeat the depression” March-April, 1933, issue 60, p. 27.
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CONCLUSION
While electricity technology was new to the world, it evolves with the world and its parts. It can find similarities and differences in the technological change and evolution in every continent whether it is with its introduction or the social change it brought. This study aimed to investigate the AE magazine in a comprehensive monograph. To clarify its dense content, this thesis covered the history of electricity in Turkey, and the period of electrification to understand AE more clearly. Furthermore, the scope of this study was limited to the İstanbul area since the AE is only distributed in İstanbul and its provinces, where Silahtarağa Power Plant provided electricity. Except for the missing twelve issues of the magazine, fifty-five issues were recovered in different archives. Accordingly, this study only involves an evaluation of the available issues of the magazine.
Ameli Elektrik, with its nine-year publishing period, created very detailed information on the social background of the electrification of Istanbul during the Interwar period. The unique aim of the magazine was teaching and adopting electricity technology to society, which distinguishes it from the other magazines of the era. Like in its name, electricity was the main concept of this magazine. Hence, with its advertising of electrical appliances and the persuasive discourse, it aimed to serve and entertain its audience while also reflecting the cultural background of the period, perhaps to manipulate its audience to market a new technology, electricity. Thus, this thesis investigated this magazine from the social-historical perspective, dealt with the social change and the social reflections in the magazine. Moreover, as a research method, it used discourse analyses and interpreted with the publication era of AE.
To understand this magazine, there was a need for some broad understanding and research on the history of electricity. So that in the first part, a general history of electricity around the world and the history of electrification in the Ottoman Empire and Early Republican Turkey were briefly investigated. The process of electrification
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and the significant importance of the first large-scale power plant of the Ottoman Empire, the Silahtarağa Power plant was the main objective of Chapter 1.
In Chapter 3, Ameli Elektrik, its description was the main aim. To do so, related companies such as SATİE, and the history of advertising were discussed with examples. The rhetoric behind the marketing strategies of the magazine was also investigated. Moreover, the magazine was interpreted with the conjuncture and the ideologies of the period. The traces of the modernization project and the new gender roles that came with the electrical appliances were discussed. New modern women/housewife of the early republican was both the subject and the responsible for the electricity consumption. New consumption habits and the creation of the ‘need’ for electricity through advertising and modernist discourses were other aspects of this chapter.
The Republican reforms and the involvement in the political realm were also discussed with examples from the magazine. As an electricity magazine, it aimed to promote new technology and its appliances, it had its political discourse embedded in the conjuncture of the period. Moreover, the visual representations of the magazine such as cover pages and other visuals were evaluated and interpreted in the light of the graphic design discipline. It can be argued that AE besides its name and ‘mission’, was indeed a lifestyle magazine. At first sight, one might think that this magazine was just had didactic values or promoting/marketing features. Still, the content of the magazine had more than these features. AE had a unique narrative that take forward new technology and embedded it into its audience in a very fun and unique way.
The results and contributions of the thesis can be discussed as follows. Doing a detailed investigation of the electrical appliances shown-advertised in the magazine, contributed to the history of electrical appliances produced and sold in that era. Further studies and scholars might benefit from the list. Moreover, for the first time, AE was investigated as a whole. Likewise, this study will be a foundation for a source that is almost 100 years old and slowly fading. For this thesis, all the available issues are collected and archived electronically. Besides, this thesis made a small contribution to the technological dimension of Turkish modernization literature.
Since the scope of the magazine was limited, and the content of the magazine was heavy, every issue or content could not be addressed. Nevertheless, as a primary source
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that was published for nine years, this study can be evaluated as a piece of general information on the AE during its publication period. This perspective in this study on the AE by itself might lead to further studies on many different disciplines. The billing page of the magazine and pricing of the electricity can be a detailed further study. Furthermore, as a further study, the electrical appliance advertisements can be compared and contrasted with those in today’s Turkey to see the social change and change in the advertisements. Moreover, this study can broaden the advertisement history and history of technology of electricity in Turkey. Hence, other similar magazines from other countries, about electricity technology can be compared with the AE. Lastly, this study is a basis for any further study that wants to investigate the history intersecting with AE’s publishing period.
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APPENDICES
APPENDIX A: Figures
Figure A.1 :
Figure A.1 :1926, no 3, A descriptive article on eye health and the possible 1926, no 3, A
descriptive article on eye health and the possible hazards of the wrong illuminationhazards of wrong illumination wrong illumination to the eye.to eye.
APPENDIX A
APPENDIX 9
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Figure A.2 :Ameli Elektrik, SATİE advertisement, 1933, March-April, issue 60, page: 31-32.
Figure A.3 :Tramway and autobus routes in İstanbul. AE, 1928, January, Almanac issue 23.
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Figure A.4 : AE, January 1927. Issue 14. “Ameli Elektrik paves the way to progress: sciences, literature, sports, fashions, news, commerce, industry. monthly circulation 38,500 copies with 150,000 readers.”
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Figure A.5 : AE, November 1926, issue 12, p. 111 “Let’s Learn: Some Great Inventors”.
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Figure A.6 : November 1926, issue 12, p. 112. “Let’s Learn: Some Great Inventors”.
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Figure A.7 : Ameli Elektrik, issue:12, November 1926, page: 108. An illustration on Metro Han building and Ameli Elektrik issues.
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Figure A.8 : Ameli Elektrik, 1932, issue: 57, page: 126. A comparison of electricity fees with different products: cigarette, match, a scone, a newspaper. no: 57, page: 126.
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Figure A.9 : Ameli Elektrik, 1929, issue: 32, page: 16. Some announcements of court judgments, the year 1928.
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Figure A.10 : Ameli Elektrik, July-August 1931, issue: 50, page: 51. Humor page from Henriot.
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Figure A.11 : Ameli Elektrik, July-August 1933, issue: 62. Osram Bulb advertisement. “Don’t Save on Lighting! Good lightning maintains vision.”
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