531

TRIPOLI AND BARQA IN THE FATIMID ERA FROM THE THIRD CENTURY TO THE BEGINNING OF THE SIXTH CENTURY AH
IN THE PERIOD FROM 297 - 515 / 909 - 1121
ABDALBASET ABDARABBA MOHAMMED IDRIS
2022

“
Şubat 2022, 202 sayfa
Bu araştırma çalışması, Fatımi döneminde Trablus ve Berka tarihine odaklanmıştır. Ayrıca bu araştırma çalışmasında, Trablus, Sirenayka ve Nafusa Dağları'nda Müslümanlara yetki devrinin özellikleri incelenmiştir. Ayrıca bu araştırma, Abbasiler döneminde olduğu kadar Emeviler döneminde de bu fetihlerin aşamalarını takip etmiştir. Dolayısıyla bu İslami fetihler, İslami Mağrip'teki fetihlerin tamamlanmasının çekirdeğini oluşturuyordu. Dahası, İsmaililer, Doğu'daki çağrılarının başlangıcından beri, tüm Müslümanları kontrol etmelerine yol açan Bağdat'a ulaşmaya ve onu kontrol etmeye çalıştılar. Öte yandan, adı geçen yerlerdeki direniş, Abbasilerin onlara karşı gösterdikleri direniş, onları Yemen ve Mağrip ülkelerine göç ettirmiş ve burada vaizleri Ebu Abdullah el-Şii, İsmaililerin rüyasını kısa sürede gerçekleştirmeyi başarmıştır. Sonuç olarak,o ülkelerdeki konumlarının kendi durumlarını açıkladılar. Ancak, Mağrip bölgelerinin bu ülkelerindeki birçok siyasi sorunla karşı karşıya
v
kalırken acı çekmiş ve maruz kalmışlardı, bu da Mısır'ı kontrol etmek için kampanyalarını yoğunlaştırmanın en önemli nedenlerinden biriydi.
Buna ek olarak, halifelerinin dördüncüsü olan El-Muizz Li-Din Allah dönemine girmeyi başardılar ve Mağrip tarihinde yeni bir aşamaya başlamak için gücün Beni Ziri'ye devri ile başladı. Fas'ta Berberi bağlantılı ilk devleti kurmaya çalıştı.
Mısır kontrolüne geçmek için Mısır'a yönelik seferlerinde temel bir üs olan Sirenayka'yı kontrol etmek zorunda kalmışlar ve Mısır'a geçmeyi başarmalarından sonra Sirenayka, özellikle Abu Dabi'nin patlak vermesiyle kendileri için bir tehlike kaynağı haline gelmiştir. Onları Mısır'daki kendi arka bahçelerinde tehdit eden Rakwa devrimi. Ayrıca, Fatımi kontrolü döneminde Trablus, örneğin, (Banu Ziri ve Fatımiler) arasında onu kontrol etmeye dayalı mücadele, ve onların Banu Khazron ile çatışması gibi çok sayıda sorunla karşı karşıya kaldı ve çok sayıda sorunla karşı karşıya kaldı. çürüme. Keza, Yeni Hilal aşiretlerinin ilk dalgalarının kendisine gelmesinden sonra Beni Matruh'un yönetimi devralmasının yolunu açmıştır. Bu nedenle, Fatımiler, Mağrip'i korumak için yaptıkları girişimlere rağmen, Mağrip'in onlardan ayrılmasının kaçınılmaz olduğunu anladılar, daha sonra Fatımiler, Beni Hilal'in Bedevilerinin Yukarı Mısır'dan Mağrip'e transferinin başarılı olacağını gördüler. onlar için çifte fayda. Birinci fayda, İbn Bedis'in ortadan kaldırılması ve ikinci fayda da onun yerine Fatımilere sadık bir devlet kurma durumuydu. Öte yandan Beni Hilal'den kurtulmak ve Mısır'daki Fatımi devleti için yarattıkları kaos. Ek olarak, Trablus ve Barqa, Fatımi döneminde çeşitli edebi alanlarda birçok bilim adamı ortaya çıktığı için bazı ekonomik refahlara tanık oldu. Buna ek olarak, Fatımiler mimari alanla, özellikle de camiler inşa etmekle ilgilendiler.
Anahtar kelimeler : Trablus, Berka, İslam fethi, Fatımiler, Ebu Rakwa, Hilal göçü.
Bilim Kodu : 112407
vi

February 2022, 202 pages
This research study has been focused on the history of Tripoli and Barqa in the Fatimid era. Furthermore, this research study has been reviewed the features of power transfer in Tripoli, Barqa and the Nafusa Mountains to the Muslims. Moreover, this research followed the stages of those conquests in the Umayyad as well as Abbasid eras. Therefore, these Islamic conquests were the nucleus for completing the conquests in the Islamic Maghreb. What is more, the Ismailis have sought since the inception of their call in the East to reach and control Baghdad which led to control all Muslims. On the other hand, the resistance in the mentioned places has shown by the Abbasids against them made them migrate to Yemen and Maghreb countries, where their preacher Abu Abdullah al-Shi’i has succeeded within a short period of realizing the dream of the Ismailis. Consequently, they announced that their own state in those countries location’s. However, they had suffered and exposed while facing many
vii
political problems in those countries of the Maghreb regions , which was one of the most important reasons for intensifying their campaigns to control Egypt.
In addition, they were able to enter it in the era of Al-Muizz Li-Din Allah, the fourth of their caliphs, to begin a new stage in the history of the Maghreb, with the transfer of power to the Banu Ziri, who sought towards establishing the first state with Berber affiliation in Morocco.
In order to reach the Egypt control, they had to control Barqa which to be a basic base for their campaigns against Egypt, and after their success in moving to Egypt, Barqa became a source of danger to them, especially with the outbreak of the Abu Rakwa revolution, which threatened them in their own backyard in Egypt. Moreover, during the Fatimid control period, Tripoli was exposed and faced a huge number of problems, for instance, the struggle based on controlling it between (Banu Ziri as well as the Fatimids), also their conflict with Banu Khazron, to witness a kind of decay. Likewise, it paved the way for Banu Matrouh to take over the regulation after the arrival of the first waves of the Yeni Hilal tribes to it. Therefore, the Fatimid’s has been realized that the inevitability of the separation of the Maghreb from them despite the attempts made by those caliphs to keep it,then the Fatimids saw that the transfer of the Bedouins of Banu Hilal from Upper Egypt to the Maghreb wouldachieve for them a double benefit. The first benefit was the elimination of Ibn Badis and the second benefitalso his state of the establishment of astate loyal to the Fatimid’s in its place. On the other hand, getting rid of it From Bani Hilal and thechaos they were creating for the Fatimid state in Egypt. Additionally, Tripoli aswell as Barqa witnessed some economicprosperity in the Fatimid era, as many scholars emerged in it in variousliterary fields. In addition, the Fatimid’s has been interested in architecture domain, especiallybuilding mosques as well.
Keywords : Tripoli,Barqa, the Islamic Conquest, the Fatimids, Abu Rakwa, Al-Hilal migration.
Science Code : 112407
viii
THANKS AND APPRECIATION
I am pleased to extend my thanks and gratitude to the supervisor professor on This message is for Professor Dr. Murat AĞARI.
I would also like to thank My Mother.
ix
CONTENTS
Page
ACCEPTANCE ...................................................................................................................................................................................................................... ii
ÖZET .................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................... iv
ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................................................................................................................................ vi
THANKS AND APPRECIATION ...................................................................................................................................................... viii
CONTENTS ................................................................................................................................................................................................................................ ix
ABBREVIATIONS .................................................................................................................................................................................................... xiii
CHAPTER 1 ................................................................................................................................................................................................................................ 1
INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................................................................................................................ 1
CHAPTER 2 ................................................................................................................................................................................................................................ 4
TRIPOLI AND BARQA BEFORE THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FATIMID STATE .......................................................................................................................................................................................................................................... 4
2.1. BARQA FROM THE ISLAMIC CONQUEST UNTIL IT WAS SUBJECT TO THE RULE OF THE FATIMIDS .......................................................................................................................... 5
2.1.THE ISLAMIC CONQUEST OF BARQA .................................................................................................... 5
2.3. GOVERNORS BARQA IN ERA RIGHTEOUS CALIPHS AND UMAYYAD ...................................................................................................................................................................................................... 11
2.4.BARQA IN THE ABBASID ERA .............................................................................................................................. 14
2.5.BARQA IN THE AGE OF THE TULUNIAN STATE .............................................................. 16
2.2.TRIPOLI SINCE THE ISLAMIC CONQUEST UNTIL THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FATIMID STATE .................................................................................................. 19
2.2.1.TRIPOLI IN THE AGE OF THE RIGHTEOUS CALIPHS ........................................ 19
2.2.2. TRIPOLI UNDER THE UMAYYAD .......................................................................................................... 22
2.2.3. TRIPOLI IN THE ABBASD AGE .................................................................................................................... 25
2.2.4. TRIPOLI IN THE AGE OF AGHLABID ................................................................................................ 27
x
2.3. JABAL NAFUSA BEFORE THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FATIMID STATE ...................................................................................................................................................................................................................................... 30
2.3.1. THE ISLAMIC CONQUEST OF JABAL NAFUSA ............................................................ 30
2.3.2. JABAL NAFUSA DURING THE UMAYYAD AND ABBASI AGES 32
2.3.3. JABAL NAFUSA AND THE RUSTAMID STATE .............................................................. 39
CHAPTER 3 ............................................................................................................................................................................................................................ 44
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FATIMID STATE IN THE MAGHREB .......... 44
3.1.THE EMERGENCE OF THE ISMAILI SECT .............................................................................................. 44
3.1.1.THE EMERGENCE OF THE ISMAILI SECT ................................................................................ 44
3.1.2.THE ISMAILI DA͑WA IN YEMEN .................................................................................................................. 50
3.1.3.THE STAGES OF ESTABLISHING THE FATIMID DA͑WA IN THE MAGHREB ........................................................................................................................................................................................................................ 53
3.2.THE FATIMID STATEIN MAGHREB .................................................................................................................. 58
3.2.1. THE DEPARTURE OF OBAIDALLAH AL-MAHDI TO THE MAGHREB AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FATIMID STATE .. 59
3.2.2. THE PROBLEMS FACED BY THE FATIMID STATE ................................................ 64
CHAPTER 4 ............................................................................................................................................................................................................................ 74
BARQA DURING THE FATIMID RULE ...................................................................................................................... 74
4.1.BARQA FROM SUBMISSION TO THE FATIMIDS UNTIL THE REVOLUTION ABU REKWA ........................................................................................................................................ 74
4.1.1. SUBJUGATION BARQA TO THE FATIMID RULE ...................................................... 75
4.1.2. FATIMID CAMPAIGNS ON EGYPT ........................................................................................................ 78
4.1.3. EGYPT'S ANNEXATION OF THE FATIMID CALIPHATE .............................. 79
4.2. ABU REKWA REVOLT AGAINST THE FATIMIDS CALIPHATE ............ 82
4.2.1. WHO IS ABU REKWA .................................................................................................................................................... 82
4.2.2. THE CIRCUMSTANCES THAT PAVED THE WAY FOR THE REVOLUTION OF ABU REKWA .............................................................................................................................. 84
4.2.3. THE REVOLUTION ................................................................................................................................................................ 85
4.2.4. ELIMINATION OF THE REVOLUTION OF ABU REKWA .............................. 91
4.2.5. BARQA AFTER THE ERADICATION OF THE REVOLT OF ABU RAKWA.................................................................................................................................................................................................................. 92
xi
CHAPTER 5 ............................................................................................................................................................................................................................ 96
TRIPOLI IN THE FATIMID AND SUNHAJIA PERIOD ...................................................................... 96
5.1. THE EMERGENCE OF THE BANI ZIRI STATE IN IFRIQIYA ........................ 96
5.1.1. THE CONVERGENCE OF THE SANHAJI FATIMID .................................................. 97
5.1.2. THE GOVERNMENT OF BELKIN IBN ZIRI IN IFRIQIYA ............................ 98
5.1.3. POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE ZAIRIAN STATE IN IFRIQIYA , (AGE ABU AL-FOTOUH BELKIN BEN MENAD ) .......................................................... 100
5.1.4. RULING ON ABU AL-FATH AL-MANSUR IBN BELKIN ............................ 102
5.1.5. AGE OF BADIS IBN AL-MANSOUR .................................................................................................. 104
5.2.TRIPOLI OF ITS SUBORDINATION TO THE FATIMIDS UNTIL THE END OF THE RULE OF BANI KHARZOUN .................................................................................................... 105
5.2.1. TRIPOLI'S SUBORDINATION TO FATIMID RULE ................................................ 105
5.2.2.TRIPOLI IN THE ERA OF BANI ZIRI .......................................................................................................... 108
5.2.3.TRIPOLI UNDER THE RULE OF BANI KHAZROUN ............................................ 109
5.2.4.FELFEL IBN SAID (391-400 / 1001-1009) ...................................................................................... 110
5.2.5. WAROR IBN SAID (400-406 / 1009-1015) .................................................................................... 112
5.2.6. KHALIFA IBN WAROR (406-429 / 1015-1037 ) .............................................................. 114
5.2.7. SAID IBN KHAZROUN (429 / 1037) ...................................................................................................... 116
5.2.8. KHAZROUN IBN KHALIFA (429-430 / 1037-1038) .................................................... 116
5.2.9. AL-MONTASER IBN KHAZROUN (430-460 / 1038-1067) .............................. 116
5.2.10.THE SUCCESSORS OF BANI KHAZROUN FOR THE PERIOD (460-540 / 1067-1145) .................................................................................................................................................................................... 117
CHAPTER 6 ...................................................................................................................................................................................................................... 120
THE MIDRATION OF BANI HILAL TO THE MAGHREB ........................................................ 120
6.1. BANI ZIRI PROBLEM WITH FATIMID CALIPHATE .................................................... 120
6.1.1. THE RELATIONSHIP OF BANI ZIRI TO THE FATIMID CALIPHATE ............................................................................................................................................................................................................................................ 120
6.1.2. THE ERA OF AL-MU‘IZZ IBN BADIS .............................................................................................. 124
6.1.3. SEPARATION FROM THE FATIMIDS ............................................................................................ 125
6.1.4. THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN HISTORIANS ON DETERMINING THE YEAR OF ESTRANGEMENT ........................................................................................................................................................ 129
xii
6.2. THE MIDRATION OF BANI HILAL TO THE MAGHREB ................................................ 132
CHAPTER 7 ...................................................................................................................................................................................................................... 144
ASPECTS THE ECONOMIC ,SOCIAL, RELIGIOUS AND CULTURAL LIFE OF THE FATIMID ERA ...................................................................................................................................................................................... 144
7.1 . THE ECONOMY OF TRIPOLI AND BARQA IN THE FATIMID ERA .......... 144
7 . 1.1 THE ECONOMY OF BARQA AND TRIPOLI SINCE THE ISLAMIC CONQUEST UNTIL THE MIGRATION BANI HILAL ...................................................... 144
7. . 1.2ECONOMIC ACTIVITY IN BARQA AND TRIPOLI AFTER THE MIGRATION BANI HILAL .............................................................................................................................................. 149
7.2. ELEMENTS OF THE POPULATION IN BARQA AND TRIPOLI IN THE FATIMID ERA ................................................................................................................................................................................................................ 154
7.2.1. BERBER TRIBES .................................................................................................................................................................... 154
7.2.2. ARAB TRIBES ............................................................................................................................................................................ 158
7.2.3. CHRISTIANS .................................................................................................................................................................................. 161
7.2.4. THE JEW ................................................................................................................................................................................................ 162
7.3. THE MANIFESTATIONS OF RELIGIOUS AND CULTURAL LIFE IN TRIPOLI AND BARQA IN THE LIGHT OF THE FATIMID ERA ................................ 163
7.3.1. MEDIA OF CULTURE IN BARQA AND TRIPOLI (MOSQUES) ........ 166
7.3.3. TRIPS .......................................................................................................................................................................................................... 168
7.3.4. INTELLECTUAL PRODUCTION IN THE MENTAL SCIENCES ................ 170
7.3.5. HISTORY… ...................................................................................................................................................................................... 170
7.3.6.OBEDIENCE .................................................................................................................................................................................... 170
7.3.7. MATHEMATICS ...................................................................................................................................................................... 171
7.3.8. ASTRONOMY .............................................................................................................................................................................. 171
7.3.9. SOME SCHOLARS OF TRIPOLI AND THE BARQA .............................................. 171
7.4. IMPORTANT FEATURES OF ARCHITECTURE IN TRIPOLI AND BARQA IN THE FATIMID ERA .............................................................................................................................................. 179
7.4.1. ABOUT THE ISLAMIC ARCHITECTURE IN BARQA AND TRIPOLI BEFORE THE FATIMID ERA ...................................................................................................................................... 179
7.4.2. ISLAMIC ARCHITECTURE IN BARQA AND TRIPOLI DURING THE FATIMID ERA ........................................................................................................................................................................................ 183
7.4.3. AL-NAQA MOSQUE ........................................................................................................................................................ 185
xiii
7.4.4. MUSTANSIRIYA MOSQUE ................................................................................................................................ 185
7.4.5. MOSQUE OF GREATER TRIPOLI ........................................................................................................ 185
THE CONCLUSION .............................................................................................................................................................................................. 187
REFERENCES ................................................................................................................................................................................................................ 190
AUTOBIOGRAPHY .............................................................................................................................................................................................. 202
xiv
ABBREVIATIONS
Al-Kāmil : Al-Kāmil fī al-Tārīkh
IN : Investigation
TR : Translation
Seq : Page and beyond
Sqq : Page and next pages
Op.cit : Previous source
D.T : No publication date
3th : Third edition
2nd : Second edition
15th : Fifteenth edition
AH : Islamic Calender
AD : After Death
1
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
The Islamic Maghreb was a safe haven, a land for escaping from the Abbasid Caliphate, and the conditions of Morocco at that time allowed the realization of those goals that led to the emergence of states on ideological and doctrinal bases, perhaps the most important of which was the Ismaili Shiite call through the efforts of Abu Abdullah al-Sha’i, who announced the establishment of the Fatimid state in the Maghreb with a pledge of allegiance Ubayd Allah Al-Mahdi as the first caliph of the Fatimid state in (297 AH = 910 AD) .
The Fatimids’ declaration of their state in Morocco was only an initial goal and a first step towards realizing their broad hope to rule all Islamic countries. Therefore, controlling Egypt was a supreme goal of the Fatimid state .
The Fatimid da’wa carried ideas other than those of the people of the Islamic Maghreb. The Fatimids were Ismaili Shiites and the people of Morocco were Sunni Malikis, which resulted in a clash and intellectual conflict between the two sects and revolutions against the Fatimids. Abi Rakwa in Barqa.
With the transfer of the Fatimids to Egypt, a new era began in Africa with the establishment of the Zirid state, which declared a estrangement with Cairo. When the Fatimid Caliph despaired of reforming the relationship with Al-Muizz bin Badis, he took the advice of his Yazuri minister to grant African grants to the Arab tribes in the eastern desert of Egypt (Bani Hilal and Bani Salim), which guaranteed him Revenge of Al-Moez bin Badis, and Barqa was the first city that these tribes reached, and masses of them arrived in Tripoli, and Al-Moez bin Badis failed to control or defeat these tribes.
Libya played a pivotal role in the major events that decided its fate and the fate of the Islamic Maghreb, as its middle position between Africa and Egypt, the
2
turbulence of relations between Egypt and Africa, and the ambition of many to establish an independent rule for them in Barqa and Tripoli made it pay the price for this conflict, and thus the first Barqa revolution worked to prepare the ground for the entry of Zenata into Egypt, and its latest revolution led to the release of the tribes of Bani Hilal and Bani Salim on them. They rushed across the entire Maghreb region .
This study will attempt to clarify the position of Tripoli and Barqa regarding the Fatimid presence in the country and the consequences of this presence on the country.
The importance of the topic lies in the fact that it deals with an important period of the Islamic history of Libya, a period that was not covered extensively.
The reason for choosing this topic is to contribute to the study of the Islamic history of Libya and learn more about the events of this period, as well as highlighting the Fatimid attitude towards the population, and how the conditions of Tripoli and Barqa were during the Fatimid rule, and how the Fatimids ruled in Tripoli and Barqa and how they affected their relationship with the population.
This study consists of seven titles, the first part of which is the introduction, and the second chapter is entitled the conditions of Tripoli and Barqa before the establishment of the Fatimid state. An introductory chapter in which we talked about the conditions of Tripoli, Barqa and the Nafusa Mountains from the Islamic conquest until their subjugation to the Fatimids , and the third chapter, In it we talked about the arrival of Abu Abdullah Al-Shi’i to the Maghreb and his spread of Shi’ite thought in the country in preparation for the establishment of the Fatimid state, and its first successor was Ubaid Allah Al-Mahdi, In the fourth chapter, entitled Barqa during the Fatimid rule: We talked about the conditions of Barqa in the Fatimid era, and we followed the most important problems and revolutions that took place in the region against the Fatimid presence In the fifth chapter, was entitled Tripoli during the Fatimid and Sanhaji eras: this chapter is devoted to talking about the conditions of Tripoli during the Fatimid era and the most important revolutions that it carried out , We will also discuss the state of the city in the era of Bani al-Ziri, and we will devote a section to talk about the appearance of Bani Kharazun on the scene of events and their ability to control the reins of governing the city of Tripoli.
3
In the sixth chapter, which was titled Al-Hilali migration to the Maghreb: in it we discussed the dispute between the Zirid state and the Fatimids , and also the estrangement between the Zirids and the Fatimids, We also talked about the Hilal migration, which was able to eliminate the rule of the Zirids over the Islamic Maghreb.
In the seventh and final chapter, and it was entitled Aspects of economic, religious and cultural life in the Fatimid era, In it, we traced the economic activity in the region, as well as the elements of society in the Fatimid era. We dealt with the most important religious, cultural and literary aspects in Tripoli and Barqa during the Fatimid era, The most important cultural centers of the Fatimid state are mosques and schools, and we also talked about Fatimid architecture in the study area .
Then I ended the research with a conclusion that sheds light on the results of this study.
In my study I faced some difficulties, including the scarcity of scientific material about the country of study and its dispersion in many sources and references, so I had to travel and mobility in order to reach a certain amount of resources and references that contribute to completing .
4
CHAPTER 2
TRIPOLI AND BARQA BEFORE THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FATIMID STATE
To protect Egypt’s western borders from the Byzantine danger, who might take Burqa and Tripoli as a base for their operations against Muslims in Egypt, especially if Ifriqiya, was home to a large force of Byzantines, Ibn al-Aas began sending troops to it to achieve two goals, the first is to remove this danger from Egypt and the second is to expand the borders of the Islamic state, especially and that Amr ibn al-Aas would have liked to go to Ifriqiya, had it not been for Ibn al-Khattab's rejection of his proposal at the time, so the conquests stopped until the establishment of the Umayyad state, which brought the situation back again.
2.1. Barqa from the islamic conquest until it was subject to the rule of the fatimids
After his success in the Palestine Amr ibn al-'As managed to convince the Caliph Omar ibn Al-Khattab need to open Egypt Ibn al-'As was able to open the Egyptian cities one after the other year (21/641)1, then turn to IfriqyaBarqa was the precursor to the Islamic conquest in Ifriqya and Morocco2,it appears that the Muslims to open the Barqa because they represent an extension of Egypt and one of their territories and to secure the base of the Muslims in Egypt from the imminent danger of the presence of the Byzantines in the Barqa, which will be a base to launch military operations against the Muslims to regain Egypt3,and the desire of Arab Muslims to achieve their lofty mission of working to spread and protect the banner of the Islamic religion4.
1Hussein Moanis: Tarikh Al-Maghrib w Al-andulis, 5nd , Dar Al-Rashad Alqahra, 2000, 34; Saleh Muftah Al-Muzaini: libiya Mundh Al-fath Alearabii Hata Naql Alkhilafat Alfatimiat Ila Misr, Al-Sharikat Al-eama li-lnashr w Al-Tawzie w Al-iielan Tripoli, 1978, 26-27.
2 Al-Sayed Abdelaziz Salem : Tarikh Al-Maghreb fi Al-A͑eser Al-Islami,2nd, Muasasat Shabab Al-jamieat li-ltabaeat w al-nashr w al-tawzie, Alexandria, 1982, 55-56; Nicola Ziadeh: Safahat Maghribiat ,Dar Al-Nashr Alwatania -Bayrut, 1966, 14; Abdullah Kamel Mousa Abdo: Madinat Bariqa w Atharuha Al-islamia, Dar Al-Afaq Arab  Alqahra, 2001, 33.
3 Hussein Moanis: Al-Fath Al-earab li-lmaghrib , Maktabat Al-Thaqafa Al-diynia, (D.T), 53; Sayedh Ismail Kashif: Ahmad Ibn Twlwn , Al-Muasasat Al-Misriat Al-Eamat Alqahra 1970, 15; Aḥmad
5
2.1. The Islamic Conquest of Barqa
During the siege of Alexandria sent Amr ibn al-As two divisions of the first army led by Beser IbnAbiArtaa to the Country of Nubia and the second led by Oqba ibn Nafi and headed to Barqa ,either the rest of the army was under his command and remained besieged the city, and it is likely that the purpose of sending those two teams divisions to cut off any supplies may be trying to Byzantium to besieged in Alexandria to prevent the loss of the city of the danger posed by the city from the center of vital and important to them.
With the end of the year 21/6425 Amr ibn al- As headed to the city of Barqa, the sources did not refer to any resistance from the barbarians and the campaign of Amr ibn al-As and is on his way to it6,Opinions differ on this point, some of which are attributed to the lack of resistance by Berber Lawata due to their hatred of the Byzantines and their persistent attempts to get rid of them. Another group believes that the reason is due to the spread of corruption in the Byzantine state, while the third team attributed to the weakness that hit Berber Lawata because The dispute between them and the Byzantines. Another team mentioned Berber's reasons for acceptance of the Arab conquest that the origins of most of the tribes Barqa at the time of open due to the Arab origins7.
This is likely due to an agreement between Oqba ibn Nafi and the tribe of Lawata, which has not yet been completed by the arrival of army commander Amr ibn al-As. This is why the tribe of Lawata is not exposed to the Islamic Army as it passes through the land Barqa.
Mukhtār Al-Abbādī: Tārīkh Al-Maghrib wa Al-Andalus, Dar Al-Nahda Arab, 36; AbdulWahid Danun Taha : Al-fath Al-Islami Al-earabi w Aistiqrarih fi Shamal Ifriqiya w Al-andalis , Dar Al-Madar Al-islami- Bayrut, 2004, 95; Maohamed Bazama: libia fi eahid al-khulifa al-raashidin , Muasasat nasir li-lthaqafa, 1972, 74-78; Jassem Latif Jassim: jaysh aleabadilat w dawrh fi fath almaghrib alearabi " abdallah bin zbyr nmudhija ", Majalat kuliyat altarbiat al'asasiat jamieat babil, 13, September 2013,167.
4 Hassan Ibrahim Hassan: Tarikh 'Amr Ibn al-'As, Maktabat Madbouli- Alqahra, 1926,185; Alfred A. G. Butler: The Opening of the Arabs to Egypt, (Tr. Mohammed Farid Abu Hadid Bey), 2nd, Madbouli Library Alqahra, 1996, 443 ; Nahla Shehab Ahmed: Al-Maghrib Al-earabiu fi eahd Uqba Ibn Nafi , Dar al-kitab al-thuqfi li-ltabaeat w al-nashr w a-ltawzi - Irbid, 2003, 48; Bazama : op.cit, 77.
5 Historical sources differ on the history of the opening of a city Barqa between 20-21 / 22/23 AH. more see Bazama : op.cit, 81-91.
6 Jalal Al-Din Al-Suyuti: Hasan Al-hadirat fi Tarikh Misr w A-lqahira, (D.T), Dar iihya al-kutub al-earabia, 1967,144; Aḥmad Ibn Abī Yaqūb Al-Yaqūbī : Tarikh Al-Yaqūbī, Bayrut ,Matbueat al-Sharika al-Ealamia , 2010,2: 48-49.
7 Moanis: Fath Al-earab li-lmaghrib,52-55; Ahmed: op.cit,49 ; Ziadeh: op.cit,14 .
6
With the arrival of Amr ibn al-As to Barqa drafted the terms of the agreement between the parties and decided to pay an annual tribute to the amount of thirteen thousand dinars, mentioned Ibn Adhari Dinar for every dreamer, and added the Ibn Abd Al-Hakim and Al-Baladri that they have the freedom to sell what they want fromTheir children8,However this condition was considered by some as unfair to the tribe of Lawata and others considered it a ibnding obligation of Amr ibn al-As to the tribe of Lawata to ensure their neutrality in the war between the Muslim Arabs and the Byzantines. This possibility is unlikely to occur as a result of the hostility between Lawata and the Byzantines.
And the closest that the Loyatians have pledged to pay their tribute and do not delay to pay even if the poor to sell their children a manual stipulated that they do not enter Jabi abscess9,but send their tribute to the Governor of Egypt at the time10, said Ihsan Abbas and Mahmoud Abuswa That the not resistance of the tribe of Lawata to conquerors Arabs is due to the fall of Alexandria, the strongest Byzantine center in the East in the hands of Arab Muslims, and it was normal to advance the Islamic armies to the region of Barqa to track the remnants of the Byzantines11, and then appointed Amr ibn al-As on BarqaIbn Dias, Who gave a book in the era of the peace of the people of Antaples to Omar Ibn Al-Khattab12 .
Amr Ibn Al-As sent the leader Oqba ibn Nafi Al-Fihri on the head of a campaign to open the southern outskirts of the province of Barqa, and many sources agreed to open
8 Abduljawad Al-Sadiq Al-Shaybani: Shukuk Hawl A-lfath Al-islami li-lmaghrib Al-earabi (drrasat mrjey) , al-majala al-duwaliat li-ltanmia, 2, No. 1, 2013, 3; Ziadeh: op.cit,13.
9 Iḥsān Abbās: Tārīkh Lībīyā Mundhu al-Fatḥ al-ʿArabī ḥattā Maṭlaʿal-Qarn al-Tāsiʿ al Hijrī, Dār Lībīyā, Benghazi,1967, 15; Mahmoud Abuswa: Ruyat jadidat li-lfath al-islami lilybia , Majalat al-bihwth al-tarikhiat , markaz dirasat jhad alliybiiyn dida al-ghazw al-itali , Tarabulus , aleadad 1 , alsanat 8 , yanayir 1986, 48.
10 Ibn Abdul Hakam: Futuh Misr wa Al-Maghrib, 1: 230
11 Abu Jaafar Jarir Al-Tabari: Tarikh Al-Tabari, 2nd , Dar al-Ma'arif- Alqahra, 1963,41;44; Shihāb Al-Dīn Aḥmad Ibn ‘Abd Al-Wahhāb Al-Nuwayrī : Nihāyat al-Arab fī Funūn al Adab, Dar al-Kitāb ,2004, 19 : 210; Ibn Abī Dīnār: Kitāb al-Muʾnis fī Akhbār Ifrīqiya w Tūnis , Tunis: Maṭbaʿat al-Dawla al Tūnisīya, 1869,.23; Abdulrahman ibn Abdul Hakam: Futuh misr w al-Maghrib. 1 : 230; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil, 2: 424.
12 Abū Abd Allāh Muḥammad Ibn ʿAbd Allāh Ibn Al-Abbār,: al-Ḥulla al-siyarāʾ, 2nd , Dar al-Ma'aref ,Alqahra, 1985, 1: 18; Al-Hafiz Al-Zahabi: al-eibar fi khabar min ghabar ,(IN. Abu hajir muhamad zaghlul) , Dar alkutub al-eilmia- Bayrut , 1985, 1: 21; Ibi Al-Mahasin: Al-Nujum Al-zaahira, 1: 101; Ibn Abdul Hakam: Futuh Misr w Akhbaraha, 124; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil, 2 :482; Khalifa bin Khayyat: Op.cit, 159; Al-Nuwairi: Op.cit, 24 : 3-5; Ibn Idhārī: Op.cit, 1: 32; Al-Yaʿqūbī : Tarikh Al-Yaʿqūbī, 2 :60; Ibn Abdul Hakam: Futuh Misr w al-Maghrib, 1: 235-246; Al-Tabari: Op.cit, 250; Hassan: op.cit, 226-228; Moanis: fath al-earab li-lmaghrib,130; Jassem: op.cit,168.
7
the Oqba ibn Nafi Zewaila reconciliation without fighting in the year 21/641113, and imposed on its people three hundred heads of slaves and made them a factor of Muslims To set things up, and after the Amr ibn al-As opened Barqa and continued to travel west to open the territory of Tripoli and on his way to open some cities that did not find any little resistance from Berber who surrendered obedient to the Muslims, opened Tokra and Barniq, which were destroyed according to Islamic sources, and continued to arrive Ajdabiya opened the peace in return for paying the people The five thousand dinars, and became between Barqa and Zewaila in the custody of Islam, good obedience performed by Muslims and the charity of their institutions as stated in the letter of Amr ibn al-As to the faithful Omar Ibn Al-Khattab, The residents enjoyed that period safely, and they sent the money to Egypt at the time, was the most fertile people of Morocco did enter and didnot into sedition14.
In the year 26 AH corresponding to 646 AD isolated Amr ibn al-As from Egypt, and used a substitute for it Abdullah ibn Saad Ibn Abi Sarh, said Abi Mahasen and Ibn Abdul Hakam year 25 AH, while Ibn al-Athir, Ibn Khayat and Al-Zahabi in the year 27 AH, and Ibn Abi Al-Sarh sent the horses as they were doing the days of Amr ibn al-As tothe Ifriqiya to poll in preparation for opening and knowledge of its status,Then he asked the permission of the Caliph Othman to open the Ifriqiya,he sent forces under the leadership of Othmanibn Harith ibn Hakam and left an Oqbaibn Amer Jahni as his deputy in Egypt,On his way to Ifriqiya, he met with Oqba ibn Nafi in Barqa and most likely he left him in because we find no mention of an Oqba in the campaign of the Ibn Abi Sarh15, After the Muslim victory in the Sabtila on the Byzantines, Abdullah ibn Saad asked his deputy in Egypt to send the ships to Tripoli to carry The
13 Ibn Abdul Hakam: Futuh Misr w Akhbaraha, 117; Abdulrahman Ibn Abdul Hakam: Futuh 'Afriqia w Andalusia, Dar al-Kuttab -Bayrut, 1964,30; al-Baladri: op.cit, 314-315; Al-Nuwairi: op.cit, 19 :210.
14 Abū Abd Allāh Muḥammad Ibn ʿAbd Allāh Ibn Al-Abbār,: al-Ḥulla al-siyarāʾ, 2nd , Dar al-Ma'aref ,Alqahra, 1985, 1: 18; Al-Hafiz Al-Zahabi: al-eibar fi khabar min ghabar ,(IN. Abu hajir muhamad zaghlul) , Dar alkutub al-eilmia- Bayrut , 1985, 1: 21; Ibi Al-Mahasin: Al-Nujum Al-zaahira, 1: 101; Ibn Abdul Hakam: Futuh Misr w Akhbaraha, 124; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil, 2 :482; Khalifa bin Khayyat: Op.cit, 159; Al-Nuwairi: Op.cit, 24 : 3-5; Ibn Idhārī: Op.cit, 1: 32; Al-Yaʿqūbī : Tarikh Al-Yaʿqūbī, 2 :60; Ibn Abdul Hakam: Futuh Misr w al-Maghrib, 1: 235-246; Al-Tabari: Op.cit, 250; Hassan: op.cit, 226-228; Moanis: fath al-earab li-lmaghrib,130; Jassem: op.cit,168.
15 Abū Bakr ʿAbd Allāh ibn Muḥammad al-Mālikī : Riyāḍ al-nufūs fī ṭabaqāt ʿulamāʾ al-Qayrawān wa-Ifrīqiya,Dar al-Gharb al-Islami -Bayrut, 2nd, 1994,1: 27; Abu Al-Abbas Al-Salawi: 'akhbar alduwal al-Mugharibia ,(IN. Jaafar Al-Nasseri and Muhammad Al-Nasseri), Dar al-kitab, 1997, 1: 93-94; Abd al-Raḥmān Ibn Muḥammad Ibn Khaldūn : Al-ʿIbar wa Dīwān al-Mubtada’ wa al Khabar. ( IN. AbuShaib al-Karmi), Bayrut Dār al-Fikr, 2001,6 :141; Al-Tabari: Op.cit, 253-257; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil, 2 :482-484; Ibn Abi Dinar: Op.cit,23; Moanis: fath al-earab li-lmaghrib, 130; Jassem: op.cit, 168.
8
spoils Then Abdullah ibn Saad was forced to hold peace with the people of the country to leave their country for a large sum of money and return to Egypt16.
2.2.Barqa In The UmayyadEra:
After the killing of the Muslim Caliph Othman Ibn Affan in 35 AH and the turmoil of the conditions of the East because of the war between the Muslims with the affairs of those sedition of interest in Ifriqiya affairs destabilize the Muslims in Barqa and Tripoli ,and after the end of the crisis in favor of Muawiya ibn Abi Sufian, returned Amr ibn al-As to Egypt (38- 43 AH), which in turn worked to stabilize the pillars of Islam in the areas they had already opened, sent armies to the invasion of the Berbers where the partner of the Gtaifi invasion of Lawata in the year 40/ 660, which has already welcomed them began to come out on them17,and see Abdul Wahid Taha that this out because Berber conviction that Arabs are unable to Lands18, And in the year 42
/662, Gaddames opened19.The Canadi also mentioned that Amr ibn al-As sent an Oqba ibn Nafi in 43 / 663 to fight Hawara20, as the Oqba ibn Nafi of the year 46 / 666 to the Wdan, who refrained from paying the tribute first landed in Mgmdash and managed to subjugate and not to rise again leave part of the army led by Omar Qureshi and Zuhair Balawi, and then went to the Wdan and a few of the knights numbered in most sources four hundred knights and managed to do The small number of Fatah and Wdan, as Cut ear of king and Wdan so as not to think of the uprising again against the Muslim Arabs and take them what wasthe secret of the Ibn Abi Atatah imposed on them, and went to Germa and wanted to enter the people in Islam and came by the king on foot walk And then he went to the palaces of Fezzan and opened it one by one except the palace of Khawar, south of Fezzan, where his father gave him an Oqba ibn Nafi, and he besieged them for a month21.
16 Abu Omar Muhammad bin Yusuf Alkanadi: alwala w alquda, Matbieat al-aba' al-yasueiiyn -Bayrut, 1908,31-33; Ibn Idhārī: Op.cit, 1: 38-39.
17 Taha : op.cit,101 .
18 Al-Hasan Ali Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Asd alghaba fi maerifa alsahaba, Dar-Ibn hzm, Bayrut, 2012,858; Alkanadi: Op.cit, 32; Khalifa bin Khayyat: Op.cit, 204.
19 Canadi: Op.cit,32 .
20 Khalifa bin Khayyat: Op.cit, 204.
21 Ibn Abdul Hakam: Futuh misr w al-Maghrib, 1 :262-264; Al-Bakrī: Almaghrib, 12-13.
9
Then he abandoned him and went to the palaces of the Quar and opened it and cut off the finger of their king so as not to beg himself to fight the Muslim Arabs , once again imposed on them 360 slaves.Then returned to the palace of Khawar but exceeded them pretending not to open the palace even if reassured his people returned to them and managed to, After the absence of five months he returned to his army, which left him in Mgmdash, and then returned to Barqa and took a base for him and did not know whether Oqba ibn Nafi joined the army of Muawiya Ben Hodeij, who passed by lightning on his way to the opening of Ifriqiya or not22, agree Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir ,Ibn Adhari and Al-Nuwairi, "that an Oqba ibn Nafi remained in the Barqa and Zewaila until it was used by MuawiyaIbn Abi Sufyan In the year 50/ 67023, In the year 55 / 675, Muawiya Ibn Abi Sufyan sacked Muawiya Ibn Hodeij of Egypt and Oqba ibn Nafi of Ifriqiya and made Egypt and Ifriqiya Muslim ibn Mukhlad of Egypt, the first to collect all of Morocco, Egypt, Barqa , Tripoli and Ifriqiya, although Al-Tabari It is believed that this isolation was 50 AH ,years 670 AD24 .
It Barqa became the center of the Islamic armies during the Islamic conquests in Ifriqiya, where the Islamic armies start to quell the revolutions which were erupting especially in Tripoli, which witnessed many revolutions against the Muslim Arabs, and was a haven for the Islamic armies if A thorny situation prevented their progress to Ifriqiya, After the killing of Oqba ibn Nafii 63 AH 683 AD, Zuhair ibn Qais Al-Balawi was forced to retreat to Barqa25,while Hussein Moanis see Zuhair withdrawing to Tripoli and not killing him with his companions. He also said that the rest of the army continued to withdraw to Barqa26. And Islamic sources talked about his return And the graves are still in the city of Derna, located in eastern Libya, and Hanash Sannani was able to convince the soldiers to return to Egypt and in this says Abu Mahasen,"Hanash decided to return to Egypt in particular and that the army was mostly Egyptian "and not left with Zuhair Only a small number of the army needed to be brightly waiting for the period from Damascus, which was then suffering some disturbances after the death
22 Musa leqbal : Al-Maghrib Al-Islami ,Al-Sharikat al-Wataniat li-lnashr w al-Tawzie -Algeria, 2nd, 1981, 29.
23 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil, 3 :319-320; Ibn Idhārī:Op.cit, 1: 34 ; Al-Nuweiri :Op.cit, 24 :11.
24 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir believes that Zuhair decided to fight Kassila after the killing of an Oqba and his comrades, but he was forced to retreat after Hanash al-Sistani, who was able to convince most of the soldiers to return to Egypt. more see Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil, 3 :452-453.
25 Al-Nuweiri :Op.cit, 24 :11.
26 Moanis : Tarikh Al-maghrib w Al-andulis,47.
10
of the Alamoy caliph Yazid Ibn Muawiya and his son's abdication of the caliphate. A struggle broke out over the throne of the caliphate. Al Marwani won the throne , The withdrawal of the Arabs led to their departure from Ifriqiya, and the Muslims settled in Barqa until supplies came from Caliph 'Abd Al-Malik Ibn Marwan27.
After the rescue came to Zuhair ibn Qais, who lived then lightning moved to Ifriqiya to fight Kassila and the return of Kairouan, and met the two teams at Mames and the battle ended with the victory of the Muslim Arabs and the killing of Kassila in 69 AH 688 AD.
Zuhair returned to Barqa ,sources indicate that the reason for his return because of his reluctance to the state Some people tried to dissuade him from his decision to respond to them by saying, "I have offered to Jihad and I fear that the world will tend to me and I will not be satisfied with its king and the will to live it." The decision of Zuhair is shrouded in mystery. The country of Morocco was still a land of war. the war ? Abdul-Wahid explains recede Zuhair by increasing the Byzantine threat in Barqa, where he left a section of his army in Kairouan and returned to the city of Barqa, where he was killed after he clashed with the Byzantines near Darna in 71 AH 690 AD. the Ibn al-At̲h̲ir in 69 AH, Ibn Abdul Hakam the reason for the urgency of Zuhair out of his anger to and from Egypt, Abdulaziz Ibn Marwan , saying to him, "I am starting, God does not respond to you." Ibn Abdul Hakam says in his novel that Zuhair hit the city of Derna and found that the numbers of many Romans wanted to wait a little until the rest of the people joined him A boy with cowardice said to him, "I was not buried, but my brother was killed28,but Ibn Kathīr say :The news came to and to Egypt, Abdulaziz ibn Marwan, that the Romans descended Barqa and ordered him to rise up to them and Zuhair and with him forty souls and found the many more wanted to stop fighting until
27 Abi Al-Mahasin:Op.cit,1 :208-209 ; Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 6 :142; Ibn Idhārī:op.cit, 1 :55-55; Imād Al-Dīn Ismāʿīl Ibn ʿUmar Ibn Kathīr : Al-Bidāya wa-Al-nihāya, Bayrut,1992, 8 :217-241; Ibn Abdul Hakam: Futuh 'Afriqia w Andalusia, 59;Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil, 3 :452; A. f,Goetih: North Africa, (TR.Hashim Husseini), Tawalt Foundation, 2nd , 2010, 130; Archibald. T. Lewis: Marine and Commercial Forces in the Mediterranean Basin, (TR. Ahmed Mohamed Issa), Egyptian Renaissance Library Alqahra, 1960, 98; Mohammed bin Nasser bin Ahmed Al-Mulhim: Mwqf Qasilat Bin Limizm Min Al-fath Al-islamii li-lmaghrib , al-majalat al-eilmiat lijamieat almalik faysal , almajalid 1 , aleadad 1 , maris 2000, 137-142; leqbal : Al-Maghrib Al-Islami, 28 .
28 Ibn Abdul Hakam: Futuh Misr w Al-Maghrib, 1 :272-273 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil, 3 :453; Al-Suyuti: op.cit, 200; Abdul Wahid Taha, op,cit,101; Abbās :op,cit, 30.
11
the military29, they said The sources said that Zuhair after his victory on Kassila in 69 AH, returned from Ifriqiya to the Barqa and that the Romans raided the Barqa and hit a lot of spies and were killed and looted and knew Zuhair,He ordered his army to walk to the sea When he found for many numbers wanted to wait a little, but the cries of the prisoners made him come down to the battlefield to fight the Romans killed and his companions all30.
It seems that the latest version is closest to the ratification of the novel by Ibn Abdul Hakim, who spoke of the presence of Zuhair in Egypt when the Roman invasion lightning of Barqa.
Remained Barqa away from the revolutions of the Kharijites experienced by the Ifriqiya and suffered Tripoli, and became the base of the Abbasid armies to eliminate those revolutions, even if not a soft calm and belonging to the House of the Abbasid Caliphate, Abbasid armies could not take them a center of departure and retreat and the Abbasids took from the city of Sirte point of departure and retreat , And was the center of the Abbasid preachers sent by the Abbasid caliphate to stand in the face of the Ibadi preachers31.
2.3. Governors Barqa In Era Righteous Caliphs And Umayyad :
Said the Al-kanadi was Hatem Ibn Yazid first of the Comibne Barqa to Egypt to the state of Egypt and appointed Abdul Salam ibn Hubaira Sabai and Alia on the year 148 AH, but we find statements contrary to the Islamic sources talk about the tender dependence of Egypt since the opening of Amr ibn al-As and to Egypt oversees the province Barqa ,Al-Karkhi said that "the Egyptian worker would have gone out until the slaves of Allah appeared to take control of Morocco and took over and removed the workers of Egypt32." Al-Qalqashandi says about Barqa That the matter to the owner of Egypt.
29 Ibn Kathīr:op.cit 9 :16-17.
30 Kairouan: op.cit, 46; Al-Balazari: op.cit, 321; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil, 3: 453-454; Al-Salawi: op.cit, 1 :148; Ibn Idhārī: op.cit, 1 :59; Al-Nuweiri: op.cit, 24 :17; Ibn Abi Dinar: op.cit, 30; Archibald: op. cit, 99.
31 Al-Muzaini: op.cit, 112.
32 Karkhi: Al-Masalik wa Al-Mamalik, Alqahra, 1961,19.
12
As stated in the Al-Zahabi when he talked about RafaIbn Thabit Ansari "Governor Tripoli Morocco to Muawiya in his forty-sixth year, invaded Ifriqiya in the year of the forty-seven, said Ahmed Ibn Al-Barqi: Rafa died in Barqa and he was the and saw his grave, said Abu Said Ibn Yunus: He died in the Barqa to Muslim ibn Mukhled in the fifty-sixth year he said: and his grave is known to the day may Allah be pleased with him33,Ibn Kathīr also spoke about Rafa,He said: "Sahabi Jalil witnessed the opening of Egypt and had good effects in the conquest of the Maghreb. He died in Barqa from the Muslim side,Ibn Mukhled deputy Egypt "In the year forty-six ordered Muawiya Rafa Ibn Thabit on Tripoli the city from Morocco , The Kairouani, Ibn Al-Athir and Al- Salwa said that Rafa died in 53AH, in Barqa and was a prince there , He was sent to Egypt by Abdulaziz Ibn Marwan during his reign to Egypt. One of his servants was Taleed, When the people complained in Barqa from the imam of their slave, Abdulaziz Ibn Marwan was forced to wear it34,When Abdul Malik Ibn Marwan took over the reins of the Islamic state in Damascus, he made an Ifriqiya state, Hassan Ibn Al-Nu'man, saying to him: "I will give you the money of Egypt. and returned Carthage from the Byzantines and then went to the Berbers who revolted under the leadership of the priest but was defeated in front of it and sided with Sirte and wrote to the Caliph Abdul Malik, telling him defeat before the priest and retreated to him to stay where he and Hassan lived near Sirte about five years And the foundations of houses and camps for his staff was later known as the Hassan Palace, and Hassan was entered Barqa within the scope of his mandate to Egypt and Abdulaziz Ibn Marwan asked him to lift his hand Barqa, and the IbnAbdul Hakm that Entebels to the extent of Ajdabiya was the work of Hassan and adds that Hassan did not end From the order of the priestess lock When he passed a lightning bolt on her abscess, Ibrahim Al-Nasrani, and when the Al-kanadi "asked him not to offer to Tripoli, On the authority of Abdul Malik to Ifriqiya and Tripoli, presented to Abdulaziz Ibn Marwan in Egypt did not implement Abdulaziz and Muosaa IbnNusair,Hassan Abdul Malik ordered him to demand his
33 Shams Al-Din Muhammad Ibn Othman Al-Zahabi: Sayr Aelaam Al-nubla', Muasasa alrisala Bayrut,1996, 11:134.
34 Ibn Kathīr: op.cit, 61; Al-Malki: op.cit, 1 :82; Ibn Al-Athir : Asd Alghaba, 402-403; Al-Salawi: op.cit,1 :142; Ibn Abdul Hakam: Futuh misr w al-Maghrib, 1 :273; Abbas Karim Abdel: al-kahinat al-zinatat w dawruha fi al-muqawama fi al-maghrib al-earabii , majalat kuliyat altarbiat al-asasia, No. 3, June 2010, 48-50; Abd al-Laṭīf Maḥmūd Al-Barghūthī : Tārīkh Lībīyā al-Islāmī min al-Fatḥ al-Islāmī ḥattā Bidāyat al-ʿAṣr al-ʿUthmānī, Dār Ṣādir-Bayrut, 1973,60-63.
13
home35, "Saleh Al-Muzaini said Hassan Ibn Al-Nu'man, after he killed the priesthood, returned to Egypt. When he moved to Barqa, Ibrahim Al-Nasseri made it. After arriving in Egypt, Abdulaziz Ibn Marwan was asked to isolate Talid from the state of the Barqa, " What I was to do after I lost it, Hassan said then returned to the faith ,said Abdulaziz returned "The dispute between the two men that Abdulaziz Ibn Marwan issued an order to isolate Hassan fromIn the mandate of MuosaIbnNusair to Ifriqiya did not hear anything about the Barqa and Tripoli, Except, that Muosaa Ibn Nusair was appointed to Tripoli in 94 AH, Bakr ibn Issa Al-Qaysi, but Muosaa Leqbal believes that one of the, it is clear that one of the reasons for the dismissal of Abdulaziz ibn Marwan Hassan Ibn Numan of Ifriqiya, is that the latter returned to Damascus and met with Caliph Abdul Malik ibn Marwan and put in his hands the spoils that returned from Ifriqiya. The Caliph ordered him to be appointed again in Ifriqiya and Barqa, When Abdulaziz heard about Hassan's appointment as governor of Ifriqiya, he issued a decree appointing Moussa Ben Nusair as ruler of Ifriqiya on the pretext that he was the brother of the caliph, While Al-Barghūthī see that Libya as a whole was under the jurisdiction of Egypt until the emergence of Kairouan as the capital of Muslims in Ifriqiya and it became an independent state like Egypt. Tripoli was annexed to Ifriqiya and Barqa remained loyal to Egypt. On the issue of Nu'man with Ben Marwan, For the year 85 AH ,because Hassan refused to give up Abdulaziz for Barqa and Abdulaziz was commissioned Talid to manage its affairs in Barqa , which was thought that the appointment of Abdulmalik him and the guardian of Ifriqiya, but includes all the open lands to the west of Egypt , while Abdulaziz cling As a factor in Egypt in the appointment on Barqa, Because governors in Barqa was subordinate to the administration of Egypt , And we can not find news of Barqa until the year 99 AH ,was governor him Fahd Ibn Kathīr36 .
It was the policy of the governors Barqa in the first place is in line with Islamic law, the Muslim pays his rights to pay the zakat and the people of the dhimma are required to pay tribute and draw this from the letter of Amr ibn al-As to the Caliph Omar Ibn Al-Khattab tells him that OqbaIbn NafieAl-Fahri went to Morocco and
35 Al-Kairouani: op.cit, 49; Ibn Idhārī: op.cit, 1 :60-63; Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 6 :143; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil, 4 :136; Al-Salawi: op.cit,1 :149;Al- Bakri: Al-Maghrib, 8; Al-Nuweiri: op.cit,24 :18-20; Ibn Abdul Hakam: Futuh misr w Al-Maghrib, 1 :270-272;Al-kanadi: op.cit,52;Khalifa Bin Khayyat: op.cit,277.
36 Al-Muzaini: op.cit, 58-59; Al-Barghūthī: op.cit, 64-83; leqbal : Al-Maghrib Al-Islami,69.
14
Zewaila,between Zewaila and Barqa peace be upon them all good obedience has led Muslims to charity, and recognized their institutes of the island, and that has been placed on the people of Zewaila and what he saw between them and what they saw they Ttigonh, and ordered all workers to take charity from the rich to the poor and take the tribute of the debt to Egypt37, We have the population of the region entered In Islam, and who remained on his religion, the payment of tribute to the Muslims and ensure the people to send to Egypt, and continued that policy until the mandate of Hassan IbnNu'man, so what happened until the change of state of this policy.
Al-Baladri mentions that the Alamoy caliph Omar ibn Abdulaziz during his succession from 99 AH to 101 AH dropped the tribute from the safest and returned the land to its people. He also wrote in the Lwaiyat that whoever had Lwaiyat , he should give it to her father or send her to her family. He said: The village of the Berbers had a covenant38,and also the IbnAl-At̲h̲ir mentions that Yazeed Ibn Muslim in the year 102 AH ,and after the death of Omar ibn Abdulaziz re-imposition of tribute on the newly Muslim, as confirms Hussein Moanisthat the Arabs were signing the harshest punishments Berber39.
2.4.Barqa In The Abbasid Era
The power in the Arab Mashreq moved from the The Al-amoys to The Abbasids and remained Barqa On the Covenant. It was not affected by the revolutions that took place in Tripoli, especially from the Ibadis, but as a base from which the armies go to Tripoli and Ifriqiya or return to the concentration , Ibn Adhari mentions an Ifriqiya worker Mohammed Ibn Al-Ashath al-Khaza'i Was sent in 145 AH,to Zewailaand Sudan, opened them and killed them Ibadi and killed Abdullah ibn Habban Ibadi and was the head people of Zewaila from the Ibadi40,and we cut off the news of the governors in the Barqa and to not find news about governors the Barqa after Abdul Salam Ibn Hubaira Sabai, who took over the general administration in 148 AH,as deputy to Egypt and Yazid Ibn Hatem, According to Kairouani, Hatem Ibn Yazid joined him Barqa
37 Abbās: op.cit, 56.
38 Al-Baladri: op.cit,315-316.
39 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil, 4:136 .
40 Ibn Idhārī: op.cit,1:106 .
15
and made his son a conservative41, and text Karkhi mentions that the Barqa became a subsidiary of the Aghlabid in Ifriqiya starting in 184 AH, saying,"The kings of Ifriqiya and the Barqa of Aghlabid, which was implemented in the first The days the sons Abbas, to be in the face of Idris Ibn Idris . But we have no evidence the Barqa dependency on Ifriqiya , and there are signs of intervention by the Abbasid Caliphate through him and Egypt in the affairs of Barqa, while we do not hear of the intervention of the Aghlabid42.
In 215 AH, the people the Barqa aganset announced the revolution of the Abbasid power, but the sources silent on the causes of that revolution, Al-Barghūthī believes that the revolution was a lightning echo of the rebellion of the people of the destruction in the succession of the safe, relying on his guess that Baghdad ordered the same military figure to eliminate the revolutions, Muslim Ibn Nasr Al-A'war, and succeeded Ibn Kaos in the elimination of the revolution Barqa , and made Issa Ibn Mansour A factor and returned to Egypt the following year, after about ten years in 841 AD, A lightning bolt on the worker Mohammed IbnAbdallah Ibn Jablaha and participated in The Berber Revolution Some Arab tribes, especially Quraish, Abbasid caliph Command Raja Ayoub Al-Fazri, to go When he came near them, they fled, and he was rewarded with a group of them. He took them and returned to Baghdad43,It seems that the Caliph Al-Mutawakil was keen to protect Barqa, In the same year, the Abbasid caliph Muhammad Ibn Harithma Ibn Ayin was sent to Barqa, but the following year he was attacked by soldiers who fled to Fustat and his successor. In the administration of the region, Ahmed Ibn Issa Safadi, who remained in office until he received the tower of one of the leaders of Ahmed Ibn Tulun, ordered the Caliph Al-Mutawakil took care of the fortification Barqa, where he ordered the construction of a wall around it, and he put on his mail one of his own, Jacob ibn Ibrahim Al-Baghgis , Then we did not find news about the Barqa of the year 257 AH 870 AD In that year, the Abbasid caliph Muhammad Ibn Harthamah Ibn 'Ayn was sent to Barqa but the next year he was attacked by soldiers who fled to Fustat and his successor in the administration of the
41 Al-Kairouani: Op.cit, 99.
42 Karkhi: Op.cit, 22; Abbās: op.cit, 56 ;Al-Barghūthī: Op.cit,195-196.
43 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil, 4 :354; Al-Yaʿqūbī : Tarikh Al-Yaʿqūbī,2 :423; Abbās: Op.cit, 56-57; Al-Barghūthī: Op.cit,196.
16
affairs of the region Ahmed Ibn Issa Safadi, In his post until it was handed over to him by one of the leaders Ahmed Ibn Tulun44.
2.5.Barqa In The Age Of The Tulunian State:
The entrance of the Toulonites to the city of Barqa was cut off from Baghdad from the period 245 AH to 292 AH, Ahmed Ibn Tulun entrusted to Muhammad Ibn Farukh Al-Farghani and put on her abscess Ahmed Ibn Abi Yaqoub45,AL-Balawi said that Ahmad Ibn Tulun was interested in the affairs of the people of Barqa, But The revolution against the worker Ahmed Ibn Tulun Mohammed Ibn Farouk Al-Farghani and expelled from them and broke the obedience of Ibn Toulon, and explain Ihsan Abbas and Saleh Al-Muzaini the reasons for the revolution to reject the people of their subordination to Ibn Toulon, led by an army led Abba Al-Gharif ,Yazbak Farghani and provided them with boats loaded with men and catapult and weapons, That's Gee With another army led by Pearl, as followed by another army made his leadership of the division of Ben Khargan and what these large armies sent Ahmed Ibn Toulon Evidence of the strength of the revolution and the importance of the city to them,and ordered Ahmed Ibn Toulon army commanders to follow the policy of soft with the people did not respond, and when the three armies were distributed On the doors of the city and follow what Ahmed Ibn Tulun ordered them, but that the people of Barqa did not submit to them, but coveted them, and they got from the soldiers of the arrogant at night and the people were able to kill the captain army and his son named him Israel and another leader with named Dubash , The Pearl Army sent to Ahmad Ibn Tulun told him about what had happened and consulted him. He ordered him to go out and use violence with them. He said to him, "You have done well in your stop, and you support God's will and help." Accordingly, they besieged and besieged them until they had to ask for safety , He was then sent to Ibn Tulun to tell him that the revolution was over46.
44 Aḥmad Ibn Abī Yaʿqūb Al-Yaʿqūbī : Kitāb Al-Buldān, Dār al-Kutub Al-ʿIlmīya, Bayrut,2002 181; Al-Yaʿqūbī : Tarikh Al-Yaʿqūbī,2 : 475-477; Al-Muzaini: Op.cit,114.
45 Al-Barghouthi: Op.cit, 196-197; Al-Muzaini: Op.cit,115.
46 Abū Muḥammad ʿAbdallāh Al-Balawī : Sīrat Aḥmad Ibn Ṭūlūn, Maktabat al-Thaqāfa al-Dīnīya -Alqahra, (D.T) ,71-72; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil, 6 :260-261 ; Hassan Ahmed Mahmoud: hadarat misr al-islamia fi al-easr al-tuwluni , Dar al-fikr al-earabi - Alqahra, (D.T), 42; Al-Barghūthī: Op.cit,196-197.
17
Ahmed Ibn Tulun was to face the revolution of his eldest son Abbas, who used his father's departure to Sham in Sha'ban 265 AH, using it to Egypt, and was joined by the writer Ahmed IbnAl-Wasiti to be an adviser to him, and recommended Ahmed Ibn Toulon his son to follow his advice, saying to him, "Yabni Ahmed Ibn Mohammed may "As soon as Ibn Tulun left Egypt, Abbas was under his belly and they taught him literature and grammar. They were Jaafar Ibn Jadar, Ahmad Ibn Al-Mu'allam and Muhammad Ibn Al-Montuf. Abbas wanted some of them to take over jobs, They did not correct them, so Al-Wasiti refused to do so because of fear of vinegar ,said Al-Balwa and the Canadi, Abbas lost some leaders who were afraid of his father and were waiting for the opportunity to get rid of him, They asked him to take over the rule of Egypt instead of his father and to get rid of Al-Wasiti, They are on Ben Major ,Canadi call him Ben Aour and Ahmad Ibn Saleh Al-Rashidi, Abdullah Ibn Tghaya, Ahmad Ibn Al-Qasim, and the Canadian Ahmad Ibn Aslam, in addition to the above-mentioned category, and Ibn Aibek Al-Dawawari said: "Ahmad Ibn Tulun told him that he was Ibn Abbas. He was invoked against Egypt by the sight of people who used to flee to him and say poetry and tell the news. Fustat is not dependent on anything until its income and His son Abas fled to Barqa. Al-Wasta was always writing to his master Ahmed Ibn Tulun complaining about it. He ordered him to be patient until his return. As Muhammad Ibn Raja and some of the narrations mentioned him in the name of Ibn Raja, the writer of Al-Wasiti had the hatred. Ibn Al-Wasiti Was Al-Wasiti retired from Abbas and stayed in his house waiting for the return of Ibn Toulon ordered Abbas to search the house of Al-Wasiti to see his father's answer hiding the matter until his return Abbas realized his father's responses to the extent of anger against him and his followers urged him to go out on his father and Abbas was very afraid of his father Carry what there was money and weapons, Which is one thousand dinars and the cost of the merchants another two hundred thousand and mention ,Ibn Adhari "that Abbas in his departure to Barqa was with him 800 knights and 10,000 legs of his father on five thousand camel and said that what he carried from the house of the money of Egypt thousand dinars and two hundred thousand dinars" , And Abbas chose his brother Rabia on Fustat and went to Alexandria after he spread among the people that he went to her according to orders received from his father and took with
18
him Ahmed Ibn Mohammed Al-Wasiti and Ayman Al-Aswad bound after he abstained from walking with him and went to want Barqa47.
Ahmed Ibn Tulun returned to Egypt after his son fled and he sent him a group to persuade him to return to Egypt. Historians say that the delegation met with Abbas in Barqa and Abbas wanted to return. But his group feared the consequences of returning to Egypt and prevented him from returning. And he wrote to Ibrahim Ibn Ahmad most probably an Ifriqiya owner telling him that the Abbasid caliph, who was adopted by his name, was Ifriqiya and that he approved of it and that he was on his way to it, as he was sent To Elias ibn Mansour El Nafusi and the President of El And then mention the Canadi,Al-Balawi ,Ibn al-Athirand Al-Maqrizi that Abbas when he arrived in the city of Lebda in 266 AH received by the workers of the majority and the people of the city and honored him, but Abbas allowed to follow the looting of the city, killing men and exposing the women Vtgatht range of the people of Lebda Balais Ibn Mansur Kabir Nafusa, who addressed the Messenger of Abbas, saying: "Say to this boy, but you are the closest of the infidels, and I have the right to fight me. I have reached you from the ugliest of your actions48,so I can not lag behind with your jihad. I am following my message to you." Then Elias accompanied them in twelve thousand of his people. To the most likely son The army with his servant reported, and wrote to Mohamed Ibn Qarhab Tripoli worker to demonstrate with him on the fight against Abbas of the electrified and the armies of the army of Elias and the army of the Aghlabid on Abbas and expel his money and ammunition and killed more than was with him and escaped by his entourage, and left Ayman Al-Aswad of the restriction and returned to Egypt Al-Abbas to Barqa, and the novel of Ibn Adhari differ where he talked about the defeat of the factor in Lebda and retreat to Tripoli and was in the impact of Abbas, who tightened the siege around the city for three and forty days and some of his Sudanese had transgressed on the campus of the people of Tripoli who begged Elias who managed From the defeat of Abbas, Ahmed Ibn Tulun sent an army to fight his son in the year 267 AH under the leadership of Ibrahim Ibn Belbard. The
47 Taqi Al-Din Ahmad Ali Al-Maqrizi : al-mawaeiz w al-aietibar fi dhakar al-khutat w al-athar, Muasasat al-furqan liltarath al-iislami London, 1995, 97 ; Al-Balawi: Op.cit,246; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil, 6 :282; Abu Bakr bin Abdullah bin Aibek Aldawari: kanz aldarar wa jamae algharar, 1992, 269-270; Canadi : Op.cit, 220; Sayedh Ismail Kashef: Ahmed Ibn tulwn , al-muasasat al-misriat al-eamat, Alqahra, 1965, 94 .
48 Al-Maqrizi: Al-khutat,2 :98; Al-Balawi: Op.cit, 248; Canadi: Op.cit, 220-221; Al-Tabari: Op.cit, 9 :545.
19
following year, Ahmed Ibn Tulun decided to go out to Barqa and go to Alexandria. Ahmed Al-Wasiti, who managed to escape from the prison and Ibn Toulon, ordered him to leave. He went to Al-Fustat and went out of Tabarji and Ahmed Al-Wasiti to Barqa. He met with Abbas in Ramada in 268 AH. Abbas was defeated and many of his companions were killed. He tried to escape but they managed to arrest him. They came to him on a mule and with his group. He ordered the son of Toulon to beat his son's group against insults with whips. Author Mohammed ibn Rajaa and love When he saw his son Abbas on his books, and then hit his son, A buck on him and his clothes until he died in the reign of his brother,ibn Ahmed ibn Tulun, Tabarji remained in the Barqa of some time inspecting the conditions and reform what can be repaired and then Istkhalf them and back and returned to Fustat, The death of Ibn Tulun took over the rule of his son, who received the book of the Caliph Mu'tazid his mandate, he and his son thirty years from the Euphrates to Barqa49.
2.2.TRIPOLI SINCE THE ISLAMIC CONQUEST UNTIL THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FATIMID STATE
2.2.1.Tripoli In The Age Of The Righteous Caliphs:
After reassuring 'Amr ibn al-'As on the stability of things in the Barqa of his army wanted Tripoli and was affiliated to the King of Ifriqiya, arrived in City of Lebda and found the city of Ruin few urbanites surrendered to its people and then proceeded to Tripoli and gathered sources to fortify its people in the city, and that the city was walled on all sides As for the coast, Amr descended on a high place east of the city, and was the most Tripoli residents of the tribe of Nafusa, and the city many of the Romans so composed of them and the Berbers large army stood behind the walls and towers to defend the city50, and historians51 differ in the request of the people of Tripoli, Do you know the position of Nafusa whether the appeal of the Byzantines or not, if we assume their acceptance to extend a helping hand to the Byzantines, perhaps due to their religious affiliation and also because of the economic interests between the
49 Al-Balawi: Op.cit,250-253; Canadi: Op.cit,221; Al-Barghūthī: Op.cit, 169-170; Al-Muzaini: Op.cit, 119.
50 Mohamed Ali Dabouz: tarikh al-Maghrib al-earabi , Muasasat thaqafia, 2010,2 : 29-30.
51 Abū Muḥammad ‘Abadallāh Ibn Muḥammad Ibn Aḥmad Al-Tijānī: Riḥlat Al-Tijānī,( Tripoli, Dar alkitab alearabi, 1981), 239; Salem: op.cit, 60; Altahir Ahmad alzawy: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya ,Th4, Dar al-madar al-islami , 2004, 67.
20
parties were Nafusa practiced desert trade between the interior and coastal areas, Most of the people of Tripoli and of Nafusa, Berber Nafusa were already in Tripoli during the siege ,al-Salawi is unique in saying "most Tripoli residents from Nafusa"52.
The historians also differed about the duration of Amr's siege of Tripoli. Some said53 that he had been besieged for A month. Others said three months, Nothing worth mentioning. ibn Abdul Hakam mentioned the story of the siege by saying: "A man from Bani Mudalj came out of the camp of Amr, And the sea was stuck on the side of the city, and there was no wall between the city and the sea. And the ships of the Romans went up in their paths to their houses; and the Al-Mudalje and his companions saw. Then the sea receded on the city, and found a way out of the place. Then the sea receded on the city, and found a way out of the place where the sea had receded, and they entered it up And the sight of 'Amr and his companions in the outskirts of the city, so he entered with his army until he entered them ،The Romans did not escape except in They took their boats and took 'Amr ibn al-'As their property in the city54.
Many historians55 agree with the story of ibn Abdul Hakam We can ask how only seven men can storm the city by sea without the consent of 'Amr ibn al-'As , and then see 'Amr and his companions of this group inside the city suddenly enter the army and the Romans flee to their ships.
What is confirmed by many sources56that al-Mudalje and his companions when they saw that the retreat of the sea has left a Warord from which to enter the city so they told the age so sent with them a squad was able to storm the city and then accept 'Amr entered the city and fled the Romans, including the lamb and the bootyof 'Amr what was in the city, The campaign of 'Amr ibn al-'As on Tripoli was just an invasion and not open and seizure, evidence that the sources did not mention that the people of Tripoli paid a tribute like the people of Barqa this besides that 'Amr did not appoint a
52 Al-Salawi: op.cit, 1: 129.
53 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 5: 3; Al-Tijānī: op.cit, 239; Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 6: 230; Ibn Abdul Hakam: Futuh 'Ifriqia wa Andalusia, 31; Al-Bakrī : al-Maghreb, 8.
54 Ibn Abdul Hakam: Futuh misr wa al-Maghrib , 1: 230-231.
55 Al-Bakrī : Al-Maghreb, 8-9; Al-Ḥamawī: op.cit, 4 : 25; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 3 : 12; Al-Nuwayrī: op.cit, 24 : 330-333
56 Al-Baladri: op.cit, 227; Ibn Said: op.cit 1 : 45; Al-Tijānī: op.cit, 239; Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 2 : 128; Al-Salawi: op.cit, 1 : 65 ; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 2 : 428.
21
guardian before him on Tripoli and sources agreed57 that this invasion took place in the year (22 / 642 ). And after the opening of 'Amr ibn al-'As Tripoli faster by sending A band of The army of cavalry led by Abdullah ibn Zubayr to Sabra and reminds them Yāqūt al-Ḥamawī in the name of Sabra before they get the news of the opening of Tripoli, and already entered the city of 'Amr and booty and returned to 'Amr, and its people had been fortified in the city after news came the siege of Muslims to Tripoli, To them is the news of Tripoli's abstention on Muslims58.
In order to secure his conquests between Tripoli and Barqa, 'Amr ibn al-'As sent an Oqba ibn Nāfi to open the internal area during his presence in Barqa. He also sent a secret of ibn Arata during the siege of Tripoli to open and wdan. al-Barghūthī disagrees with this opinion and finds that 'Amr ibn al-'As secretly sent Ibn Tartah to Fatah and Wadan after opening Sirte on his way to Tripoli59, According to Ihsan Abbas " 'Amr ibn al-'As was aiming at two things: to expand the secure area around Tripoli and to prevent its dependence on the interior"60.
'Amr ibn al-'As wanted to complete the opening of Morocco, including the remaining territories of the territory of Tripoli, wrote to the Caliph Omar Ibn al-Khattab, asking permission in that "God has opened Tripoli and not between us and Ifriqiya only nine days, if the Amir of the believers to invade it and opened by God on his hands"he said "No, it is not Ifriqiya, and you will not invade as long as you live," 'Amr was forced to return his troops to Egypt in one year He did not tell us that 'Amr left a garrison in the country he opened From the territory of Tripoli as he did in the Barqa to be under the control of Muslims, But returned with spoils61, Mohammed Dabouz explains why 'Amr ibn al-'As did not leave A garrison in Tripoli because the Berber and the Romans were inciting against him and could not provide assistance for the long distance between Tripoli and Egypt. Thus, the opening of Tripoli and the mountain of Nafusa
57 Ibn Abdul Hakam: Futuh misr wa al-Maghrib , 1: 231; Al-Baladri: op.cit, 223; Canadi : op.cit, 10; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 3 : 12; Ibn Adhari : op.cit, 1: 8; Al-Tijānī: op.cit, 239; Al-Dhahabi: op.cit, 1: 19; Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 2 : 128; Abu Al-Mahasin: op.cit, 1 : 76; Al-Suyuti: Taʾrīkh al-khulafāʾ, 112; Mahmoud ibn Said al-Maqdisī : Nuzhat al-anzar fi eajayib al-tawarikh w al-akhbar, Bayrut, Dar al-Gharb al-Islami, 1988,1 : 204; Al-Salawi: op.cit, 1: 65; Al-Ḥamawī: op.cit, 2 : 184.
58 Ibn Abdul Hakam: Futuh misr wa al-Maghrib , 1: 231; Al-Bakrī : al-Maghreb , 10 ; Al-Ḥamawī: op.cit, 3: 184; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 3 : 133; Al-Tijānī: op,cit, 212; Al-Nuwayrī: op,cit, 24 : 333; Ibn Khaldun: op,cit, 2: 128; Ibn Abī Dīnār: op,cit, 26; Al-Salawi: op.cit, 1 : 287 .
59 Al-Barghūthī: op.cit, 42-43.
60 Abbās: op.cit, 23.
61 Ibn Abdul Hakam: Futuh misr wa al-Maghrib , 1: 232.
22
and neighboring regions became just an invasion that restored many booty, money from gold, silver, goods, valuables, berbers, and rich Romans62.
The history of the historians reminds us that Tripoli did not maintain its covenant with the Muslim Arabs as it did with Barqa. al-Malki said that the people of Tripoli were protected from them when he spoke about the campaign of Abdullah ibn Saad on Ifriqiya63,Abdullah ibn Saad sent the pioneers who spotted groups of warships belonging to the Roman Empire These warships docked in Libya's maritime coast near the city of Tripoli and became what the ships carried to the spoils of the Muslims, and captured more than one hundred of the owners, and this is the first trophy of value hit the Muslims on their way to open Ifriqiya64, In the year 46 AH ruled RawafaIbn Thabit al-Ansari65.
2.2.2. Tripoli Under The Umayyad :
Despite the Islam of the Berbers, the Alamoy workers treated them badly, imposed more taxes on them, and became the Ifriqiya refuge for the revolutionaries and outlaws of Damascus, who were found in the barbaric revolutionary souls against East Islam, despite their attempts to transfer their grievances to the caliphs. Jadwa, the only way to express the call was to get out of the Islamic Mashreq It was normal for Tripoli to be affected by what is happening in Ifriqiya66.
The first revolution of the Kharijite67revolution Okasha ibn Ayub al-Fazzari, which was based on the doctrine of the zero doctrine and exploited the Arabs' preoccupation
62 Dabouz: op.cit , 2 :32 .
63 Al-Malki: op.cit, 1 : 10.
64 Al-Nuwayrī: op.cit, 24 : 5; Al-Barghūthī: op.cit, 47.
65 Altahir Ahmad alzawy: walat tarabulus min bidayat al-fath al-earabi il nihayat al-easr al-turki ,Dar al-fath li-ltabaeat w al-nashr Bayrut, 1970 ,22-23; Dabouz: op.cit, 2: 46; Al-Barghūthī: op.cit, 54.
66 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir pointed out that under the reign of Hisham ibn Abd al-Malik took the order of African workers from Iraq and demanded people over their means, but refused to go out on their heads and did not violate the imams, including workers and sent facilitators accompanied by twenty-one people to the successor of Hisham ibn Abdul Malik to inform him of the latest developments Which he did to an African worker, and when they did not enter , they returned to Africa and killed an African worker. See also Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kamil, 2: 485-486.
67 The emergence of the Kharijis to the most serious schism in Islam after the Battle of Safin in 37 years of migration between Ali ibn Abi Talib and Muawiya ibn Abi Sufian the governor of Syria at the time, the war was stopped because of the lifting of the Muawiya army of the Koran condemning the book of God Almighty this incident was the cause of the division of the army Ali ibn Abi Talib "Ali al-Kharij, who had retired on top and remained enemies of Maawiya and called their slogan" No rule except for
23
with suppressing the Safarian revolution in Tangier. His revolution was announced in Gabes. His brother sent to Sabrat, who was able to incite Zanata to help him. Ordered the siege of the people of Sabrath rushed to find them and were able to surprise brother Okasha and that the battle between them ended with the defeat of the brother Okasha and killed many of his followers. Proponents, especially from the Zanata tribe,In 124 AH,Ifriqiya leadership was taken by HanadalaIbn Safwan al-Kalbi, who sent an army to fight Okasha al-Fazzari and entrusted to Abdul Rahman IbnOqbaal-Ghafari the leadership of that army and was able to defeat Okasha, which continued in his revolution after that defeat, but joined him Abdul Wahid Ibn Yazid al-Hawari and we were able to defeat the armies of AbdulrahmanibnOqba And died in the year 124 / 741, and after this victory raced the revolutionaries to al-kayrawan and the news reached Hanadala Ibn Safwan even the construction of a trench around the city at the time sent to the state on Tripoli Muawiya Ibn Safwan To help him, and tried to sway Okasha in an attempt to prevent the meeting of the allies Against him, and managed to kill Abdul Wahid Ibn Yazid Al-Hawari and the prosecution of his supporters, and then went to fight Okasha before the news of the defeat of his ally and managed to defeat and kill him is the other68, Dabouz said that Okasha al-Fazzari after the agreement with Abdul Wahid to be the place of meeting between them al-kayrawan said that Okasha feared from Abdul Wahid He then met Hanadala in a battle with Abd al-Wahid, known as the
God. "Ali ibn Abi Talib responded to them by saying:" The word of truth I want is void. "The Caliph Ali was keen to return them to Muslim community where he sent Abdullah ibn Abbas for their appearance and Astj Abu Ali Abi Talib himself went out to see them but to no avail where the Kharijites split into a large group and they were led by Abdullah ibn Wahab Al-Rasabi and then withdrew to the village of Al-Harura, and the Khawrijites took the name of Al-Horwiya. As a result of their feeling of strength they became increasingly extremist and fanatic and disbelievers. All those who see their opinion and do not disavow Ali ibn Abi Talib did not hesitate to kill the companions, such as killing them Abdullah ibn Khabab as well as the killing of women sent them Ali ibn Abi Talib to hand over the killers to set the limit on them replied, "We are all killers" was signed Nehruan on 9 of Safar 38 Ali ibn Abi Talib and killed their leader Abdullah- Al-Rasabi and a large number of his companions then dispersed Kharij and decided to kill Ali ibn Abi Talib and Muawiya ibn Abi Sufian and Amr ibn al-Aas and they had to kill Ali ibn Abi Talib, the year 40 of the migration 661 AD, and likely to be entering Al-Maghreb in the second half of the century The first in the form of immigrants, traders and soldiers in the Islamic armies, such as Akasha ibn Ayoub al-Fazzazi, who came with the army of Abdullah ibn al-Habhab and advocates of organizers such as Akrama ibn Abdullah Moulay Ibn Abbas, a Moroccan origin and Salamah ibn Said, the sources mentioned that they moved from the land of Basra on Baer The first one is called to the doctrine of zero and the second to the doctrine of Ibadi. See more Latifa Al-Bakai: Harakat Al-khawarij wa tatawuruhum hata nihayat al-easr al-umawi , dar altalieat liltabaeat wa lnash -Bayrut, 2001, 22 seq; Saber Taima: Dirasat fI al-frq , Maktabat al-maerifa- al-Riyad, 1983, 141 seq.
68 Al-Salawi: op.cit, 1: 170; Al-Nuwayrī: op.cit, 24: 33-34; IbnʿIdhārī: op.cit, 1: 88-89; Ibn Al-Athir: Al-Kamil, 4: 417-419; Ibn Abdul Hakam: Futuh 'Ifriqia wa Andalusia, 96-101; Al-Qayrawan: op.cit, 69-71; Al-Barghūthī : op.cit, 87-89; Dabouz: op.cit, 2: 271-272.
24
battle of idols ended with the killing of Abd al-Wahid and victory Hanadala69, and news reached victories and to al-kayrawan , Muawiyaibn Safwan in Gabes, where he received an order from HanadalaIbn Safwan asking him to put down the revolution that erupted in the victory and went to them and to Tripoli Muawiya Ibn Safwan and was able to win them but he was killed during the battle sent HanadalaIbn Safwan and a new to Tripoli is Zaid Ibn Amr al-Kalbi in 124 AH70. Did Tripoli become quiet?
After the death of the Caliph Hisham in 125 AH, Muslims took over his nephew al-Walid Ibn Yazid, who was killed after a year of his but Ifriqiya was taken over Abdulrahman Ibn Habib, starting in 126 AH after the withdrawal of Hanadala ibn Safwan, who hated to fight Muslims and was not to fight the infidel or external according to Ibn al-Athir and sent him some of the elders of al-kayrawan calls him to renounce what matters to them and captured them Ibn Habib and drove them to al-kayrawan and demanded not to fight and kill the hostages who were with him then left Hanadala field to Abdulrahman and went to Syria And Abdlruahman Ibn Habib on al-kayrawan in 127 AH , and then was approved the new Umayyad caliph Marwan Ibn Mohammed and Alia on the Ifriqiya"71, after he ordered the order of al-kayrawan entrusted to his brother Elias ibn Habib Tripoli order, which killed the President of the Ibaḍi72 Abduallah Ibn Masood al-Tajibi and we do not know the reasons for doing so, which angered Ibaḍi, they declared the revolution despite the attempts and to the Ifriqiya Abdulrahman Ibn Habib calm down the isolation of his brother from the state of Tripoli and took them Hamid ibn Abduallah al-aki, but that did not prevent the Ibaḍi of the revolution led their imam Harith Ibn Taleed Hadrami and his judges and his minister AbdulJabbar Ibn Qais al-Moradi, and Ibaḍi met Tripoli Died before entering it and due to the spread of the epidemic among his soldiers, he asked for safety of them as the Ibaḍi captured the killer of their imam and killed him and took over the land of Zanata and became the area extending from Sirte to Tripoli owe them obedience, and tried Abdulrahman ibn Habib grooming Hawara beside him sent to them Hawara
69 Dabouz: op.cit, 2 :271.
70 Ibn Abdul Hakam: Futuh 'Ifriqia wa Andalusia, 104-105; Dabouz: op.cit, 2 : 280.
71 IbnʿIdhārī: op.cit, 1 : 91; Ibn Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 4 ; 500; Al-Nuwayrī: op.cit, 24: 34; Al-Salawi: op.cit, 1; 173; Ibn Abdul Hakam: Futuh 'Ifriqia wa Andalusia, 105;Al-Qayrawan: op.cit, 72.
72 The Ibadi sect is attributed to Abdullah ibn Abd Al-Marri and the first who introduced it to al-Qayrawan Salama ibn Said and Fasht among the tribes of al-Maghreb and then was sent a mission to Basra in Iraq studied for five years by Muslim ibn Abi Karima Ibadi leader and named the students of science and after their return dispersed in the tribes publishers Their thoughts.
25
named Mujahid Ibn Muslim But he failed to garner Hawara, but the Hawara tribe expelled Mujahid Ibn Muslim, who joined the new Tripoli Yazid Ibn Safwan al-Maa͑feri73, and had no choice to Abdulrahman ibn Habib to fight them, sent an army led Mohammed ibn Farouk as ordered and to Tripoli to join him was the defeat of the army Ibn Habib and the killing of the commander of his army sent another army and made his leadership to Amr IbnOthman, who did not stand up to the army Ibaḍi fled the battlefield and enabled the Ibaḍi to impose their control over Tripoli and its suburbs, and then ended the revolution by the killing of its leaders Harith Ibn Taleed and Abdul Jabaral-Mouradi and behind the Ibn Habib on Tripoli Bakr Ibn Hussein al-Qaysi74, how to kill the revolutionaries? Ibn Abdul Hakam said that the reason for the killing of the two Ibaḍi leaders is not a bear between them after their victories over the armies of the Ibn Habib75, but that Dabouz does not go to what Ibn AbdulHakam saw but Abdulrahman ibn Habib managed to send to them people who claimed that they were people with needs and killed them and then entered every One of them a sword and put his handle to the other side to make people fancy they are fighting and killing each other76.
2.2.3. Tripoli In The Abbasd Age
The events of the Mashreq ended with the demise of the Umayyadstate and the resurrection of the Abbasi state in the same year that enabled Ibn Habib to control Tripoli. Abbas Ibn Safah ordered Saleh Ibn Ali to go to Egypt and Ifriqiya and ordered him to send the Abbasid preachers to Morocco to seduce the people. A naval fleet arrived in Tripoli and the news reached them about the death Abbas al Safah. Abu-Jafar al-Mansur took over the Caliphate, which ordered them to retreat. al-Mansur followed the example of the last Umayyadcaliphs, leaving the son of Habib and Elia on the Ifriqiya . He sent him a decision to entrust him to an Ifriqiya but he did not take long for it. Elias and Abdulwarat in 137 /75477, and the order of Ifriqiya Elias, who
73 Ibn Abdul Hakam: Futuh 'Ifriqia wa Andalusia, 105-106 .
74 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 501 ; Al-Nuwayrī: op.cit, 24 :43; Ibn Abdul Hakam: Futuh 'Ifriqia wa Andalusia, 105-107; Al-Qayrawani: op.cit, 75.
75 Ibn Abdul Hakam: Futuh 'Ifriqia wa Andalusia, 108.
76 Dabouz: op.cit, 2 : 380-381 .
77 Abdulrahman ibn Habib State Covenant of his brother Elias to his Ibn Habib, killed his brother Elias in 137 /754 after spending nearly ten years in power. He spent in constant battles against rebels and outlaws.
26
rebelled against him Ibn Abdulrahman named Habib uncle and took command of Ifriqiya in 138 / 755 ,In his reign broke the revolution in the year 138 / 75578, and lasted for two years the revolution،the rebels took On the al-kayrawan and killed Habib ibn Abdulrahman with many of the people of al-kayrawan in the year 140 /757 ,and the revolution broke out Ibaḍi, which started by Abi al-Khattab Abdel-Ali ibn Samah al-Maa͑feriIbaḍi as we will see.
Before the new al-kayrawan worker Yazid ibn Hatem moved to the headquarters of his rule in Ifriqiya, he left Tripoli in an army led Abdullah ibn Samat Al-kanadi and was given over by Said Ibn Shaddad who was able to control the state and eliminate the other Ibaḍi revolution, which was triggered Abu Yahya Ibn Qarias al -Hawari and the calm of Tripoli until the death of Yazid Ibn Hatem in 170 AH, and then assigned the mandate of Tripoli to Yahya Ibn Mussa in 177 AH, and two years later took over Sufian Ibn Almadah Abi Muhajir by Hertha Ibn Ayin, and in his days Hrthma Ibn eyes and to the Ifriqiyan building Tripoli wall from the sea79, to transfer the dependency of Tripoli in 184 / 800 to the Aghlabid.
78 One of the most important Al-Kharij teams and the reason for their designation as zero, either because they attributed to Ziad ibn yellow or attributed to Abdullah ibn Safar al-Tamimi of Basra, which was with two other external leaders are Nafi Ibn Al-Azraq and Abdullah ibn Ibad along with Abdullah Ibn Zubayr during the declaration of his succession in Mecca (64 / 684), and then disagreed with him and his departure to the east of the Arabian Peninsula, but they also differed among themselves and each one of them an external team attributed to him and have special views and one of the most important revolutions of the Safriya in the Alamoy revolution revolution Saleh ibn theater (76 / 695 The son of Marwan presided over the succession of Abdul Malik ibn Marwan In 126 AH, the leader of the Safir ibn Said ibn Bhdl revolution in the island, and when he died in 127 AH successor of the Dahak son of Qais al-Shaibani, then spread to the land of Mosul and Shahrzur, and met him Safriya and took Mosul and Kufa and the greatest danger, the Alamoy caliph Marwan ibn Mohammed and met their army In the reign of Hisham ibn Abd al-Malik (690-743), Misra al-Muthafari left the Tangier area of Al-Maghreb and succeeded in carrying the Berbers out of obedience to the Alamoy Caliphate. And was able to subject the rest of Al-Maghreb to the Far, and Bo However, the most extreme revolutions in the Maghreb were led by Saffari Abi Yazid Khalid ibn Kaidad al-Zanati during the reign of the Fatimid caliph Abu al-Qasim, who established the order of God and met with the revolutionary Kharij And continued to revolution to the days of the Fatimid Caliph Mansur Isma'il, who destroyed the revolution and its leaders and remained Kharijites ruled them in different parts of Al-Maghreb , the most important of which was that the Safriya ruled them in Sigmassa by Madrar ibn Alissa and knew Beni Madrar and continued H Is important for a long time (H 155 297 / 772909m) to be seized Fatimids on their state. See also Mahmoud Ismail Abd Ulrazeq: Kharijites fi bilād al-Maghreb ilā muntaṣaf al-qarn alrabia al-hijrī , Dar al-Thaqafa Casablanca, II, 1985, 44 sqq; Nasser Bin Suleiman Bin Said Al-Saba'i: al-khawarij w al-haqiqa al-ghayiba, 1999, 176-177.
79 Al-Bakrī : Al-Maghreb , 9; Ibn Khaldun, op.cit, 4:417; Al-Salawi: op.cit, 1:188; IbnʿIdhārī: op.cit, 1: 112-113; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 5:197-210; Al-Ḥamawī: op.cit, 4: 25; Al-Qayrawan: op.cit, 85; Al-Nuwayrī: op.cit, 24: 46-51; Al-Mazyani: op.cit, 100; Al-Barghūthī: op.cit, 150-153.
27
2.2.4. Tripoli In The Age Of Aghlabid
The dependency of Tripoli in 184 / 800 was transferred to the Aghlabid"80 entrusted to them the Abbasi Caliphate, the Department of Ifriqiya Affairs. Thus, the era of the governors ended in Ifriqiya and the era of self-independence began and the government remained a legacy in the majority of the region for a century until this family fell into the hands of the Fatimids in 296 /90981.
Ibrahim ibn al-Aghlab likely tried to satisfy the people of Tripoli was ordering the removal of governors who complain about them the people of the country between the years 184 -189 / 800-814 Tripoli took several governors, the last of which was Sufian Ibn Abi Muhajer, Who was attacked by soldiers and demanded to leave Tripoli and join al-kayrawan refused at first but was forced to exit who was being held with his companions inside the mosque. He asked them for safety and went out to al-kayrawan. His term lasted for one month, and all the recruits agreed to obey Ibrahim Ibn Sufyan al-Tamimi. Parties In al-kayrawan who were afraid of the bad consequences, they asked for amnesty from and to the Ifriqiya who pardoned them and ordered them to return to Tripoli82.
80 It was named by the name of the most common of Ben Salem ibn Aqal ibn Khafajah al-Tamimi, who was an Arab soldier who went to Egypt and then moved after the establishment of the Abbasid state to Iraq and became part of the special guard of the Caliph Abu Jaafar al-Mansur, an Ifriqiya income with the forces of Muhammad ibn al-Ash'ath al-Khuzaie in 144 AH / , And Harun al-Rashid was used on the Ifriqiya Mohammed ibn fighter ibn Hakim al-Akki and because of his unjust policy Thar Tamim ibn Tamim Tamimi worker in one of the territories in the year 183 AH and graduated from al-Qayrawan Asta Ibrahim ibn most of which was the guardian of the Zab on the exit of Tammam the governor of Africa legitimacy gathered his army He went to Al-Qayrawan before he reached Faram Tunisia and Ibrahim became the most powerful African man after the defeat of Tamim ibn Tamim and returned Mohammed ibn fighter Akki to his seat, but the people tired of the rule of Ben fighter Akki and hated injustice and asked Ibrahim ibn most likely to take over the affairs of their country, and convinced the successive events in the African Caliph Harun al-Rashid appointed Ibrahim ibn most of the most important events of the battles fought by the Arabs against the barbaric zero and the uprising and the sedition and movements of rebellion, convinced the Caliph al-Rashid of the separation of Al-Maghreb from the Abbasid state has become a fact to accept the offer of Ibrahim to accept the independence of the state partly from the succession and the shoulders Idris ibn Abdullah ibn al-Hussein fled to Al-Maghreb and founded a Shiite state aspiring to unite Al-Maghreb and expand at the expense of neighboring areas and naturally fear of the Abbasid Caliphs of The ambitions of Al-Adarsa, the assumption of the establishment of the Aghlabid state in the Lower Maghreb, would be a barrier between them and the progress of Idrissi. The Aghlabid ruled the area from Tripoli to the east of Algeria as well as their control over Sicily. See. Mahmoud Ismail Abd Ulrazeq: al-aghlaba , eayan li-ldirasat w al-buhwith al-aijtimaeia Alqahra, 3th, 2000, 19 seq.
81 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 5 : 339; Al-Mazyani: op.cit, 104.
82 Al-Barghūthī: op.cit, 201.
28
The situation in Tripoli deteriorated for a number of years and came back to the revolution in 196 / 811. The revolution was called by a person called Abu Issam, who was surrounded several supporters. Them defeated them and their revolution was defeated. most of the people of Tripoli was assigned to his Ibn Abdullah83, who was attacked by soldiers in the same year. His father expelled him from Tripoli and entrusted it to Sufyian Ibn al-Madha in an attempt to get out of the city and accept their condition, but he mobilized a large number of Berber and marched to Tripoli and managed to defeat the soldiers and enter the city again, From him to satisfy the Hawara but that Hawara did not see And the revolution was declared to Sufian Ibn al-Mudaa in 196 / 811 Sufian ibn al-Mu'aymawent out to them and the Hawara defeated him , They defeated the defeated soldiers to Tripoli and besieged them inside the city. Then they managed to enter the city and demolish its walls84, Baroni believes that the Hawara revolution was an attempt to join them. al-Rustamid85, and when the news reached al-kayrawan, Ibn Alghlab his Ibn Abu Abbas sent in 13000 knights to retrieve Tripoli from Hawara and despite his success in expelling Hawara from Tripoli, they resorted to the tribes of Nafusa Ibaḍi, led by Abdulwahab ibn Rustam, He was forced to hold peace with them after news of the death of his father. It was agreed to be Tripoli for the Aghlabid and outside the fence to Sirte to Ibn Rustam86,and before Aghlabito go to al-kayrawan in the year 197 AH ,made Sufian Ibn Abi Muhajir on Tripoli87, The rule of the Aghlabiin Ifriqiya was reduced after the outbreak of many rebels in the region except Tripoli, Gabes and al-kayrawan, In the year 223 /837 , during the rule of Sufian Ibn Abi Muhajir, the tribes of Lawata, Zuagha and Mnassa arose, killed him, and then the mandate of Tripoli was given to Mansour Ibn Nasser al-Jashmi al-Tanbadi88,Who declared his displeasure at the killing of Amr Ibn Mouwiya al-Salami and his sons, he was isolated from the state of Tripoli and was succeeded by Mohammed al-Makeni Abu Abdullah, whom passed away in 233 AH89, He was followed by Ahmed ibn Sufyan ibn Sa'ada by majority and managed his affairs for many years and had a high
83 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 5 :391-392; Al-Mazyani: op.cit, 105; Al-Barghūthī: op.cit, 202.
84 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 5 :391-392; Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 162 .
85 Soluman Pasha Al-Baroni: al-aizihar al-riyadiat fi tarikh ayimat wa muluk Ibadya(D.T), Dar alhikma, 2005 ,146.
86 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 5 : 392; Al-Qayrawani: op.cit, 104; Al-Nuwayrī: op.cit,24 : 57; Al-Barghūthī : op.cit, 202-203.
87 Ibn Al-Abaar: op.cit, 1: 168.
88 Compared to a village known as Tanbat from the province of Muhammadiyah in Tunisia.
89 Ibn Al-Abaar: op.cit , 1 ; 382; Al-Nuwayrī: op.cit, 24 : 58.
29
status among the soldiers. By 245 AH, the Berber would refrain from paying for the tenths and losses of Tripoli to Luli who went to fight but fled before them and went to Lebda then went to Tripoli and sent in order to ensure they do not return to the revolution again90, In the era of Abu al-granic he ordered the construction of fortresses and a guard91On the coast of the sea on the march of 15 days of the Barqa to Morocco and in his reign was the worker of Tripoli is Abdullah ibn Mohammed ibn Abdullah Abu Abbas was A poet, and then came Mohammed Ibn Qarhb from 262 / 874 , and during his rule came Abbas Ibn Ahmed Ibn Toulon wants Ifriqiya92, In the year 267 /
880 revolt against him Berber and managed to kill him, sent to them Ibrahim Worker Ifriqiya, army led by his son Abdullah, who managed to expel the Berber from Tripoli in 269 / 88293, Then Muhammad Ibn Ziyadat Allah came by order from and to the Ifriqiya Ibraham Ibn Ahmad Muhammad Ibn Ziyadat Allah Adiba and poet as was a good biography among the population, unlike his cousin of the people Ifriqiya in the Abbasi Caliph al-Mu'tazid said: "Wonders of Ibrahim, what was said to be bad praise It was said that the Caliph al-Abbasi wrote and told him that if you did not leave your morals in the shedding of blood, leave the country to your cousin Muhammad Ibn Ziyada Allah, the owner of Tripoli, and Ibraham decided to avenge the Ibn His uncle showed that he wanted to go to Egypt Tripoli and Gabes under the pretext of breaking his sovereignty according to Most of the dead in the battle of Manu are Ibaḍi and among the dead of the Ibaḍi who were described by Albaroni as "the great disaster". His cousin was killed in 283 AH under the reign of Ziyadat Allah ibn Abdullah in Tripoli and during his tenure, With a convoy of traders on their way to Morocco in 296 AH94.
90 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 6 : 132.
91 His name is still called the well of the mother of Al-Granic, the land of Sirte, until today.
92 Canadi : op.cit, 221.
93 Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 171; Aḥmad Hussain Al-Anṣārī: al-Munahal al-Eadhab fi tarikh tarabulus algharb, Maktabat alfurajanii -Tripoli , (D.T),73.
94 Ibn Al-Abaar: op.cit , 1 :179; Al-Nuwayrī: op.cit,24 :73; IbnʿIdhārī: op.cit ,1 :173-174; Al-Baroni:op.cit,281 ; Al-Barghūthī: op.cit, 206-210 .
30
2.3. JABAL NAFUSA BEFORE THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FATIMID STATE .
2.3.1. The Islamic Conquest Of Jabal Nafusa
The historical sources differ from those attributed to the opening of JabalNafusa95,Al-Bakrī attributed to 'Amr Ibn Al-'Assaid: "And opened 'Amr ibn al-'As, God's mercy Nafusa and were Christians ,'Amr ibn al-'As returned from Nafusa96 after the arrival of the book Omar Ibn al-Khattab may Allah be pleased with him not to open the Morocco "97,And confirms what said al-Bakrī, Yacout Al-Hamawi and the author of the book of foresight98.
As for the Ibn Abī Dīnār the text of the first two texts goes to what the al-Bakrī went toThe second text says that the secret of Ibn Abi Arata is from the opening of
95 Jabal Nafusa (Western Jabal) is located within the Libyan territory. It is an intermediate Jabalain range in the shae of an arch or crescent. The highest eak is located south of the city of Gharyan. It is about 981 meters aboe sea leel. And the height of these Jabalains decreases as we moe east of Gharyan to meet the sea by the fie, and oinions dierged on the geograhical extension, while the Ibn Hawkal and al-Humiri and the author of the insight that the length of the Jabalain is estimated to march three days, we find other iews contrary to that Bakri and Abu al-Hassan Moroccan and Idrissi And Yacout Hamwi They consider that the length of the Jabalain is estimated at about six days, and contemorary iews regarding the geograhical definition of the immaculate Jabalain range from the Tunisian border west to the east of the city. There are those who shorten the distance from the Tunisian border in the west to the city of Yefran in the east. This is what Sheikh Ibrahim Suleiman Al-Shamakhi The author of the book of alaces and the ways of Jabal Nafusa, while we find that Saleh Mayouf confined the Jabalain between the city of Lalut (Nalut) west and Tgermin (Zintan) east, and through these different oinions we conclude that the geograhical definition of Jabal Nafusa in the Middle Ages was not fixed but was Select a mobile geograhic location olitical and social conditions such as conflicts between tribes and migrations. See also Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad Aal-Idrīsī: wasaf shamal ifriqiya, maʾkhūdh min Kitāb Nuzhat al-mushtāq ,1957, 90; Muḥammad Ibn ʿAbd Al-Munim Al-Ḥimyarī: Al-Rawḍ al-Miʿṭār fī Khabar al-Aqṭār, Bayrut , Maktabat Lubnān ,1984, 2nd, 578; Al-Bakrī: al-Masālik wa al-Mamālik ,2:181; Al-Hamwi: op.cit, 5:296-297; Saleh Maayouf Moftah: Jabal nufusa w aealaqatuh bi al-dawla alrastamia, Muasasat tuasil al-thaqafia, 2006, 21-25; Mazhūdī, Masʿūd: Jabal Nafūsa mundhu Intishār al-Islām ḥattā Hijrat Banī Hilāl ilā Bilād al-Maghrib, Muassasat Tāwālt, 2003, 21-23; Sharqāwī: al-Tārīkh al-Siyāsī wa al-Ḥaḍārī li Jabal Nafūsa: fī al-Qarnayn al Thānī wa al-Thālith al-Hijriayn, Muassasat Tāwālt, 2011, 22-25.
96 Nafusa of the eoles of the amutation and belong to their grandfather, the souls of Ben Zhaik bin Madgis Atter, and says Ibn Khaldūn that Nafusa are one belly belong to him and all of them many eoles, and the citizens of their constituency in the roince of Trioli in Libya and was the city of Sabra of their country and to them attributed the famous Jabalain in the kiss The tribe of Nafusa was stable in the western art of the Jabalain and then through the intermediate stages of history, it exanded eastwards at the exense of the other tribes until almost all of them took control, thus withdrawing its name to all areas of the Jabalain and the first male to osh reorted when the son of Marrakech Adhari, who soke about Astnejad residents of Trioli during the siege Nefoussa tribe by 'Amr ibn al-'As in the year 22 AH. See Ibn Khaldūn: op.cit, 6: 149; IbnʿIdhārī: op.cit, 1: 30; Sharqāwī: op.cit, 21.
97 Al-Bakrī: Al-Maghrib, 9-10; Al-Hamawi: op.cit, 5: 297; Al-Muzaini: op.cit, 37; Ibrahim Bahaz: Al-ibadiat fi al-jughrafia w alsiyah (baldany) , majalat aleulum al-iinsaniat jamieat munturi , qsntynt , aljazayir 2 disambir 2003. jamieatan babil , aleadad 3 , yuniu 2010, 132.
98 Al-Hamwi: op.cit, 5:297; Majhul :op.cit, 144.
31
JabalNafusa when he was sent by 'Amr ibn al-'As during his stay in Tripoli to open, Wdan and Nafusa. This was agreed by Saleh al-Mazyani, sent him during his stay in Tripoli to open And Wdan and Nafusa , and was purpose From this campaign to secure the back of 'Amr ibn al-'As at Inside and monitor the movements of the tribes present there to prevent any contact between Tripoli and Interiors99, and Hussein Mounis believes that the mission of 'Amr ibn al-'As to Wdan to open it did not do more than that he had a treaty with Nafusa in Wdan also mentioned that the secret Ibn Abi Arata had their favor on not helping the Romans and only so, contrary to the campaign he sent to Sabra, as IbnʿIdhārī and Al-Tijānī talked about asking for help Tripoli in the tribe of Nafusa during the siege 'Amr ibn al-'As in the year 22 AH, "They were using a tribe of Berbers Ibn fousa100 ,"which prompted 'Amr ibn al-'As to send a secret from a An army led by Abdullah ibn al-Zubayr to open his patience was feared to send to Tripoli because the inhabitants of Sabra were Nafusa, a sign that prompts us to ask about the relationship of Nafusa Sabra beach, some historians consider the area of Jafra in the west of Tripoli, which extends from the Jabal to the shore of the field al-Turabi al-Nafousi, which also explains Ibn Khaldun's description of the city of Sabra as a citizen of Nafusa before the conquest, as stated by al-Salawi "and the most people of Tripoli and Nafusa", the same description used by Solomon Al-Baroni101.
And From Tripoli, the Muslims started to open Shoros, the largest Berber capitals in the Jabal Nafusa102, and was one of the capitals of the Jabal103, which contains about three hundred villages, but we do not know whether you opened a reconciliation or force? As it was not touched by one of the historians.
And before leaving 'Amr ibn al-'As wrote to Omar Ibn al-Khattab may Allah be pleased with him ask him to open the Ifriqiya,"God has opened on us Tripoli and not between them and the Ifriqiya nine days, the opinion of the Commander of the
99 Ibn Abī Dīnār: op.cit, 23; Al-Mazyani: op.cit, 33-34.
100 IbnʿIdhārī: op.cit,1 :30; Al-Tijānī: op.cit, 239; Moanis: fath al-earab li-lmaghrib, 66.
101 Ibn Khaldūn: op.cit, 6 :150; Al-Salawi: op.cit, 1 : 129; Masʿūd: op.cit, 41-42.
102 Ibn Abdul Hakam: Futuh misr wa akhbaraha, 117;Al-Baladri: op.cit,316; Sharqāwī: op.cit. 30; Moanis: fath al-earab li-lmaghrib ,68; Moanis : tarikh al-maghrib w al-andulis, 42; Al-Mazyani: op.cit, 36-37; Masʿūd:op.cit,42; Salem: op.cit, 64-65.
103 The second caital is Gadu, which is imortant as a commercial market and a station for conoys to the Jabalain. For more see Salih Mayouf: op.cit, 32-34; Altahir Ahmad alzawy: Maejim al-buldan al-liybia , Maktabat al-nuwr - Tripoli, 1968, 86.
32
believers to invade and open God on his hands an act,"Omar Ibnal-Khattab refused and ordered him to return to Egypt104 .
In the opinion of ʿAwḍ Sharqāwī that 'Amr ibn al-'As stayed two months in Shros waiting for the response of Ibn al-Khattab, also reminds Tahar Al-Zawy that 'Amr ibn al-'As before leaving on Tripoli for Egypt left an Oqba ibn Nāfi to complete the opening and call for Islam among Berber tribes105,Al-Barghūthī is unique that 'Amr ibn al-'As left Basar Ibn Abi Ertah on the head of a garrison in Sirte, along with Oqba ibn Nāfi in Barqa106 ,The establishment of an Oqba for nearly a quarter of a century has succeeded in winning many of the population, especially from the largest Berber tribes of the Nafusa, Lawata, Hawara, Nizwa and Zuga tribes, and has entered Islam, and its inhabitants in several religions mention Christianity on the doctrine of the Donati, ibn Khaldun mentioned that men of Nafusa entered Islam by Oqba ibn Nāfi in his first mission in the year 43 / 667 , and took with him the safest of them when ordered by Muawiya ibn Abi Sufyan, the path to him in 50 / 670107.
2.3.2. Jabal Nafusa During The UmayyadAnd Abbasi Ages
The policy of injustice practiced by some Umayyadand Abbasi rulers in Ifriqiya and Morocco108 led some Berber to wrap around the ideas and principles of the Kharijite. Perhaps the most important of these movements is the Ibāḍī movement, which is believed to have emerged in Morocco in the second half of the first century AH or the beginning of the second century of emigration. said Yehia Muammar, one of the Ibāḍī historians and al-Sayed Abdelaziz Salem and Mahmoud Ismail Abd ulrazeq, author of the book KharijitefiMaghrib and said Taher Zawi appeared after the year 120 AH,by
104 Al-Hamwi: op.cit, 5 : 296; Abū Al-Qāsim Ibn Ḥawqal,: Ṣūrat al-arḍ. Bayrut,Maktaba alhaya aleama,1992, 92-93; Al-Barghūthī : op. cit, 44 .
105 Sharqāwī: op.cit, 30-31 ; Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 61.
106 Al-Barghūthī : op. cit,44 .
107 Ibn Khaldūn: op. cit, 6 : 212 ; Al-Bakrī : al-Masālik wa al-Mamālik, 2: 181; Al-Hamwi: op.cit, 5 : 297; Al-Tijānī: op.cit, 239; IbnʿIdhārī: op.cit, 1: 30; Ibn Abī Dīnār: op.cit, 23; Abbās: op.cit, 22; Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 60; Muammar: Ibadi in the rocession, 1: 27.
108 The Uamyyad Calih Yazid ibn Abd al-Malik used Yazid ibn Abi Muslim on an African, and was determined to walk among them in the biograhy of the ilgrims in the eole of Iraq and wanted to return from the safest Berbers to their illages and ut the tribute in a way taken from them as an indiidual. They wrote to Yazid ibn Abd al-Malik: "We did not raise our hands about obedience, but Yazid ibn Muslim, our saints, did not see God and Muslims, so we killed him and reared you." 'Uzid ibn' Abd al-Malik wrote to them: I did not do what Yazid ibn Abi Muslim did, and Muhammad ibn Yazeed agreed to his work. more see Al-Barghūthī: op.cit ,110.
33
Salamah Ibn Saad al-Hadrami under the banner of Abi Obaida Muslim Ibn Abi Karima Ibāḍī leader in Basra, Salama ibn Said's efforts have succeeded in calling for Ibāḍī: "I wished that if it appeared in Morocco from the beginning of the day to the end, I do not care if he died later," and did not spend his presence in the Maghreb years until his call was filled and had many followers of Tlemcen until Sirte and claimed Ibāḍī Tripoli Abdullah Ibn Mas'ud Al-Tajeiby, who was crowned by his tribe Hawara and then followed by Zanata in the east of Tripoli and Nafusa in the Jabal , Then the Ibāḍī preachers saw the need to send some people to Basra to take the appWarorch from Abu Obaida Muslim Ibn Abi Karima al-Tamimi. Five people from different regions were chosen to join Basra109 , Historians about the meeting of Salma IbnSaʿd with the campaign of science,Ali Yahya Muamar Said that Salma ibn Saad "was able to make the members of this mission from different places and separated from each other so that each one of them a guide to guide him and Zawi that he met them and their desire to travel to Basra, as Mazhūdī, Masʿūd recalls that Salma IbnSaʿd is the one who pointed to Abdulrahman ibn Rustam And others said that Salma ibnSaʿd did not meet them or taught them or directed them and were based on the story of Abdulrahman ibn Rustam when he intends to travel to Basra that a man of the people advised him to go to Basra, al-Shamakhi believes that the owner of that advice was his mother "110, and the difference occurred Also in the history of their transfer to Basra, some references said On 135 / 752, and after the death of Salma IbnSaʿd took the command of the call Abu Abdullah Muhammad ibn Abdul Hamid ibn Mughair al-Janawi, who participated in the dissemination of the teachings of the Ibāḍī in the Jabal and became the son of the first preacher Ibāḍī in Morocco, and had great efforts to convince his people In the JabalNafusa following the Ibāḍī doctrine until JabalNafusa became the main stronghold of the Ibāḍī of Morocco during that period, during the first third of the second century of migration. In addition to the tribes of Hawara, Zanata and Nafusa,
109 Abi Al-Abbas Ahmad Ibn Said Al-Darijni: Tabaqat al-Mashayikh fi al-Maghrib ,1974, 6; Ahmed bin Abdul Wahid Al-Shamakhi : kitab al-sayr, Sultanate Oman , wizarat al-turath alwatanii wa lthaqafat ,1992, 2nd ,1: 91; Muammar: al-ibadia fi libiy, 30-31; Abd ulrazeq: Kharijite fi Maghreb, 54; Muhammad Salem Al-Maqid: bed al-athar al-islamiat fi jabal nufusat fi libiya , alfikr alsiyasi fi al-ibadia , maktabat aldamrii lilnashr w altawzie, (D.T), 30; Adon Jahlan: al-fikr al-siyasi fi al-ibadia , Maktabat al-damri li-lnashr w al-tawzie , Sultanate of Oman, (D.T), 34; Al-Mazyani: op.cit, 73; Masʿūd: op.cit, 50; Leqbal: al-Maghreb al-Aslami, 154; Khalid Ahmed Saleh: al-ibadyt taealimuhum wa intisharuhim fi al-maghrib al-earabi , majalat al-anbar li-leulum al-insaniat , ean jamieat al-anbar al-eiraqiat , al-eadad 1 , 2011, 127.
110 Al-Shamakhi : op.cit, 1: 113; Muammar: al-ibadia fi libiy, 31; Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 127-128; Masʿūd: op.cit, 52-53.
34
the Ibāḍī doctrine also spread among the tribes of Sedrata, Lawata and Mazata. After five years, Imam Abu Obaida saw it He said to them: "Go to your country, if you have an Abu Wdance of men to carry out what is required to control the country, choose a man of you, then refused to kill him and pointed to Abi al-Khattab al-Maa͑feri "111.
The flag campaign settled in Tripoli after their return from Basra. They met secretly with their followers in a place called a fisherman outside Tripoli. They demonstrated that they had met in the matter of a man and a woman who had been assigned to them, And when they decided to declare their state, they chose to appoint Abi-Khattab as their imam and set known date, and agreed that each one of them came with men behind their arms to be placed in bags of fiber, even those who did not come out of the city agreed with them if they entered the city with their group To make them famous Abial-Khattab also did not know what was happening until that day, when he went out with them and said to him the simplest hand to let you know that "control between us the book of God and the year of Prophet Muhammad peace be upon him and raised the righteous of his slaves" Abial-Khattab refused to accept allegiance and had to choose between allegiance or killing, ordered by Abu Obaida Muslim Ibn Abi Karima in Basra, agreed that loyalty does not mention the case of al-Harithi and Abdul-Jabbar was 140 /757112.
The Ibāḍī moved from the stage of da'wa and secrecy to the stage of appearance in which the revolution means the imams of injustice and in the eyes of the Abbasid Caliphate a rebellion against it,According to Mahmoud Ismail and Mazhūdī, Masʿūdi, the declaration of the Ibāḍī for their state was due to the increasing Wdanger of the Safriya sect, which condemned them to Al-kayrawan after their division spread in the Maghreb. And the middle, ruling out what was quoted by the Sunni and Ibāḍī sources, who said that the departure of the speech was an anger to God and his religion, and also adds to the desire of the Ibāḍī to expand the influence of their imam when they
111 Al-Hamwi: op.cit, 5 :296-297; Al-Yaʿqūbī: al-Buldān, 182; Al-Darijni :op.cit, 2 :20; Al-Shamakhi : op.cit , 1 : 114 ; Abd ulrazeq: Kharijite fi Maghreb, 54-60; Samia Maqri: al-taelim fi al-ibadiat fi al-maghrib al-kabir min suqut al-dawlat al-rastamiat ila tasis nizam eizbat , risalat majstyr ghyr manshurat , jamieat munturi – Algeria, 25; Al-Mazyani: op.cit, 74-75; Masʿūd: op.cit, 52-54; Saleh: op.cit, 127-128; Sharqāwī: op.cit, 47; Mayouf: op.cit, 91-92; Muammar: al-ibadia fi libiy, 54; Al-Ḥarīrī : op.cit, 82; Salem: op.cit, 449-450; Al-Barghūthī: op.cit, 110-111.
112 Al-Shamakhi : op.cit, 1: 114; Al-Darjni: op.cit, 1: 21-23; Al-Maqid: op.cit, 31; Samia Maqri: op.cit, 34; Muammar: al-ibadia fi libiy, 56; Mayouf: op.cit, 94; Sharqāwī: op.cit, 55; Al-Muzaini: op.cit, 85-87; Masʿūd: op.cit, 60; Al-Barghūthī: op.cit, 144.
35
felt able to do so and the evidence of their takeover of Gabes and Jabal Dumar113, while Iḥsān Abbās and al-Sayed Abdelaziz Salem said that the direct cause of the revolution of Abi al-Khattab was the atrocities committed by Rafjumah114, In our opinion the establishment of the Ibāḍī state is due to the increased Wdanger of the zero division and the speed of its spread.
These tribes were able by their sectarian cohesion to circumvent Abi al-Khattab from the establishment of the first Ibāḍī Emirate in the region after their control of Tripoli by a white coup did not receive a single drop of blood in 140 /757 , and left the Tripoli worker freedom to stay inside the city or exit and chose the second and assigned its mandate to Abdulrahman ibn Rustam 115, as he took control of the island of jerba and on his way to al-kayrawan passed through Gabes and besieged her people until they obeyed him obediently and before he left them made a worker and then went to al-kayrawan and besieged long without being able to enter it ordered the military to leave and resort to raqadaThey thought that they escaped and succeeded plan, the region became from Sirte to Gabes and from the sea to the Great Sahara condemned obedience to Abi al-Khattab116, but alzawy states that the defeat of Rajjumah as a result of the revolution that al-kayrawan lit them up against them and brought them to
113 Abd ulrazeq: Kharijite fi al-Maghreb, 75-76; Masʿūd: op.cit, 62.
114 Abbās: op.cit, 46-47; Salem: op.cit, 255.
115 The first Ibadi reolution against the Alamoy s in Morocco receded three reolutions, the first of which was led by Abdullah bin Masoud al-Tibi in 126 AH in Trioli against the rule of Abd al-Rahman ibn Habib. The battle was extinguished after the arrest of Abdullah bin Masoud al-Tabibi and his death. The second was the Harith bin Walid al-Hadrami and Abdul Jabbar bin Qays al-Mouradi, who was sworn in between 131 and 140 AH. The Ibadis managed to control the area between Trioli, Gabes and Sirte, including Trioli itself, and ended the reolution with its death. And the third reolution of Ismail bin Yazid al-Nafousi and managed Abdul Rahman bin Habib to eliminate that reolution also in the year 132 / 753. See more Al-Darijni: op.cit,1: 25 sqq ; Al-Shamakhi : op.cit, 1: 114-115; Abd ulrazeq: Kharijite fi al-Maghreb, 82 sqq ; Adon Jahlan: o.cit, 35-39; Sharqāwī: op.cit, 49-55.
Al-Darijni: op.cit, 1: 28-29; Al-Shamakhi : op.cit, 1: 114-117; IbnʿIdhārī:op.cit.1,103-104; Al-Salawi: op.cit, 1:179;Ibn Khaldūn: op.cit, 6: 146; Al-Mazyani: op.cit, 87-88; Abdel-Razek: Kharijite fi al-Maghreb, 86-87; Sharqāwī: op.cit, 58-59; Masʿūd: op.cit, 63; Ituri Rossi: Libya since the Arab conquest until 1911,Dar al-Kitab, Tripoli ,1999, 74; Moanis : tarikh al-maghrib w al-andulis, 80;Muḥammad ʿIṣā Al-Ḥarīrī : al-Dawla al-Rustumīya fi al-Maghrib al- Islāmī,Ḥaḍāratuhā wa ʿAlāqātuhā al-Khārijīya bi al-Maghrib wa al-Andalus ,th3, Dār al-Qalam li al-Nashr wa al-Tawzīʿ, Kuwait,1987, 67-68 .
116 Al-Darijni: op.cit, 1: 28-29; Al-Shamakhi : op.cit, 1: 114-117; IbnʿIdhārī:op.cit.1,103-104; Al-Salawi: op.cit, 1:179;Ibn Khaldūn: op.cit, 6: 146; Al-Mazyani: op.cit, 87-88; Abdel-Razek: Kharijite fi al-Maghreb, 86-87; Sharqāwī: op.cit, 58-59; Masʿūd: op.cit, 63; Ituri Rossi: Libya since the Arab conquest until 1911,Dar al-Kitab, Tripoli ,1999, 74; Moanis : tarikh al-maghrib w al-andulis, 80;Muḥammad ʿIṣā Al-Ḥarīrī : al-Dawla al-Rustumīya fi al-Maghrib al- Islāmī,Ḥaḍāratuhā wa ʿAlāqātuhā al-Khārijīya bi al-Maghrib wa al-Andalus ,th3, Dār al-Qalam li al-Nashr wa al-Tawzīʿ, Kuwait,1987, 67-68 .
36
Abi al-Khattab and before his return to Tripoli left Abdulrahman ibn Rustam and on al-kayrawan 117.
Abi al-Khattab took from Tripoli his capital and entrusted the judiciary to Abu Darar al-Ghadamesi and Omar Ibn Yemtin of Sirte , He mentions Yahya Muammar in his Ibāḍī book fi Libya that the choice of Abi al-Khattab for Omar Ibn Yumtun For the city is in the way of the Abbasi118, However four years after its establishment, the Abbasi army led by Muhammad Ibn al-Ash'at Al-Khuza'I119Succeeded in putting an end to it after a severe defeat in the Battle of Taurga. It is possible that the defeat of my father is the speech from Zanata, who left his army after accusing him of harming Hawara in the killing of one of his men by Hawara, His successor, Abu Zera Zanati, failed in the face of the Abbasid armies, while al-Shamakhi said caused the defeat of Ibāḍī, Because the time was the time of planting, "Khalifa ibn Khayyat said history of the elimination of the revolution of AbiAl-Khattab in 143 AH, he said that the meeting in Lebda, and sent a section of his army led by Ismail Ibn Akrama Khuzaie to Wdan and Zewaila to hunt the Ibāḍī and kill them, killing Abdullah Ibn Habban Imam Ibāḍī in Zewaila120.
Abdulrahman ibn Rustam the governor of Al-kayrawan, tried to save Abi al-Khattab, but the news of his death and his companions and his connection to Gabes decided to return to al-kayrawan, where the revolution was declared. He was forced to go to Morocco, with his son Abdel Wahab. They moved to Jabal Sufaj (Wadi Ajaj) Followed by sixty elders from Ibāḍī to the Jabal and besieged by the army of the
117 Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 140.
118 Muammar: al-ibadia fi libiy, 47-56 ; Al-Barghūthī :op.cit, 111; Maqri: op.cit, 28; Salem: op.cit, 256.
119 The sources differed from the number of the Abbasid army, some sources made it at fifty thousand while other sources said seenty thousand. Al-Drajini: op.cit, 1: 32; Al-Shamakhi : op.cit, 1:118; while the said IbnʿIdhārī was numbered forty thousand, IbnʿIdhārī:,op.cit, 1:104 ; Salem: op. cit, 258-259;Al-Salwa: op.cit, 1:183-184; Al-Shamakhi : op.cit, 1: 118-120; Al-Nuwayrī: op.cit, 24 : 39-40; IbnʿIdhārī: op.cit, 1:105; Ibn Khaldūn: op.cit, 6:147; Al-Drajini : op.cit, 1: 34; Khalife bin Khayat: op.cit, 420; Ibn Abī Dīnār: attributed the reolution of the Ibadi led by Abi al-Khattab to al-Saffriyah, and this is a mistake of it,op.cit, 34; Bin Hamad Bin Sulaiman Al-Harithi: Siler Contracts in the Origins of Ibadhi, Ministry of National Heritage and Culture Sultanate of Oman, 1983, Abbās: op.cit, 49; Sharkawi: op.cit, 60-62; Mutahari : op.cit, 96; Rossi: op.cit, 75; Al-Barghūthī:op.cit, 147.
120 Al-Salwa: op.cit, 1:183-184; Al-Shamakhi : op.cit, 1: 118-120; Al-Nuwayrī: op.cit, 24 : 39-40; IbnʿIdhārī: op.cit, 1:105; Ibn Khaldūn: op.cit, 6:147; Al-Drajini : op.cit, 1: 34; Khalife bin Khayat: op.cit, 420; Ibn Abī Dīnār: attributed the reolution of the Ibadi led by Abi al-Khattab to al-Saffriyah, and this is a mistake of it,op.cit, 34; Bin Hamad Bin Sulaiman Al-Harithi: Siler Contracts in the Origins of Ibadhi, Ministry of National Heritage and Culture Sultanate of Oman, 1983, Abbās: op.cit, 49; Sharkawi: op.cit, 60-62; Mutahari : op.cit, 96; Rossi: op.cit, 75; Al-Barghūthī:op.cit, 147.
37
Abbasids there, and remained besieged In the Jabal until the smallpox fell in army Abbasids and could not get out of Abdulrahman ibn Rustam and his companions from the Jabal that returned to al-kayrawan. Muhammad Salem al-Maqid mentioned that Abdulrahman ibn Rustam was captured but that he was released by one of his friends Closer to Abbasi tiles adds That Ibnal-Ashath was upset with the release of Ibn Rustam, al-Shamakhi and Aldergini pointed out that ibn Rustam was captured in the hands of Abd al Rahman ibn Habib and released a man from the people of al-kayrawan, In the view of Mahmoud Ismail that Al-Shamakhi and Al-Dargini wrong so because Habib ibn Abd al Rahman killed him Safrih in 140 /757, and agree with the opinion that the entry of Abd al-Rahman ibn Rustam al-kayrawan for some time to gather Ansar and forced to leave the revolution of its people against the Ibāḍī and the arrival of the forces of the son of the shaggy to the city121, how was the situation of the Ibāḍīs after that defeat And the killing of their leader Abi Khattab?.
Although the defeat of Taurga was a great pain in the hearts of Ibāḍī and despite the great human losses and despite the persecution of worker Tripoli ibn Ghaffar, but did not delay the determination of the new Imam is Abu Hatem Yaʿqūb ibn Labib Balzouki"122said in 154 / 761 was likely to sell a year 154 / 771 in 145 AH, It is not expected that Ibāḍī will not be in front of the death of Abu al-Khattab, and appears to be a defensive Imam. Remained in hiding for four Ibāḍī years who were separated after the death of Abial-Khattab123.
Ibāḍī revolt led by Abu Hatem al-Malzi in Tripoli in 150 / 767, and expelled the Abbasi worker from the city,The Ibāḍī revolution led by Abu Hatem al-Malzi in Tripoli in 150 / 767, the expulsion of the Abbasi from the city, the failed attempts by Omar Ibn Hafs to restore Tripoli, and then the Ibāḍī regime in front of the barbarians
121 Al-Darijni: op.cit, 1:36;Al-Salawi: op.cit, 1:184; Al-Shamakhi : op.cit, 1:120; Muammar: al-ibadia fi libiy,59; Al-Ḥarīrī : op.cit,83-86; Al-Maqid: op.cit,31-32;Samia Maqri: op.cit, 35-36; Masʿūd: op.cit, 65;Sharqāwī: op.cit, 63;Salem: op.cit, 259; Zaghlūl: op.cit, 2: 290-297; Abd ulrazeq: Kharijite fi Maghreb, 146.
122 The sources differed about his origin, some of whom he said attributed to Hawara and others beliee that he is from the tribe of Sedratah, While Ibn Khaldūn sees that he is one of the rinces of Mghila, and said Ibn al-At̲h̲ir, Al-Nuwayrī, Al-Shamakhi and Muammar of the Kanda tribe loyalty, and aried sources in the name of his father between Habib and Labib . See more : Ibn al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kāmil, 5: 195;Al-Nuwayrī: op.cit, 24: 42;Ibn Khaldūn: op.cit, 6:147;Al-Shamakhi : op.cit, 1:121; Muammar: al-ibadia fi libiy, 67.
123 Masʿūd: op.cit, 66; Abd ulrazeq: Kharijite fi Maghreb, 89; Al-Harithi: op.cit, 239; Mutahari: op.cit, 97.
38
trapped by the tubna. According to Mahmoud Ismail, the dispute between the Ibāḍīand Safarieh of Ibn Hafs, did not give an explanation of the content of that dispute,Ibāḍī then tried to occupy al-kayrawan and besieged for eight months. In 154 AH they killed Omar Ibn Hafs. Al-Darajini said that the factor of Al-kayrawan during the siege was Muhammad Ibn al-Ash'ath, and al-Shamkhi had two texts in which al-Shamakhi agreed with what he said in the first text, what he mentioned in the al-Darajini. In the second text he said that the factor of al-kayrawan is Omar Ibn Hafs124.
After the death of Omar Ibn Hafs, Abu Hatem returned to Tripoli after an agreement with the Kaironites, allowing him to enter the city provided that he remains in obedience to Abu Jaafar al-Mansour and left them their weapons, and some sources said that Abu Hatem agreed to their terms,Mahmoud Isma'il and Saleh Maayouf explain Abu Hatem's acceptance of the reconciliation in order to devote himself to meeting the Abbasi army coming from the Orient. We support what he went to, but other sources indicate his rejection of these conditions and that he fought them until the conquest of al-kayrawan125.
Abu Hatem did not settle in al-kayrawan for a long time and was replaced by Abdulaziz ibn Samah al-Maa͑feri and returned to Tripoli to prepare for the Abbasi army coming from the east. He was able to defeat the Yazid Army Front, which was under Salem Ibn Suwada al-Tamimi, near al-Majamid. In order to withstand the Abbasi' readiness to control the Warords leading to al-kayrawan and their residence in Ifriqiya, they were able to destroy them in 155 / 772. According to al-Nuwayrī and al-kayrawan, this terrible loss to Ibāḍī, which to the killing of 30 thousand of them was behind the migration of their tribes Especially Nafusa to Morocco Middle to escape
124 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kāmil , 5: 195-196; Al-Nuwayrī: op.cit, 24: 42-43; Ibn Abī Dīnār: op.cit, 35;Al-Salawi: op.cit, 1: 186; Ibn Khaldūn: op.cit, 6:147; Al-Darijni: op.cit, 1: 37; Al-Shamakhi : op.cit, 1:121; Al-Tabari: op.cit, 8: 42; IbnʿIdhārī: op.cit, 1: 108; Al-Qayrawani: op.cit, 81-83; Abdulrahman bin al-Jouzi: almuntazam fi tarikh almuluk wal'umam, Bayrut, Dar sadir, 1992, 8:166;Rooney Bassi: Scenes of Jabal Nafusa, Cultural Foundation of the eacock, 2004 ,76.
125 IbnʿIdhārī: op.cit, 1:110;Al-Nuwayrī: op.cit, 24: 45; Bin Khayyat: op.cit, 434; Al-Qayrawani: op.cit, 84; Al-Salawi: op.cit, 1: 187;Abd ulrazeq: Kharijite fi Maghreb, 92;Mayouf: op.cit,106;Masʿūd: op.cit, 66-67;Salem: op.cit, 268-269; Al-Barghūthī : op.cit, 150.
39
from the new Ifriqiya ruler Yazid Ibn Hatem, who was months everywhere tracking to kill them126.
Between the death of Abu Hatem al-mlazuzi year 155 - 772 and the establishment of the Rustamian state in 162 - 779, we do not find news about the case of JabalNafusa sources do not give us sufficient information about the conditions of the Jabal, and it seems that "IbāḍīNafusa and dominated on their order after the failure of the movement of Abu Hatem, Mahmoud Ismail, Salih Mayouf believe that Ibāḍī Nafusa gave its efforts and support to Abdul Rahman ibn Rustam, who founded the Rustamid state127 .
2.3.3. Jabal Nafusa And The Rustamid State
Abdulrahman ibn Rustam128 was aware of the impossibility of establishing a state in an area fighting BdWaror for the Abbasi state and therefore decided to establish that state away from them129,in the year 144 AH asked the people of experience to find a place to build the capital, they chose the location of Tahart, in addition to the distance from the Abbasi threat was rich economically It is famous for its wide rangeland, its
126 Ibn 'Adhari: op.cit, 1: 110-111;Al-Nuwayrī: op.cit, 24: 46;Al-Shamakhi : op.cit, 1: 122-123; Al-Qayrawanii: op.cit, 84-92; Ibn al-Jouzi: op.cit, 8: 183;Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kāmil , 5;197;Al-Tabari: op.cit, 8:46; Al-Darjini: op.cit, 1:39;Ibn Khaldūn: op.cit, 6:148; Ibn Al-Saghir: akhbar al-ayima al-rustamiiyn, Dar al-Gharb al-Islami, 1985 , 19-20;Salem: op.cit, 269-270;Mayouf: op.cit, 106;Abd ulrazeq: Kharijite fi Maghreb, 92-93;Bassi: op.cit,77; Rossi:op.cit, 75-76 ; Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 150.
127 Abd ulrazeq: Kharijite fi Maghreb, 95; Mayouf: op.cit, 107.
128 Abd al-Rahman ibn Rustam Ibn Bahram ibn Kushri attributed attributed to the Acacia kings ersians His grandfather, Bahram, was loyal to Uthman ibn Affan, but some historians attributed him to the saints of Andalusia before Islam, he traeled with his family to the Hijaz to erform the Hajj, But his father died. Then his mother married a man from Kairouan who took her and her son to his country where he grew u and learned the rinciles of science and then encountered the sread of the Ibadi call in that quarter and related to it and adised one of the reachers to trael to the East if he wanted to increase the teachings of the Ibadi doctrine, A few years ago at the school of Abi Ubeida Muslim Ibn Abi Karima, they returned to Morocco to continue their adocacy efforts and establish an imamate for the two students when they were gien the oortunity. Abu Ubaida, a student of Abderrahmane, distinguished him by saying: "I heard what you heard from me and what you did not hear." After the death of Abi Khattab, Rustam to Jabal Suffol fortified by and there is the right of sixty elders of the Jabal Nafusa and in 160 / 777 or 162 / 778 declared the establishment of the Rustamite state and was chosen Rahman bin Rustam Imam until it died in 171 / 787 leaing the Shura among his comanions to choose Khalifa for him .See more al-Bakri: Maghreb, 67; Salem: op.cit, 452; Ahmad: op.cit, 204; leqbal: Morocco Islamic, 16; Al-Ḥarīrī :op.cit , 73-76; Abd ulrazeq: Al-Khawrij fi Maghreb, 144-146; Motahari: op.cit, 96; Zaghlūl : Tārīkh al-Maghrib al-ʿArabī, 2, Alexandria, 1979, 289-290.
129 Abbās: op.cit, 48; Al-Ḥarīrī :op.cit, 71.
40
varied agricultural resources and water resources130, and its location makes it close to a supporter of the Hawara, Lawata, Meknassa, Mazatah, and Lama tribes. It soon flourished and its inhabitants came from JabalNafusa and some Ifriqiyan immigrants, but the Ibāḍī did not support the nation, Until the year 160 AH or 162 AH when they agreed to the allegiance of Abdalrahman Imam of them and declared the establishment of the Rustamid state131, began a new era, which moved the leadership of the Ibāḍī movement from JabalNafusa to Tahart and this does not mean the fall star Nafusa ,but continued their support for the Ibāḍī movement, The tribes supporting the new state were accompanied Ibn Rustam sixty elders of Nafusa and fortified with him in Jabal Sufaj, as it was informed the impact of the continuation of the Rustam state in times of war, its men provide defenders of the state, and in times of peace contributed to the management of the affairs of the state functions of the provisions of money houses and provisions Evil in Market and calculation on the evildoers were in their hands, he says little son "was Nafusa followed by a contract for the judiciary" and the role of the great done by this tribe Rustumid state and the band Ibāḍī Abdul Wahab ibn Rustam called to say, "but this religion has the swords Nafusa and money Mazata132.
Although the sources do not provide us with any information about the status of the JabalNafusatime Abdalrahman ibn Rustam, the reference to the statement that Abuhatm Almazuzi was sending funds of alms to him and this was before the establishment of the Rustamid state and accordingly the dependence of JabalNafusaIbāḍī state in Tahart was a religious dependency by virtue of belonging to the same The band, but then we get information on the Jabal political and religious dependence of the Rustamid state in the era of Abdalwahab Ibn Abdalrahman imam of Ibāḍī in Tahart133, who faced many problems once he took over the government, And after he settled things in Tahart Abdalwahab ibn Abdalrahman decided to perform the Hajj and when he reached the JabalNafusa settled for more than seven years, Al-Barghūthī explains that the survival of Abdalwahab ibn Rustam for seven years In the Jabal was for the purpose of attracting Ibāḍī of the Jabalto his imam after taking the
130 Al-Darjini: op.cit, 1: 41; Al-Idrīsī: Nuzhat al-mushtāq, 1: 256; Mahmoud Hussein Kordi: al-hayat al-eilmiat fi jabal nufusa wa tathiriha eala gharb al-suwdan khilal al-fatarat 2-8 h , Muasasat tawalat al-thaqafia, 2008, 38-39; Zaghlūl: op.cit, 2: 291-293.
131 Ibn al-Saghir: op.cit, 19; Al-Barghūthī: op.cit,172.
132 Ibn al-Saghir:op.cit,63; Kordi: op.cit 40; Mayouf: op.cit,123; Sharqāwī:op.cit,78-79.
133 Al-Darijni: op.cit, 1: 68-76; Mayouf: op.cit, 139; Zaghlūl: op.cit, 2: 295; Al-Ḥarīrī : op.cit, 92.
41
Shuaib, the leader based on the appearance of the innocence of Abdalwahab ibn Rustam134, During his stay in the Jabal, Hawara was organized in its war with the Aghlabidand ended with a peace treaty between the two sides, whereby the Ibāḍī obtained the coastal strip from southern Sfax to the Gulf of Sirte135.
Before leaving the Jabal, was entrusted to al-Sameh ibn Abi al-Khattab, the first ruler of the Rustamid state, who took over the Jabal in 171 / 788. After his death, the people of the Jabal agreed to take his son back to their parents. Tahart refused to accept him on the Jabal. From Tahart towards Khalaf that the latter refused to listen to Tahart and declared the legitimacy of double standing because of the difficulty of communication between Tahart and Jabal Nafusa and reached the dispute between the sheikhs of the east of the Ibāḍī to reconcile between them came the ruling from the East in favor of Tahart rejected the acceptance of the ruling issued by the sheikhs of the East and allowed himself to be imama ,he and his followers followed the name of the background and was traveling in part of the estate of Tripoli and Gabes and active in Yafran and adjacent to the east of NafusaJabal and to deal with the matter Tahart Ayoub Ibn Abbas and Alia on the Jabal and after his death was succeeded by Abu Obaidah al-Janouni,who was present in his mandate ruled Abdalwahab ibn Rustam and his son succeeded, His order warned him that Tahart began a new era by taking over the work of Abdalwahab after the death of his father and student in the JabalNafusa following the policy of soft with him, but the soft policy did not produce anything, the collision occurred between the parties in the site of Ignah in 221 / 836, which defeated Khalaf ibn Sameh and Ahaz To my time And drove out the owners of Abu Obaida movement slightly until Abu Ubaida died behind and took the launch of raids on the sites of JabalNafusa, which is under the mandate of Abbas ibn Ayoub and Tahart new, which managed to disperse behind the men who died shortly after and weakened his movement after him136 .
134 Ibn Al-Saghir: op.cit, 17-44; Al-Ḥarīrī : op.cit, 113-123; Zaghlūl: op.cit, 2: 229-230; Al-Barghūthī: op.cit, 183.
135 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kāmil , 5: 392; Al-Darjini: op.cit, 1, 70-71; Al-Shamakhi : :op.cit,1: 470.
136 Al-Darijni: op.cit,2: 69-76; Al-Shamakhi : op.cit,1: 142-161; Al-Baroni: op.cit, 205; Salem: op.cit, 470-471; Abbās: op.cit, 68; Al-Ḥarīrī : op.cit, 135-145; Zaghlūl: op.cit, 2: 333-337; Al-Barghūthī: op.cit, 204-205; Ismail: Kharijite fi Maghreb, 164; Sharqāwī: op.cit, 91-92.
42
After the elimination of the movement of the successor of Ibn Samah, a new sedition emerged in the Jabal Nafusa known as Nafusa and its founder Faraj Ibn Nasr Al-Nafousi and was himself inclined to take up a senior position in the Rustamid state, especially the mandate of Qantarar area where he lives and when he was disappointed he took the criticism of Imam Aflah Ibn Abd alwahab in public, The imam wrote to the people of Qantarar to boycott and abandon him. When he narrowed his ways, he went to Baghdad and set up a period, but he did not apply to him, so he returned to his country, and here the novel differs from him. Some of them see that he repented and some of them see that he was working in secret against the success of Ibn Abi Wahab. Abbas took over the affairs of the Jabal Abu Mansour Elias Who witnessed the events of the reign of Abi Bakr Ibn Aflah and his supporters from the Persians, and the Nafusa of the side of neutrality. The circle went to Abi Bakr Ibn Aflah who He fled to leave his capital in the hands of his opponents, who set fire to some of the property of Nafusa. He took over the reign of the Rustamid state, but failed for seven years to regain his capital from his enemies from Hawara and other tribes. He decided to use the Nafusa who managed to reconcile the two parties, And after the entry to Tahart work on the reform of the spoiled by the war one of the men Nafusa Wala house money and entrusted Nafusa task of monitoring the markets and the promotion of good and forbidding evil137, and participated in the Abbasid era of Mansour Nafusi Aghlabid defeat Abbas Ibn Tulun, who tried to control the Ifriqiya then Al-Yamamah came to Abi Hatem Yusuf Ibn Abi Al-Iqqa Wdan, who was attacked by Tayyib ibn Khalaf ibn al-Samah in the island of jerba, but did not stand up to the naphos who arrested him and put him in jail138.
The location of Jabal Nafusa strategic and its inhabitants adhered to Their Ibāḍī doctrine as well as their role in maintaining the survival of the Rustamid state coherent and strong cause of the attack from the Aghlabid who managed to defeat the Nafusiin in the position of Manu in 283 / 896 The following year sent the Aghlabid army to JabalNafusa and managed from Destroying the remaining strength of the tribe, which
137 Al-Darijni: .op.cit,1:76; Al-Shamakhi : op.cit,1:157; Al-Baroni: op.cit,252-253; Muammar: al-abadyat fi mawkib al-tarikh, 189; Zaghlūl: op.cit, 2: 384-385; Ismail: Kharijite fi Maghreb, 164; Al-Ḥarīrī : op.cit, 165-171.
138 Al-Darijni: op.cit, 1:80; Al-Shamakhi : op.cit, 1:184; Al-Baroni: op.cit, 205-230; Ibn Al-Saghir: op.cit, 41; Leitsky: naming the elders of Jabal Nafusa, 81; Leittiski: Studies of North Africa, 63; Sharqāwī: op. cit,102.
43
decreased its financial aid to Tahart and took their strength to retreat. The Rustamid state in Tahart also began to be humiliated and humiliated because the souls, as Saʿd Zaghlūl said, "were the foundation of their establishment and cut off." Imam Abi Hatem attacked him some of his sacrifice and killed him in the year 294 / 906 , and set up his brother , who could not stand before the Fatimids In the year 296/908 swept Abu Abdullah Shiites Tahart destroyed and corrupt and killed the people and those who managed to escape Of the Rustamid, he fled to the Jabal of Nafusa and some of them fled to the Jabal Oras139.
Summary
After the Islamic conquest, Burqa became a base for Muslims in their penetration into the Maghreb, and it was a safe haven for the Islamic armies that were being defeated in the Maghreb. Even after the establishment of Kairouan and its adoption as a base for Muslims in the heart of the Maghreb, Burqa did not lose its strategic importance as a safe haven for Islamic armies. In contrast to Burqa, Tripoli did not know safety. As soon as the Muslims moved away from it, it returned to unrest, due to its long distance from the center of the emirate in Egypt and its proximity to Ifriqiya, which was under the control of the Byzantines. Therefore, Amr Ibn Al-Aas did not leave a military garrison there after Omar Ibn Al-Khattab ordered him not to penetrate into Ifriqiya, and return to Egypt He feared that this garrison would be exposed to danger due to its distance from Egypt, and the infiltration of the Ibadi sect made it permanently turbulent despite the attempts of the Alaghaliba to spread security in the country. As for the Nafusa Mountain, its inhabitants were influenced by the outside thought and embraced the Ibadhi thought, thus becoming in Libya two Sunni sects in Tripoli and Burqa and Ibadi in the Nafusa Mountains, who failed to establish a state for themselves in Tripoli, so they moved to the Middle Morocco and established the Rustamiya state that continued to rule the Nafusa Mountains in Libya until Abu Abdullah Shiite was able to manage to overthrow their state in the year 296 AH, to enter Libya as a whole, a new stage in its history.
139 Al-Darijni: op.cit,1: 77-94; Al-Shamakhi : op.cit,1, 185; Al-Baroni: op.cit, 277-281;Ibn Al-Saghir: op.cit, 69-72; IbnʿIdhārī: op.cit,1: 154; Salem: op.cit, 478-479 ; Abbās: op.cit, 68; Al-Ḥarīrī : op.cit, 165-171; Zaghlūl: op.cit, 2: 347-353; Al-Barghūthī: op.cit, 204-205;Ismail: Kharijite fi Maghreb,164; Sharqāwī: op.cit,117; Muammar: al-abadyat fi mawkib al-tarikh, 186;Bahaz: al-Dawla al-Rustumīya, 128 .
44
CHAPTER 3
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FATIMID STATE IN THE MAGHREB
Since the Umayyad era, there have been many movements that sought to establishindependent states aspiring to the caliphate, but they did not succeed in the Umayyad era or at the beginning of the Abbasid era because of their division and disintegration. The Ismailis followed the path of the Abbasids when establishing their state, so they paved the way for their state by calling for the Shiite idea in Egypt, Morocco and Yemen, and it has followers and supporters in each of these countries.
The Fatimids succeeded in establishing their state in Morocco, and four Fatimid caliphsruled the Maghreb in the period from 297 AH - 909 AD) to the year (365 AH - 975 AD), and Al-Muizz Li-Din Allah the Fatimid was the last of these caliphs, as he moved the caliphate to Cairo, which he took as a new capital for the Fatimids, after he was subjugated to Egypt by his leader Jawhar al-Siqali in the year (358 AH - 969 AD).
3.1.THE EMERGENCE OF THE ISMAILI SECT
Since the Alamoy period many Shi ͑a movement pursued the establishment of independent states aspiring to the Caliphate but they failed during the Alamoy and during the Abbasid periods because of their division and fragmentation. The Ismailis took the course of the Abbasids in the establishment of their state and prepared for their state establishment by spreading the Shi ͑a idea in Egypt, Morocco and Yemen, and the Ismailis gained followers and supporters of each of these countries.
3.1.1.The Emergence Of The Ismaili Sect
The Fatimid belong to the Ismailia sect in relation to Ismail ibn Jaafar al-Sadeq; therefore, they are known as Ismailis140.Imam Jaafar al-Sadiq had decreed the imamate
140 The debate is still continuing among historians about the veracity of the Fatimid dynasty’s lineage as each side resorted to their own doctrine in determining the real name and lineage of Ubaidallah al-Mahdi. Is his lineage related to the Alawites? Or did he pretend to be from this lineage? Sources rejecting his Alawite lineage attribute his ancestry to Persia while others attribute it to Jewish origin. Those sources state that he is descended from Maimun al-Qaddah of Persian ancestry and these sources claim that the Fatimids are pretenders and have no relation to the Alawites what so ever. They add that Abdallah ibn Maimun al-Qaddah disguised himself as a Shi ͑ai follower of imam Muhammad ibn Ismail. On the other side, other predominantly Shi ͑a sources confirm the veracity of the lineage of Ubaidallah
45
to his son Ismail but he died during the life of his father and he had a son named Muhammad ibn Ismail but the imam did not designate him as heir to the imamate141.Ismail supporters did not recognize the transfer of the imamate to his brother Musa al-Kazim and the stood firm in their loyalty to Ismail even after his death in the life of his father and the Ismaili notables announced their dissent and said that imam Muhammad ibn Ismail has more right to be the imam than his uncle Musa al-Kazim and they believe that the transfer of imamate to Musa al-Kazim was contrary to the Shi ͑ a’s doctrine as he was in the seventh in the line to inherit the imamate while some historians attributed the dissension in the Ismaili sect to differences that took place about the life of Ismail, the son of Imam Jafar al-Sadiq, and the conflicting views on his imamate as most historians state that he died in his father's life in 138/755 while others date his death in 145/762, and imam Jaafar ordered his death to be attested by numerous witnesses142 .
According to Bernard Lewis, the first to organize the Ismaili sect were Abu al-Khattab and Ismail ibn Jaafar and after their death their followers supported his son Muhammad Ismail. He adds that Imam Jaafar al-Sadiq exempted his son Ismail from the Imamate because he was connected to Abu al-Khattab whereas Mustafa Ghalib rejects Bernard Lewis points as he deemed that imam Jaafar repudiated Abu al-
al-Mahdi and state that he is descended from imam Muhammad ibn Ismail. For more see: Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 6: 446-448; Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 4 : 40; Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1: 22-37; Ibn Khallikan: op.cit, 3: 117-118; al-Attabaki: op.cit, 4: 75-77; Al-Dhahabi: al-Syar, 15: 141-151; Al-Dhahabi: Doual al-Islam, 1: 261-294; Abi Abdallah Muhammad bin Hamad: Akhbar Molouk bani Ubaid wa Siratahoum, Alqahra, Dar al-Sahwa, 1849, 7-21; Al-Nuwiari, op.cit, 28 :38-39; Mohamed Suhail Taqoush, Tarikh al-Fatimiyin fi Shamal Afriqiya wa Misr wa Belad al-Sham, Dar al-Nafaes, 2nd, 2007, 53-61.
141 He is Abu Abdallah Jaafar ibn Mohammad al-Baqer ibn Ali ibn Zain al-Abedin ibn al-Hussein ibn Ali ibn Abi Talib. He was born at al-Madina in 80/702. He is the sixth imam in the Shi ͑a sect and the imamate is called Jaafariya after him. His interests were not limited to Islamic jurisprudence but included chemistry, medicine, physics, astronomy and literature and he was a staunch defender of the first four Caliphs. Several sources state that he died by poison in 148/765 and he is buried in al-Madina. For more see: Ibn Khallikan, op.cit, 1: 327; Khiruldin Zerkly, al-Aelam, Bayrut, Dar al-Elim lil-Malayin, 2002,15th, 2:126.
142 Mohamed Jamal Al-Din Souror: Tarikh al-Daoula al-Fatimiyya, Dar al-Fekr al-Arabi, Alqahra,1995, 20; Aymen Foud Al-Sayid: al-Daoula al-Fatimiyya fi Misr, Tafsir Jadid, al-Haia al-Misriya al-Aema lil-Kitab, Alqahra, 2007, 95; Ghalib: Tarikh al-Da͑wa al-Ismailia, 123-127; Musa leqbal: Dour Kutama fi Tarikh al-khilafa al-Fatimiyya, al-Sharika al-Watania li-Nasher wa al-Tawzea, Algiers, 1979, 200-201; Ibrahim Biḍoun: al-Faṭimioun: Qera Mukhtalifa fi Tarikh Multabis, Dar al-Mouarkh al-Arabi, Bayrut, 2012, 32; Saleh Ammar Al-Hajj, al-Maghreb al-Arabi min Khilal Khilafat al-Mu͑zz li-din allah al-Fatimi, al-Makteb al-Misri li-Tawzea al-Matbouat, Alqahra, 2004, 1: 117-118; Aref Tamim: Tarikh al-Ismailia min al-Maghreb illa al-Mushreq, Riad al-Rayes li-Kitab wa al-Nasher, Cyprus, 1991, 1: 177; Ismail Samaei: Al-Qadi al-Nu͑man wa Juhudahu fi Ersa Daem al-Khilafa al-Fatimiya wa al-Tatour al-Hadari bi-Belad al-Maghreb fi al-Qern 4 H/10 AD, Markez al-Kitab al-Akademi,2010, 109.
46
Khattab and thus rejected any relationship linking the two people and he adds that the Ismailia sect considers the al-Khattabiya a rogue sect and Mustafa Ghalib and Aref Tamim, also, explained the issue of the certification of Ismail’s death as a cover to hide him from the Abbasids who were pursuing him because of his growing activity in the dissemination of teachings considered by the Abbasids as contrary to the law143 .
The Ismailis split from the Twelver Shi ͑a after the death of imam Jaafar al-Sadiq in 148/765144.In the middle of the third/ninth century, they formed a secret religious political movement known as the da ͑ wa (mission, propaganda) and also the guiding da ͑wa with the intended goal of removing the Abbasid rule and the inauguration of an imam of the dynasty of Ali ibn Abi Taleb which the Ismaili’s believe has the right to administer the affairs of the Islamic nation. The Ismaili da ͑ wa has spread systematically through a network of da͑is (missionaries) in various parts of the Islamic world and extended to Central Asia, Yemen and al-Maghrib145 .
The Ismailis lived for more than a century and a half in complete secrecy known as taqiya (dissimulation of religious believes) and under the pursuit and control of the Abbasid authorities. Muhammad bin Ismail was the first imam of the satr (concealment) imams to reside in al-Madina and his supporters increased their in hiding activities and spread his da ͑ wa in secret during the Abbasid Caliphs al-Mahdi, al-Hadi, and al-Rashid Mohammad bin Ismail lived most of his life in hiding to protect himself from the Abbasid who wanted to discover the identity of the imam to kill him
143 Bernard Lewis, Usoul al-Ismailia wa al-Fatimia wa al-Qramita,Dar al-Hadatha,1980,76-81; Ghalib: Tarikh al-Da͑wa al-Ismailia, 126-128.
144 The Twelver Shi ͑a imamate’s doctrine states that Ali had the right to succeed to the Caliphate before the Caliphs Abu Baker, Omar, and Othman. They were called imamate because they made the imamate the central cause of their doctrine and they are described as the Twelver because they had twelve imams in succession and they believe that the twelfth imam disappeared at Samara in Iraq. The successor to the imamate, according to their doctrine, is chosen by nass (designation of a successor), therefore, the former imam must designate his successor. They believe that the imamate is an important matter and that Prophet Mohammad did not leave the umma (the Islamic community) without an imam as every one has their own opinion about who is qualified, therefore, the Prophet had to designate a person as a dependable guide to the community and they infer that Prophet Mohammad had nass (designated) Ali to succeed him as an imam in a clear nass at Ghadir Khum. The Sunni tradition does not confirm this event nor does the historians. The Twelver Shi ͑a also claim that Ali designated his sons al-Hassan and al-Hussein, thus each imam designate the one that follows him. For more see: Ihab Kamal, al-Ferq al-Islamia, al-Huria li-Nasher wa al-Tawzea, Alqahra, 2006, 186-188; Saed Rustem, al-Ferq al-Islamia mundh al-Bidayat, 3th, al-Awael li-Nasher wa al-Tawzea, Damascus, 2005, 216-223.
145 Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 2 : 53; Al-Da ͑ i Idris: Uyun al-akhbar, Tarikh Al-Khulafa al-Faṭimiyin bel-Maghreb, 73; Farhad Dafteri: al-Ismailiyoun: Tarikhihum wa Aqaedahum,Bayrut, Dar al-Saqi, 2012, 185-186; Samaei: op.cit, 108; Ghalib: Tarikh al-Da͑wa al-Ismailia, 123-124.
47
and to quell the revolt of the Alawites, thus the taqiya became one of the principles of the Ismaili da ͑ wa, as quoted by Imam Jaafar al-Sadiq as saying “Taqiya is from my religion and the religion of my fathers and there is no religion for those who do not have taqiya”, so the hidden imam had to communicate with his Shi ͑a followers through a middleman who is the only one informed of the imam’s identity and called da͑i, imam Ismail’s da͑is were Ahmad al-Wafi, then al-Taqi Mohammed (Al-Wafi’s son), followed by Hussein nicknamed al-Zaki Abdullah (Al-Wafi’s grandson) and then Abdullah bin Hussein ( al-Wafi’s great grandson), and throughout Ismaili history the da͑is played a very important role in guiding the movement of the da͑wa and imamate146 .
When Mohammad bin Ismail cause became widespread during the Caliphate of al-Rashid, he realized that his stay in al-Madina will facilitate the Abbasids task to follow his movements and get rid of him so he left it to the east and started travelling until he reached al-Rai and settled in a village called Samla later re-named Mohammed-Abad after himself, Mustafa Ghalib adds that after the imam received news from the wife of the Caliph al-Rashid, who had Ismaili tendencies, warning him that the Caliph is in pursuit he left to al-Rei accompanied by his hujja (a person in the Ismaili hierarchy) Maimon al-Qaddah and when they arrived, the were received by the governor Isaac bin Abbas al-Faresi who has Ismaili tendencies, and Mohammad bin Ismail got married there, and when the Caliph knew, he sent an army to al-Rei but they were able to resist it, thus he was forced to leave al-Rei after Baghdad knew where he was hiding and he moved to Palmyra147.When Mohammad bin Ismail died his son Abdullah succeeded him in the Imamate who exaggerated his concealment from even his closest followers, and his successors followed his example in hiding because the Abbasids were pursuing them and Abdullah bin Mohammed settled in Salmiya in Syria148.The Ismaili leaders made Salmiya the Centre for da͑wa and they achieved a great success in this city149.After the disappearance of Muhammad ibn Ismail, probably by death, most Ismailis believed that he went into ghiaba (concealment), and such believe led to the emergence of Qarmita sect later, while a group constituting the Fatimid core
146 Al-Hajj, op.cit, 119.
147 Ghalib, Tarikh al-Da͑wa al-Ismailia, 133-134.
148 Salmiya is a town in Syria east of al-A͑sei river about 25 miles from Hama and about 35 miles east of Homs. It is a junction to roads from Iraq and Palmyra. For more see: Mohamed Zeyoud: Markaziat Salmiya in the Ismaili da͑wa”, Majallet Dirassat Tarikhiya , issues 99-100, 2007, 219.
149 Ibid, 225-227.
48
accepted the death of Imam Muhammad and the continuation of the imamate with his lineage150. And it is clear that the arrival of the Ismaili’s imams in this isolated spot far from the eyes of the Abbasid caliphs facilitated their goals and paved the way for them to launch their da͑is and agents safely to the different Islamic provinces to preach their ideas and spread the religious principles with its first tenet the establishing a new Islamic Caliphate151.
The majority of the Ismailis who believed in the ghiaba of Mohammed bin Ismail settled in Salmiya, and Ahmed assumed the imamate after the death of his father and kept Abdullah bin Maimon al-Qaddah as his da͑i and Salmiya became a main centre of the Ismaili da͑wa the sect’s da͑is fanned out from it to the Islamic provinces, as in al-Ahwaz the sect was embraced by Hamdan bin Ashath al-Qarmati through the da͑i Hussein al-Ahwazi , So Hamdan al-Qarmati proceeded with his brother-in-law Abadan to spread the idea of the near emergence of the al-Mahdi and began to prepare militarily for his victory when he appeared, thus he attracted more Shi ͑as152.Imam Hussein bin Ahmed bin Abdullah was able to live safely in Salmiya and without the Abbasids threat, and it seems that the generosity of this imam with his money and dedication to show his love for the Abbasids and the dedication of his supporters in obedience helped the sect’s spread in Salmiya, and when Obaidallah al-Mahdi assumed the Imamate, al-Qarmati and Abadan opposed him and cut off their relations with Salmiya, but he later repented and rejoined him as a da͑i after the death of Abadan; however, the al-Qaramita movement retained its name and the al-Qarmita seized the chance of the disturbances in Baghdad following the revolt of al-Zinj (black slaves) and invaded the Arabian Peninsula in a great revolt with its effects reaching North Africa and was later suppressed by the Abbasids153.
The Ismailia sect shares with the Twelver Shi ͑a sect the concept of the imams who descended from Prophet Muhammad and his daughter Fatima, but the Ismailis split from the Twelver Shi ͑a at the sixth imam Jaafar al-Sadiq and his successors where the
150 Farhad Dafteri: al-Ismailiyoun: Tarikhihum wa Aqaedahum, 177-185.
151 Zeyoud, op.cit, 230-231.
152 Ibn Aybeck: op.cit., 6 :44-47; Dafteri: al-Ismailiyoun: Tarikhihum wa Aqaedahum, 187-200; Hussein Ibrahim & Tah Sharaf, op. cit, 41-42; Souror: Tarikh al-Daoula al-Fatimiyya, 21; Al-Sayid: op,cit, 96-97
153 Ibn Aybeck, op. cit, 6 :65-66; Souror: Tarikh al-Daoula al-Fatimiyya, 21; Al-Dashrawi: op. cit, 75-76; Dafteri: al-Ismailiyoun: Tarikhihum wa Aqaedahum, 210-216;Zeyoud: op.cit, 227-228.
49
Ismailis followed imam Ismail the eldest son of Jaafar al-Sadiq while the Twelver Shi ͑a followed his younger son Mussa al-Kazim154 .
The Twelver Shi ͑a sect share with the Ismailis the same intellectual heritage, especially the concept of the imamate, which formed the concept of the essence of religious teachings based on faith and the permanent human need for an infallible imam with a divine guidance after the Prophet Muhammad to be the teacher and guidance of all human beings155.The imam has the right to temporal leadership as well as the right to spiritual authority; however, the duties of the imam do not stop at his interim role as the sect’s doctrines also emphasized the Prophet's inauguration to his cousin and son-in-law, imam Ali Ibn Abi Talib, who married the daughter of the Prophet Fatima to be his successor by divine decree and Ali’s and Fatima’s dynasty through their son Hussein until the end of time, and the imam of Ali bin Abi Talib dynasty enjoys the special knowledge or knowledge and full understanding of the meanings of the Quran and the laws and provisions of Sharia and the duty of every believer absolute faith and obedience to the imam of time156 .
The Ismaili da͑is called on Muslims everywhere to devote their allegiance to the imam al-Mahdi who would save the believers from the suppression of the Abbasids, establish justice and build a more equal society in this world. The Ismaili da͑wa also promised to restore the legitimate right to lead the Muslims to imams who are descendants of Ali ibn Abi Talib, Which was usurped by the Alamoys and after them Abbasids, the Ismaili da͑is succeeded in gaining increasing numbers of followers by the Ismaili da͑wa from large segments of the society who were discontented with their conditions; they included nomadic tribes who have different interests than those of urban strata157 .
At first, the Ismaili da͑is achieved greater success in the regions far from the authority of the Abbasid caliphate based on a carefully studied da͑wa strategy which explains the early spread of the Ismaili sect among the rural and nomadic tribes in the Arab provinces, particularly southern Iraq, the eastern Arabian Peninsula and Yemen
154 Sulieman Abdallah Al-Saloumi, Usoul al-Ismailia, Dar Al-Fadila, Riyadh, 2001, 1: 188.
155 Ibid.
156 Ibid, 185.
157 Abdallah Mohamed Jamal Al-Din: Al-Doula Al-Fatimia: qyamiha bi-Belad al-Maghreb wa Intiqaliha illa Misr, Dar al-Thaqafa, Alqahra, 1991, 38.
50
By 286/899 and after the division of the Ismailis themselves into Fatimid Ismaili and al-Qaramita, many Ismaili groups emerged in parts of the Arab, Persia, and the Maghreb provinces, where in the Maghreb, the tribes of Kutama and other Berber tribes accepted the Ismaili da͑wa, whereas the dissident al-Qaramita did not recognize imam Obaidallah al-Mahdi (who later founded the Fatimid state) nor recognize the previous Ismaili central leaders or the successors of the Fatimid rulers, as in the same eventful year, al- Qaramita founded a powerful state in Bahrain which was in constant competition with the Fatimid state until 470/1077158.
3.1.2.The Ismaili Da͑Wa In Yemen
Because of the insecurity in the province of Yemen, the consolidation of the Shi ͑a sect in it, and Baghdad's failure to suppress the Yazidis revolt, which was ignited by Ibrahim bin Mohammed in Yemen159,The Abbasid Caliph al-Mamoun choose, at the advice of Hassan bin Sahel, Mohammed bin Ibrahim al-Ziadi to restore security to the province160.Al-Ziadi went to Yemen and controlled the Tehama region and established the city of Zabid in 204/819, which became the capital of Tehama, and as the rule of al-Ziadi grew in strength, he ruled as an independent king, but the Mosques sermons were conducted under the Abbasids name and he transferred the collected taxes and gifts to Baghdad; Mohammed bin Ibrahim al-Ziadi ruled in Yemen until 245/859 then he was succeeded by his sons and later his followers until 553/1158; this state is
158 Dafteri: al-Ismailiyoun: Tarikhihum wa Aqaedahum, 219-220; Al-Sayid: al-Daoula al-Fatimiyya fi Misr, 98-99.
159 This Shi ͑a sect is named after imam Zaid ibn Zain al-Abedin ibn al-Hussein ibn Ali ibn Abi Talib. He was born in 76/695. He led a revolt in Iraq against the Alamoy s during the rule of Caliph Hisham ibn Abdalmalek and was killed in 121/739 during a battle with the Alamoy s’ army. Abu al-Hassan al-Asha͑ri in his book Maqalat al-Islamiyin states that this Shi ͑a sect is named Yazidis because they were observant to the sayings of Zaid ibn Zain al-Abedin ibn al-Hussein ibn Ali ibn Abi Talib. The Yazidi sect is divided into five or six sub-sects but they agree on the imamate of Zaid, and they also agree on the priority of Ali ibn Abi Talib over others to authority after the Prophet Mohammad but they disagree to some degrees among themselves in their judgement of the Caliphs Abu Baker, Omar, and Othman. For more see: Ibn Khaldun:op.cit, 3 : 122-125; Rustem: al-Ferq al-Islamia mundh al-Bidayat, 211-214; Kamal: op.cit, 179-182.
160 This family is known as Banu Ziad 204-409/819-1081 and they are the descendants of Ziad ibn Abieh (Abu Sufyan). The Abbasid Caliph al-Mamoun appointed Mohammed bin Ibrahim al-Ziadi a Governor of Yemen after news of insurrection in some Yemeni’s regions and the Caliph advised him to build a new city in Zabid Vally. Ibn Ziad was able to control the insurrection in all the Yemeni’s regions and ruled for 40 years. He was succeeded by his son Ibrahim then by his grandson Ziad and then his other grandson Abi al-Jaish Ishaq ibn Ibrahim who ruled for 80 years. Abi al-Jaish was defeated by Ali ibn al-Fadl who conquered Zabid.
51
known as Al-Ziadiyya State, the first independent state in Yemen161.Al-Ya͑fariya State was another state which was established in Yemen by Abdulrahim bin Ibrahim al-Hawali who was a deputy of the governor of the Sana͑a Yemeni plateau Jaafar bin Sulaiman bin Ali al-Hashemi, appointed by the Abbasid Caliph al-Mutasim. al-Hawali was succeeded by his son Ya͑far bin Abdulrahim in 247/857, who ruled as semi-independent vassal to al-Ziadiyya State and paid them taxes, and al-Ya͑fariya state, which was a Sunni state not a Yazidi Shi ͑a, continued until 387/997. The Yazidi Shi ͑a State was established at the town of Saa͑da, northern Yemen in 284/897 and was known in the State of Bani al-Rasi, after its founder Yahya bin Qasim al-Rasi, known as al-Mahdi and this state lasted until 700/1301, seventeen kings ruled in succession during this period. The weakness of al-Zaidiyya State coincided with the emergence of the Shia͑ Ismaili da͑wa in southern Yemen in 290/903162.The Ismaili da͑wa was initially raised in secret by the effort of the da͑is Ibn Hushib Mansour and Ibn Al-Fadl163.They arrived in Yemen in 268/877 and two years later they called on the people to follow the Ismaili sect, and Mansour ibn Hushab controlled a fortress in the mountains of Mesour, near Aden La ͑a in Hajja at Bani Musa164.It is said that the imam ordered him to, “go to Eden La ͑ a and depend on it since from its confines our objective will appear and from it our state will grow in strength and our da͑is will emanate” and Ali ibn al-Fadl was fortified at yafa͑ in Lahj, and the two leaders managed to gain many followers and Mansour ibn Hushab sent a letter to Salmiya boding news of what he achieved in Yemen, he said, “This is the first fruit of your days and the blessing of your state"165.But Ali bin al-Fadl expanded quickly by force as some of the Humiar’s tribes joined him and later made the city of al-Medhakhira in Ibb the capital of his new state and began to extend his authority over most areas from Aden to Sana͑a after
161Mohamed Jamal Al-Din Souror: al-Nafoudh al-Fatimi fi Jazirat al-Arab, Dar al-Fekr al-Arabi, Alqahra, 1950, 59-60; Thamer Lafta Hassan al-Saadi: al-Nafoudh al-Fatimi fi al-Yemen, Majallet al-Ustadh, issue 208, 2014, 302.
162 Souror: al-Nafoudh al-Fatimi fi Jazirat al-Arab,60; al-Saadi: al-Nafoudh al-Fatimi fi al-Yemen, 303.
163 Sources differ on his name, Al-Maqrizi states that his name is Rustem ibn al-Hussien ibn Farj ibn Hushib ibn Zadan al-Kufi al-Najjar while al-Da ͑ i Idris and al-Qadi al-Nu͑man mention that his name is Abu al-Qasem al-Hassan ibn Farj ibn Hushib ibn Zadan al-Kufi, and Al-Nuwiari says his name is al-Hassan ibn Hushib al-Kufi al-Najjar , and al-Jazeri mentions his name as Mansour ibn Hassan. He was born in 230/844 and died in 303/915. At first, he was an adherent of the Twelver Shi ͑a sect then converted to the Ismaili sect. For more see: Ibn Muhammad: op.cit, 32; Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1: 40; Al-Da͑i Idris: Tarikh Al-Khulafa, 59; Al-Qaḍi Al-Nu͑man: op.cit, Tunis, al-Shareka al-Tunisia li-Tawzea,1986, 2nd,3; Al-Saadi: op.cit, 304.
164 Al-Nu͑man: op.cit, 15; Al-Hajj: op.cit, 131; Dafteri: al-Ismailiyoun: Tarikhihum wa Aqaedahum, 200-201.
165 Al-Nu͑man: op.cit, 17; Souror: al-Nafoudh al-Fatimi fi Jazirat al-Arab, 60-61.
52
multiple battles, and with the beginning of the fourth/tenth century Ali bin Fadl established a large state in Yemen, especially after he conquered Sana͑a from Bani Yafar and then he conquered Zabid, largest stronghold of Abbasids in Yemen, from al-Ziadiyya State and fought the armies of the Yazidi imam al-Hadi Yahya bin Al-Hussein, who was based in Saa͑da and attacked Sana͑a, but Ali bin Fadl defeated him, so he returned to Saa͑da and remained there until he died in 298/910166.
Ibn Hushab sent a letter to Ibn al-Fadl urging him to focus on da͑wa’s efforts and stop the military operations, but he did not listen to the advice of Ibn Hushab and declared disobedience to Obaidallah al-Mahdi; the two dais, then, fought in several undecisive battles167.What is the position of imam Obaidallah al-Mahdi on the fighting between his followers in Yemen? It seems that the imam then was busy consolidating the foundations of his new state in the Maghreb, so he left them alone.
The state formed by Ali ibn al-Fadl did not last, as it collapsed after his death in 303/914, and al-Ya͑fariya State were able to gather their remnants again, and they allied themselves with the Humair tribes and attacked al-Medhakhira, the capital of Ali ibn al-Fadl and Despite Ali ibn al-Fadl’s attempts to repel their attack, al-Ya͑fariya State and their allies managed to destroy and end Ali ibn al-Fadl state168.As for the state of Mansour bin Hushab in Hajja, it continued for some time spreading the Ismaili cause where he sent his nephew Haitham to al-Sind to spread the Ismaili da͑wa, and most Shi ͑as of Iraq arrived in Hajja escaping from the Abbasids, and after the death of Mansour bin Hushab, he was succeeded in the command of the Shi ͑as of Yemen by one of his aides, Abdullah bin Abbas Al-Shawari even though Ibn Hushab left a will naming his son Ibn Abi Hassan as a successor and recommended that his son and follower al-Shawari continue the case in favour of Imam Obaidallah al-Mahdi and asked them to write to the imam regarding the assignment of one of them to take his place in the Ismaili da͑wa and after the death of Ibn Hushab Abdullah bin Abbas rushed to address imam Obaidallah on the death of Ibn Hushab and told him what Ibn Hushab
166 Al-Nu͑man: op.cit, 41; Al-Da͑i Idris: Tarikh Al-Khulafa, 73-61; Al-Nuwiari: op.cit, 28: 44-45; Souror: Tarikh al-Daoula al-Fatimiyya, 22; al-Sayid: op.cit, 11; Al-Dashrawi, op. cit, 81-82; Al-Saadi: Al-Nafoudh al-Fatimi fi al-Yemen, 306-310.
167 Idris: Tarikh Al-Khulafa,75-77; Dafteri: al-Ismailiyoun: Tarikhihum wa Aqaedahum, 218; Souror: al-Nafoudh al-Fatimi fi Jazirat al-Arab, 65.
168 Souror: al-Nafoudh al-Fatimi fi Jazirat al-Arab, 66-70;Dafteri: al-Ismailiyoun: Tarikhihum wa Aqaedahum, 218; al-Saadi: al-Nafoudh al-Fatimi fi al-Yemen, 310.
53
said in the matter asking to be appointed the new da͑i in Yemen and to dimiss Abi Hassan, but Abi Hassan travelled to the Maghreb to meet with imam Obaidallah and briefed him on the situation in Yemen and asked to be appointed the new da͑i in Yemen, imam Obaidallah did not respond to his request because he had already appointed al-Shawari, so Abi Hassan conspired and killed Al-Shawari and took his place converting to the Sunni sect, and then was killed by some of his opponents which unsettled and disturbed the state in 322/934, thus ending the first Ismaili states in Yemen and the Ismailia sect in Yemen entered into the secret advocacy phase until the establishment of the state of al-Salaihiya about one hundred years after these events169.
3.1.3.THE STAGES OF ESTABLISHING THE FATIMID DA͑WA IN THE MAGHREB
The history of the Fatimid revolt in the Maghreb is divided into two phases: the da͑wa (propaganda) phase and the war phase.
The Da͑Wa Phase
The Ismaili da͑wa in the Maghreb was associated with Abu Abdallah al-Shi ͑ i or al-Mashriqi who was considered the true founder of the Shi ͑a state in the Maghreb.[170] Since imam Obaidallah al-Mahdi was very attentive to spread the Ismaili da͑wa in the Maghreb, he sent Abu Abdullah al-Shi ͑ i to Ibn Hushab in Yemen in 278/886 and recommended Abu Abdullah to commit, obey, and follow the example of Ibn Hushab while waiting to begin the task mandated to him171. Before Abu Abdallah there were two da͑is in the Maghreb spreading the doctrine of Shi ͑a in preparation for the arrival of al-Mahdi172.The two da͑is were Abdullah Bin Ali bin Ahmed known as al-Halawani and Hassan bin Qasim Abu Sufyan sent by the imam Jaafar al-Sadiq who asked them
169 Idris: Tarikh Al-Khulafa, 68; Al-Nu͑man: op.cit, 17-25;Dafteri: Al-Ismailiyoun: Tarikhihum wa Aqaedahum, 201; Al-Saadi:Al-Nafoudh Al-Fatimi fi Al-Yemen, 310.
170 He is Abu Abdallah al-Hussein Ahmad ibn Zakria al-Sana͑ni originally from al-Kufa while some say that he is from Sana͑a. Al-Dashrawi confirms that he is from al-Kufa as he was a textile market overseer in al-Basra. For more see: Ibn Khallikan: op.cit, 2 : 192; Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1: 51; Al-Dashrawi, op. cit, 80-82.
171 Al-Nu͑man: op.cit, 30-31; Ghalib: Tarikh Al-Da͑wa al-Ismailia, 156; Abdallah Mohamed Jamal Al-Din, Al-Doula Al-Fatimia: Qyamiha bi-Belad al-Maghreb wa Intiqaliha illa Misr, 42.
172 Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa ,1: 51; Al-Nuwiari: op. cit, 28 : 47; Idris: Tarikh Al-Khulafa, 72;Souror: Tarikh Al-Daoula Al-Fatimiyya, 22; Ibrahim & Sharaf: op. cit, 76.
54
to spread the teaching of the imams beyond the province of Ifriqiya to the borders of the Berber tribes and set up residence in different locations and said to them, “Go to the Maghreb, you will reach a wild land, plough it and tame it until the seed bearer comes sowing, and he will find it tamed, and he will sow his seeds therein.173Some historians note that the two were sent to the Maghreb by Ibn Hushab while researcher Mustafa Ghaleb mentions that they were sent to the Maghreb by imam Muhammad ibn Ismail but, accurately, it was Ibn Hushab who sent them not imam Jaafar al-Sadiq. After the arrival of the two da͑is in the Maghreb, each of them chose a place to spread the Ismaili da͑wa. Abu Sufyan settled in the tribal land of Kutama in Tala in in the region of Marmajanna and built a mosque and spreading the doctrine of his sect whereas the other da͑i al-Halawani settled in Al-Nador near Sujmar174.While Ibn Khaldun asserts that the two da͑is settled in Kutama’s land; one of them in a town called Suq Jumar and the Shi ͑a da͑wa spread in those areas175 .
When the news of the two da͑is’s death was reported to Ibn Hushab, he sent Abu Abdallah al-Shi ͑ i to the Maghreb and said to him: “The land of al-Maghreb has been ploughed by al-Halawani and Abu Sufyan, and they have died and there is no other for the task than you”, Abu Abdallah was accompanied by Abdallah Ibn Abi al-Malahef but he returned and Ibrahim bin Ishaq al-Zubaidi was chosen instead176 .
Abu Abdullah left Yemen for Mecca after Ibn Hushab provided him with the needed supplies, and during the Hajj season, he asked about the people of Kutama, and he was introduced to them and became intimate with them with what he showed of reverence, asceticism and worship, and he found them talking about virtues Ali Ibn Abi Talib, so he related something on the same subject with them, and he found that they had
173 Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1: 41; Al-Nu͑man: op.cit, 26-27; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 6 : 450; Ibn Aybeck: op. cit, 6 : 113;Al-Dashrawi: op.cit,78; leqbal: Dour Kutama , 216; Mohamed Saed Buheliqa: Tarikh Zohour al-Da͑wa al-Fatimia fi Belad al-Maghreb al-Islami, Majallet al-Eloum wa Al-Dirassat al-Insania, Al-Merj, issue 1, 2013, 47; Jamal Al-Din: Al-Doula al-Fatimia: qyamiha bi-Belad al-Maghreb, 40; Salem, op. cit, 509; Samaei, op. cit, 114.
174 Al-Nu͑man: op.cit, 27-30; Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1 : 74-75; Al-Maqrizi: al-Khutat, 2 : 176; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 6 : 450; Al-Nuwiari: op. cit, 28 : 45; Souror: Tarikh al-Daoula al-Fatimiyya, 22; Al-Dashrawi: op. cit, 78-81; Ghalib: Tarikh al-Da͑wa al-Ismailia, 132; leqbal: Dour Kutama , 216-220; Salem: op. cit, 509.
175 Ibn Khaldun: op,cit 3: 450.
176 Al-Nuwiari: op. cit, 28 : 45; Al-Nu͑man: op.cit, 31-32; Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1 :55; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 6 : 451; Idris: Tarikh Al-Khulafa, 84; Ghazwan Mustafa Baghi: Al-Doula al-Fatimia: al-da͑wa wa al-Ta͗sis, 1998, 32; Hassan Ibrahim Hassan: al-Fatimiyoun fi Misr, Al-Matba͑a al-Amiriya, Alqahra, 1932, 54; Al-Dashrawi: op. cit,82-85.
55
knowledge of the Ismaili sect. After the end of the pilgrimage season, he told them that he was on his way to Egypt to teach the boys the Quran, and when they arrived in Egypt, they asked him to come with them to their land to teach their children and he agreed arriving in Kutama’s tribal land in 280/893 where he settled in Fajj al-Akhyr, whereas al-Maqrizi mentions his arrival in 288/901177 .
The Ismaili da͑wa phase lasted three years, and it was just peaceful propaganda to attract followers, where Abu Abdullah began to carry out his plan by the education of boys, thus, increasing his status and status among Kutama and his reputation spread among the Berber tribes where they came to visit him from different places to learn from his knowledge and benefit from his advice, and he started promising them the appearance of imam al-Mahdi who will be supported by the good people and that they are the people whose name is derived from the word signifying keeping a secret (meaning Kutama) and was preparing their minds in this way to accept his idea and embrace the doctrines of the Ismaili sect178.Then he expressed his intention to some of the men of Kutama by saying, “I am the sower of the seeds whom you were told about by Abu Sufyan and al-Halawani”, and found his da͑wa to be accepted by some and rejected by others179.Because of this the Berbers were divided and some of them wanted to get rid of him, so Abu Abdallah went into hiding until Hassan bin Harun offered him a place in Tazrut and there many of the tribes joined him increasing his strength and he succeeded in defeating his opponents180.Abu Abdullah took it upon himself to organize the ranks of Kutama dividing them into seven sections with assigned troops and a commander for each section and he appointed a da͑i in every locality181.
The Phase Of War
177 Al-Maqrizi: Al-Khutat, 2 :176; Idris: Tarikh Al-Khulafa, 84-88; Al-Nu͑man: op.cit, 34-47; Ibn Adhari: op. cit, 1: 169; Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1: 55-56; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 6: 450-451; Al-Nuwiari: op. cit ,28 : 47-48; Baghi: op.cit, 33; Hassan: Al-Fatimiyoun fi Misr, 54-55; Ghalib: Tarikh Al-Da͑wa al-Ismailia, 156; Biḍoun: op.cit, 41-42;Al-Hajj: op.cit , 137-139; Jamal Al-Din: op.cit, 42.
178 Al-Nu͑man: op.cit, 48; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 6 : 451; Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1: 57; Al-Maqrizi: Al-Khutat, 2 : 176-177; Idris: Tarikh Al-Khulafa, 88-91; Baghi: op.cit, 34-35; Al-Dashrawi: op.cit, 88; Jamal Al-Din: op.cit, 43-44.
179 Al-Dashrawi: op.cit, 91-92; Jamal Al-Din:op.cit, 44.
180 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 6: 451; Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1: 57-58; Al-Nuwiari: op. cit, 28 : 52; Idris: Tarikh Al-Khulafa, 96-99; Al-Nu͑man: op.cit, 87-93; Al-Dashrawi: op. cit, 114; Biḍoun :op.cit, 44.
181 Al-Nu͑man: op.cit, 124.
56
At the outset of the third/tenth century, there were three separate states that ruled the Maghreb and were not subject to the Abbasid caliphate: Adarssa, Aghlabids and Rustamids; the condition of these states constituted a land that could accept any extended ambition and the Fatimids found it the right land to plant their seeds"182.After Abu Abdullah proved his ability to win the hearts of most Berbers, the second phase of the Ismaili da͑wa began. Abu Abdullah entered the war with the forces in the region and continued for six years 291-297/904-910 , during which he collided with states that existed in the Maghreb at the time, the first state he clashed with was the Aghlabid State 184-296/ -909 and its influence was weak within the Africa and strong in the Mediterranean basin where it was at war with the Byzantine Empire in the island of Sicily, Malta, and the coasts of Italy, which helped Abu Abdullah, who was holed up in the mountains of Kutama to seize their capital al-kayrawan and end their rule which was nominally in the name of the Abbasid caliphate in 296/909. As news about the activity of Abu Abdullah reached the Aghlabid Emir Ibrahim bin Ahmed bin Aghlab, he sent to his governor of Mila Moussa bin Ayash (Da͑i Idris mention his name as Moussa bin Abbas) to inquire about the real objectives of Abi Abdullah and Mila’s Governor replied disregarding Abu Abdullah by saying that Abu Abdullah is a man wearing coarse clothing and advising people to do good183.Da͑i Idris and al-Nu͑man explained that Mila’s Governor was acting in fear of being dismissed from his office184.As more news about Abu Abdullah’s activity reached Ifriqiya’s governor which were not reassuring, he sent a letter with Ibn al-Mutasim al-Munjem to investigate the truth of Abu Abdullah, who responded by calling on the Aghlabid Emir to obey Obaidallah al-Mahdi185.Some members of the ruling Aghlabid family and their followers were Shi ͑a which increased the danger for the Aghlabid Emir so he sentmost an army led by his son Mohammed ibn Abi Abbas bin Ibrahim known as al-Ahwal who defeated the Ismailis and recovered the city of Mila and wanted to follow Abu Abdallah but the winter conditions and snow prevented al-Ahwal to follow on his
182 Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1: 57; Al-Maqrizi: al-Khutat, 2 : 177; Al-Nuwiari: op. cit, 28 :49; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 6 : 451; Al-Kharbuṭali: op. cit, 39; Baghi: op. cit ,40; Al-Dashrawi: op. cit,92-101.
183 Idris: Tarikh Al-Khulafa, 91; Al-Nu͑man: op.cit, 54; Biḍoun: op.cit, 42-43.
184 Al-Nuwiari: op. cit ,28: 49; Idris: Tarikh Al-Khulafa, 91-92; Al-Nu͑man: op.cit, 54; Al-Dashrawi: op. cit, 92-94.
185Al-Nu͑man: op.cit, 55-58; Ibn Adhari: op. cit, 1: 177-178; Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1: 58-59; Idris:Tarikh Al-Khulafa, 92-93; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 6 : 451-452; Al-Nuwiari: op.cit, 28: 56-57; Baghi : op. cit, 42-44; Souror: Tarikh al-Daoula al-Fatimiyya, 24; Hassan: al-Fatimiyoun fi Misr, 56; Salem: op. cit, 511.
57
victory and al-Ahwal was content to take control of Mila and Tazrut and then returned to Ifriqiya province, but Abu Abdullah intensified his efforts after he was able to overcome his Berber opponents, and the armies of the Aghlabids could not finish the Ismaili da͑wa even when they able to defeat them in some battles186.After the death of Ibrahim Bin Al-Aghlib, he was succeeded by Ziyadat Allah who was preoccupied with amusement and killed his brother al-Ahwal and Abu Abdullah and his followers rejoiced at this news and he began to tell them of the near appearance of al-Mahdi, and Ziyadat Allah sent an army of 40,000 led by Ibrahim bin Habashi (al-Qadi Nu͑man and Da͑i Idris mention the size of the army at 100,000) to eliminate Abu Abdullah but the army stayed in Qastintina (Constantine) for six months, leaving his rival Abu Abdullah the opportunity to prepare for his meeting and when the two armies met in Kaynuna in 292/905, the Aghlabid army was defeated and Abu Abdullah captured all their supplies as spoils187 .
The defeat of the Aghlabid army encouraged Abu Abdullah to invade Ifriqiya province in the direction of the Zab region with the goal was to take over Tubna and despite the of the Aghlabid attempt to reinforce the town, it fell in the hands of Abu Abdullah and he appointed Yahya bin Suleiman as its commander and returned to Ekjan and besieged the fortress of Billizma where hunger made its people surrender after they were short of supplies, Abu Abdullah entered the city and killed all the fighters and demolished its fortifications and then returned to Ekjan as the Warord to Baghaya was opened to him188.Ziadat Allah tried to reassure public opinion in Africa after he received a letter from the Abbasid Caliph in Baghdad189and then showed himself to
186 Idris: Tarikh Al-Khulafa, 110-111; Al-Nu͑man: op.cit, 139-144; Jamal Al-Din: op.cit, 46; Samaei: op. cit, 113.
187 Idris:Tarikh Al-Khulafa, 114-117; Ibn Aybeck: op. cit., 6: 40; Al-Maqrizi: Al-Khutat, 2 :178; Ibn Adhari, op. cit,1: 183-184; Al-Qaḍi Al-Nu͑man, Op.cit, 168-173; Al-Maqrizi, Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1 :59; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 6: 452; Al-Dhahabi: Tarikh al-Islam wa Wafiat al-Mashahyer wa al-Aalam,( Bayrut, Dar al-Kitab al-Arabi, 1990 , 2nd, 22;; Al-Nuwiari: op. cit, 28 : 57-59; Salem: op. cit, 512; Al-Dashrawi: op. cit, 129-131.
188 Al-Nu͑man: Op.cit, 173-179; Salem: op. cit, 513.
189 Ziyadat Allah ibn Abi al-Abbas ibn Ibrahim al-Aghlabi al-Tamimi was the last Emir of the Aghlabid State in the province of Ifriqiya. He was inclined to amusements as his father appointed him the Governor of Sicily, he ignored the government’s affairs and continued to enjoy amusements so his father removed him from office and imprisoned him. While in prison he plotted to murder his father and used three Saqaliba (Serb) eunuchs who killed his father and after he became the Emir in 290/903, he executed the three eunuchs. He returned to enjoy his amusements and ignored the affairs of the state while Abu Abdallah forces grew in strength. After his army lost at Kaynuna, he left al-Raggada to Egypt taking his wealth and family with him. He had a hard tmie entering Egypt because its Governor Issa al-Nushari reused to grant him permission to enter Egypt then he left to al-Ramla in his way to al-Raqqa
58
fight Abi Abdullah Shiite and left al-kayrawan on his way to al-Urbus accompanied by the jurists of al-kayrawan in the year 295/907 and at the urging of his advisers decided to assign his cousin Ibrahim bin al-Aghlib to lead the army and he returned to Raqqada190.
In the meantime, Abu Abdullah was taking over Baghaya without a fight191Abu Abdullah was able to defeat the Aghlabid in the Battle of al-Urbus and Ziyadat Allah found that himself was unable to preserve the kingdom of his fathers and grandfathers as he fled to Egypt and carrying with him all he could carry of money and equipment and departed from al-Raqqada on 296/909192. The city became easily accessible to Abu Abdullah as he entered it with his army and went down to the palace’s courtyard and the Aghlabid rule was endedAbu Abd Allah sent Obaidallah al-Mahdi a message in his imprisonment promising him victory and conquest. Then he began to work on consolidating his authority in the country. He took several decisions, including collecting all that he had left after the escape of the Aghlabid Emir Ziyadat Allah. And amended the Muslim call to prayer by adding ḥayya ͑ala khayr al-͑amel (Come to the best of works) and He prescribed the mosque imams to invoke blessings in their sermons upon Muḥammad and his family, Ali, al-Ḥassan, al-Ḥussein, and upon Faṭima al-Zahra, and appointed al-Hassan bin Ahmed Ibn Abi Khandzir Governor of al-kayrawan, and Muhammad Bin Yahya al-Marwadhi as Chief Judge193.He then moved to al-Raqqada and entered it and reassured its people. He began preparing to leave to Sijilmasa where imam Obaidallah, his son, and some of their followers are held prisoners by Sijilmasa’s Governor al-Yasaʿ b. Midrar194.
3.2.THE FATIMID STATEIN MAGHREB
where the Abbasid Caliph al-Muqtadir bi-llah sent his minister Ibn al-Furat to receive him. Ziyadat Allah stayed in al-Raqqa for a year then left for Egypt and died at Jerusalem in 299/912. For more see: Ibn Aybeck: op. cit, 6 : 41-42; Idris: Tarikh Al-Khulafa, 133.
190 Al-Nu͑man: Op.cit, 202-185.
191 Al-Nu͑man: Op.cit, 202-204; Salem: op. cit, 513.
192 Ibn Adhari, op. cit ,1:184; Idris: Tarikh Al-Khulafa,137-138; Al-Nu͑man: Op.cit, 245; Ibn Wardan: Mustand Tarikh Mamlaket al-Aghaliba, 61-64.
193Ibn Adhari: op. cit,1: 185; Al-Nuwiari: op. cit, 28: 60; Idris: Tarikh Al-Khulafa, 138-140; Biḍoun : op.cit,46.
194 Idris: Tarikh Al-Khulafa, 155; Al-Nu͑man: Op.cit, 277; Abd ulrazeq : Kharijites fi bilād al-Maghreb, 213; Ibn Aybeck: op.cit, 6: 21; Al-Nuwiari: op.cit, 28: 63; Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa ,1: 62; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 6:. 455; Al-Kharbuṭali: op. cit, 54; Souror: Tarikh Al-Daoula Al-Fatimiyya, 26; Biḍoun: op.cit, 50-51
59
In the period from 297/909 to 365/975 four Fatimid Caliphs ruled in the Maghreb"195Al-Mu ͑ izz was the last Faṭimid Caliph to rule from the Maghreb when he moved the Caliphate to Cairo which became the new Fatimid capital after the conquest of Egypt at the hands of their military leader Jawhar al-Siqily in 358/969.
3.2.1. The Departure Of Obaidallah Al-Mahdi To The Maghreb And The Establishment Of The Fatimid State
There were several motives for the departure of Obaidallah al-Mahdi and his son al-Qaem from his hideout in Salamiya in Syria to the Maghreb in 905196. One reason of his departure was because of the sons of Abu Mohammed al-Kufa’s da͑i (missionary) who were angry that he did not appoint one of them to succeed their father; therefore, they entered in alliance with the Qaramiṭa to attack Salamiya, so the imam decided to depart197.Whereas Al-Da ͑ i Idris stated that the reason for the imam’s and his son going to al-Maghreb is the imam’s generosity to the governor of Salamiya; but when the governor got suspicious and asked about the imam, he was told that this their custom since the Imam owns Al-Mgharib and al-Mushriq, so the governor got greedy198.The
195 The four Caliphs are: Al-Mahdi Obaidallah Abu Muhammad (297-322/909-934), Al-Qaem Muhammed Abu al-Qasem (322-334/934-945), al-Mansour Ismael Abu Taher (334-341/945-952), and al-Mu ͑ izz Maed Abu Tamim (341-365/952-975).
196 Obaidallah Al-Mahdi was born either on 259/873, 260/874, or 266/879 in Salamiya, al-Kufa, or Asker Mekram in Khoezstan. He is the Shia Ismaili’s eleventh Imam although the sources differ on his ancestry line. Ibn Khallikan mentions that he found a great variance regarding his ancestry; It is said that one ancestry line is Obaidallah ibn al-Hasan ibn Muhammad ibn Ali ibn Musa ibn Jafer ibn Muhammad ibn Ali ibn al-Hussein ibn Ali ibn Abi Talib; another ancestry line is Obaidallah ibn Muhammad ibn Ismael ibn Jafer mentioned in the former ancestry line; another ancestry line is Ali ibn Al-Hussein Ibn Ahmad ibn Abdallah ibn al-Hasan ibn Mohammad ibn Ali ibn al-Hussein ibn Ali ibn Abi Talib; yet another ancestry line is Obaidallah ibn al-Taqei ibn al-Wafei ibn al-Rida, al-Rida’s name is Abdallah ibn Muhammad ibn Ismael ibn Jafer mentioned in the former ancestry line. the name of al-Taqei is Hussein, and al-Wafei’s name is Ahmad; those three were using those names instead of their real names since the were in hiding from the Abbasid Caliphs prosecution. al-Mahdi used the name of Obaidallah in the same manner as a cover and his real name is Said and his step father’s name is al-Hussein ibn ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Abdallah ibn Maimun al-Qaddah ; he was known as al-Qaddah because he was an Ophthalmologist; Al-Maqrizi stated that his name is Muhammad ibn Abdallah ibn Maimun ibn Muhammad ibn Ismael ibn Jafer ibn Muhammad ibn Ali ibn al-Hussein ibn Ali ibn Abi Talib; others state that his name is Obaidallah ibn Ahmad ibn Ismael II ibn Muhammad ibn Ismael ibn Jafer: Ibn Adhari stated that his name is Obaidallah ibn Muhammad ibn ibn Ismael ibn Jafer ibn Muhammad ibn Ali ibn al-Hussein ibn Ali ibn Abi Talib; while others mention that his name is Obaidallah ibn Muhammad ibn Abdulrahman al-Baseri. He ruled for about a quarter of century and died in al-Mahdiyya on 5 March 934. For more on Obaidallah see: Al-Maqrizi : Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1: 35; Ibn Khallikan: op.cit, 3 :117-119; Ibn Adhari: op.cit,1: 188; Ibn Aybeck: op. cit, 6 :4-5; Idris: Uyun Al-akhbar, Tarikh Al-Khulafa al-Faṭimiyin bel-Maghreb,Bayrut, Dar al-Gharb al-Islami, 1985, 143; Ibn Al-Athir: Al-Kamil, 6: 446-447; Hamad: op.cit,35-36.
197 Dafteri: al-Ismailiyoun: Tarikhihum wa Aqaedahum, 219-220; Yaghi: op.cit,113.
198 Idris: Tarikh Al-Khulafa, 144-145; Al-Sayid: op.cit,115.
60
imam, then, wrote to some of his assistants in Baghdad to appWarorch the Abbasid Caliph al-Mutaḍid to remove Salamiya’s governor, and when the governor knew about his dismissal, he told the Abbasid Caliph what he had heard about the imam and asked the Caliph for reinstatement so he can arrest the imam199. This event happened at the same time the sons of Al-Kufa’s da͑i dissented and had a fallout with the imam, so the imam and his son Al-Qaem decided to leave Salamiya200. He went to the Maghreb after news of his da͑i there Abu Abdallah al-Shi ͑ i’s success and the tribe of Kutama’s insistence in knowing the identity of the imam whom they are fighting for his cause. Farhad Daftari states that the imam stopped for some time in al-Ramela waiting for the outcome of Zikrawaih’s military activities who was able to achieve several victories against the Abbasids in Syria; in 290/903, Zikrawaih’s forces took control of Salamiya (an important Ismaili base), Homs, and several other locations201Zakrawaeh declared the establishment of the imam’s State, minted the currency in his name, and conducted the Friday’s sermon in his name202. Zakrawaeh contacted the imam in al-Ramela urging him to return to Salamiya and assume authority but the imam decided to wait for a while and not hastening his return to his base to ascertain the Abbasid’s reaction which was quick; the next year the Abbasids launched full-scale attack on Zikrawaih’s forces killing him with a great number of his followers203.Zikrawaih’s brother avenged his death by attacking Salamiya and destroyed the imam’s housing compound killing his relatives and servants who were left behind204.Al-Qaḍi al-Nu͑man states that the imam wanted to go to Yemen but news reached him about Yemen’s unstable conditions which made him decided to go to the Maghreb205.Other scholars conclude that Obaidallah al-Mahdi choice of the Maghreb was arranged by Abu Abdallah al-Shi ͑i.206Obaidallah al-Mahdi had told his companions of his intention to go to Yemen but when he reached Egypt, he declared that they were going to the Maghreb207.So one of his missionaries, Fairouz, who wanted to go to Yemen broke up with him and Obaidallah commented that he wondered at two men of his party, one is saddened by
199 Ibid.
200 Ibid.
201 Dafteri : Al-Ismailiyoun: Tarikhihum wa Aqaedahum, 219-221.
202 Ibid.
203 Ibid.
204 Ibid.
205 Al-Nu͑man: op.cit, 60.
206 Ibrahim & Sharaf: op.cit,117.
207 Idris: Tarikh Al-Khulafa, 148; Al-Sayid: op.cit,116-117; Ghalib: Tarikh Al-Da͑wa Al-Ismailia,159; Souror : Al-Nafoudh Al-Fatimi fi Jazirat Al-Arab, 62.
61
being separated from us and the other saddened by our company.208Obaidallah’s journey to al-Maghreb was not without difficulties. After leaving Salamiya, he stayed in al-Remela for a while then travelled to Egypt escaping the Abbasids after they found out his true intentions where he stayed undercover as a merchant but had to leave Egypt when arrest orders came from Baghdad to Egypt’s Governor Issa bin al-Nousheri209. Some sources claim that Egypt’s Governor arrested him but released him later after he made a payment to the Governor; while other sources states that Obaidallah’s supporters convinced Egypt’s Governor Mohammad bin Sulieman that he is a Hashemite merchant and the wanted person by Baghdad was able to escape to Yemen and the sources add that since most the new Governor al-Nousheri’s assistants were believers of Ismaili faith, they told Obaidallah of the Abbasids intentions and advised him to leave Egypt. When Obaidallah reached the borders of Barqa, he was attacked and robbed of part of his possessions at a place named al-Ṭahouna; and he continued his journey to Tripoli accompanied by Abu Abdallah al-Shi ͑ i’s brother Abu al-Abbas and from Tripoli the convoy headed to Ifriqiya (present day Tunisia and eastern Algeria) but Obaidallah left the group and travelled separately as to not raise suspicion; so Abu al-Abbas went to al-kayrawan were he was arrested by the Aghlabids Governor of Ifriqiya Ziyadat Allah210.Obaidallah wanted to inform his da͑i Abu Abdallah al-Shi ͑ i by sending messengers that he is in his way the same time that Baghdad sent orders to arrest Obaidallah and informing Ziyadat Allah that he had escaped from Egypt and is heading to Ifriqiya; so when Obaidallah’s messengers arrived in al-kayrawan, they were arrested and asked to confess their true intentions but they said they are just merchants and denied any knowing Obaidallah or Abu Abdallah al-Shi ͑ i.211 The order to arrest Obaidallah reached Tripoli’s Governor so
208 Idris: Tarikh Al-Khulafa, 151; Al-Sayid :op.cit 117; Al-Hajj: op.cit142-143; Souror: Al-Nafoudh Al-Fatimi fi Jazirat al-Arab,63-64.
209 Sources differ on the identity of Egypt’s Governor who arrested Ubaidallah al-Mahdi; Ibn al-Athir, Al-Maqrizi, alkanadi, and Al-Nuwiari identify him as Issa bin al-Nousheri while al-Ṭabari identify him as Mohammad bin Sulieman. Al-Mazyani and Souror identify the Governor as Mohammad bin sulieman but when he was negligent on carrying out the arrest order was replaced by Issa bin al-Nousheri; for more on this subject see Al-Mazyani: op.cit,130; Souror : Tarikh Al-Daoula Al-Fatimiyya, 25.
210 Al-Nu͑man: op.cit, 161; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 6 : 253-254; Ibn Khaldun :op.cit 4;70; Al-Maqrizi: Al-Khutat, 2 :178; Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1; 61-62; Al-Nuwiari, op.cit,28 :62-63; Ibn Aybeck: op. cit, 6:20-21; Al-Kharbuṭali :op.cit,53-54; Hasan : Al-Faṭimioun fi Miser,.6; Al-Mizyani;op.cit, 48-50;Souror: Tarikh Al-Daoula Al-Fatimiyya,24-25; Ghalib: Tarikh Al-Da͑wa Al-Ismailia,160; Biḍoun; op.cit, 48-50; Al-Hajj: op.cit, 1: 144-145.
211 Al-Nu͑man: op.cit, 161-163; Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1: 62; Ibn Al-Athir: Al-Kamil, 6: 454; Ibrahim & Sharaf: op. cit, 136; Al-Mizyani: op. cit, 51; Souror: Tarikh al-Daoula al-Fatimiyya, 26; Abdulrazeq : Kharijites fi bilād al-Maghreb, 211.
62
Obaidallah changed his journey’s route to Qasṭiliya instead and proceeded farther west to Sijilmāsa which he reached disguised as a merchant and gave its Governor al-Yasaʿ b. Midrar gifts as he communicated secretly with Abu Abdallah ash-Shī ͑ ī from his hide-out in Morocco212. The reason Obaidallah stayed in Sijilmasa and did not risk going to Ikjan was because he feared for the lives of the prisoners in the hands of the Aghlabids, also because until that time the Aghlabids controlled the majority of forts on the way to Ikjan and threatened Kutama’s land the stronghold of Shia’s leadership; therefore, he decided to stay away from his missionary Abu Abdallah ash-Shi ͑ i and do not risk revealing his identity until the outcome between them and the Aghlabids is clear, also he wanted to be far away from the Aghlabids centres of influence. Then, al-Yasaʿb. Midrar discovered Obaidallah’s true identity after he received news from Ifriqiya according to al-Dai Idris while al-Maqrizi and Ibn Aybeck state that the news came from Bagdad so al-Yasaʿ b. Midrar ordered the imprisonment of Obaidallah and his son Abu al-Qasim and they stayed in prison until Abu Abdallah al-Shi ͑ i released them after his victory against the Aghlabids State213.Scholars Mahmoud Ismail Abdulrazeq and Ibrahim Biḍoun state that the Jews probably had a role in Obaidallah’s imprisonment214.It is possible that the Jews informed against Obaidallah since al-Yasaʿ b. Midrar operated outside the Abbasids authority and as a follower of the Kharijite sect, the Aghlabids did not have any authority over Sijilmasa. Abu Abdallah al-Shi ͑ i was in Ifriqiya when he learned of the imprisonment of Obaidallah and he set out on a military campaign to free him from captivity in Sijilmasa having appointed his brother Abu al-Abbas and Abu Zaki as his deputies to govern Ifriqiya215. While al-Maqrizi mentions only Abu al-ʿAbbas as deputy216.Abu Abdallah ash-Shi ͑ i left to Sijilmasa with an army totalling 200,000 horse and infantry and the Maghreb’s people were shaken at his advance as the tribes deserted the area and moved out of his way, the Zanata’s chief Muḥammad b. Khazar ame to meet Abu Abdallah and offered his
212 Ibn Al-Athir: Al-Kamil, 6:454-456; Al-Nu͑man: op.cit, 163-164; Al-Nuwiari: op.cit 28 :63; Souror ; Tarikh al-Daoula al-Fatimiyya, 26; Al-Kharbuṭali : op. cit, 54.
213 Ibn Aybeck: op. cit, 6 :21; Al-Nuwiari: op.cit ,28 : 63; Al-Maqrizi : Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1 ; 62; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kamil, 6 : 455; Idris : Tarikh Al-Khulafa, 153; Al-Nu͑man : op.cit,165; Al-Kharbuṭali : op.cit,54; Souror : Tarikh Al-Daoula Al-Fatimiyya, 26; Biḍoun: op.cit, 50-51; Abdulrazeq : Kharijites fi bilād al-Maghreb ,211.
214 Abdulrazeq : Kharijites fi bilād al-Maghreb, 212-213; Biḍoun : op. cit, 50.
215 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kamil, 6 : 460; Al-Nuwiari, op.cit,28 : 61; Idris : Tarikh Al-Khulafa, 156; Al-Nu͑man :op.cit, 275; Al-Tijani ; op. cit, 240; Al-Kharbuṭali : op.cit, 54; Abdulrazeq: Kharijites fi bilād Al-Maghreb, 214; Salem : op. cit, 513.
216 Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1 : 65.
63
submission, then on his way to Sijilmasa Abu Abdallah captured the town Tahart, capital of the Kharijite kingdom of the Rustamids217.Sources differ on al-Yasaʿ b. Midrar questioning Obaidallah when he was imprisoned about his true identity. Some like al-Nu͑man and al-Dai Idris stated that the imam revealed to al-Yasaʿ b. Midrar his true identity but denied knowing Abu Abdallah218,While al-Maqrizi, Ibn al-Athir, and al-Nuwiari state that Obaidallahdid not comply with al-Yasaʿ b. Midrar and confessed nothing219al-Yasaʿ b. Midrar remained suspicious of Obaidallah’s true identity but Obaidallah and his followers persisted in keeping Obaidallah’s identity secret and that he is only a merchant despite torturing Obaidallah’s son and his followers which did not induce them to reveal his true identity220.Abu Abdallah arrived in Sijilmasa and laid siege to it while he wrote a letter to al-Yasaʿ b. Midrar in which he guaranteed him safety and kind treatment but, Ibn Midrar ordered the execution of the messengers, and they were put to death then the battle started and at night, Ibn Midrar fled with members of his family221. Abu Abdallah entered the city after its residents came out and told him of Ibn Midrar fleeing, then he freed Obaidallah and his son from prison and brought him to a large field gathering people and told them this is the Mahdi that I was promising you; historians state that when Abu Abdallah al-Shi ͑ i saw Obaidallah al-Mahdi, he dismounted and met him with all respect and honour and told the people around him that this is my lord and yours for God has fulfilled his promise, gave to him his due, and shown his destiny222,Obaidallah al-Mahdi and Abu Abdallah al-Shi ͑ i stayed in Sijilmasa for forty days receiving delegations offering submission, and then set off with all the troops for Raqqada in 297/910 where the residents of al-kayrawan and Raqqada came out to welcome the imam al-Mahdi, and in the next Friday,
217 Salem: op.cit, 513-514; Biḍoun: op.cit, 50; Abdulrazeq: Kharijites fi bilād al-Maghreb, 214.
218 Idris: Tarikh Al-Khulafa, 153-158; Al-Nu͑man; op.cit, 277; Abdulrazeq; Kharijites fi bilād al-Maghreb, 213; Ghalib : Tarikh Al-Da͑wa al-Ismailia, 160-161.
219Al-Maqrizi ; Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1 ;65; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir; Al-Kamil, 6 ;460; Al-Nuwiari, op.cit, 28 :64; Idris: Tarikh Al-Khulafa, 156.
220 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir:Al-Kamil, 6: 460; Al-Nuwiari: op,cit 28 : 64; Al-Nu͑man;op.cit, 277-278.
221 Sources differ on the fate of al-Yasaʿ b. Midrar. Some state that he was captured and flogged then put to death, while al-Dai Idris states that when Ibn Midrar was captured Ubaidallah’s son al-Qaem asked that he should be pardoned so he went with them to al-Mansoura but he refused to drink or eat until he died, while others state that he was released after he converted to the Ismaili sect: for more see Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa ,1 ;65; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 6 :460; Idris : Tarikh Al-Khulafa,162; Al-Nuwiari: op.cit 28 ; 65; Ghalib : Tarikh Al-Da͑wa Al-Ismailia,161.
222 Al-Nu͑man : op.cit, 278-280; Al-Maqrizi : Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1 : 65; Ibn Adhari;op.cit,1: 187; Al-Maqrizi: Al-Khutat, 2 : 179; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kamil, 6 :460; Al-Dhahabi: Tarikh Al-Islam, 22 ; 28; Al-Nuwiari: op.cit,28 :64; Idris : Tarikh Al-Khulafa,159-160; Salem ;op.cit, 514; Ghalib: Tarikh Al-Da͑wa al-Ismailia, 161; Al-Kharbuṭali: op. cit , 55; Biḍoun: 51; Jamal Al-Din: Al-Doula al-Fatimia: qyamiha bi-Belad al-Maghreb,48-49.
64
Obaidallahordered the prayer sermon to be in his name in both Raqqada and al-kayrawan declaring by that the establishment of the Fatimid Caliphate as he appointed governors from Kutama tribe to the cities under his control223,Ibrahim Biḍoun explains that declaring the Fatimid Caliphate from Raqqada that the victory over the Aghlabid tantamount to a victory over the Abbasid224 .
Obaidallah designated Raggada as his capital when he was given allegiance as a caliph in Morocco but circumstances surrounding him in the beginning of his rule made him seriously think of designating a new capital for his newly born state to be fortified in it against the conspiracies of his enemies, so he succeeded in choosing an area about 60 miles from al-kayrawan surrounded by sea from three directions in the shape of a hand connected to a wrist and called it al-Mahdiyya; its construction was finished in 305/917 and he moved there in 308/920225. Next to al-Mahdiyya, Obaidallah established another town called Zwayila which began as a market town for tribal merchants and wanted it to become a place where the tribes intermix and cooperatebeside its commercial role in order to increase the fortification and protection of al-Mahdiyya.
3.2.2. The Problems Faced By The Fatimid State :
Obaidallahsince he was given allegiance as a Caliph and succeeded in asserting his control had targeted to consolidate his position and to have all the powers in his hands and to be the absolute master of the nascent state and the Ismaili da'wa. Obaidallah had to clash with the Shiite founder Abu Abdullah after he found out that he seized the hearts of the people and has become influential and powerful in the region, and Obaidallah wanted to limit his powers and influence so Abu Abdullah turned against him and conspired against him. So, what made Abu Abdullah turn against Obaidallah when he had asked him to come to the Maghreb and then saved him from prison
223 Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1 :66; Al-Nu͑man :op.cit, 281-295; Idris: Tarikh Al-Khulafa, 170-175; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kamil, 6 :460-461; Ibn Adhari: op.cit,1: 188; Al-Maqrizi: Al-Khutat, 2 : 179; Al-Dhahabi : Tarikh al-Islam, 22 ;28; Al-Nuwiari: op.cit, 28 ;65; Ghalib : Tarikh al-Da͑wa al-Ismailia, 162; Souror : Tarikh Al-Daoula al-Fatimiyya, 26; Yaghi: op.cit,88-85; Salem:op.cit 514-515.
224 Biḍoun : op.cit 51.
225 Al-Bekri: Al-Mugharib, 29-31;Al-Maqrizi : Al-Khutat, 2 :180-181; Ibn Khallikan: op.cit, 3 :118; Al-Maqrizi : Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1: 70; Ibn Adhari : op.cit,1:192; Al-Nuwiari: op.cit, 28 :. 69; Salem: op.cit, 518-521; Yaghi: op. cit,94-95; Al-Kharbuṭali: op. cit, 56; Al-Sayid : op,cit, 124-125.
65
announcing to his supporters that he is the awaited Imam? Some narrated that Abu Abdullah al-Shi ͑ i remained loyal to Obaidallah al-Mahdi despite the fact that the latter reduced his powers but his brother Abu al-Abbas continually incited him against Obaidallah and, at first, Abu Abdullah asked his brother to end this incitement and did not listen to him,then Abu al-Abbas was able to change his brother’s mind by saying that now you are the master of the country and its ruler, and you are going to hand to others and become one of the followers. So, Abu Abdullah asked Obaidallah to stay in his palace and leave to him the matter ofKutama’s tribe under the pretext that he is knowledgeable about their affairs and knows them very well, then Obaidallah took this as a verification that the conspiracy news about Abu Abdullah and his brother were true226.
After that Abu Abdullah and his brother went to Kutama and enticed them to reverse their opinion about Obaidallah and reminded them of that he took the funds from Ikjan and kept it for himself and said that this is not the Imam that we were calling for, then Kutama sent Sheikh Harun Ben Younus to Obaidallahwho told him that we came to you with a doubt about your claim to the imamate, then Obaidallah replied that ‘Woe unto you! You had been full of conviction, and doubt cannot dispel conviction’ and ordered that Sheikh Harun Ben Younus be killed, and then Abu Abdullah, Abu Zaki Tammam b. Muʿarik, and others from Kutama’s tribe agreed to kill Obaidallah227.When this news reached Obaidallah, he became benevolent and he appointed from among the leaders of Kutama governors to different cities; Abu Zaki was appointed to be Tripoli’s and its governor Yousef Maknoun (Al-Nuwiari states that Ghazwiyya bin Yousef was Tripoli’s governor) was ordered to kill Abu Zaki upon arrival and he did, and then Obaidullah asked Urouba Bin Yusuf and his brother Hubasa to kill Abu Abdullah and his brother Abu al-Abbas and they waited for them near the palace, then when Urouba was about to kill Abu Abdullah he said to him ‘do not do it, son’ and Urouba replied that the imam you ordered us to obey has ordered us
226 Idris: Tarikh Al-Khulafa, 180-181; Al-Nu͑man: op.cit, 307-309; Al-Hajj: op. cit, 153-155; Salem: Op.cit, 516; Samaei: op.cit,130.
227 Idris: Tarikh Al-Khulafa,183-184; Al-Nu͑man: op.cit, 309-313; Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1 :67; Ibn Khallikan: op.cit, 2 : 192; Ibn Adhari: op.cit 1 :189; Al-Maqrizi: Al-Khutat, 2: 179-180; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 6: 461-462; Al-Dhahabi: Tarikh Al-Islam, 22: 28-29; Al-Nuwiari: op.cit, 28: 66-67; Al-Kharbuṭali: op. cit, 63; Salem: Op.cit ,516
66
to kill you; Abu Abdullah and his brother Abu al-Abbas were killed in 298/911228. Researcher Mustafa Ghalib opinion in the case of the killing of Abu Abdullah al-Shi ͑ i at Obaidallah orders is that story is not rational and cannot reasonably be believed since if Abu Abdullah wanted the caliphate himself, he could have obtained it before the arrival of Obaidallah and when his armies were about 100,000 and adds that probably Abu Abdullah spent his last days loyal to Obaidallah until he died a natural death229.
Seditions erupted because of Obaidallah’s killing of Abu Abdullah al-Shi ͑ i but he went to the dissenters and calmed them down; however, later he followed and killed them, and another sedition broke out between the tribe of Kutama’s and the inhabitants of al-kayrawan with many dead and, again, Obaidallah calmed this sedition too and ordered the da ͑ is (missionaries) to stop asking the common people to convert to the shi ͑ a faith230.
The tribe of Kutama rose up because of the killing of Abu Abdallah and presented a child as the new Mahdi imam and this revolt strengthened and spread so Obaidallah sent his son Abu Al-Qasim at the head of a major campaign to suppress this sedition and he defeated the tribe of Kutama with some sources stating that he killed the pseudo-Mahdi child231.
While Obaidullah's attempt to gain control of Egypt failed, Sijilmasa revolted against the Fatimids governor Ibrahim bin Ghalib al-Muzati, who had a garrison of five hundred soldiers, killing him and all his men, and al-Fath ibn Maimon nicknamed Wasoul of Midrar became the new independent governor of Sijilmasa until 309/922, and to recover his influence after the defeat of his army in Egypt, Obaidallah al-Mahdi resumed the process of subjugating the Maghreb which revolted against him. In that
228 Al-Maqrizi: Al-Khutat, 2: 180; Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1: 67-68; Ibn Adhari: op.cit,1: 190; Ibn Khallikan:op.cit, 2: 192; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 6 :462-463; Idris: Tarikh Al-Khulafa,186-187; Al-Nuwiari: op.cit, 28 : 67-68; Al-Nu͑man: op.cit,315-317; Salem: op.cit, 516-517; Hasan: Al-Fatimioun fi Misr, 61; Biḍoun: op.cit 52-53; Al-Hajj: op. cit, 156.
229 Ghalib: Tarikh al-Da͑wa al-Ismailia,168-169.
230 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 6 :463; Al-Nu͑man: op.cit, 322-323; Ibn Adhari: op.cit,1: 191; Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1: 68; Al-Nuwiari: op.cit, 28 : 68; Idris: Tarikh Al-Khulafa,188-189; Biḍoun: op.cit, 54.
231 Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1 : 68; Idris : Tarikh Al-Khulafa, 190-191; Al-Nu͑man:op.cit, 325; Al-Nuwiari: op.cit,28 : 68; Ibn Al-Athir: Al-Kamil, 6 :463; Souror: Tarikh Al-Daoula Al-Fatimiyya,27; Biḍoun: op.cit, 54-55; Salem: Op.cit, 517.
67
year, one of his leaders, Masala bin Habous, entered the city by force and killed its ruler Ahmad ibn Maimon and appointed al-Mutazz ibn Midrar as the new Fatimid governor to gain support from the city’s inhabitants and the Kharijite sect,and the city remained loyal to the Fatimids until 332/944 when Muhammad ibn al-Fath ibn Maimon took control of the city taking advantage of the Fatimid preoccupation with confronting the revolt of Abu Yazid, Muhammad ibn Maimon became the city’s ruler and was nicknamed al-Shaker lel-Allah232.
Obaidallah designated his son Abu al-Qasim al-Qaem as heir apparent and appointed Hubasa bin Yusuf governor of Barqa (Barqa) and Hubasa’s brother Urouba became the governor of the Maghreb and he entered Tahrt by force and appointed Dawas bin Solat al-Lahis its governor, also sent his leader Masala bin Habous to subjugate Fez which was under the rule of al-Adarissa State then after he managed to subjugate it, he went to Nakour, the capital of Sanhajah and succeeded in capturing it in the year 308/921 and made Musa ibn Abi al-Afia governor of the Maghreb al-Aqasa (Morocco) but he later declared his rebellion against the Fatimids after the death of Masala ibn Habus in 312/924 and joined the Uamyyad in Andalusia so Obaidallah sent his son and heir apparent Abu al-Qasim against Abi al-Afia and Abu Qasim regained control of the region233.
After ruling for a period of about a quarter of a century Obaidallah al-Mahdi died in 322/934 and was succeeded by his son Al-Qaem, and his era was one of establishment and laying the rules that came after the era of preparation by the da ͑ i Abu Abdullah al-Shi ͑ i, and Obaidallah started his rule in Raqqada, while the conditions of the three states ruling the province of Ifriqiya (the Aghlabids, the Rustamids, and the Adarissa) were deteriorating and their forces were weak which facilitated the Fatimids to replace them and so they began with seizing the Aghlabids kingdom and then spread their influence until Tahrat ending the Rustamids Kingdom and then reached Fez where they eliminated the remnants of al-Adarissa State234. All of the Maghreb came under the control of the Fatimids as Obaidallah gave himself the title of Amir al-Mouminyn, the Caliph, and the imam of the Islamic faith, and there is no doubt that what the
232Taqoush: op.cit, 110-111.
233 Ibn Khaldun:op.cit, 4 :39-40; Al-Salawi : op.cit,238-246; Idris: Tarikh Al-Khulafa, 263; Ibrahim & Sharaf;op.c it, 198
234 Al-Dhahabi : Tarikh Al-Islam, 22 : 36.
68
Fatimids inherited from the Aghlabids abilities helped to a large extent in their continued activity along the southern coast of the Mediterranean and looked towards taking over Egypt.
Al-Qaem became the new Fatimid Caliph in 322/934235, The caliphate of al-Qaem was no better than his father’s, and if the Obaidallah had suffered the hardships and troubles of the establishment of the Fatimid state, his son al-Qaem would bear the hardships of the revolutions and unrest that had strained his state and disturb his rule. The most prominent of these revolutions was the revolution of Abu Yazid, nicknamed the donkey’s owner236, Abu Yazid rejected what the Shi ͑ a sect introduced in the Maghreb society and used to the Awras mountains as his base after the death of Obaidallah al-Mahdi where many Berbers joined his banner especially the Kharijites who did not share the Shi ͑ a sect beliefs, demanding from Abu Yazid, in the event of their takeover of al-Mahdia and al-kairwan, that the affairs of the state should be Shura(consultative), the revolt began in326/937 during the reign of the Caliph al-Qaem
235 Muhammad Ibn Obaidallah Ibn Al-Husain, named al-Qaem bi-Amer Allah, the second Fatimids Caliph and the twelfth imam in the shi ͑ a Ismaili sect. He became a Caliph in 322/934 after the death of his father Obaidallah and he was born in Salamiya, Syria in either 277/890, 279/892, or 280/893. He spent his youth there and witnessed the Qaramita’s revolt that was disastrous to his Fatimids family forcing them to flee to the Maghreb, and he was his father’s road companion from Syrian Salamiya to the Maghreb’s sijilmasa. He died in 344/955 and was succeeded by his son Al-Mansour Ismail, for more see: Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1:74; Al-Nuwiari: op.cit,28 :68-72.
236 Makhlad ibn Kaydad ibn Saedallah ibn Kerman ibn Yefrin ibn Shana al-Yefreni al-Zenatti al-Nakari (Shana is Zenatta) nicknamed the donkey’s owner. Ibn Adhari stated that he is Makhlad ibn Kaydad ibn Saedallah ibn Mughaith ibn Kerman ibn Makhlad ibn Othman ibn wrymit ibn Tiqrasen ibn simdan ibn Yefrin, and Yefrin is al-Kahena’s father and he his ancestry goes back to Jana ibn Yahia the ancestor of all Zenatta. He was born in koukou in the Sudan about 270/883 from a Zenatti father who was a merchant and a black mother from Tadmek named Sabika; however, Ibn al-Athir and Al-Maqrizi stated that his mother is from the Meghrib tribe of Hwara. He grew up in Tuzar and was educated there where he mixed with the Kharijite sect of Abaḍiya and was attracted to their sect. He moved to Tahert and learned from the Kharijite sect shaykhs and was teaching the young the Quran. When he moved to Tijis he began to spread the Khaijite views and slandering the Fatimids rulers and he gained many followers so Tuzar’s governor imprisoned him. One of his followers, Abu Ammar freed from prison by force and went to the Awras mountains where when he entered the town of Marmajanna someone gave him a donkey and he rode it and was known as the donkey’s rider. He was ugly, short, and lame. For more see: Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1:75; Ibn Adhari: op.cit,1: 228; Ibn Khaldun: op.cit,7: 18-19; Ibn Al-Athir: Al-Kamil, 7:189; Musa Ahmad Makhat Bani Khalid: Thourit Abu Yazid al-Khariji ded al-Fatimiyin, unpublished MA thesis, University of Jordan, 1995, 65-70; Musa Rahmani: Al-Awras fi al-Aser al-Wasit min al-Fatih al-Islami il Intiqal al-Khilafa al-Fatimiya ila Misr, unpublished MA thesis, University of Mintouri, Algeria, 2007, 103-104.
Idris : Tarikh Al-Khulafa, 264-266; Khalid: op.cit, 74-75; Rahmani: op.cit, 107; Ghalib: Tarikh al-Da͑wa al-Ismailia,171-172; Taqoush, op.cit, 120.
69
and continued for about fourteen years spanning the reign of both al-Qaem and his son al-Mansour237.
After about thirteen years from its outbreak, the revolt of Abu Yazid reached a decisive turning point in the course of its control over most of Ifriqiya province and its borders and for the Fatimids only their capital al-Mahdiyya remained under their control. It was a bloody revolt in which the province suffered its atrocities such as massacres, looting and kidnapping. The Sunni religious scholars of the Maliki sect in al-kayrawan hesitated to support Abu Yazid against the Fatimid Shi ͑ a because of those atrocities and that he is from the Kharijite sect despite of the harm they suffered at the hands of the Fatimid agents.
Abu Yazid ibn Kaydad entered al-kayrawan with his men and supporters and asked its inhabitants to join him to moving directly to attack al-Mahdiyya and to achieve that he showed his goodwill by bestowing God’s grace and mercy on the Prophet’s companions Abu Bakr and Omar and calling the people to start Jihad against the Shi ͑ a and ordered them to read the doctrine of Malik and on Friday Abu Yazeed attended as an imam inciting people in the sermon to start Jihad against the Shi ͑ a and informed them of their reward, then he cursed Obaidallah and his son238, Abu Yazid entered al-kayrawan encouraging its people to support him and showing great hostility towards the Fatimids by making a mockery of their teachings as he appeared in the position of the fanatical Malaki whereas he was a fanatic from the Kharijite sect whom Obaidallah had oppressed. Despite the fact Abu Yazid and his army did not loot and pillage al-kayrawan when they entered it and despite standing by the Malaki sect and showing support, the Malaki inhabitants of al-kayrawan did not join his army without deliberation and consultation among themselves.The Malaki scholars differences and debates was not about the matter of jihad against the Shi ͑ a since their consensus on this issue is taken for granted because of the injustice, harm and abuse of the Fatimid’s rule, but they consulted on the issue of whether joining forces with Abu Yazid is permissible or not239, The reason for the hesitation to join Abu Yazid was due to his
237 Idris : Tarikh Al-Khulafa, 264-266; Khalid: op.cit, 74-75; Rahmani: op.cit, 107; Ghalib: Tarikh al-Da͑wa al-Ismailia,171-172; Taqoush, op.cit, 120.
238 Ibn Adhari: op.cit,1: 228-230; Al-Maqrizi : Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1 : 77; Salem: op.cit,539-540; Khalid, op.cit, 87.
239 Khalid: op.cit, 89-90.
70
pervious actions of atrocities from killing to robbing people of their property. After much enthusiastic speeches and debates especially form Ahmed bin Mohammed bin Abi al-Walid and Abu Arab Tamimi, the inhabitants of al-kayrawan came out to fight the Fatimids240. A large force from al-kayrawan left to join Abu Yazid to fight the Fatimids led by Rabı͑ al-Qattan and a group of fuqaha (Muslim scholars) and merchants241 .
The siege of al-Mahdiyya was prolonged and the supplies coming from land routes were cut off and famine spread among its inhabitants so most of them fled by sea to Sicily, Egypt, and the Levant. AbuYazid forces pursued and dispersed supply convoys coming from the Fatimid allies which weakened the Fatimid Caliph al-Qaem’s camp and dispersed his soldiers. The force from al-kayrawan showed great courage and dedication in the fighting and achieved a glorious victory almost Occupying al-Mahdiyya but because of treachery and betrayal they suffered reversal and their leader Rabı͑ Al-Qattan was killed and his head was carryed to the Caliph al-Qaem and another eighty-five imams and jurists were killed with him including Abu al-Fadl al-Memsi and other senior Maliki fuqaha from al-kayrawan242, Abu Yazid deliberately betrayed them so they will be defeated and the victory will be his alone, so he instructed his soldiers to withdraw during the battle to expose the flank of al-kayrawan force. According to Ibn Adhari, in this way, he will get rid of the leaders and scholars from al-kayrawan while blaming his enemies for the deed since he thought by killing them the inhabitants al-kayrawan will follow him, but the Fatimid caliph son al-Mansur defeated him when quite a few of his soldiers switched sides and joined the armies of al-Mansur while some of them left to al-kayrawan, and Abu Yazid retreated to al-kayrawan but its inhabitants denied him entry to the city, so his army suffered casualties from thirst and hunger in the desert243. How can Abu Yazid order this action when he was able to kill al-kayrawan’s leaders and scholars when he entered the city? Also, there other groups in his army that do not belong to his Kharijite sect, and he did not eliminate them. Besides did not he need every able man to fights alongside him until the Fatimids are eliminated? That is why the opinion of researcher Musa Bani
240 Ibid ,91-92.
241 Khalid: op.cit,92; Rahmani, op.cit, 105-106.
242 Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1: 78-80; Ibn Al-Athir: Al-Kamil, 7 :191-93; Khalid: op.cit, 112-113
243 Ibn Adhari :op.cit, 1 :229.
71
Khalid that this act was not taken by Abu Yazid is a valid one since Abu Yazid was in dire need of every single fighter, Abu Yazid was chased to the desert, captured and taken to al-Mahdia and there he died from injuries in 335/947244 .
The Caliph al-Qaem learned that he could not achieve what he dreamed of towards Egypt because of the collapse or near collapse of the Fatimid state during his reign; he sent only one military campaign to Egypt where he prepared a large army with a determination of the conquest of Egypt but it was stationed in Barqa and did not proceed to Egypt245, Then it was recalled when the situation in the Fatimid state was aggravated by internal revolts that almost engulfed it, and he resorted to soft politics with the governor of Egypt, Muhammad al-Akhshid, and sent him a secret letter he had written himself without the knowledge of anyone around him. This letter had the effect of magic on Muhammad ibn al-Akhshid which made him contemplate switching sides and joining the Fatimids when the relationship with the Abbasids was disturbed246 .
The letter sent by al-Qaem to Muhammad al-Akhshid indicates his wisdom and his consideration of the matter:247
God is my witness that my inclination is towards you and that you are my choice, and my desire is to share with you what I own and what my kingdom has to offer. I do not excuse you for the delay in answering me since you have taken your efforts in seeking advice from people who do not see your charity, and do not appreciate your sincerity, who break their promise and despise your protection and I know that the lengthy habit of obedience has made you hate turning away from them, if you do not find help from yourself to follow the truth and the need for honesty, I am satisfied with your affection.
The events of the revolt of Abu Yazid Makhlad ended in the era of the Caliph al-Mansour who succeeded after the death of his father Caliph al-Qaem in 344/946248,His
244 Salem: op.cit, 542-545.
245 Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1: 74.
246 Taqoush: op.cit129.
247 Ibid.
248 Al-Mansour Abu Al-Taher Ismail bin al-Qaem is the third Fatimids Caliph. Sources differ in the place and the year of his birth. He was born in either 300/913, 301/914, 302/915, or 303/916. The place of his birth is either al-Qayrawan or al-Mahdiyya. He died in 341/953, and he ruled for eight years. For more see: Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1: 88; Al-Maqrizi: Al-Khutat, 2: 182-183; Al-Nuwiari: op.cit 28: 73-74; Ibn Aybeck: op. cit, 6 :116; Ghalib: Tarikh Al-Da͑wa Al-Ismailia, 174-175.
72
first task was to hide the news of the death of his father so that his soldiers will not become indecisive or weaken their fighting spirit, so he did not assume the title of Caliph and he did not change any plans or policies and he kept the sermons at the mosques in the name of his father until the eradication of the Abu Yazid revolt which left large economic and human destruction leaving the province in extreme poverty and weakness and almost toppled the Fatimid state. The Caliph al-Mansour, after his victory over Abu Yazid, exacted revenge on Al-kayrawan’s inhabitants by executing countless number of people and torturing many more, and he commemorated his victory by establishing the city of al-Mansouriyya in the year 336/948249. On his way back to al-Mahdiyya, the news came out, and its former ruler of Tahrat Hamid Ben Meknes allied with Cordoba to reclaim Tahrat from the Fatimids citing the chaos of the Abu Yazid revolt but when Hamid heard about the march of al-Mansour’s army, he fled leaving Tahrat, and al-Mansour sent part of his army to suppress the rebel movement of the Lawata tribe250.
The era of the Caliph al-Mansur was not all wars, but turned his attention to the improvement of al-Mansouriyya and he transferred to it the markets and industries of al-kayrawan and traders came to it from every corner and it became the capital of the Fatimid state until his death in 341/953251.
Al-Mu ͑ izz, who took power after the death of his father al-Mansour, adopted a rational policy252. He reformed what had been corrupted by the revolts and succeeded in building a strong army and the creation of able military leaders, unifying the Maghreb under his authority, and extending his influence to southern Italy. When the Alamoys of Andalusia sent an army to Morocco allied with the tribe of Zanatta and other berber tribes, he sent his commander Jawhar al-Siqily at the head of an army of
249 Al-Maqrizi : Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1: 82; Ibn Adhari: op.cit,1: 231-233; Al-Maqrizi: Al-Khutat, 2:182; Ibn Al-Athir: Al-Kamil, 7: 211; Al-Nuwiari: op.cit 28 : 73; Ghalib: Tarikh Al-Da͑wa Al-Ismailia, 176; Salem:op.cit, 542-544; Taqoush: op.cit 137.
250 Idris: Tarikh Al-Khulafa, 313-316; Taqoush: op.cit, 142.
251 Idris: op.cit, 347; Taqoush: op.cit 148.
252 Al-Mu ͑izz Abu Tamim Maed ibn al-Mansour Abi al-Taher ibn al-Qaem abi al-Qasem Mohammad ibn Ubaidallah al-Mahdi was born at al-Mahammadiyya in 310/ 923. He is the fourth Fatimid Caliph and the first Fatimid Caliph to rule from Egypt. He ruled from Egypt for two years and nine months. He is the fourteenth Ismaili imamand succeeded his father in 341/953 when he was 24 years old. He was an intellectual fluent in several languages and fond of the sciences and literature besides being a sophisticated administrator and he was courteous and discerning. For more see: Aref Tamim: al-Mu ͑izz li-Din Allah, Dar Al-Jeel, 1980, 10; Al-Hajj: op. cit, 161-181.
73
twenty thousand mostly from the tribes of Kutama and Sanhajah to restore their power in those parts and defeated the Zanatta tribes at Tahrat and progressed to capture Sijilmasa, then he went to Fez and was able to restore the Fatimid control in that area. Then Jawhar returned to al-Mansouriyya and with him the two rulers of Sijlmasa and Fez as prisoners253, al-Mu ͑ izz turned his attention to Egypt as he was watching for news and waiting for the opportunity to spread his influence to Egypt so he sent his commander Jawhar al-Siqily to seize Egypt from the Abbasids and founded the city of Cairo in 358/969254.
Summary
The Ismailis realized that the establishment of their state in the East was difficult to achieve, so they moved to the Maghreb due to its distance from the Sunni Islamic Caliphate in the East. Thus, there were three major Islamic countries in the Islamic world, two of them Sunni, namely the Abbasids in Baghdad and the Umayyads in Andalusia, in addition to the Fatimid Shiites in the Maghreb, whose goal was to reach Egypt to overthrow the Abbasid Caliphate in Baghdad but they were exposed to many political problems in the Maghreb, which were a direct reason for the intensification of campaigns to control Egypt which they were able to subjugate in the era of Al-Mu’izz Billah, the fourth of their caliphs, and thus they moved to it, to begin a new period in the history of the Maghreb, with the transfer of power to the Banu Ziri, who sought to establish the first state with a Berber affiliation in the Maghreb.
253 Al-Salawi, op. cit, 254-255; Ghalib: Tarikh al-Da͑wa al-Ismailia, 181.
254 Taqoush: op,cit, 191-194.
74
CHAPTER 4
BARQA DURING THE FATIMID RULE
The Fatimids hoped to seize Egypt to be the starting point for their major operation to eliminate the Abbasid Caliphate in Baghdad, which represents the last episode in their ambitions, because according to their point of view, they are more entitled to the Caliphate than Bani Abbas. Therefore, the Fatimids intensified their military operations on Burqa in order to subdue it to be the base for the launch of their armies towards Egypt, as the country witnessed the greatest event that occurred during the covenant of the Caliph Al-Hakim BiAmr Allah the Fatimid The most dangerous and threatening to the entity of the state was the rise of Abu Rakwa's revolution and his invasions of Egypt, those invasions that almost destabilized and eliminated the foundations of the Fatimid state.
4.1.Barqa From Submission To The Fatimids Until The Revolution Abu Rekwa
After More than two and a half centuries later, the Barqa returned as A base for military operations. In the first century of immigration, it was an important focus of the Muslim forces from east to west, while it was a safe haven for those forces in the event of defeat , as was the case with Zuhayr ibn Qays Al-Balawī255, who was defeated by Kusaylah, and then Ḥassān ibn al-Nuʿmān256, who was defeated by the priestess257.The
255 Zuhayr ibn Qays al-Balawī relative to the tribe of the otter tribe witnessed the opening of Egypt under the banner of Amr ibn al-Aas and then Uqba ibn Nafie on Kairouan after the return of Yazid ibn Muawiya to the state of Ifriqiya and the killing of an Uqba ibn Nafie went to fight Kusaylah and the Romans met the two in a site called The Muslims were victorious and defeated the Roman and Amazigh and killed Kusaylah died in Derna with many of his companions were the supervisors of the Companions and followers and has built (Bjbana Derna) three tombs of Zuhayr ibn Qays and the second shrine of Abdullah bin Bar Qaisi and the third mausoleum of Abu Mansour Al-Farsi and these three shrines in front of the building Looks like a small room, held three at the entrance to the cave, where the rest of the martyrs of comrades Zuhayr ibn Qays was buried, and numbering about seventy on the healthiest novels, has been the construction of these shrines in the atheist century AH. For more information, For more see: Ibn Adhari: op.cit,1: 323-326.
256 Ḥassān Ibn Al-Nuʿmān bin Uday ibn Bakr bin Majid bin Amr bin al-Azadi, nicknamed Sheikh Amin, commander of conquests in Ifriqiya, was born in Syria. King Abdul Malik ibn Marwan was sent to Ifriqiya after a disturbance he said , "I do not know anyone more efficient in Ifriqiya than Ḥassān ibn Al-Nuʿmān al-Ghassani." His army numbered 40,000 men. He opened the cartagena and defeated the priestess, the Amazigh leader in the battle of the priest's well in 82 / 712. Hassan founded the city of Tunis and settled in Kairouan, without the Dawaen and ordered the construction of the olive mosque. isolation is Abdul Aziz ibn Marwan. He returned to Syria. Walid ibn Abdul Malik tried to retrieve him again but he refused. His death was 86 AH. For more information, For more see: Ibn Adhari: op.cit,1: 323-326.
75
tribe of Lawata258 barbarism on the fulfillment of the covenant concluded with Amr Ibn al-Aas, under which that tribe was sending its financial obligations in exchange for the fulfillment of Muslims not to violate them or interfere in their affairs259.
4.1.1. Subjugation Barqa To The Fatimid Rule
It was on Barqa in play the same role, but this time he had to receive armies from the west to the east. The Fatimids hoped to take Egypt as the starting point in their main operations to eliminate the Abbasid Caliphate. In Baghdad, which represents the last link in their ambitions because they believe in the right to succeed Abbas.
Obaidallah al-Mahdi declared the establishment of the Fatimid state in Raqqada and later took the al-Mahdiyya as his new capital. His famous speech said: "I have protected the Fatimid"260. Planning to return to the east began by controlling Egypt. Despite the great effort of the Fatimid caliphs to achieve stability in the Maghreb, they did not succeed in that261. Therefore, the eyes of the Fatimid on Egypt and its possession allows them to control the Sham and the Hijaz then annexed to Egypt and control of the Hijaz means control the hearts of millions of Muslims because of the existence of holy places262. They also have access to the headquarters of the Abbasid Caliphate in Baghdad263, and from Egypt, the process of communication with their centers is easy and the process of communication is not easy for them from al-
257 The priestess is known as Damia or Dahya or Dahi in the sense of beautiful women in the Amazigh language dictionary. She was called the priestess because she was characterized by supernatural savagery and cruelty and ferocity. Her counterpart was in the resistance of the new governor Hassan bin Noman al-Ghassani in the year 72 / 693. Ibn Khaldun, speaking of the priests' parish, said: "Zanata was the greatest of the Berber tribes, the most famous of them was the Mount of Oras. , Dehia led several The battles against the Muslim Arabs and managed to get out Ḥassān ibn al-Nuʿmān from Ifriqiya and when I learned of Hassan resorted to the destruction of land to push the Muslim Arabs to retreat from Ifriqiya, she said to her supporters, "The expressions are not wanted from our country except gold and silver and metal, and we are enough farms and pastures, A further battle broke out between Deheya and Ḥassān ibn al-Nuʿmān in the region of the Auras Mountains, where Dehia was killed and killed at a position known as the Well of the Priest in 82 / 712. Thus Hassan spent every trace of the resistance in Morocco . For more see Eid: op.cit, 46-51.
258 Ibn Khaldun mentioned that it is one of the largest Berber tribes and they used to live in Barqa In the Islamic conquest. For more see Ibn Abd al-Hakam: Fattouh Egypt and Africa: 1, 229.
259 Ibn Abdul Hakam: Futuh misr wa al-Maghrib, 1:229 ; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kamil, 323; Al-Baladri: op.cit, 315 ; Ibn Ghalbūn : op.cit, 132.
260 Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 4: 49; Salem: op.cit, 518.
261Souror: op.cit, 59; Zanuba Mursi: Muhadarat fi tarikh wa Hadarat al-dawlat al-fatimiat , Dar al-thaqafa al-earabia (D.T), 7; Al-Sayed: op.cit,127.
262 Jamal Al-Din: op.cit, 93; Ghalab: op.cit, 378; Ibrahim: Al-Fatimiyoun fi Misr, 81.
263 Ibrahim: Al-Fatimiyoun fi Misr, 81; Jamal Al-Din: op.cit, 94.
76
Mahdiyya or Kairouan. The most important reasons that called on the Fatimid to think about moving to Egypt are economically rich in comparison to Morocco. The country of Morocco will not achieve their aspirations to rule the Islamic world and return to the East to ensure that they achieve that security264.
It seems that the revolution against the Abbasids was the planning of the Fatimids in Ifriqiya, according to Ibn Taghri, provoking the Bedouins to attack the borders of Egypt, while some believe that the revolution was due to the desire of their people to get rid of the Abbasid rule and establish their own property and the Fatimids had no role in that revolution, But the Abbasid Caliphate succeeded in eliminating them and sent them to Baghdad265.
In order to secure the purity and protection of the borders of Western Egypt from the danger of the Fatimid after the success of the declaration of their state in the Maghreb, the Caliph Al-Abbasi Al-Muqtadir issued a decree in 297 / 910 appointing Abu Mansour Tikkun bin Abdullah and Alia to Egypt and was one of the most important duties to address the ambitions of the Fatimid in control of Barqa A threat to the Abbasid state after they managed to eliminate the Aghlabid in Ifriqiya, equipped an army and made on the leadership Abu Al-Nmir Ahmed bin Saleh and reminded him al-Maqrizi name of Abu -Yamen and the new Barqa, which was settled in the Barqa until Sirte266(.
What was feared by the Abbasids was encouraged by the revolt of Barqa Obaidallah al-Mahdi Fatimi to send Habasa ibn Yusuf al-Kutami and accompanied by Mussa bin Abdulrahman al-Wedani in 301 AH to subdue Barqa, and on his way through Sirte fled the Abbasi soldiers there and gave safety to its people and then continued until the arrival of Ajdabiya and granting security After the escape of the Abbasid garrison267,and then arrived in Barqa and was a worker Abu Al-Nimr Ahmed bin
264 Abdul-Moneim Majid: Sueud al-khilafat al-fatimiat wa suqutuha fi misr , Dar alfikr alearabiu ,Alqahra,th 4, 1994, 87; Ibrahim: al-Fatimiyoun fi Misr, 113; Jamal Al-Din: Op.cit, 94; Souror: Op.cit, 59; Mursi : op.cit, 7; Al-Sayed: op.cit, 136; Ramadan Mohammed Al-Ahmar: alsiyasa alfatimiat fi fath watawhid misr , Majalat kuliyat aladab , 35.
265 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 6 :477; Al-Tabari: op.cit, 10 ;146; Zaghlūl: op. cit ,3 :76.
266 Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 2 : 68-69; Canadi: op.cit, 276-268; Sayedh Ismail Kashif : Misr fi al-A͑eser Alakhcidi, Fouad I
University ,
Alqahra, 1950, 26-27.
267 Ibn Adhari: op.cit, 1 :193; Salem: op.cit, 532.
77
Saleh, but was unsuccessful in eliminating the father Abu Al-Nimr resorted to the trick after the news came to isolate Abi Al-Nimr from the mandate of Barqa and the appointment of Khairi Mansouri to manage the affairs of tenderness, wrote Habasa to Abi Al-Nimr Teach him The news of his isolation led Abi al-Nimr to Egypt to inquire about what Habasa told him, so he used the return of Abi al-Nimr to Egypt and extended his power to Barqa . The attempts of Khairi al-Mansouri and Abdulaziz al-Jarashi did not succeed in expelling the Fatimids from the region. Ended the loss of the region and their return to Egypt268, but Da'i Idris said that he fled from the city269, while Ihsan Abbas said that Abi al-Nimr arrived in the march to Sirte and met with the Fatimid army at Sirte without achieving either side victory and then called Takin Abi al-Nimr and made his place Khairi al-Mansouri retreated Abi al-Nimr to Barqa and was after the departure of Abi al-Nimr and could not Khairi Mansouri and Abdul Aziz Kulish al-Jerashi to confront the Habasa returned to Egypt270, then the Fatimid led by Habasa to the east until they arrived The city of Alexandria also captured it. In the year 302 AH, Takin Moulay gathered the Abbasid Caliphate Mu'tazid and his commander, Many armies. He attacked the army of Habasa and his armies from Alexandria and Barqa ,He returned to Habasa, dragging with him the tails of defeat to Morocco, and the first Fatimid attempt to conquer Egypt failed271.
It was Habasa al-Kutami cruel tyrant in his state on Barqa that did not know mercy to his heart a way that did not fulfill the promise, and whenever the city entered the killing of its people and take their money, Ibn Adhari says : "He entered the city with Barqa Whenever he entered city, his people were killed, their money was taken, and he was sent to them with all kinds of strife and murder. "Before he spoke about the introduction of Habasa Barqa and did those reptiles in the people said that he gave safety to the people of Sirte and Ajdabiya272.Saad Zaghloul explains this act to the subordination of the city of the Abbasi caliphate273,the sources said that he found once group in the Barqa playing bath, accusing them of collaborating with the Abbasid
268 Ibn Adhari: op.cit, 1 ;193; Canadi: op.cit, 269; Al-Barghūthī: op.cit. 216-217.
269 Idris: op.cit, 31.
270 Abbās: op.cit,78.
271 Al-Maqrizi: Al-khutat , 2 : 117; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 8 ;30; Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 2 :27; Al-Tabari: Op.cit, 11 :49-25; Abi Mahasen : op.cit,3 :12-13; Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 191-192; Kashef: Misr fi al-A͑eser Alakhcidi,27.
272 Ibn Adhari: op.cit, 1 :193.
273 Zaghlūl: op.cit, 3 ;75.
78
Caliphate using pigeons and ordered them around the fire and ordered their meat to be cut ,Warorsted and then ordered them and they threw into the fire274, And called in the blessing that wanted to give him come to us tomorrow about a thousand men and ordered them all to kill and then put their bodies on each other, and brought him a chair placed on the bodies and sat on it, and ordered Of the people of the country who entered and humiliated, died, a group of them from the horror of what they saw, and said to them: "If not come to a hundred thousand . killed Them All ".
Habasa also killed this year Hartha and Nzara my Ibn Gamal Almzzati in A group of their cousins in the city of Barqa, and sold their wives, and took all their money for what he has done the sons of porter from taking the pleasures of the Imam and his money when he was on his way to Silma and perhaps brought them abuse because A man of them Cursing him and insulting him. When the people of Barqa were tired of his deeds, he complained to Ubeidullah Mahdi. He apologized to them and swore that he had donot ordered something of that only in the three branches275. He wrote to Habasa to leave Barqa and go to Egypt276 .
Barqa was an important area for the Fatimid because of the strategic position of their plan to control Egypt, but we are ignorant of the reasons that called for the Habasa to harass the people in Barqa after having given the safety of Sirte and Ajdabiya? Apparently due to the fact that the city was the center of the Abbasid soldiers, as Ihsan Abbas and Barghouthi see, also adds to the rejection by the tribes of the region of the Kutama tribe277.
4.1.2. Fatimid Campaigns On Egypt
In the year 302 / 905 arrived to Barqa Abu al-Qas’im at the head of the army on his way to Egypt, and was greeted by the people told them Abu al-Qas’im that he is coming to them to punish Habasa for his crimes perpetrated against them and ordered the reform of the city and the structure of the wall around and Normans them some of
274 Ibn Adhari: op.cit, 1 :170; Abbās: op.cit, 78; Al-Barghūthī: Op.cit,217; Zaghlūl: op.cit, 3 ;76; Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 192.
275 Ibn Adhari: op.cit, 1 ;170; Al-Barghūthī: op. cit,218; Zaghlūl: op.cit, 3 ; 78.
276 Canadi: op.cit, 269; Ibn Adhari: op.cit, 1;236; Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 193.
277 Abbās: op.cit, 78; Al-Barghūthī: op.cit,218-223.
79
his men278, and explains Saad Zaghloul that initiative from Abi Qas’im that those people who invoked them on the city is a council to manage the city's rule instead of leaving things to one person279.
After the defeat of the Fatimid in Egypt, they revolted Barqa and killed men from trib Kutama , They sent al-Mahdi armies in 303/ 916, to discipline their revolt against worker the city. The armies led by Abu Madani Hit the collar around the city , and siege for 18 months, From the intensity of the siege and fire until the majority of the population died And was able to open in the year 304 /917280, and killed more people and burned many of them and the wrong of the funds and sent A group of the faces of its people toal-Mahdi ordered to kill them and remained Abu Madini this in Barqa and the guardian until he died by 306 / 918281.
It seems that some of the inhabitants of Barqa participated in the Fatimid army his second campaign on Egypt 306-308 / 918-920, which was doomed to failure is also the other sources said that the governor of Abbasi to Egypt ordered the release of prisoners from Barqa and Tripoli, and The prisoners of Kutama and Zewaila killed all of them"282.
The province reappeared inthe year 316 / 928, and the Fatimid Crown Prince Abu al-Qas’im beat them and eventually forced them to surrender.
4.1.3. Egypt's Annexation Of The Fatimid Caliphate
The Fatimids' campaigns against Egypt were interrupted after the failure of the third attempt in 324 / 934. This failure is due to the suffering of the Fatimids because of the revolution of Abu Yazid Bin Mukhled, which broke out in the era of Al-Qaim and was suppressed in the era of Al-Mansour. and The Abbasid Caliphate still had the ability to stand up to the aspirations of the Fatimids.
278 Abbās: op.cit, 78; Al-Tulsi: op.cit,162-163.
279 Zaghlūl: op.cit, 3: 80.
280Ibn Adhari: op.cit, 1:181; Zaghlūl: op.cit, 3: 80; Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 193; Abbās: op.cit,81-82.
281 Al-Barghūthī: op.cit, 222-223; Al-Tulsi: op.cit, 163; Salem: op.cit, 533.
282 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kamil, 23:29; Al-Maqrizi :Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 2 :103; Al-Dhahabi :Tarikh al-lslam, 23 :29; Al-Amayra: op,cit,39.
80
When Al-Mu ͑izz li-Din Allah became on the Fatimid Caliphate in 341 AH, the circumstances converged to suggest that the ball could be restored if the Fatimids once again attempted to encircle Egypt, The Fatimids were able to expand their influence over most of Morocco283, and Came the death of Cavour The strong man in Egypt , With the deterioration of the state of the country And continued drought also due to the deterioration of the Nile, and the inability of the government to pay the salaries of soldiers, which led to the emergence of many of the opinions in Egypt writes to Al-Mu ͑ izz li-Din Allah to come Egypt , not the case of the Abbasid Caliphate as in the past, to prevent the Fatimid tide towards Egypt284.
In 342 AH, Basil Al-Sicilyi became A factor on Sirte, , Ibn Kafi al-Qatami on Agdabiya, and Ibn al-nashb on Barqa , who succeeded in defeating the revolution declared by the tribe of Bani Qora with some Arab tribes285.
The situation in Morocco temporarily shifted to stability, and al-Mu ͑izz li-Din Allah headed east to Egypt with great hope of control. The acceleration of the events led to the decision of Al-Mu ͑izz li-Din Allah to send the campaign to Egypt because of the raids of Qarmata of Bahrain and the Levant without consulting him286.
Al-Mu ͑izz li-Din Allah was interested in preparing the campaign for Egypt. He began to gather all the soldiers, especially from Kutama, and ordered his commander Jawhar al-Sicilyi to raise the money, Hussein Ibn Ya'qub ordered the manufacture of ships. In the winter of 358 / 968, he assembled an army of 100,000 fighters287, al-Maqrizi said of the army that "it was like collecting Arafat many288.
Out Jawhar al-Sicilyifrom Kairouan took off on 14 Rabie I in 358 / February 969, after And let him al-Mu ͑izz li-Din Allah in a crowded procession On his way to Egypt, he seized Barqa in a short period of time, He then managed to seize Alexandria without much trouble, The people of Fustat realized that they were not allowed to repel
283 Ibrahim: al-Fatimiyoun fi Misr, 92; Ibrahim: op.cit,57.
284 Ahmed Mokhtar Al-Abbadi: fi al-tarikh al-eabasii w al-fatimi, 248; Al-Sayed: op.cit, 132; Ibrahim: al-Fatimiyoun fi Misr, 97.
285 Idris: op.cit, 671; Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 197.
286 Al-Dashrawi: op.cit, 378.
287 Al-Amayra: op.cit, 53-54; Ibrahim: op.cit, 27 ; Al-Sayed: op.cit,137.
288 Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1 :107.
81
the armies ,The minister agreed to accept the Fatimid situation in Egypt289, to ensure that the Egyptians would exercise their faith in total freedom290, and that the new regime would spread justice and reassure on the people of the country. The souls and the facets of origin Thus, the Egyptian territories became part of the Fatimid state, and the Abbasid Caliphate in Egypt were removed without fighting or a single sword. This is what al-Suyuti said: "Jawhar al-Sicilyi took of Egypt without a blow. or stab and no objection"291. Egypt became a Fatimid state in a country stretching from the Atlantic Ocean westward to the Red Sea to the east292.
In 362 AH, al-Mu ͑izz li-Din Allah al-Fatimi went to Egypt and succeeded Abdullah bin Yakhlif al-Kutami in Tripoli, Sirte and Barqa. al-Kutami was based in Tripoli. The al-Mu ͑izz li-Din Allah al-Fatimi arrived in Sirte on the fourth day of Jumada Al-Awal. He left her and went down to his palace in Ajdabiya, then left her and went down to his well-known palace in al-Meziyeh, before completing his journey to his new capital293 .
yans Al-Sicilyi took over the state of the Barqa in 388 AH in 998 AD, but was killed during his confrontation with Belkin Ben Ziri, worker of Ifriqiya in 391 / 1001, and prevented him from the annexation of Tripoli to his mandate after leaving Ousla Ben Bakkar to Cairo294, and left the rule of Tripoli to yans Al-Sicilyi who ordered al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah ordered the affairs of the city295.
Then the black sandal was set on the province of Barqa and during his reign the city witnessed a revolution led by Abi Rakwa in the era of the al-Hakimbi-Amr Allah Fatimid296.
289 The delegation included Abojafar Muslim Husseini, Abu Ismail Al-Rasmi and Al-Qada Aboutahir Al-Mahli .
290 Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1 :102-103 ; Abi Mahasen : op.cit, 4:30 ; Defti: Al-Ismailiyoun Tarikhihum wa Aqaedahum, 286; Al-Dashrawi: op.cit, 381-382 ; Al-Abbadi: fi Al-tarikh Al-eabasii w al-fatimi ,250 ; Al-Sayid: op.cit, 139-141; Ibrahim: al-Fatimiyoun fi Misr, 105-106 ; Ibrahim: op.cit,31-35; Majid:Op.cit,96-97; Souror: op.cit, 64.
291 Suyuti: hasan alhadirat, 299.
292 Ibrahim: op.cit,38.
293 Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1:181; Ibn Abī Dīnār: op.cit, 61-63 .
294 Al-Tijānī: op.cit, 182.
295 Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 4 ;72; Al-Ansari: Al-Manhal ,93-94.
296 Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1 ;51-52.
82
4.2. ABU REKWA REVOLT AGAINST THE FATIMIDS CALIPHATE
The greatest event occurred during the reign of the Caliphal-Hakim bi-Amr Allah al-Fatimi297, the most dangerous and threatening to the state entity.
The revolution of Abu Rekwa and his invasions of Egypt were those invasions that almost shook the foundations of the Fatimid state and destroyed them, Who is Abu Rekwa and what are the reasons for his rise to that revolution?
4.2.1. Who Is Abu Rekwa?
Abu Rekwa or al-Walid Ibn Hisham differed historians on the determination of his percentage. al-Maqrizi said that he attributed to Mughireh bin Abdul Rahman from Al-Amoyun tribe298, another place that says that he is a man who is loyal to the Alamoys299, Ibn Al-Athir and Ibn Kathīrmentioned that he was born Hisham Ibn Abd Al-Malik Ibn Marwan300, Hisham Ibn Al-Hakim Uamyyad, the owner of Andalusia301, and the Ibn Adhari goes to say that he was born Mughira bin Abdalrahman302, the mother of the Uamyyad "303, Al-Nuwayrī mentioned that Hisham bin Abdul Malik bin Abdalrahman al-amawi304, while Ibn Khaldun shows his opinion in the proportions of Abu Rekwa Of the Uamyyad 305, al-waleed ibn Hisham of the Alamoy dynasty of Marwan the owner of Andalusia in the district and some say that he is an illiterate man
297 Al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah The most famous successors of the Fatimid state in Egypt and the most controversial about his behavior and his historical biography, which is accompanied by orders of oddities and wonders, took the succession to his father Aziz in 375 / 985 under the age of 11 years and remained under guardianship until the sixteenth, In the year 391 AH the Al-hakim became a source of terror for all the employees of the state. His succession after the guardianship period began with the liquidation of the two men who fought against the guardianship. They were Berjouan, who saw himself as the actual caliph. He did not care for the young caliph until he was riding on his horse. a He suddenly passed the neck of Berjouan, walking with him in the palace garden. He was followed by a total physical liquidation of all the men of Bourjouan and ordered to kill the second guard, the commander of the armies, Ibn Ammar, known as the Secretary of State . See. Mohamed Abdullah Annan: al-hakim bi emr allah wa asrar al-dawla al-Fāṭimiyya , Maktabat alkhaniji bi al-qahirat wa Dar al-rifaei al-riyad, th3, 1983, 87 sqq ; Arif Tamer: Al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah, 5 sqq.
298 Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa ,2 : 60-65.
299 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil,8 :42; Ibn Kather: op.cit, 11 :337.
300 Ibn Adhari: op.cit, 1: 257.
301 Al-Nuwayrī: op.cit, 28 :113.
302Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 4 : 73.
303 Ibn Abik: op.cit, v 6, p 275.
304 Yahya Ibn Said Al-Antaki: Tarikh Antioch, almaeruf bi aism tarikh autikha , Tarabulus, Matbaeat jurus,1990, 259; Abu Al-Mahasin: op.cit , 4 : 179 .
305 Ibn Hanbali: op.cit, 3 :148 ;Ibin Al-Jouzi: op,cit , 15 : 53; AlZahabi: Tarikh al-lslam , 27 : 235.
83
from the Ibn Hisham bin Abdul Malik without specifying from Hisham Ibn Abdulmalik. In Annan's view, he is only calling and the issue of his claim to the Alamoy house is only a way to reach his goals of reaching power306.
This discrepancy between the historians is due to the circumstances that forced him to leave Andalusia and hide among people without disclosing his origin for fear of his life, so we see him always wandering and almost settle not in a place until he leaves to another country.
The closest is that he was born Al-Mughira bin Abdalrahman Alamoy and was al-Mughira from The most prominent candidates for the rule after the death of his brother al-Hakim Ibn Abdalrahman , who recommended to his Ibn Hisham al-Moayyid, and was al-Mughira in Morocco but was killed in a plot orchestrated and carried out by Muhammad bin Abi Amer Al-Hajib and his assistants in 366/ 976, He took the eyebrow in pursuit and followed all those who are fit from the Bani Umaya to the government and fear of their rivalry and those who were able to take power, killing some of them and imprisoning some and others managed to escape. and was Abu Rekwa Escape from Andalusia and then the age of more than twenty years, but the title of Abu Rekwa because it was carrying a drink of water on the habit of Sufism, and it was said that the people of Egypt nickname him this nickname for their cynicism towards their enemies.
Abu Rekwa came out from Cortoba in Andalusia in bad condition and took a tour of the countries and settled in al-kayrawan for a period of time. was he interested in educating the boys, He opened an office to teach them the Holy Quran, Then he decided to travel to Egypt. In Alexandria, he taught in modern sciences,He traveled to al-Hijaz with the intention of Hajj and after the end of the pilgrimage season moved to Yemen and then pulled back again and settled a period of time in the Levant to return to Egypt, the capital of the Fatimids and descended to a person named Abi Yemen, but left Egypt and resorted to where he settled there along with the tribe of Bani Qora Arab and educated boys The Cree It is known among the people of piety and piety and
306 Annan: al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah , 187.
84
good morals, and Abadi remembers that he secretly invited people to obey the Alamoy caliph Hisham in Andalusia307.
4.2.2. The Circumstances That Paved The Way For The Revolution Of Abu Rekwa
In the succession of al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah , the relationship between him and the tribe of Bani Qora was strained. This may be due to the position of the tribe of Bani Qora and its abandonment by Yahya bin Ali Ibn Hamdun al-Andalusi308, who was ordered by al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah order to restore Tripoli, which was disputed between Bani Ziri and Bani Khazrun, Bani Qora built on joining his army leaving for Tripoli309. It seems that the Bani Qora structures responded to al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah request and joined his campaign against Tripoli, but they abandoned him and abandoned him because they did not return to the life of the soldier and also did not find enough funds to spend on them. He returned ibn Ali to Cairo leaving from Tripoli, That He sent them to ask for their presence in Cairo but they were afraid of him. They refused to accept his invitation, After a while, he sent them to ask for their meeting and gave them safety. Some of them turned to him and went to him. In Alexandria, they were ordered to kill them all. 394 / 1004310.
A-Nuwayrī believes that the tension between them was due to the governor sending a military campaign under the leadership of the Turkish Abulftian against the Bani Qora tribe in 395 /1005 Abi boys built a poor treatment for some of them and ordered them to kill others and burn them with fire, They added that they had decided to fight the Fatimids but they needed a commander, and Abu Rekwa emerged and I set up for them Lawata, Mazat, and Zanata311.
307 Al-Nuwayrī: op.cit, 23 :236 ; Moanis : tarikh al-maghrib w al-andulis, 339; Al-Abbadi: fi al-tarikh al-eabasi w al-fatimi ,287 .
308 After the killing of Tripoli worker Yans Sakalbee took over the city of one of his followers, Fattouh bin Ali, and collided with Jafar bin Habib, who took Fattouh bin Ali out of the Fatimid state and sent to Alqahra asking for help al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah after Fattouh Ben Ali defeated Jafar bin Habib thanks to help Which he received from Felfel ibn Khazroun al-Zanati. For more see Al-Maqrizi : Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 2: 51-52.
309 Ibn Adhari: op.cit, 1:279; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 8 : 25; Abbās: op,cit,121.
310 Ibn Said: op.cit, 71; Al-Maqrizi : Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 2: 51-52.
311 Al-Nuwayrī: op.cit, 28 :113-114; Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 4 :72.
85
4.2.3. The Revolution
He decided Bani Qora the resistance against al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah and not to bow to him and they were ready to accept any invitation to get rid of the policy against al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah and found Abu Rekwa opportunity to work and advocacy about his characterand He called for himself and mentioned that he who is from Ibn Hishem.
Al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah312,the middle of the enemies of God while mentioning the Ibn al-Jouzi and Ibn Kathīrthat he was called the revolutions by the command of God victorious of the religion of God of the enemies of God and said al-Nuwayrī313 called the revolutions by God and avenger of the enemies of God, as such Al-Maqrizi and al-Antoki mentioned314that he took the title of the Commander of the Faithful al-Nasir to the religion of Allah and claimed that he would own Egypt and establish the nation on the basis of justice and piety315, In 395 /1005 he called for revolution against al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah and his followers him316, and Al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah was spent in killing pimps and imprisonment and taking their money, and became other tribes with him in distress and distress and want the king out of his hand317.
Between Bani Qora and Zanata wars and blood agreed to the reconciliation after Abu Rekwa able to intervene between them to solve their problems and met to sell it and addressed him in the Imamate in 395/1005, and declared that the purpose of the revolution against al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah to support religion and stop the abuse of the companions of the Holy Prophet, The platforms as the foundation of the nation and on their shoulders the State of Islam318.
After the tribes met him to sell him in a place known as the eyes of sight near The Mount in 395 / 1005 sat down to them saying to them, "I am one of you and I want nothing of this world and I ask them to you and not with me the money I give you but
312 Al-Zahabi: Tarikh al-lslam , 27 :235.
313 Ibn Al-Jouzi: op.cit, 15; 53; Ibn Kather: op.cit,11 :337.
314Al-Nuwayrī: op.cit, 28 :113.
315 Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 2 :60; Antioch: op.cit,246 -262; Musa leqbal: The Movement of the Conflict between the Alamoy s and the Fatimids in the 4th Century AH / 10th AD through the Councils of Nu'man and Ibn Hayyan Quoted, Journal of the Arab Historian, No. 21, Baghdad, 1982, 41.
316 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 8 : 42; Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 4 : 73.
317 Antioch: op.cit, 259; Jamal Al-Din: op.cit.156.
318 Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 2 : 60-61.
86
obedience to you, You have fought with me, I took your right in your hands. "They replied," Commander of the Believers, we are obedient to your obedience to you, and we have commanded you319, as agreed with them, that one-third of the spoils be for him and two-thirds for Bani Qora and their allies320.
Thus the revolution of Abu Rekwa on the pillars of tribal nerve, where he succeeded in winning the support of the Arab tribes and Amazigh, played the religious factor played an important role in the revolution, where he showed resentment of the phenomenon of insulting the Sahaba, and its concentration in near the borders of Western Egypt is in itself a threat to the Fatimids In Cairo321.
He was the work al-Fatimi Sandal al-Aswad on the danger of this great revolution, and he worked to suppress it before its spread, but al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah to stop fighting him so as not to make him a market and alert him to Abu Rekwa stop worker gently to follow him so he mobilized his forces and provide them with all the requirements of combat322, After completing preparations, the army marched on the province of Barqa in 395 /1005 and managed to plunder lots of money and weapons and showed justice among the people and called for cessation of looting and looting and because he needed the money was deposited by his followers by about two hundred thousand dinars and worked on the minting of dirhams and dinars, He then turned to Abu Rekwa to Barqa323 and besieged her, but he could not break into the walls of the resistance and the bravery of the resistance he demonstrated, and the black sandal brought by the rescue of the tribe of Lawata led by Ibn Tibun, who refrained from allegiance to the father of a rickshaw with part of his tribe, but the news reached Abu Rekwa and led him to fight Ibn Tibun before his arrival to Barqa and managed to defeat him at the place where he is said to be bishops after he killed many of his men and others fled to the mountains324.
319 Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 4 :73; Ibin Al-Jouzi: op.cit , 15: 54; Annan:op.cit, 187-188; Tamer: al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah, 53; Al-Barghūthī : op.cit,251.
320 Muhammad Hussain Mahasneh: thawrat abi rakwa dida al-khilafat al-fatimiat , majalat kuliyat al-eulum al-insaniat w al-aijtimaeiat , aleadad 23, 2000,246; Leqbal: The Movement of the Alamoy and Fatimid, 34.
321 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil , 8 :42-43; Ibn Khaldun:op,cit, 4 : 73.
322 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir :Al-Kāmil , 8 :43; Al-Zahabi: Tarikh al-lslam , 27 : 235; Ibn Khaldun:op.cit, 4 :73.
323 Antioch: op.cit, 261; Tamer: al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah,53.
324 Jamal Al-Din: op.cit,157-158; Mahasneh:op.cit,248.
87
After the death Ibn Tibun, Abi Rekwa returned to Barqa and narrow siege on her people and prevented the entry of the troops into the city, The siege continued for five months. The governor ordered the Fatimid order to send the aid to and ordered his commander, Inal Tawil, to go to at the head of an army of 5,000 soldiers. Gamal al-Din Muhammad said that al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah command, had made a mistake when he chose to lead the army of most of its members, consisting of the tribe of Kutama, which had already been subjected to ill-treatment325. Which had already suffered the abuse of its leaders orders issued al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah own order was unlikely to remain as an obligation to the Governor326.
Inal Tawil drove his army toward Barqa and reached the place of the bathroom, which is a desolate area where water cannot be found, It is very difficult for Abu Rekwa to command a thousand soldiers in front of Inal and occupy him, Inal with his army of the conciliator and have been subjected to thirst and fatigue and severe fatigue and found Abu Rekwa waiting in a place known as eyes of consideration In the meantime began groups of the army Inal to leave him and join the army of Abu Rekwa sided with Abu Rekwa because of the killings and abuse on my hands al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah same327, and finally it took place the circle on the Fatimid army and tore evil is torn at the end of the battle captured their leader Aniel and executed328.
The news of the defeat of the Fatimid army reached the light of the black sandal. He decided to leave the city to Egypt by sea, He fled to Egypt, while some people fled to Tripoli because of the weakness of the siege329 while Annan mentioned that this sandals defended Barqa but eventually had to go out And he set up a lightning and sent his companions to Upper Egypt, and said that he would enjoy Mahalla, Tennes and Damietta Bani Qora and renewed the pledge to himself and cut the invitation to the Fatimids of the sermon in the mosques and cursed al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah and father, and on the platforms cent he called the doctrine of the year330.
325 Abu Al-Mahasin: op.cit,4:216; Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 4 :73-74; Al-Barghūthī : op.cit,251; Mahasneh: op.cit,249; Jamal Al-Din: op.cit,241.
326 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kāmil,8 :43; Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 4 :74.
327 Abbās: op.cit,121.
328 Antioch: op.cit,262; Annan: op.cit,188.
329 Abu Al-Mahasin: op.cit, 4 :216; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kāmil, 8 :43; Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 4 :74.
330 Al-Maqrizi : Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 2 :61; Annan: op.cit.188.
88
Abu Rekwa looked forward to the implementation of his great project by acquiring Egypt and encouraged by the internal instability of the Fatimid state331. Some Moroccan leaders who suffered from the ill treatment al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah and who were waiting for such an opportunity to take revenge from al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah Egypt to Abi Rekwa call him and who wrote to him Hussein bin Jowhar known as the leader of the pimp, he took ready and humiliated himself and gathered. A lot of Arabs and Berbers with their clothes and their money and their fatwas came out of Barqa purpose of Alexandria in 396 /1006 was aimed at directing fighters with their families and their money sharpening332. For motivating them to defend them to death and guarantees him not to let down, while Antioci and Saʿd Zaghlūl believes that the drought and rising prices and the ensuing epidemic Ifriqiya 395 / 1005 may have been A reason to come to Egypt333.
When learned al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah came to Egypt, sent to him the young man qabel who could not stand in front of Abu Rekwa near bathroom was killed with many of his soldiers and headed Abu Rekwa to Alexandria, but could not enter,334 while see al-Maqrizi and Ibn Adhari that al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah was behind some the men of his court to Abu Rekwa to come to Egypt to be able to easily eliminate him but he felt the extent of his error after Abu Rekwa victory over his army335,Al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah sensed the danger of the Abu Rekwa revolution and decided to take action to stop the progress him , Ibn al-Athir mentioned "the same importance and his kingdom and the return of charity to the people and the cessation of harm 336, It is an attempt al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah to save what can be saved and prevent the loss of his property.
He ordered all his henchmen and consulted them and wrote to the Levant to summon the soldiers337. He also used the Arab tribes in the Levant, Kata, Hamdan, Tamim, and others. His army also included elements from Sudan, Turk and Armenians, and they
331Ibn Khaldun: op,cit,4 :74; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kāmil, 8 :43-44; Tamer:al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah, 54 .
332 Antioch: op.cit, 264; Zaghlūl:op.cit, 3 :320.
333 Antioch: op.cit, 264;Mahasneh: op.cit,249.
334 Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 213; Zaghlūl: op.cit, 3 :387.
335 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 8 :44.
336 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil,8 :44; Al-Zahabi: Tarikh al-lslam , 27 :235.
337 Many remind him that the credit was the leader of the armies of Abi Rekwa. See more Ibn Kather: op,cit, 11 :337.
89
had money, animals, and weapons on them338, Abi al-Fotouh al-Fadl ibn Abdullah, and Ibn al-Jouzi mentioned that al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah gathered around him sixteen thousand and sent them the credit Ibn Abdullah339, and reminded him of the al-Nuwayrī ibn Saleh who became his army to Com partner was fought a fierce battle between the two sides killed many of the sides and tried al-Fadl Abdullah The temptation of the leaders built a kura money secretly to give up the father Abu Rekwa or have eyes monitoring the movements of Abi Rekwa able to seduce one of their princes is Prince Madi ibn Maqrb who agrees with the credit for his news stories Abi Rekwa and with him340.
Abu Rekwa himself committed a grave error by leaving his stronghold in Barqa and away from it and infiltrating it in Egypt, which led to the stumbling of his army, which was in no way capable of defeating the armies of Egypt and Syria.
Abu Rekwa contacted the tribe of Bani Qara with the Arab tribes aligned with the Fatimids and managed to convince them to leave the al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah after they mentioned the death and displacement on his hands341, but they required Abi Rekwa stop in Egypt so they would have a knee and those with him and have a Sham and agreed in case of facing The two armies on their withdrawal from the battlefield, but those meetings and agreements that took place between the two was al-Fadl bin Abdullah informed all the details was received by the same news in the camp Abi Rekwa Madi ibn Maqrb342.
Al-Fadhl ibn Abdullah said that he was fasting and sent to the Arab leaders to invite them to share breakfast343, The leaders did not even order them to be held until the battle was over. The two teams clashed. It was normal for the Arab soldiers to remain loyal to the Fatimids because they did not have a minimum, However, the army of al-Fadl Ibn Abdulla could not withstand the attacks of Abu Rekwa army and had to
338 Ibn Al-Jouzi: op.cit, 15 :54.
339 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir:Al-Kāmil , 4 :495; Al-Barghūthī :op.cit,252.
340 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil , 8 :44; Annan,op.cit,188 .
341 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir :Al-Kāmil , 8 :44; Abbās: op.cit,123.
342 Jamal Al-Din: op.cit,159; Abbās: op.cit,124.
343 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil , 8 : 44-45; Al-Nuweri: op.cit, 28 :114; Antioch:op.cit, 264.
90
retreat and adopt the defender instead of the attack, while Abu Rekwa continued to advance until he entered Fayoum and ordered to loot it344.
The news of the defeat of al-Fadl Ibn Abdullah came to Cairo, causing great fear to the people. The governor al-hakim, to send additional troops under the leadership of ibn Falah, who began his mission immediately345upon arriving to collect the defeated army and reorganized the ranks. To fight ibn Falah in a place known as the land of the fifties, the band was able to defeat ibn Falah and the sheep of what he had with him and returned to Fayoum346.
The news of the defeat of ibn Falah among the people of Egypt and describes to us al-Maqrizi what hit the people of Egypt then said, "The great crying and noise on the shore of the Nile to the large number of dead soldiers, and prevented the son of a farmer to carry the dead to Egypt, and ordered their burial in Giza, and I miss many of the military did not know And the people were sitting on the streets in a stupor of what was happening on the military and the increasing crying of people to lose their parents and their knowledge "al-Nuwayrī said"347, People were harassed, their fear increased and they were in the shops and the streets "348.
Al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah was among those who were terrified and fear Abu al-Mahasin said that the order of Abu Rekwa349 increased until al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah decided to go out to the Levant and emerged to Bilbis with money, and he ordered him to return to Egypt to face Abi Rekwa350,and Ibn al-At̲h̲ir said: "al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah did not come out of his palace ".
4.2.4. Elimination Of The Revolution Of Abu Rekwa
It took a quick solution to eliminate the revolt of Abi Rekwa and stop its incursion into Egypt. The Fatimid armies were reorganized and their leadership was assigned to al-
344 Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 2 :62-63; Antioch: op.cit, 265; Annan: op.cit,188.
345 Abbās: op.cit,54-55 .
346 Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 2 :62-63.
347 Al-Nuwayrī: op.cit, 28 :114.
348 Abu Halhasin: op.cit, 4 : 212.
349 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 8 :45.
350 Ibid .
91
Fadl ibn Abdullah, who went to Fayoum where Abi Rekwa and his army351, were present The two armies met at the Sabkha, an area full of trees, Abi Rekwa decided to divide his army into two The first lies in the trees and the second turned to meet Fadl ibn Abdullah and at a place known as the head of the blessing met the two armies in 396 /1006, and Abi Rekwa defeated the Fatimid352. The army then retreated to the place of the ambush agreed upon in an attempt to inspire the opponent to defeat him and join him in the ambush. However, the defeat took place on Abu Rekwa and were convinced by the sword, and a large number of Abu Rekwa men were killed353, But what is the fate of the leader of the revolution?
About "The defeat of Abu Rekwa and his fate," said, "When the defeat Abu Rekwa and of the killing of the more Berbers with him did not escape, only a few women escaped, and the boys were destined to die either starving or dead. The fate of Abi Rekwa was that he fled with the Arabs"354, When Ibn al-Ethir mentioned that incident, "Abu Rekwa and his sons were defeated "[355], al-Maqrizi spoke of it by saying: "It was a great spot in which countless infidels were killed and Abu Rekwa died"356.
Al-Maqrizi added: "al-Fadl ibn Saleh sent to Qora's sons asking them to hand over Abi Rekwa and offer the money to them but they refused to respond to his request ", This is where Madi bin Maqrb intervened and managed to draw among his people from the Bani Qora tribe and he refused to raise them and convinced them to leave the man357, They were wanted for the Fatimid Caliphate because of him, The Fatimid Caliphate was able to arrest him there and the Fatimid leader Al-Fadl bin Saleh treated him well so that he did not think of killing himself before he entered. He was asked to go to Nuba , and defamed him in the streets of the city then was executed in the year 397 AH 1006 AD358.
4.2.5. Barqa After The Eradication Of The Revolt Of Abu Rakwa
351 Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 4 :74; Antioch: op,cit, 267; Abbās: op.cit, 124-125.
352 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kāmil, 8 :45-46; Jamal Al-Din: op.cit,160.
353 Antioch: op.cit, 265-266.
354 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 7 :236.
355Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa ,2 :63.
356 Ibid
357 Ibn Khaldun: op.cit,4:74; Al-Barghūthī :op.cit,253-254; Mutlaq: op.cit,253.
358 Ibn Khaldun: op,cit, 6 :7.
92
Returning to the tribe of Bani Qora after the failure of the revolution of Abu Rekwa How did the Fatimid caliph al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah with them after their support of the revolution? What is the status of the region after the elimination of that revolution?
As the historical sources do not mention the existence of certain Fatimid rulers, but were alternated by a number of Sunni leaders who differed in their loyalty to the Fatimid state.
There are also different views on the treatment of the Fatimids among the people of Bani Qora after defeating the revolution of Abu Rekwa, especially that the Bani Qora have stood with this revolutionary against their state, al-Nuwayrī reports contradictory stories about the position a'-Hakim of the standing of the tribe of Abu Rekwa in revolution, The second mentions that the ruler sent some sheikhs of Bani Qora to safety to come to Cairo and then killed them as the armies had imposed on them and most of them were forced to move to the Far Maghreb359.
Iḥsān Abbās explained what al-Nuwayrī said that the two stories are not contradictory, but refer to two incidents. In the first, the ruler exempted Bani Qora from their graves, But in the second, the armies gave them power after they came out of the Fatimids again360.
Perhaps the pardon of the ruler of the Bani Qora because of the efforts made by Sheikh Madi bin close to discourage his tribe from the support of Abu Rekwa361, but it seems that part of the people of Bani Qora was not satisfied with the Fatimids, because of the killing of some of their leaders, and the desire to Looting and looting was rampant among these Arabs362, especially after their hopes were lost after the defeat of Abi Rekwa if they seized a gift sent by Badis ibn Mansour to al-hakim, and not only that, but they marched on the city of Barqa and fled by sea to Egypt363.
359 Abbās: op.cit,125.
360 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kāmil,9 :199.
361Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 2 :51.
362Ibid: 91.
363Abdelfattah Rajab Bulibid: al-wade al-siyasi fi mintaqat brqa fi al-easr al-fatimi , majalat al-eulum w al-dirasat al-insaniat , Benghazi University, 2014,6 .
93
Al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah sentthe Fatimid forces of the Arabs and armies to regain control of the Bani Qora, but could not impose the hegemony on them, al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah saw because of his preoccupation with the disturbances of the Levant and his inability to control the structures of Qora to entrust the mandate of tender to Badis ibn Mansour Sanhaji, Which is a region other than the other regions of Morocco are crowded with a number of Arab tribes, which is the tribe of Bani Qora of the most numerous364.
In the year 407 AH, al-Mu ͑izz ibn Badis sent a valuable gift to al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah consisting of 100 horses with a full circle, eighteen baskets from the cistern, the samur, the sousa, twenty saffis, and twenty boys from the tribe of Bani Qora, and the gift of the sister of Badis to the sister al-Hakim, and put these gifts in a boat under the supervision of Ali ibn Faraj, when the boat landed in Barqa attacked by the tribes of Bani Qora, and took over everything, and thus declared its challenge to both the Abbasid and Fatimid caliph365.
Al-Maqrizi identified the location of the looting of this gift more clearly, as it is mentioned in the incidents of 407 AH: "In which the nation's prophet Abunad Badis of Ifriqiya sent a great gift to the end al-Hakim, and arrived in the city of Barqa for the fourteenth of Rajab,366 and Bani Qora took it for the latter367.
It is not excluded that the tribe of Zanata Berber in Barqa has supported the old ally Bani Qora in its rebellion against the Fatimids and Sanhaja Despite the silence of historical sources to detail it, but some of them have pointed out that the Crescent Arabs did not enter lightly and found it empty, a small population because the people of Zanata It was not ruled out that this was done after the solidarity of the Bani Zanata with Bani Qora in rejecting the tender dependence of the elderly368.
364Ibn Adhari: op.cit,1:362; Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 144 .
365The city of you lies in the east of the city of Tobruk 120 km and the establishment of the time of the Fatimids and famous as a marina for the ships now known as Marsa you. For more, see Fadl Ali Mohamed: The City of Marsa Lak and the Old Cities and Maritime Ports in Marmarika, Journal of Historical Research, Libyan Jihad Center Tripoli No. 2,1997,91.
366Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 2 :111.
367Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 9 :567.
368Bulibid: al-wade al-siyasi fi mintaqat brqa fi al-easr al-fatimi ,7.
94
In the struggle against the Fatimids and the Zerians alike, Bani Qora marched on the city of , Their worker Humaid ibn Tammoult fled to Africa369.
The rule of Bani Qora continued in the affairs of the Wilayat of Barqa, Their Sheikh Mokhtar ibn al-Qasim tried to appWarorch the Fatimids when he sought to arrest one of the rebels who took refuge next to the village chieftain, one of the sheikhs of Bani Qora, Which led to the outbreak of fighting between them.
It is clear that the companions of Sharif al-Husseini, accused of masterminding the assassination al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah have resorted to fleeing to370.
Mukhtar ibn al-Qasim was the principal of the affairs of until 430 AH. He was succeeded by Madi bin Maqrb who may have received this leadership from the Fatimids because he had provided them with his services, which facilitated the elimination of Abu Rekwa movement371. His leadership did not last long, and he was sent to al-Mu ͑izz ibn Badis in Ifriqiya with obedience and obedience, and he knows that he and the people of burned the banners of the Fatimids, and cursed them on the platforms that he had as they called for the Abbasid caliphate, which is based on the al-Hkaim bi-Amr Allah in 443 AH, according to ibn Adhari372. But Iḥsān Abbās disagreed in that, explaining that the structures of Bani Hilal and Bani Selim were beyond the Barqa then373.
Bani Hilal and with them from the ferry to the Ifriqiya to possess, and was the first soft areas reached by the expressions and found it almost empty374.
The province of Barqa in the rule of governors starting from the movement of Abu Rekwa and the beginning of the emergence of the rule and the dominance of the tribe, and the rotation of the sons of the village of the sheikh tenderly until the migration of the Bani Hilal and Bani Salim and their arrival to Barqa, and the descendants of the continent to migrate with their people from Bani Hilal to Ifriqiya, The historical
369Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa ,2 :104.
370Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil,9:201.
371Ibn Adhari: op.cit, 1 :416; Al-Barghūthī : op.cit,257.
372Abbās: op.cit,127.
373Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 9 : 567.
374Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 8 :296; Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya,146.
95
reasons for leaving Bani Qora Barqa, was it based on the agreement that was made between the tribes to be Barqa and Tripoli Bani Salim and Ifriqiya to Bani Hilal was forced to Bani Qora to leave Barqa with the sons of their people from the crescent to Ifriqiya countries.
Summary
Despite the importance of Burqa for the Fatimids to control Egypt, but their leadersmisbehaved with the people, and it had a bad impact on the Fatimid state, which suffered from the revolts of the people of the region against the Fatimid presence in the region. The Burqa region witnessed a decline in the rule of the governors, starting with the Abu Rakwa movement and the beginning of the emergence of the rule and dominance of the tribe. The Banu Qurra alternately sheikhdoms Burqa until the migration of Banu Hilal and Banu Sulaym and their arrival in Burqa, the Banu Qurrah chose to migrate with their people from Banu Hilal to Ifriqiya, and the historical sources were silent about the reasons why Banu Qurrah left Barqa. Was this based on the agreement made between the tribes that Barqa and Tripoli be for Banu Sulaym and Ifriqiya for Banu Hilal? It was incumbent upon the Banu Qurrah to leave Barqa with their people from the Hilaliyyids to Ifriqiya country.
CHAPTER 5
TRIPOLI IN THE FATIMID AND SUNHAJIA PERIOD
During the rule of the Fatimids, Tripoli witnessed major political events, which lasted fornearly half a century, during which the country suffered two things, experienced variousforms of oppression and persecution, and suffered difficult conditions of deprivation. At this time, the Berber tribe of Sanhaja emerged as a local force that the Fatimids could relyon, especially after this tribe had a major role in eliminating the revolt of Abu Yazid alHamar and when the Fatimids moved to Egypt, they left Banu Ziri as rulers of Morocco.
5.1. THE EMERGENCE OF THE BANI ZIRI STATE IN IFRIQIYA
96
During the rule of the Fatimids, Tripoli witnessed major political events, which lasted for nearly half a century, during which the country suffered two things, experienced various forms of oppression and persecution, and suffered difficult conditions of deprivation. At this time, the Berber tribe of Sanhaja emerged as a local force that the Fatimids could rely on, especially after this tribe had a major role in eliminating the revolt of Abu Yazid alHamar and when the Fatimids moved to Egypt, they left Banu Ziri as rulers of Morocco .
Ziris belongs to the Sanhaja Berber tribe one of the branches of the Pyrenees Historians have differed on the origin of the tribe Is it Berber or the Arabs Perhaps the most important can be recorded here is that the Middle Morocco where the tribes moved Sanhaja during the Fatimid period and more precisely that the extension Sanhaji was in Between Tahart and Balad Zab and included the following cultural centers: Maliana, Meda, Algeria and Hamza.
The stability of Sanjaja in this region can be explained to the Sahara by its desire to control the desert trade with the Sudan, which represents the Zab region, its major axes. However, this desire was opposed to it before it .
It concerns the Zanata tribes, That the victory was for Sanhja evidence of what Ibn Khaldun reported about the vacuum of the Middle Morocco from Zanata with the departure of the Fatimids to Egypt, which played the alliance Sanhaji Fatimid a large role.
Ziris belongs to the Sanhaja Berber tribe one of the branches of the Pyrenees Historians have differed on the origin of the tribe Is it Berber or the Arabs Perhaps the most important can be recorded here is that the Middle Morocco where the tribes moved Sanhaja during the Fatimid period and more precisely that the extension Sanhaji was in Between Tahart and Balad Zab and included the following cultural centers: Maliana, Meda, Algeria and Hamza.
The stability of Sanjaja in this region can be explained to the Sahara by its desire to control the desert trade with the Sudan, which represents the Zab region, its major axes. However, this desire was opposed to it before it. It concerns the Zanata tribes,
97
That the victory was for Sanhja evidence of what Ibn Khaldun reported about the vacuum of the Middle Morocco from Zanata with the departure of the Fatimids to Egypt, which played the alliance Sanhaji Fatimid a large role.
5.1.1. The Convergence Of The Sanhaji Fatimid
Ibn Khaldun mentioned that Manad ibn Menkoush, the leader of Sanhajah, was the king of Ifriqiya and the Middle East. He also called for Bani Al-Abbas375and with the emergence of the Fatimids in Ifriqiya. The sons of Zairi embraced the new call. Their leader, Ziri ibn Manad, was one of the great Fatimid men. He joined them in 323 / 935. They have his mandate for Ali Bin Abi Talib376.
In the year 324 936/, the city of Asher377was conquered after many followers followed the call of distress which came from the Qa'im of the Fatimai, after narrowing the Warords and almost to fall or die the inhabitants of al-Mahdiyya from hunger by the siege of Abi yazid donkey to the al-Mahdiyya Ziri ibn Manad sent thousand sentences loaded378, and it saved the capital of the Fatimid caliphate (Al-Mahdiyya) and called it the savior of the Fatimid caliphate379, This distress was the reason for the friendship between Ziri and the man in the order of God380, It seems that Ziri joined the Fatimids because of the hostility between the Sanhajia and Zanata, who stood next to Abi Yazid. Then they were organized into an army Al-Mansur Al-Fatimi in the pursuit of Abi Yazid and after the victory was joined by Mansur Tahart with Asher381and in 347 AH Ziri joined the army of Johar Al-Sicily to suppress the uprising of Morocco against the Fatimids and thus returned the region to their rule382, In 360 AH, al-Mu'izz al-Fatimi to
375 Ibn Khaldun:op.cit, 6: 203.
376Ibid .
377The city of Asher was founded in the fourth century AH, in the tenth century AH 324 / 936 by Ziri ibn Manad at the foot of Mount Tartar above the plain or hill overlooking the Green Municipality of the South East Media. Azura Falls are 10 km away. They are located on an abundant mountain and water on the slopes of the mountain circle. Bureli trees and other trees were brought to it and worked on the immune mountain fortress, which could not be entered on one side and then owned the structures of Hammad after they separated from the structures of their cousins Ziri. to know more. Al-Hamwi: op.cit,1 :202-203; Al-Nuwayrī:op.cit, 24 : 88-89; Hadi Idris: op.cit,1: 44-45; Reda Ibn Al-nea: sinihajat almaghrib al'awsat , risalat majstyr ghyr manshurat , jamieata munturi , qsntyn, 2006, 44-45.
378Mohamed El-Tammar: The Middle Morocco in the shadow of Sanhaje, the University Publications Department Algiers, 2010,31; Idris: op.cit, 1 :49-50; Ibn Zawi: op.cit,43.
379Ibn al-nea:op.cit, 85.
380Al-Nuwayrī : op.cit,24: 91; Ibn Zawi: op.cit,123.
381Al-Tammar: op.cit,32; Salem:op.cit,541; Ibn Al-nea:op.cit,183.
382 Al-Hajj: op.cit,190; Idris: op.cit,135; Dafteri : al-Ismailiyoun Tarikhihum wa Aqaedahum,28
98
fight the tribes of Maghrawa, which declared its rebellion against the Fatimids under the leadership of Muhammad Ibn al-Hasan ibn Khazer. The Sinhaji army led by Belkin bin Ziri, who was able to eliminate them before their escalation. The result of this battle was the increase of Fatimid influence in the Maghreb region383. To the Fatimids, and then fought Ziri bin Manad In the same year, a fierce war was waged against Jaafar ibn Ali, the dissident against the Fatimids and allied with the Zanata tribe and the Uamyyad of Andalusia against the Fatimid presence in the Maghreb ended by his death384, and it seems that the change of Sunnaja and loyalty to the Fatimids was a revenge against Zanata, who did not accept submission to the Fatimids.
He was led by Senhagha Belkin, who was able to avenge his father's death. He killed a large number of Zanata and took many of them. He returned to Asher in 361 / 971385.
5.1.2. The Government Of Belkin Ibn Ziri In Ifriqiya
When al-Mu ͑izz decided to leave for Egypt, he was preoccupied with the problem of finding a person able to replace him in the rule of the Maghreb. Morocco remains loyal to the Fatimids. It was reported that al-Mu ͑izz thought of leaving his servant Jother as a deputy in the administration of the Maghreb. The idea of leaving him went to al-Mu ͑izz inquiring about the health of the matter, asking him to stay with him and his companion answered him al-Mu ͑izz answer assured him said: "Gother this is something ignorant people and those who do not know what we are in it and God did not see this in you the first face I love that we do not spare you Yes God We have to be and watch them, and the second that you are not the one we are wasting it should not And the third is the age of obedience to God and obedience and the fourth that you do not describe you for what you want to corrupt the ambitions of people and print them now you do not find a certain and no one who is standing in your hands as well as otherwise do not talk yourself to weaken your heart and let us find who leave386 "He
383Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 6: 204; Al-Tammar: op.cit, 34; Al-Hajj:op.cit, 46-47.
384Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 6: 204-205; Mkadih: op.cit,1:362; Al-Nuwayrī: op.cit, 24:91;Dafteri : Al-Ismailiyoun Tarikhihum wa Aqaedahum,284; Al-Hajj: op.cit, 67; Ibn Zawi, op.cit,47; Ibn Al-nea: op.cit,101.
385 Ibn Khaldun: op.cit,6:205;Al-Nuwayrī:op.cit,24: 91-92;Dafteri : al-Ismailiyoun Tarikhihum wa Aqaedahum ,284; Ibn al-nea: op.cit,101; Ibn Zawi: op.cit,49.
386 Abū ʿAlī Manṣūr al-Jawdharī : Sīrat al-Ustādh Jawdhar,Alqahra , Dar Al-Fikr Al-Arabi ,(D.T),109; Al-Dashrawi :Op.cit, 401; Ibn Zawi: Op.cit, 57.
99
said to his servant Jothar the qualities needed for the person who will take over Morocco, which must have the confidence and absolute loyalty of the Fatimids and tribal fanaticism that protects him. His son Ibn Khaldun described his successor as saying" Who sing and perform and trust him from the truth of Shiis Entrenched foot in the familiar state387.
Al-Mu ͑izz was the choice between two people who gave all support to the Fatimids: Jaafar Ibn Ali Ibn Hamdun al-Andalusi, al-Masaila and Belkin Ibn Ziri Ibn Manad Al-Sanhaji. Asir, it seems that Al-Mu ͑izz wanted to divide Ifriqiya and Morocco388 between them. al-Nuwayrī said that al-Mu ͑izz built a palace in Kairouan. Ibn Khaldun referred to the summoning of al-Mu ͑izz to Jafar for his use of Afrikaans before his departure to Egypt389. He ruled out the idea of consulting al-Mu ͑izz to Ja'afar bin Ali, confirming their rejection of the offer of al-Mu ͑izz. on him, While Farhat al-Dahrawi expressed his opinion on the idea of consulting al-Mu'izz al-Jafar and hinted at the differences between them, especially about the actions390 of Jaafar al-Malia in the province, which was also governed by news of Al-Mu ͑izz with the presence of some of the Alamoy supporters in Jafar Palace391.
But the man and his father had before him unlimited cooperation with the Fatimids and what he left them after he confirmed the dispute Belkin him in the matter of Ifriqiya, and so we tend to choose Al-Mu ͑izz for the management of Ifriqiya and Morocco came as a compromise to satisfy the two men who provided great services to the Fatimid are able to survive Morocco and Morocco owe their loyalty to them.
Al-Maqrizi mentioned that before his departure to Egypt, Al-Mu ͑izz mentioned that Ja'far bin Ali had been offered to take over the Emirate of Morocco on his behalf, but Jafar stipulated that he accept this position and that he should allow his sons or brothers to sit in the palace with him. Jaafar refused to accept the demands of Jaafar, in which the Muzid found an Ifriqiyan independence from the Fatimids, and he responded to Jaafar's demands. "Jafar isolated me from the king of Wardah. To make a
387Ibn Khaldun: Op.cit, 6 :205-206.
388Al-Nuwayrī : Op.cit, 24: 91; Idris: op.cit, 1: 64-65.
389Ibn Khaldun: Op.cit, 6 :205.
390Moanis : tarikh al-maghrib w al-andulis,179.
391Al-Dashrawi: Op.cit, 401.
100
partner in me "Belkin bin Ziri ibn Manad and offered him the mandate of Morocco, but Belkin said to him"392, Maulana you and your fathers Imams of the Prophet's son, peace be upon him what describes you Morocco how they describe me and I Sanhaji "Moulay killed me without a sword and no spear"393, and still Al-Mu'taz even before the mandate of Morocco on his behalf ordered Ifriqiyan and Morocco, and Ziri ibn Manad on the Al-Mu ͑ izz to give the judiciary and abscess to those who see Al-Mu ͑ izz appropriate to this matter this chest and encouraged him394.Al-Mu ͑ izz went to Gabes and said to Belkin: "If you forget something that I have recommended, do not forget three things:" do not raise the money from the people of the desert, do not lift the sword from the barbarians, do not take any of your brothers and your cousins"395 Before he left Ifriqiya to Egypt, Zaydullah Ibn al-Qadim made money, Abdul Jalabar al-Kharsani and Husayn ibn Yakhlif al-Mus'adi396, on the abscess. He also excluded Tripoli, Ajdabiya and Sirte, and Sicily from the control of the Zairians, and made Ali Tripoli Abdullah bin Yakhlaf al-Kutami ،Sicily Hassan bin Ali Abi al-Hussein397.
5.1.3. POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE ZAIRIAN STATE IN IFRIQIYA (AGE ABU AL-FOTOUH BELKIN BEN MENAD )
We note at the beginning that al-Mu ͑ izz during the tradition of Belkin Ben Ziri ibn Menad of the state of Morocco to change the name Berber Belken named Yusuf and Kanah Abul-Fotouh instead of Habous and surname the sword of the state to be behind all that conquests and expand the influence even Andalusia398.
The most important feature of the state of Abu Al-Fotouh Yusuf bin Ziri 361-373 / 972-984 that it was a stage of the military nature has raised the Belkin of the Emirate of Morocco, the rival of his rival Jafar bin Ali bin Hamdun Prince Zab incision on the
392Al-Maqrizi : Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1 :99; Al-Maqrizi : al-khutat, 2: 186; Idris: op.cit, 1: 77-78; Salem: op. cit, 555; Ibn Zawi: op.cit,154; Taqoush: Op,cit, 214; Moanis : tarikh al-maghrib w al-andulis, 154.
393Al-Maqrizi : Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1 :99; Al-Maqrizi : Al-khutat, 1 :352; Moanis : tarikh al-maghrib w al-andulis,155; Al-Hajj: op.cit, 202; Salem: op.cit, 555-556 ; Taqoush: op.cit, 215; Ibn Zawi: op.cit, 58-59 .
394Al-Maqrizi : Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1:99; Idris: op.cit,1: 78; Ibn Zawi: op.cit,98.
395Ibn Al- Hambali: shadharat aldhahab fi 'akhbar min dhahab, Damascus,Dar Ibn Kathīr,1989, 4 : 393; Ibn Khaldun: Op.cit, 6 : 205; Al-Maqrizi : Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1 :363; Ibn Adhari: Op.cit, 1: 263; Salem: op.cit, 155; Ibn Zawi: op.cit, 60; Taqoush, op.cit, 217.
396Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir, Al-Kamil, 8 :46; Hassan: Al-Fatimiyoun fi Misr,197; Al-Dashrawi: op. cit, 213.
397Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 6 :205; Al-Maqrizi :Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1: 100-101; Al-Nuwayrī :Op.cit, 24: 405; Hadi Idris: op.cit, 1: 78.
398Idris: Op.cit, 1 :79; Ibn Zawi: op. cit,59.
101
Fatimids stick obedience, and deported to Andalusia And resorted to the rule of Mustansir, as raised by the tribe of Zenata in Tlemcen, the existing call Marwani in Andalusia and went out by the people of Tahart and the people of Baagia399.
Belkin walked at the head of a large army400to Tahart and entered it and destroyed it, which is pointed out by Ibn Ḥawqal, saying: "Tahart has changed from what it was and its people and all of its boat Berbers poor sedition and sedition and the fullness of death and death401.
After that Abu Fotouh went to Tlemcen to eliminate the crowds of Zanatien entered and issued an order to prevent any Zenati horse riding or acquisition and those who contravene the fate of his death, the cities of Tahart and Tlemcen were only two stations in the way of the Zairian campaign where the military operations Senhajia Zanit outside the Middle East to Morocco, but did not last long and stopped after the arrival of the book402of Al-Mu ͑ izz to Abu Al-Fotouh Yusuf end of the incursion in Morocco and invite him to return to Kairouan403, and on the way back passed Bbaagia and seized it and set up his workers on the cities under his control, it seems that Al-Mu ͑ izz wanted to stop behind Milliyet war against Belkin Alzenatien to devote himself to Belkin security in Ifriqiya instead of dispersing throughout his efforts in Mtadrh Alzenatien, as those that culminated in his policy to calm leaned Zenata and contacted him some of its leaders like Mohammed Bin Hasan Zanati.
However, despite the military character of the reign of Yusuf, this did not prevent him from taking care of the administrative organization of his state and sought to do so by appointing his workers to the states and the introduction of amendments to its borders, especially the Western states, where he canceled the mandate of Mesila and the southern side to Tahart, From the city of Mansuriya near Kairouan base rule.
In 367 / 978, Aziz responded to the request of Belkin bin Ziri, and annexed Tripoli, Sirte and Ajdabiya. Hadi Idris explains this act of Aziz Fatimid to his trust in Belkin
399 Salem: Op.cit,556; Moanis : tarikh al-maghrib w al-andulis, 157; Ibn Zawi: op.cit, 61.
400Ibn Khaldun: Op.cit, 6 :206-207; Idris: op.cit, 1: 82; Moanis : tarikh al-maghrib w al-andulis, 157.
401 Abū Al-Qāsim Ibn Ḥawqal,: Al-Masalik wa Al-Mamalik, Leyden,1873,132.
402Moanis : tarikh al-maghrib w al-andulis, 557 .
403Ibn Zawi: op.cit, 61.
102
Bin Ziri404, and perhaps the appointment of Al- Aziz Belikn to the brother of Belkin named Badis Ben Ziri405, as an emir to pilgrims departing to the holy sites, as well as his reception of two sons of Ziri ibn Menad and their return to Ifriqiya and his request of Belkin to pardon them supports wath said Hadi Idris.
King Belkin ascended after his arrival in Fez in 368 / 979. Naciri and al-Nuwayrī mentioned that it was 369 AH. Muhammad bin Abi Ali bin Qashoush and his companion Abdul Karim bin Thalabah were killed and was a worker in Andalusia406, Then he made on Fez Muhammad ibn Amer al-Meknasi, took over a prison and captured the son of Khazron Amir Maghrawa and killed him, then went to Asilah and from there to the center of Shala Barghoutha. And their owner was Saleh bin Isa bin Abi Ansar, Ibn al-Athir said it was charming407.
Abu Al-Fotouh died (373 / 983) on his way back to Ifriqiya, in the town of Warlengo, and is mentioned in Ibn Khaldun, Buraksh, and Ibn Adhari, Arknavo, and the General Hanbali, and Arklan, located between Sijlmassa and Tlemcen408.
5.1.4. Ruling On Abu Al-Fath Al-Mansur Ibn Belkin
The era of Mansur Ibn Yusuf was associated with an event of great significance that distinguished his internal and external policy and will have a reflection on the situation of the Moroccans409, "The father and grandfather take the people by the sword is cruel, and I do not take people except charity, and I do not give a book and does not isolate a book, nor Ahmad is in this king except God and my hand and this king is what Except in the hands of my fathers and forefathers410.
Perhaps this is a clear indication of the rebellion of Abi Al-Fath Al-Mansur ibn Ziri against the Fatimids in Egypt, the used his brother on Asher and his uncle Abi Al-
404Al-Maqrizi : Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1: 247; Ibn Awari: Op.cit, 1: 248;Moanis : tarikh al-maghrib w al-andulis, 157; Al -Ameri: alsiyasa al-kharijia li al-dawlat al-fatimia, 108.
405Idris: op.cit, 1 : 87.
406Al-Salawi: Op.cit, 1: 263; Al-Nuwayrī : op.cit, 24 : 96 .
407Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kāmil, 7: 362; Al-Salawi: Op.cit, 1:263 ; Al -Ameri: alsiyasa al-kharijia li al-dawlat al-fatimia, 108-109.
408Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil, 7: 415; Al-Nuwayrī : Op.cit, 24: 96-97; Ibn Al-Hanbali: Op.cit, 4: 393.
409Ibn Khaldun: Op.cit, 6 : 207; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 7 :416.
410Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 7 : 416; Al-Nuwayrī :Op.cit , 24 : 98-99; Ibn Zawi:Op.cit, 72.
103
Bahar on Tahart, an exit on the commandment Al-Maez411,But he maintained good relations with Cairo.
In the year (374 / 985) Mansour ordered his brother to go out at the head of a heavy army to the cities of Fez and Segmassa to recover them from the Zanatians. He was taken by Ziri ibn Attia El Maghrawy, nicknamed Qaratas, the Prince of Fez. He returned to Asher and al-Mansur after the conquest of Morocco and Zanata. of the Alamoy of Andalusia412.
It is worth mentioning that during the reign of Mansur, the first two revolutions were carried out by Abu Hassan bin Nasr Al-Kharasani (376 / 987) and was supported by the tribes of Kutama and Aziz al-Fatimi sent him to these parts to provoke the tribes of Kutama against Sanhaja. The purpose of this was according to Ibn al-At̲h̲ir and Al-Nuwayrī end Sanhaja Although Al-Mansour Bin Belkin was sent to Cairo to inform her of the latest developments, he came to orders not to act against Al-Khorasani413, but Al-Mansur went out to Kharasani War and defeated the country of Kutama (378 / 989). In the city of Setif, Only escape and sit in one of the Al-Mansour had left some of his servants eating Khorasani meat before the sight of the apostles coming from Egypt who informed the Fatimid caliph about the end of the painful Khorasani. Cairo sent some gifts to Mansour al-Sanhaji. Of the revolution of Abu Fahm and the intervention of the Fatimids in the internal affairs of his state414.
Also, the second revolution of his uncle Abi al-Bahar bin Ziri worker Tahart in 379 AH where he entered in obedience Mansour Ibn Abi Amer entered the camp of Abu al-Fath Mansor city of Tahart, and killed the supporters of the supporters of Abu al-Bahar and then secured them and returned to Asheir415, The instability of the status of
411Ibn Khaldun: Op.cit, 6 ; 207; Idris: op.cit, 1: 101; Moanis : tarikh al-maghrib w al-andulis, 235 .
412Moanis : tarikh al-maghrib w al-andulis,159; Ibn Zawi:op.cit, 67.
413Ibn Zawi: op.cit.134; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir :Al-Kāmil, 7 :72-73; Al-Amiri: alsiyasa al-kharijia li al-dawlat al-
fatimia, 109-110.
414Al-Maqrizi : Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1 : 263; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 7 : 431; Al-Nuwayrī : Op.cit, 24: 100-103; Ibn Zawi: Op.cit, 73-74 .
415Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil,7: 441; Idris, op. cit,1: 115-118.
104
the state in the days of Abi al-Fath al-Mansur does not prevent him from following the policy of moderation which we have seen from two directions416.
On the tax level, Mansour resorted to reducing the burden of levies on the parish, so he dropped the debts owed by the Badia people and was a great money, and on the sectarian level did not hide the Mansour to Ibadi al-Jarid, he called a senior Sheikh, Abu Noah Said bin Yakhlif Almazati to the city of Kairouan and received the reception worthy of his place and bestowed upon him, and the same care received by Ibadi, the last delegation, which is Haneen bin and love, and reflected friendly relations to the extent that allowed Al-Ziri Ibadi to hold debates in the city of Kairouan characterized freedom of expression and opinion417.
5.1.5. Age Of Badis Ibn Al-Mansour
Al-Mansour died in the year 386 /996 and was buried in his new palace in Al-Mansouriya. His son, Badis, succeeded him in Ifriqiya and the Middle Maghreb. He was only 12 years old. His uncle Hammad accepted the state of Asheer and his uncle Warormed Tahart418.
In the year (389 / 999 ) Ziri Ben Attiya marched in huge crowds from Znata to the city of Tahart and besieged it. And wrote worker the city to his nephew Badis, asking him to extend an army, sent army led by Muhammad Ibn Abi Al-Arab. and the decisive battle ended with the defeat of the Sinjajis and withdrew with Ibn Abi Al-Arab419,and entered Ziri bin Attiya to city Tahart420.
When arrived the news of the defeat to Badis, he went out to fight Ziri Ibn Attiya year (389 / 999), and when he arrived at Tabnah sent in the request of Felfel bin Said bin Khazroun al-Zanati421, sent apologizing to him and ask him to write a record in the state of Tabnp wrote to him, Felfel opportunity to leave him and agar on the
416Ibn Zawi: op.cit, 270.
417Ibid: 272.
418Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil, 7 :485; Al-Nuwayrī : op.cit, 24 :102; Moanis : tarikh al-maghrib w al-andulis,160.
419Ibn Adhari: op.cit, 1: 270-271; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil, 8: 7-8; Al-Nuwayrī : Op,cit, 24 ; 103-104.
420Ibn Al-Azhari: Op.cit, 1: 270-271; Salem: op.cit,560; Al-Tammar, op. cit, 70-72.
421Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 6 :208-209; Ibn Adhari: op.cit, 1: 271; Al-Nuwayrī : op.cit, 24 : 104.
105
surrounding areas422, and then Badis continued to his march until he reached the Mseila ،and Leave Ziri Ben Attiya the city Tahart to Fez returned,and entered his uncle Tahart 423.
It is noteworthy that Badis left the order of his uncle Hammad until the end of revolutions, in 395/ 1006, sent his uncle to fight Zanata and required Hammad to leave him the mandate of central Morocco and all that opened before him424.
After the appointment of the Crown Prince of Al-Mu ͑izz Ibn Budis (403 / 1012), he wanted to test Hammad and sent him to give him the city of Constantine and neighboring cities. Hammad refused and entered with him. In a war that resulted in al-Hamadiya state425.
The friendship between the Fatimids and Sanhagis continued, and the two exchanged gifts. During the year 403 /1013, Badis received gifts from Egypt and a traditional book in Barqa426, On the third day of Dhul Hijjah in 406 / 1016, Badis died suddenly and his son Al-Mu ͑izz Amira became three days after the death of his father. He was eight years old. The army came to pledge allegiance. "The kingdom Al-Mu ͑izz continued in Ifriqiya and Kairouan.Of the barbarians in Ifriqiya, "according to Ibn Khaldun427,but Al-Mu ͑izz did something previously not done by the heads of Bani Ziri. Announced his separation from the Fatimids in Egypt428.
5.2.TRIPOLI OF ITS SUBORDINATION TO THE FATIMIDS UNTIL THE END OF THE RULE OF BANI KHARZOUN
5.2.1. Tripoli's Subordination To Fatimid Rule
422Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 8 : 8; Salem: Op.cit, 560.
423Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir, Al-Kamil,.8 :8; Salem: op.cit,560-561.
424 Salem: op.cit, 563.
425Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 6: 209; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil, 8 :11.
426Idris: op.cit, 1: 125.
427Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 6 :210.
428Ibn Zawi: op.cit, 277.
106
During Fatimid rule, Libya witnessed dramatic political events that lasted for half century, during which the two countries suffered from oppression, oppression, oppression and harsh conditions of deprivation.
The first worker in Libya was Mknon Ibn Dabara al-lhalani, Which worked to calm the situation in Tripoli ,and the Berbers ibnefited from the beginning of the new era , they declared their refusalled by Hawara tribe led by Abu Harun al-Hawari and joined them groups of Zanata tribes, protection and other Berber tribes. In 298 / 911 besieged the city of Tripoli429, and according to Musa leqbal that their revolution was motivated by political and sectarian nervousness and their hatred of the Shiites who ruled the two Rustamid and Madrar countries430, while Bashir Telsi believes that the revolution of Tripoli because of the desire of the people of that city independence from their subordination to And try to establish their own rule431, but we tend to take the opinion of Musa leqbal to the audience that it was motivated by tribal nerve, just as Mcnon spent on their revolution, so that the Kutama attacked the rest of the Berbers in the city. And he sent the leaders of many of their leaders to Obaidallah al-Mahdi432, and the security of Mcnon the Berber revolution and the manipulation of power and the extension of the hands of his cousins from The people of Tripoli in 300 years AH on this ominous situation and drove out Mknon and the laws of Aflh ibn Harun Malosi and closed the people of Tripoli and the doors of the city and killed433, the people of the tribe of Kutama, and presented the Trabelsion them Mohammed ibn Ishaq al-Qurashi " Ibn al-Qarlain "laborer sent Obaidallah al-Mahdi, a naval fleet consisting of fifteen warships, the people of Tripoli received their fleet and burned him and killed him, and then sent to his Ibn Aba Al-Qasim in an army by land in the same year, he was intercepted by the Hawara tribe and signed by Hawara434, And the strike on the
429Ibn Khaldun , op.cit , 4 : 47 ; Al-Ansari: Al-Manhel ,84 ; Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 189; Abbās: op.cit,80.
430leqbal : Dour Kutama,402.
431Bashir Ramadan Telsi: Cultural trends in the West Islamic countries, Dar al-Madar al-Islami Bayrut, 2003, 161.
432Ibn Adari :op.cit. 1:189; leqbal:Dour Kutama, 403; Zaghlūl: op.cit, 3 :72; Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 75.
433 IbnʿIdhārī ,op.cit. 1 ;189; leqbal: Dour Kutama,403; Abbās: op.cit, 189-190; Zaghlūl: op,cit, 3: 80-81.
434Idrīs ʿImād Al-Dīn al-Qurashī: Taʾrīkh al-khulafāʾ alFāṭimiyyīn bi-al Maghrib , min kitāb ʿUyūn al-akhbār Bayrut,Dar al-Gharb al-Islami, 1985, 30; Zaghlūl:op.cit, 3 :73; Al- Telsi:op.cit,161-162; Al-Barghūthī : op. cit. 234.
107
city of Tripoli, a siege lasted for six months prevented supplies even a technician of the dead and eat dead people after the cut off supplies that were arriving by sea by Hawara, and Saʿd Zaghlūl believes that freely participated in the siege of the city until the complaint The people were hungry435, and the son of Isaac could not Qarashi continued to fight the people of Tripoli to Abu al-Qas’im Shiite and asked him to protect themselves and their money to be handed over to Mohammed ibn Ishaq, governor of Tripoli and Mohammed ibn Nasr Al-Baghai and another man is said to be under the pretext that their revolution caused heavy losses on the Fatimid state, The three men, but not limited to what was imposed on the people of the city as soon as Tripoli opened its doors to him even proceeded to impose a fine of three hundred thousand dinars on its people, and then ordered the arrest of the elements of the majority and kill them on the pretext that they are the mastermind of this sedition436.
The tax money was collected by a man named Khalil Ibn Ishaq, a descendant of the soldiers of Tripoli, who completed the construction of the Great Mosque of Tripoli during the Fatimid period and built his temple. He was killed by the Ibn Kiedad al-Yafni when he seized al-kayrawan in 332 AH.
After arranging the affairs of Tripoli, the city of Madinah was entrusted to the debtor of Madinah Gnaoua Halaizi and Habasa ibn Yusuf al-Malousi as his assistant. Abu al-Qas’im al-Shi'a returned to Raqqada with the city worker and some other men, killing them after he toured them in the streets of al-kayrawan437.
Tripoli was calm until the death of Obaidallah al-Mahdi, where the Ibn Talut al-Qarashi was raised and claimed to be of Alawi and al-Mahdi. He was followed by some Berbers, but he could not take over Tripoli after his protector and some of the people of the city confronted him. His supporters complained against him. They killed him and sent him to Abu Qa'im. They have a lie against them438.
Ziyad al-Saqli and his brother Al-Tijānī Abu-Faht Zayan al-Saqlabi took over the state of Tripoli. Before his death, Laha al-Mansur was a laborer and he was responsible for
435Zaghlūl: op.cit, 3 : 74.
436IbnʿIdhārī: op.cit, 1 :192; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil , 6 :52; Al-Ansari: Al-Manhal, 85; leqbal: Dour Kutama, 404-405; Zaghlūl: 3 :74; Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 190.
437Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 191; Al-Telsi: op.cit,162.
438Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil , 6 :239; Al-Maqrizi : Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 2 :108; Salem : op.cit, 324.
108
repairing the wall of the city and increasing it in all its land and sea sides during the days of Al-Mu ͑izz in li-Din Allah 345 AH439.
He entered Tripoli on Wednesday, 24 / Rabi I/ 362, and was with him a group of Ibadi fled to their brothers in the mountain of Nafusa ,but could not arrest them, and left Tripoli on 17 /spring II to Egypt Abdullah ibn Yakhlif al-Kutami on Tripoli and He makes Belkin Ibn Ziri a state on it440, but the latter managed to add Tripoli to his mandate under the reign of Aziz Bellah and entrusted its mandate to one of his loyalists, Usla Ibn Bakkar441.
5.2.2.Tripoli In The Era Of Bani Ziri
He called his deputy in Tripoli Usla Ibn Bakkar442 the ruling Caliph by God and offered him to hand over Tripoli and resort to it, was the length of the period has thrown in the same possession of a lot of boredom, as Iḥsān Abbās?443Or is his presence in the presence of the ruler by God's command better than his presence at the head of Tripoli? Or that his abandonment of the state of Tripoli was a measure of the turban of the servant to get rid of the Yans of the Sicilian, and this is what al-Barghūthī suggested?444
Al-Barghūthī is based on Ibn Khaldun's account of the withdrawal of the mandate of Tripoli from the power of the Ziri structures in Ifriqiya after being left by the possession of Ibn Bakar Lianas the Sicilian, who was greeted al-Hakim, who was imitated by Damascus and its actions445.
He ordered al-Hakim, Yans Sakli, to take him from Barqa, to Tripoli, and to receive her from the settlement. Badis appeared surprised by the matter and saw it as a detraction of his prestige and authority. He wrote to Yans asking him to explain what had happened and asked him to explain the decision to entrust him with the city. Badis
439Al-Tijānī: op.cit,240; Al-Ansari: Al-Manhal, 87; Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 197.
440Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 4 : 63; Al-Ansari: Al-Manhal ,87-88.
441Ibn Khaldun: 4 : 65; Al-Ansari: Al-Manhal, l , 90.
442Constituent remained a factor on the mandate of Tripoli until the era of Badis bin Mansour and was before a factor on the Buna (Annaba).
443Abbās: op.cit, 118.
444Al-Barghūthī: op.cit, 232.
445Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 4 :75.
109
did not pay attention to the matter, did not try to clarify the ruling caliph, and immediately moved to deal with the new situation. He sent an army led by Jaafar Ibn Habib to get out of Jansa from Tripoli. Ja'far landed in the village of Ajas, near Tripoli446, Taking negotiation and putting it into one of the following conditions: 1) that the record of his or her assignment be sent . 2) or come to Addis to negotiate . 3) or war.
The delegation arrived at Yans, and his answer to them was: "As for the arrival, there is no way for him. As for the record of the state, I am greater than that, as I was the successor of the Commander of the Faithful over what is greater than Tripoli, and the third is I give you away from the movement automatically and I will bring you to your place".
Where the Jaafar came down from the city of Tripoli to the area of Janzour447, where Jaafar Ibn Habib came down west and Yanis landed in the east, and the two sides collided in a fierce battle that ended with the death of many soldiers and took him captive and then killed and bowed his head and carried to Commander Jaafar while his companions were fortified by Fattouh ibn Ali in the city. Jaafar Ibn Habib attacked him until he reached the book of Amel Gabes Yusuf ibn Amer telling him to descend Falaful ibn Said in Gabes on his way to Tripoli. Jaafar went to the mountain side. Send a military force to the forces of Jans led by Yahya Ibn And the leader Zidane al-Saqli, supervising the administrative and financial affairs of the campaign. It seems that a safe vacuum of money has held the position for this campaign, which also rallied in the walls of Tripoli in the spring of the first year 392 / 1002, and here emerged Felfel Ibn Said exploiting the circumstances that came then And managed to infiltrate into the city of Tripoli and control over it and then ruled him and his successors for a century and a half of time448.
5.2.3.TRIPOLI UNDER THE RULE OF BANI KHAZROUN
446Al-Barghūthī : op.cit, 232-235; Abbās : op.cit, 118-119.
447Al-Tijānī: op.cit, 181-182; Al-Barghūthī : op.cit.234; Abbās:op.cit, 119.
448 Al-Ansari: Al-Manhal ,93-95.
110
Said Ibn Kharaz Ibn Felfel He entered a truce with Sanhaja despite the old hostility between the tribes of Zanata loyal to the Alamoy Caliphate in Andalusia and Sunhja loyal to the Fatimid Caliphate in Egypt, gave him Belkin State of Tubna ,and his son's husband Felfel from his daughter, but this harmony did not last long and there were wars between them and could Felfel this fall From Belkin Ibn Ziri and heading towards Gabes, he turned around Zanata and was able to enter Tripoli, founder of the state of the year 391 AH punished by the rule of his children.
5.2.4.Felfel Ibn Said (391-400 / 1001-1009)
The acceptance of obedience means the Fatimids' recognition of the legitimacy of his rule over Tripoli449, However, Yahya ibn Ali Ibn Hamdoun Al-Andalusi was appointed governor of Tripoli and Gabes. However, he received the Yahya Andalusian Felfel obediently. And accompanied him to Gabes for siege and expelled Jaafar ibn Habib, who was fortified in the city450, and Ibn Khaldun goes to the arrival of Yahya Andalusi to Tripoli in response to a call of pepper451. While Ibn al-Athir and al-Maqrizi see that the arrival of Yahya Al-Andalusi was a term for the owners of the Yanes who were defeated in zinzur, and when the army arrived, Felfel was taken over Tripoli452.
The army of the Fatimid state was unable to break into Gabes and returned to Tripoli in 393 AH, and here began the differences between the two parties, as Felfel tried to adhere to his opinion and imposed on Yahya, the governor appointed Caliph al-Hakim, which made him return to Egypt453, The Islamic sources differed in explaining the return of Yahya al-Andalusi to Egypt, Ibn Khaldun said that the tribe of Bani Qora was the reason, for which al-Hakim later avenged him454, but IbnʿIdhārī said he had no money for the soldiers. Pepper took many of his horses and men between buying and raping and sealing it with complete control of the city455, Ibn al-Athir referred to the
449Al-Ansari: Al-Manhal , 95; Rossi: op.cit, 77; Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 211; Al-Zawi: walat tarabulus, 83.
450IbnʿIdhārī mentioned that Zidane was sent to Sicily to rule Tripoli before Yehia Andalusia.
451Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 7 :56.
452Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil , 8 :9; Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 2 : 231.
453 Ituri Rossi: op.cit, 90-91;Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 211;Al-Zawi: walat tarabulus, 84;Zaghlūl: op.cit, 3: 319;Firas Salim Hayawi: tarabulus algharb tarikh alfath alearabii fi libia ,Iraq, No. 4, 2010, 69; Ibn Zawi: op.cit ,84 .
454Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 7 :56.
455Ibn Adhari: op.cit, 1 : 279.
111
abuse of Felfel to Yahya al-Andalusi456,he said that the governor wanted to kill him.While al-Maqrizi said that his return to Egypt because of differences of opinion with his companions, adding that al-Hakim wanted to kill him, Zidane's book to al-Hakim that there is no money in Barqa457, and at the same time the war continued between Felfel and Badis458, while the Fatimid state cut off from it, And ignored the repeated cries , and explain Al-Zawy ignoring Fatimid the calls of Felfel to anger because of his ill treatment to Yahya al-Andalusi459, but we do not agree with him in what he went to but we see that al-Hakim Caliph found that both Felfel and Badis owe obedience to the Fatimid Caliphate and cannot bias to one party without the other, Cairo that is A space for Felfel and the direction of his victory encourages Sanhaja to create a stick of obedience to them, which means Morocco out of obedience, in addition to the preoccupation of the Fatimid armies revolution Abu Rekwa between (395-397 /1004-1007), could not help aside on the other460,Egypt called Felfel to go to Cordoba and declared loyalty to the Alamoys in Andalusia and sent to Cordoba a delegation carrying the duties of obedience to them, but the Alamoy state of Andalusia was not in a position to be able to help him, it was Mohammed ibn Hisham, nicknamed Mahdi 399-400 HD, A man driven by the passions as well as the multiple problems that knock the doors of Cordoba and the Alamoy state and authorize the collapse, The delegation arrived in Tripoli after the death of Felfel in 400 AH and fled and Waror of them and recovered Badis who ordered the killing461, and sees Al-Zawy that this shift to the Cordoba, by the Felfel between the enemies of the Fatimid Caliphate in Egypt and the Sanjihi Emirate in Ifriqiya462, and we also disagree with him in this opinion Felfel was recognized al-Hakim in Cairo and also provided assistance to his commander in the siege of Gabes does not mean his connection with Cordoba cut for his relations with the Fatimid caliphate, Rather, he is an attempt by Felfel to win a new ally in case he is cut off.
456Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil, 8 : 25.
458Al-Maqrizi : Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 2 :34.
459Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 211; Al-Zawi: walat tarabulus, 84.
460Abbās: op.cit, 1 :130; Al-Barghūthī : op.cit,239; Hayawi: op.cit, 69.
461Abbās: op,cit, 130;Jack Tery: History of the Libyan Desert in the Middle Ages, Tripoli Libyan House for Publishing, Distribution and Advertising , 2004, 246; Al-Barghūthī , op. cit, 239.
462 Al-Zawi: walat tarabulus, 84.
112
There was some kind of cooperation between Felfel and Maxen ibn Ziri, while Felfel controlled Tripoli and settled it in 391 /1001. His ally was trying to control Asher463, but that attempt failed. Felfel's ambition to control some of the lands in Ifriqiya was great, This led to the return of Felfel to Tripoli in Rajab in 393 / 1003, and during the period between (395 / 1003) -977 / 1004-1007) were the tribes of Zanata in the province of Barqa allied with the Arabs of Bani Qora against the state of Fatimid in Cairo, and thus the relations between the Fatimids in Egypt and their allies from Sanhja in Ifriqiya fluctuated between one step forward and the other back since they moved to Egypt. The siege of Gabes in collaboration with the Zanatites464.
Thus, the era of the Emirate of Felfel ibn Said on Tripoli of the new covenants of independence opinion and non-dependence of others and carried his hostility to the Senhajn to be traveling in Tripoli and unique by themuntil he died in400/1009465.
5.2.5. Waror Ibn Said (400-406 / 1009-1015)
After the death of Felfel, Zanata agreed to the allegiance of his brother and Waror ibn Said unanimously and did not allow Badis and Waror to organize his country, but immediately went to Tripoli and shows that Badis knew that Waror weaker than Felfel according to zawyet and arrived in Shaaban in 400 / 1009 and gave her people a little attention466. But he settled in a tent set up for him and then returned and lived in the Palace of Felfel to storm a storm uprooted his tents, but they saw the faster to enter obediently Badis after taking safety for him and his people on the condition of leaving Tripoli, Because of his inability to resist, and officially announced the extradition of Badis Tripoli and Wu Li and Waror Nfzawa467, and made to Tripoli and the guardian by him named Mohammed ibn Hassan468.
The situation did not last very long, as soon as it was announced and saw the rebellion after it found support from Nafusa and went to the mountains of Dumar and annexed
463Zaghlūl: op.cit, 3: 355-356; Hayawi: op.cit, 69-70 .
464Zaghlūl: op.cit, 3: 356.
465Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 210-211; Hayawi: op.cit,70.
466Ibn Adhari: op.cit, 1: 282; Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 213-214.
467Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil , 7: 246; Zaghlūl: op.cit, 3 :82; Ibn Zawi, op.cit,82.
468Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 7 :56; Tery: op. cit, 246; Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 214; Al-Barghūthī : op. cit,326.
113
some of the land to his possession469, and it seems that this work upset his brother Khazroun ibn Said, we separated from him and went to Prince Badis in al-kayrawan in 402/1011. And thus became the south in the feud of his years, but Roh did not wait long as he went to Tripoli to occupy it, which led to a large military meeting between him and Mohammed ibn Hassan and led to the end of the escape and Waror and the killing of many of his soldiers and despite his defeat tried again and besieged Tripoli470, He summoned Badis Khazroun, son of Said He was disappointed with his brother and forgetting the previous things in 404 /1013, and it seems that Badis was not successful in directing Khazroun471 to fight and see, and Iḥsān Abbās explains the bias of brothers and saw to him their refusal to annihilate Zanata by each other in The way of the Prince of Sanhaji472. He also urged Khazroun to fight his brother in favor of Badis. At the same time, he revealed to the Khazars the need for the governor, Mohammed ibn Hassan, to extend and weaken his ranks, which encouraged him to join his brother473.
The brothers took the lead in the march to Tripoli and the reaction of Badis was as strong as the agreement between his brothers. He executed the hostages who were under his control. A large group of men, including the fighter Ibn Khazroun, arrived with a group of Zanata to declare their obedience to Badis474. The victory of Badis on his uncle Hammad in 405 /1014 came to end the rebellion and Waror, who decided to engage in obedience to Badis, but his death was rushed and also treated the following year in 406 / 1016475.
As for the relationship between the ruler and al-Hakim and Badis, it returned to what it was in 403 / 1012 when al-Hakim sent by sea through the al-Mahdiyya a great gift to Badis and His Crown Prince who received it with the people of Al-kayrawan from the place of water palace in an exquisite ceremony advanced by the drums. al-Hakim had
469Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil , 8 : 26; IbnʿIdhārī:op.cit, 1 : 283; Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 7 :56-57; Ibn Zawi: op.cit, 82.
470Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 7: 57; Al-Ansari :Al-Manhal. 98; Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 85.
471Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil , 8, 26; Zaghlūl: op.cit, 3 : 446; Al-Zawi: walat tarabulus, 85.
472Abbās: op.cit, 131.
473Hayawi: op.cit, 70.
474Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 214; Zaghlūl: op.cit, 3 : 446;
475Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 7: 57; Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 214; Zaghlūl: op.cit, 3: 446.
114
a record of adding the mandate of Barqa and its work to the state of Badis, meaning that it wanted to have a common border with its Zairian mission in Ifriqiya476.
5.2.6. Khalifa Ibn Waror (406-429 / 1015-1037 )
Zanata split after the death of Waror on two parts, alleging some of his Ibn Khalifa and the other oath of allegiance brother Khazroun ibn Said, and seems to have the governor Mohammed ibn Hassan a clear role in igniting strife and division of the two ends and the superiority of the son over the uncle477.
Tripoli was ruled by Mohamed ibn Hassan since the era of Badis, and remained in his state until he was isolated from Al-Mu'izz Ibn Badis and took the place of his brother Abdullah ibn Hassan, who defended the city with valor and stood in the face of Khalifa ibn Waror, who tried to enter Tripoli after he revoked his covenant, And narrowed by its siege in 406 /1015478.
The situation changed after the death of Muhammad Ibn al-Hasan as a result of the anger of the Al-Mu'izz in 413 / 1022479. Abdullah surrendered Tripoli to the Caliph of Ibn Waror in retaliation for the killing of his brother. It seems that the policies of Abdullah Ibn Al Hassan and Khalifa Ibn and Waror had united against their common enemy. To his brother Mohammed ibn Hassan, who was killed by al-Mu'izz ibn Badis on the one hand, while Khalifa wanted revenge for the killing of the hostages killed by Badis after Khazroun turned to his brother and Waror on the other hand480.
Kalifa Ibn Waror entered Tripoli, starting with the killing of its protector, which was inside it and took down the palace of Abdullah Ibn Hassan and seized his money and his harem, although Abdullah helped him to enter Tripoli and control it, apparently because of the resistance shown by Abdullah during the siege of the city and reminds al-Barghūthī and al-Zaway that Khalifa ordered to kill Abdullah al-Hassan481, while
476IbnʿIdhārī: op.cit, 1: 272-274; Zaghlūl: op. cit, 3 :322; Hayawi: op.cit, 70.
477Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil , 8 : 87; IbnʿIdhārī: op.cit, 1 : 291; Rossi:op.cit, 92; Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 214.
478Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 216; Al-Zawi: walat tarabulus, 88; Hayawi: op.cit, 71.
479Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 7: 58; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil , 8 :137; Zaghlūl: op.cit, 3 :325.
480Rossi: op.cit,91; Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 216-217; Ibn Zawiy: op.cit, 109.
481Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil , 8 : 138; Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 7 : 57-58 ; Al-Zawi: walat tarabulus, 89.
115
the Hadi Idris mentions that al-Mu'izz ibn Badis is the one who ordered the killing482 of him, as he wanted to attack the fleet of Tripoli some of the alliances of al-Mu'izz Ibn Badis, and that news was reported to al-Mu'izz in 414 / 1023 He mobilized a large fleet in al-Mahdiyya and ordered the construction of new ships Its readiness and then its army towards Tripoli because But the sources are silent about the results of that invasion. Is it because al-Mu'izz did not achieve a tangible victory over the structures of Khazroun? Or was he forced to visit his sick aunt while the Ifriqiyan woman suffered from severe famine? Or because of news of the intention of Bani Hammad to attack al-Mu'izz483?
In order to obtain the legitimacy of his mandate, Khalifa Ibn Waror sent the duties of obedience to the Caliph al-Zaher Ibn al-Hakim in Cairo484 in 417 /1026.
He pledged to ensure the security of the Warords, and it seems that Khalifa ibn Waror tried to get closer to the Sanhaja. sent a gift to al-Mu'izz . and rewarded them after the news he received from the resentment of al-Mu'izz Ibn Badis from his proximity to Egypt, according to Hadi Idris485.
The arrival of Khalifa ibn Waror to power a series of continuous rule of Bani Khazroun in Tripoli, the first link, which was cut in the year 403 AH with the surrender and Waror and the appointment of Mohammed ibn Hassan on the state of
482Hadi Idris: op.cit, 1 :199.
483Hadi Idris: Op.cit, 1: 200; Al-Barghūthī: op.cit, 242.
484Ali Al-Dhaher for the privilege of the religion of Allah Abul-Hasan Ali ibn al-Mansur Ruler by the order of Allah bin Nizar al-Aziz bin Allah, ibn Murad al-Mu'izz (may Allah be pleased with him) , Was born in Alqahra in the month of Ramadan in 395 AH and was a caliphate on the day of Eid al-Adha in the year 411 AH and his age of sixteen years and three months, and agreed on this day to pray to the governor in the Eid sermon, and then Bouaih apparent after the return of the judge from the prayer, That it was Queen Six that the king gave him the title of the apparent pride of the religion of God b D be dressed crown Moez to the religion of God, and it was apparent to the religion of God Azaz sane person Simha horse tends to religion and chastity and dream with humility. He removed the fees renewed by his ruling father, and amended the parish and the best biography, and gave the soldiers and the pimp money, and the right of the matter for a while, and took his deputies in the country of Shamia, until the departure of Saleh bin Mirdas Al-Kalabi and the intention of Aleppo and Murtada State Abu Nasr bin Pearl Hamdani on behalf of the apparent , And Hassan bin al-Mufraj bin Badghi al-Badawi, the owner of Ramleh, overcame most of the Levant, and the state of Al-Dhahir was weakened. He died in Al-Dekka's Grove outside Alqahra on Sunday night, half of Shaaban, 427 AH, and thirty-one years old. , And succeeded him on the throne of his Ibn Murad Al-Mustansir Balah Fatim Who gave birth to him Jarreth Ms. monitor. For more see Al-Zahabi:Syar al-lslam, 2 :256-257; Taqoush:op.cit,311-327.
485Tery: op.cit, 244; Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 217; Zaghlūl: op.cit, 3 :447; Al-Zawi: walat tarabulus, 176.
116
Tripoli, it must be noted that the era of Waror witnessed in 407 / 1016 uprising of the people of Tripoli on the Shiite sect , The situation of the people of Ifriqiya and the abuse of Shiite pilgrims with them was the leader of this movement in the city Faqih Abul Hassan Ibn Munmar486, and re-work doctrine Al-Sunnis487.
5.2.7. Said Ibn Khazroun (429 / 1037)
After the agreement was reached on the emirate of Khalifa ibn Waror for his people, Khazroun Ibn Said left for Egypt and lived in the Fatimid Caliphate. His sons, al-Montaser ,Said and Khalifa, grew up there, but things changed because of the turbulence between the Turk and the Moroccans, which ended with the victory of the Turks. And they took all the Ansar until they met with the large number which they formed a large force that could attack the city of Tripoli, forcing Khalifa ibn Waror to leave the city because of his inability to resist the attacking force to enter Said and rule until his death in 429 /1037488.
5.2.8. Khazroun Ibn Khalifa (429-430 / 1037-1038)
The city of Tripoli was ruled by a Shura Council headed by Abul Hassan ibn Munmar at the time of Said's death, and it appears that Abba El Hassan had a great role in handing over the city to Khazroun Ibn Khalifa in 430 / 1038, which is why al-Montaser is punished for his work in exile outside Tripoli489.
5.2.9. Al-Montaser Ibn Khazroun (430-460 / 1038-1067)
The rule of Khazroun ibn Khalifa did not last long for the Win of Al-Montaser Ibn Khazroun and began to take over the rule of Tripoli in 430 / 1038, which led to the escape of Khazroun ibn Khalifa490, At the same time sent Abul Hassan to the village of Ghunaima, punishment for him to hand over the city to Khazroun after the death of his brother ,As well as Kill of many of supporters Abul Hassan491,and explain al-Zaway
486Hayawi: op.cit, 71.
487Al-Tijānī: op.cit, 265-266.
488 Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 218 ; Hadi Idris: op.cit, 1: 203.
489Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 7 :58; Al-Ansari:Al-Manhal, 165.
490Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 92-93; Hayawi: op.cit, 71; Hadi Idris: op.cit, 1: 204.
491Al-Zawi: walat tarabulus, 92.
117
abuse al-Montaser Ibn Khazroun to Ibn al-Munamr and his companions to revolution on the Fatimid caliphate492.
Al-Montaser is one of the sons of the three Khazroun who went to Ifriqiya with his brother Saeed, and in his days, al-Mu'izz ibn Badis renewed his attempt to take over Tripoli. He attacked her in 430 / 1038, was defeated by Zanata, and his sister Um Al-Alu was among the prisoners. Then al-Montaser released her? The sources did not indicate how to launch them. Was it a ransom? Or has it happened after a military campaign? al-Mu'izz repeated his attack on Zanata twice. al-Mu'izz won the third attempt and surrendered to his authority and maintained calm. The calm prevailed over the victor and the days of peace between the two sides . He gave many gifts and gave him one hundred thousand dinars493.
The important event in the rule of al-Montaser is the separation of al-Mu'izz Ibn Badis from the Fatimid state, and event between them and the Bani Hilal many wars and then the victor only ruled Tripoli, leaving the surrounding area to Zgbh, because of his inability to confrontation and then came to Zgbh from the outskirts of Tripoli and settled it, al-Montaser saw that it was in his interest to unite the tribes and their participation in their military movements. He participated in the invasion of the Kingdom of Bani Hammad and attacked the Masila and Nasser, but Nasser Ibn Hammad was able to defeat him. He fled to Asher and was fortified494, after a period consistent with one of his allies called the son of the bride Sindi to kill him, killing in 460 / 1069495.
5.2.10.The Successors Of Bani Khazroun For The Period (460-540 / 1067-1145)
Ambiguity of Ibn Khazroun's life is evident after the killing of the al-Montaser Ibn Khazroun. It seems that the disturbances that swept through the region496, including the city of Tripoli, played a clear role in the way things went so far that Ibn Khaldun, when he spoke about who came after al-Montaser, says: "Tripoli's guardian one of his
492IbnʿIdhārī:op.cit , 1 :286 ; Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 7: 58; Abbās: op.cit, 135; Ibn Zawi: op.cit, 111.
493Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 219,
494 Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 219; Zaghlūl: op.cit, 3 : 448.
495Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 7 : 59.
496Abbās: op.cit, 136; Rossi: op.cit, 85; Hayawi: op.cit, 72-73.
118
people Bani Khazroun did not attend me His name497,"we conclude from this that Tripoli ruled more than one person after al-Montaser and through the Novels in our hands can clarify the fact that Khalifa ibn Khazroun ruled Tripoli more than once for the period (460-488 /1067-1095) began the first period of His rule in 460 /1067 and ended in the year 470 / 1077 or 475 / 1082 on different Novels498, and then received Khalifa Ibn Khazroun ruled Tripoli again until 488 /1067, and it seems that Khalifa had mismanaged the people of Tripoli and their workers harshly and that is why they disowned him, was both Zanata and Sanhaja have been exhausted by wars between them and other tribes coming from the al-Mshreq ,the fluctuation of the rule of the Bani Khazroun family of Tripoli led the way to Tamim Ibn al-Mu'izz Al-Sanhaji (454-501 /1062-1107) in order to appoint his son as an imam on Tripoli in 474 AH499, This indicates that the city returned to Sanhaja, On the one hand the biography of Khalifa ibn Khazroun is not good on the other hand500, Khalifa Ibn Khozron was sentenced to Tripoli in 488/1095 again without specifying a certain historically to rule al-Muqalad Ibn Tamim, not for Khalifa ibn Khozron return to the rule, however, it remained the same because the Khalifa biography took the people of the city are looking forward to the change501.
The conditions of Tripoli were favorable to the reception of a Turkish adventurer named Shah Malak who came from the east and settled and followed him in Egypt in the era of al-Afdl ibn Badr Al-Jamali. He honored him and gave him money, but after a while he committed things that angered al-Afdl Al-Jamali and forced his departure and followers from Egypt. And when they arrived Tripoli was the time to change the governor because done the abuse of the people of the region502, then Shah Malak to contact some parents and agreed with them to attack the city and promised to open its doors, and did not find Shah Malak of trouble to overcome the city,and fled Khalifa ibn Khazroun503, but his rule was not Go long because of Tamim ibn al-Mu'izz Senhajia moved when he heard the news, and immediately sent an army to Tripoli and
497Al-Ansari: Al-Manhal, 118; Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 219.
498IbnʿIdhārī: op.cit, 1: 99; Zaghlūl: op.cit, 3 : 464.
499IbnʿIdhārī: op.cit, 1 : 431;Abbās: op.cit.136.
500Hayawi: op.cit, 73.
501Al-Ansari: Al-Manhal, 118; Hayawi: op.cit, 73.
502 Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 220.
503 Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 220 ; Al-Zawi: walat tarabulus, 94.
119
forced her people to open the doors, took Shah Malak and his companions to Mahdia.
The rule of Tripoli after Shah Malak Mohammed ibn Khazroun, who except that he was near the Bani Matruh, a family of Tripoli and remained in power until the year 540 /1145, during which the influence of Bani Khazroun fell, while the star of Bani Matruh rise, It seems that it has the first word in the country. In the end, it was able to expel the Bani Khazroun from the rule of Tripoli and took over the reins of government. A section of the Bani Khazroun family was dispersed in Tripoli, while one of them, Abdel Samad Ibn Muhammad Ibn Khazroun, fled to the Oras mountains in Algeria504.
In summary, the Al-Khazroun family played a role in the history of Tripoli through its rule of the city and its ramifications for the period (390-540AH). Its founder tried to appWarorch the method of monopolization and independence of governance and the effect of this in the occurrence of many conflicts. The reaction of the Fatimid state to tribal influence, The other, and generally Tripoli in the recent years of the rule of Khazroun, to a kind of decay, paved the way for the sons of Matrouh to take over the government.
Summary
The situation in Tripoli did not witness much stability. As soon as the revolution subsided,the other erupted, and perhaps the country witnessed a state of stability during the time ofthe Alaghaliba, and after the Fatimids moved to Egypt and the Banu Ziri seized Tripoli’srule in their favour, problems returned to the city, and the Khazron family played a role inthe history of Tripoli through its rule of the city, as its founder tried to approach the methodof unilateralism and independence in governance, and this affected the occurrence of manyconflicts, the Fatimid state’s reaction was to provoke the tribes and strike each other againsteach other, and on the whole, Tripoli, in the last years of the rule of the Khazron family,was subjected to a kind of decay, which paved the way for Bani Matrouh to take overjudgment.
504Al-Ansari: Al-Manhal, 119-123; Rossi: op.cit, 99-100 ;Al-Zawi: walat tarabulus, 95-96.
120
CHAPTER 6
THE MIDRATION OF BANI HILAL TO THE MAGHREB
Bani Ziri tried to gain independence from Cairo, but the Fatimids were on their guard, andthey raised many problems in their faces The division of Bani Ziri into two states also cameto postpone the issue of independence from the Fatimids until the era of Al-Muizz binBadis,and his era witnessed the declaration of independence from the Fatimids in Egypt,who realized that the loss of Morocco would not pass easily and decided to punish AlMu’izz, so they unleashed the Arabs of Bani Hilal and Bani Salim to cross to Ifriqiya andMorocco to enter the country into a new phase of chaos and devastation.
6.1. BANI ZIRI PROBLEM WITH FATIMID CALIPHATE
6.1.1. The Relationship Of Bani Ziri To The Fatimid Caliphate
121
The signs of separation from the Fatimids were found at Belkin the first workers of the Fatimid caliphate on Ifriqiya through the dialogue that took place between them in the presence of the uncle of the Al-Mu’izz li-Din Allah, The latter was saddened by the fear of Belkin's intentions, which the Al-Mu’izz li-Din Allah did not conceal from his father's uncle. "The last thing that becomes the order of Joseph, if the length of time will be unique"505, but the Al-Mu’izz li-Din Allah took some measures to ensure the survival of Ifriqiya under his wing, he recommended Belkin among his commandments that the sword does not put the Berber Bedouins and is meant here Berber Zanata and perhaps Al-Mu’izz li-Din Allah wanted to fuel the conflict between Sanhajah and Zanata do not think Belkin in Separation, And He ruled out excluded the Tripoli, Sirte, Ajdabiya and Sicily from the dependence of Belkin, and make ibn Zyad on the collection of money and Abdul Jalabar Khursani and Hussein bin Yakhlif Almosadi on the abscess, and despite the measures taken al-Mu’izz li-Din Allah to ensure the survival of Ifriqiya within his property506, it has become a dependency only nominal, and According to Hussein Moanis that Egypt, when al-Mu’izz li-Din Allah entered, was a rich country, and that it was required to devote full time to the administration of its affairs and thus neglect the affairs of Ifriqiya507.
Perhaps because of Cairo's excessive confidence in its agent on Ifriqiya, according to Hadi Idris508, Belkin may have proposed the idea of secession from the Fatimids by then509, In both cases, al-‘Aziz bi Allah misjudged violating the policy of his father, al-Mu’izz li-Din Allah On the separation of Barqa and Tripoli from the state of Ifriqiya, and in this regard, Ibn al-At̲h̲ir said About Belkin "and showed obedience courtesy and surveillance useless"510.
505Al-Maqrizi : Ittiaz Al-Hunafa ,1: 99; Ibn Khaldon , op,cit , 6 : 206 ; Abd Al-Raouf Jarrar: Suqut al-dawlat al-fatimiat fi al-maghrib wa nabdh al-madhab al-shiyei , Majalat jamieat al-quds al-maftuhat ,al-eadad 20 , yuniu 2010, 121.
506Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil ,43; Idris: op.cit, 1: 78-80 ; Gautier: op.cit, 220; Al-Abbadi: fi al-tarikh al-eabasi w al-fatimi , 316.
507Moanis : tarikh al-maghrib w al-andulis, 162-163.
508IbnʿIdhārī: op.cit, 1: 248; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil, 7 :361.
509Al-Maqrizi : Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1 :73; Al-Nuwayrī: op.cit, 24: 95; George Marci: The Land of Morocco and its Relations with the Islamic Orient in the Middle Ages, Alexandria ,El-Maaref Establishment 1999, 183 .
510Idris: op.cit, 1 : 87.
122
The issue of getting rid of the Fatimid worker Ibn Zyad died inside the prison511, although al-Maqrizi said that the caliph was angry at what happened to Ibn Ziyad. He sent a threatening letter to Belkin threatening to return to Ifriqiya to Eliminate Sanhajah tribe512, Ibn al-Athir said that the Ibn Ziyad in prison until the death of al-Mu’izz li-Din Allah513 , After the death Ibn Ziyad Khalaf bin Khair, one of the supporters of the dead man, who had held a castle in the land of Harash and created many of his supporters and some Berber tribes, In a few days and sent With the heads of the dead, which exceeded seven thousand people to Kairouan and then to Cairo514, and Saʿd Zaghlūl explain Belkin sending the heads of the dead to Egypt not only for defamation, but also for warning515.
In the year 374 /985, Abu al-Fath al-Mansur, Ibn Belkin, who was the father of Asher, took over his father and succee ded him. He did not adhere to the commandment of his father in the special section to assign relatives to important positions in the country. Eventually led to the split of a state built by Ziri into two states.
Al-Mansour decided to appoint his uncle Abi Bahar on Tahart and his brother to go to Asher and although the indications indicated that the relationship between al-‘Aziz bi- Allah and al-Mansour was cordial and harmonious516, and it seems that Cairo was dissatisfied with the actions of al-Mansour and has been working to raise problems in Ifriqiya and the country of Morocco, sent Aba Alfhm to incite the tribe of Kutama against the Bani Ziri 376 /987, but Al-Mansour suppressed that revolution despite the orders issued to him from Cairo not to be subjected to the revolution of the Aba Alfhm517, Is that the act of al-Mansour was motivated by his desire to secede from Egypt, which has already been announced before the dictator "My father and grandfather take people by the sword forced , and I do not take them except sense What is it that I am in this king who gives a book or insulates a book, because I inherited it from my fathers and grandfathers, and inherited it from their parents, their
511Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil, 7 : 361.
512 IbnʿIdhārī: op.cit, 1: 247; Al-Nuwayrī: op.cit, 24 : 94.
513Al-Maqrizi : Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 1: 333; Al-Telsi: op,cit, 167.
514Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil, 7: 322-333.
515Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil, 7: 333;Al-Nuwayrī: op.cit, 24, 94 95;
516Zaghlūl: op.cit, 3: 305.
517Ibn Khaldun: op.cit , 6: 207-208; Arif Tamim: Al-Aziz bi-Allah, Dar Al-Jil, Damascus, 1980, 28.
123
forebears and donkeys?518, "Or did Mansur give in to the fact after the arrival of gifts from Cairo al-Mu’izz li-Din Allah to reassure him that he remained in office Worthy of the right of the Fatimid caliphs and recorded in the name of his son Abi Manad Badis in the state of the Covenant?
Cairo worked to get closer to the enemies of Sanhja from Zanata. The Fatimid Caliph remained silent in the attempt to Felfel Bin Khazroun to establish a ruling family in Tripoli. We believe that the arrival of Felfel to Tripoli was a measure of the Fatimid Caliph for the occupation of the Ziri for the idea of independence from Egypt and when the conflict between Beni Ziri The Egyptians built neutrality on the pretext that the two parties are subordinate to them and not the right to support one team against another519.
A new development took place in the Fatimid-Ziri relations. al-Hakim tried to separate Tripoli from an Ifriqiyan state and gave its rule to Yanse Sacalby . However the Ziri did not accept the decision of Cairo. They sent an army to Tripoli. They killed Yans and kept Tripoli520, forcing the governor to appease Badis. The tribe of Zanata to provoke the unrest in the Barqa and Tripoli, and perhaps Badis felt the ruling of the ruler, we find him a neutral stand in the revolt of Abi Rekwa in a tender against the Fatimids and the transfer of the preacher Idris what happened between al-Hakim and Badis from the talk during the last passage in Cairo on the way to pilgrimage where He told the ruler about the strength and abundance of Abi Rekwa's crowds and when Badis returned from the pilgrimage and met al-Hakim who was then able to eliminate Abi Rekwa and his revolution insisted on the survival of Badis to attend the celebrations for his victory over Abi Rekwa. Perhaps the ruler intended to terrorize Badis521, while Saʿd Zaghlūl attributed the lack of support between the Ziri to the wise in his war with Abu Rekwa for his preoccupation with the family suffered divisions and the intervention of the rulers of Andalusia in the affairs of Morocco ,However the messengers of the two parties came and went between Cairo and Ifriqiya, In 403 AH
518Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil, 7: 431; IbnʿIdhārī: op.cit, 1: 261; Jarrar : op.cit, 124; Gautier: op. cit,202; Marci: op.cit,185.
519Ibn Abī Dīnār :op,cit, 76;IbnʿIdhārī: op.cit, 1: 259; Al-Nuwayrī: op.cit, 24: 97-98; Al-Abbadi: fi al-tarikh al-eabasi w al-fatimi , 317; Marci: op. cit,184.
520Mubarak Al-Mili: tarikh aljazayir fi alqadim w alhadith , almuasasat alwataniat li-kitab -Algeria,(D-T), 2 : 159-160; al-Abbadi: fi al-tarikh al-eabasi w al-fatimi, 319-320; Jarrar: op.cit, 126.
521IIbn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil, 8: 9-10; Al-Maqrizi : Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 2 : 37; ; Jarrar: op.cit, 126.
124
Cairo sent an Ifriqiyan gift, along with a book adding Barqa to the Ifriqiyan state and was received an envoy522, Cairo also sent in 405 AH, to Ifriqiya, Siyouf, and Cherif, to al-Mansur Ibn Badis, For her part Ifriqiya sent the gifts to Egypt. The mother of Malal, the sister Of Badis sent a gift to the ruler's sister, Despite these good relations, Mansur sent his armies to Barqa to expel the Fatimid soldiers523.
The princes of the Sanhajia state remained linked to the Fatimid caliphate despite the intentions of secession from them until the era of al-Mu‘izz Ibn Badis. His mandate was the last chapter in the relations between the two countries.
6.1.2. The Era Of Al-Mu‘Izz Ibn Badis
Despite the young age of al-Mu‘izz bin Badis when he took the State of Sanhaji, the sources said that his age did not exceed eight, but proved great ability to control the affairs of the state has received a member of the Ziri family from Andalusia aspiring to remove al-Mu‘izz bin Badis from power after the news reached his young age, He was waiting for someone who was able to run the emirate. After a while, Zawy Ben Ziri was killed, as was Hammad's ambition. After two years of defeat, he was able to defeat Hammad, 408 /1017, who was calm and sent to al-Mu‘izz asking for forgiveness. The leader as a hostage or to come to Mana himself He was sent to him by his son, the leader, and some of his sons were married to him. He married Abdullah bin Hammad524from the sister of al-Mu'izz, but he did not get what the princes of Ziri feared. The state of Sanhaja crossed into the first two countries in Ifriqiya headed by al-Mu‘izz ibn Badis and the second in the Middle East led by Hammad bin Belkin. Zanata movements In this regard, Ibn Khaldun says, "Between him and the zanata of wars and facts he had the most in all of them as mentioned"525, Zanata first settled until 413 /1022. That year Ben Badis killed his minister, Mohamed Ben Hassan, and then his brother Abdullah al-Mu‘izz in Tripoli, who allowed Zanata to enter Tripoli and kill the Sanhjia garrison. Zanata's ambitions increased in the year 420 /1029 tried to inflame the Kairouan capital of the Ziri and their rule of the two gatherings in the place
522Zaghlūl, op. cit, 3: 320.
523Ibn Abī Dīnār: op.cit, 78; Salem:op.cit, 570; Idris: op.cit, 1: 125; Jarrar: op.cit, 126.
524Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil, 2: 104; IbnʿIdhārī: op.cit, 1 : 284; Ibn Abī Dīnār: op.cit,63.
525Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil, 6 :210; Al-Tammar: op. cit, 87-88.
125
of Hamdis soap was the circle on Zanata and killed a large collection526, and because Zanata did not let the obedience has re-attempted again in 427 AH 1035 AD was the destination this time Mansouria Although Zanata achieved victory, the start of the clash with al-Mu‘izz that the latter managed to turn the course of the battle of the vine in favor of him and defeated Zanata while not mentioned the IbnʿIdhārī for those who decided the battle and said that the two tribes proved in the battle527.
6.1.3. Separation From The Fatimids
The Fatimid caliphs and their followers made great efforts to strengthen the Shiite doctrine in the Maghreb, but they forced people to follow their faiths, as most sources said. In contrast, the Maliki school had a presence in the region despite Shiite attempts to eliminate all forms of sects available there.
The Shiites remained the political and religious decision makers throughout their stay in Morocco and with their departure to Egypt, they became the political decision of the Sanhaja tribe, and the hour of their religious spread began to decline. The sources mentioned that the Malik scholars challenged Bani Ziri and their ancient vulnerability from the people of Ifriqiya after the Fatimids and Kutama In this regard, the IbnʿIdhārī says: "When the sons of Ubaid went away to Egypt, the kings of Sanhaja were still addressing them in Ifriqiya, and they were mentioning their names on the platforms, and they continued to do so until the people of Qora were cut off. That the Friday prayer was an escape from their call until the end of the case until he did not attend the Friday of the people of Kairouan, one of the Friday prayers delayed Dhara and set up that period until he saw al-Mu‘izz ibn Badis cut off their call, so Kairouan was a great pleasure528.
With the arrival of al-Mu‘izz to Authority in Ifriqiya, the relations between Sunnis and Shiites were tense in the two years before taking Authority, in 405 /1014 and 406 /1015, a collision between them in the year 405 AH leave Hammad ibn Belkin showed the doctrine of the Sunnis and the killing of Shiites, The next year, violence between
526Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 6 : 210.
527Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil, 8: 174.
528Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil, 8: 221; IbnʿIdhārī: op.cit, 1: 301.
126
the two sides resumed in the city of Tunis and was instigated by a Sunni scholar Mehrez ibn Khalaf. He encouraged the revolutionaries and issued a ruling to kill the Shiites529.
In the year 407 /1016 While al-Mu‘izz his usual tour in Kairouan, where he mentioned Abu Bakr and Omar was a sign of renunciation of the Shiite thought in the region, what are the reasons called by al-Mu‘izz to do so?
The Ibn Al-Athir said that Al-Mu‘izz congregate and walked in Kairouan and the people surrendered to him and called him, and he passed a group of people and asked them about them. He was told that these Shiites were insulting Abu Bakr and Omar. He said: "May Allah have mercy on Abu Bakr and Omar530, al-Nuwairi said that the Al-Mu‘izz asked about a group of people and he was told the Shiites, he said from the Shiites and Sunnis andtold him the Shiites insult Abu Bakr and Omar, he said may Allah be pleased with Abu Bakr. Omar, the Sunni public immediately went to the Shia area where the killings took place531, Ibn Abī Dīnār speaks of the departure al-Mu‘izz from Mahdia to Sabra When it settled, a group of Kairouan went out and killed a group of Shiites, killing their women and children. There was strife in Kairouan, some of whom went to the al-Mahdiyya mosque but were also killed. A thousand and five hundred men gathered in Mansouriya Palace and took refuge in al-Mu'izz532, Ibn Khaldun says that al-Mu‘izz ibn Badis was inclined to the Sunnah. In his first reign, Satisfied with the two Sheikhs Abu Bakr and Omar ،They went to the Shiites and killed them533, He did not differ in the story IbnʿIdhārī from the story of Ibn Khaldun. In some details, the IbnʿIdhārī says that " al-Mu‘izz was young and he was eight years old and all of Ifriqiya was on the Shiites and unlike the Sunnis from the time of Ubaidullah to them, al-Mu‘izz was on the doctrine of the Sunnis and the Shiites do not know than that the al-Mu‘izz went on some holidays to the The mosque in its adornment and crowds, he was Satisfied about the two Sheikhs Abu Bakr and Omar,
529 IbnʿIdhārī: op.cit, 1: 303; Idris: op.cit, 1: 155-157; Marci: op. cit,189-190.
530. Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil, 8 : 114
531.Al-Nuwayrī: op.cit, 24 : 111.
532Ibn Abī Dīnār: op.cit, 80-81.
533 Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 6 : 211 .
127
and the sword was placed in the Shiites, and some of them were killed on the three thousand, so he called that place the blood pool534.
The story IbnʿIdhārī appears to us to be correct. In the year 407 /1016 ,1500 Shiites took refuge in the house of Mohammed bin Abdul Rahman. The fate of those who came out of that house was the killing, and another team fortified the Sultan Palace in Mansourya. In 409 /1018 , About 200 Persians came out with their families from al-Mahdiyya, wanting to ride to Sicily They killed the last of them after they reached the village of Kamel, and some of them resorted to the mosque in al-Mahdiyya, killing him, the last of them men and women. The residents of Dar al-Mu'ali, the Shiites in Kairouan, also bore the same fate as the al-Mahdiyya Shiites535, in This year, Ibn Kathīrsaid, Shi'ites were killed in Ifriqiyan countries and looted their money536.
After those massacres that took place in the Shiites, what is the position of al-Mu‘izz of what happened?
The news to al-Hakim of what happened to the Shiites in Ifriqiya, sent to al-Mu‘izz bin Badis asking him about the situation of the Shiites with him and inquiring about those facts that al-Mu‘izz told him that these acts of the public and his ability to restrain them accept his apology537, and in the following year 408 e sent to al-Mu‘izz a gift and then followed by another gift year 411 e also sent to him a record of honor unless received by one before him also sent in the same year another record of al-Mu‘izz with fifteen notes woven with gold538, and IbnʿIdhārī mentioned539, that the last record arrived to al-Mu‘izz on the letter addressed to al-Hakim, he tells him about the extinction of the Alamoy state in Andalusia and the establishment of states al-Qasim bin Hamoud, and the status of the al-Mu‘izz was increased by the successors of the Fatimid state. Ibn al-Hakim, followed his father's footsteps. He was sent to al-Mu‘izz in 414 AH as a messenger of Ifriqiya. He bore a record of honor for al-Mu‘izz and his
534Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 6 : 211; IbnʿIdhārī: op.cit, 1: 229-299.
535 IbnʿIdhārī: op.cit, 1 :229-299.
536 Ibn Kathir: op.cit,12 : 5 .
537IbnʿIdhārī: op.cit, 1: 292-293; Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil, 8:114; Marci: op. cit, 191-193.
538Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 6:17; Jarrar: op.cit, 128; Tery: op. cit, 267.
539IbnʿIdhārī: op.cit, 1: 294;Al-Tammar, op. cit,128; Marci: op.cit, 192.
128
honor. The records in his hands and then ordered the reading in the mosque of Kairouan ordered copies and send copies to his workers540.
In his turn, al-Mu‘izz ibn Badis sent precious gifts to Egypt. In the year 420 AH, he sent a precious gift to Cairo. It was about twenty very beautiful jigs, three of which were gold lamps, the other one was decorated with pearls and the third was silver and each was decorated with kantara. And reading his book probably to show the satisfaction of the Caliph al-Mu‘izz ibn Badis541, Did the exchange of gifts between Egypt and Ifriqiya stop the persecution of Shiites in Ifriqiya?
From our follow-up to the events we realize that these gifts exchanged between the two sides are the peak of the ashes in the eyes as it is said every side was suspicious of the other party, Ibn al-At̲h̲ir mentioned in the events of year 423 "and where many people gathered Shiites and went to the work of blister542, Vstoloa a country And they dwelt in it, and they fled into the country and fought the Shiites and killed them all543.In 427/1035, al-Mustansir assumed power in Cairo to replace his father al-Zaher. He served as Prime Minister al-Jarjari. Ibn Khaldun, al-Tijānī and Ibn Abī Dīnār spoke about the attempt by al-Mu'izz to gain the confidence of the minister al-Jarjari, but he failed.The minister told some of his companions: "do not like a Moroccan barbarian544.
The conditions of the Fatimid caliphate were not good at the time, and the famine and military conflicts between the Turks and the Moroccans were exacerbated and their influence began to decline. In Aleppo, Aleppo was lost to Thamal bin Saleh al-Maradasi in 433 /1041545, despite their attempts to restore it but failed546.
540 Al-Maqrizi : Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 2:132; IbnʿIdhārī: op.cit, 1: 296; Jarrar: op.cit, 128; Marci: op. cit, 192-193.
541Al-Maqrizi : Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 2: 177-178.
542Blister is a city in Africa of the works of the great Zab and its people Abazih and Wahhabism rebels. For more see Al-Hamawi: op.cit. 5: 296.
543Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil, 8: 206.
544 Al-Tijānī , op.cit,19 , Ibn Abī Dīnār , op.cit ,1: 83 ; Jarrar , op.cit , 129 , Al-Mili , op.cit , 160.
545 Thamal Bin Saleh Bin Merdas Abo Olwan , one of the Merdasia States' Kings in Haleb , he was a generous and courageous king in 433 AH. The Fatimids came to him three armies that fought and killed them. He then wrote to al-Mustansir al-Balah al-Fatimi and sent him precious gifts. He came down to him from Aleppo and handed them oer to Makin. In 542 AH, Mahmud ibn Nasr ibn Mirdas rebelled against the state of Makin and took oer Aleppo, and the Fatimids returned to negotiate with him in the recoery of Aleppo from his cousin Muhammad ibn Nasr, He inaded the army from Egypt and re-conquered it in 454 AH 454 e. See Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil, 8: 284-292; Ibn Kathir: op.cit, 12 : 88; Al-Zahabi: Tarikh Al-lslam, 30: 28.
129
The Abbasid Caliphate also issued a mukhab The Fatimids of the year 444 AH and their proportion to the Daisian and attributed the Daisani to the Magi, as was the fatwas of scholars who deny the supplication of the Fatimids547 and urged them to the Sultan to take off their obedience and cut the engagement role in encouraging al-Mu‘izz to separate him from the Fatimids, but some Orientalists said the reasons for separation Turg For reasons of ethnic hatred and Berbers, Arabs, this is not accepted by the words of the mind, why turning the branch after branch and al- Hammadi al-Ziri from the subordination of the Fatimid caliphate and declared their subordination to the Abbasid caliphate in Baghdad, and how we interpret the circle between the Berber conflicts among themselves?548 And also contributed to some diplomatic efforts between al-Mu‘izz ibn Badis and the enemies of the Fatimid Alamoy and Byzantines from the orientation of the al-Mu‘izz to announce the break with Cairo549.
Al-Mu‘izz bin Badis announced his rejection of the Shiite doctrine and speeches of the Abbasid caliph, and sent him an Ifriqiya tradition and everything that is open. The Abbasid Caliph also sent him a sword and black flags. When the Friday khateeb saw the flags, he said, "This is the banner of praise that brings you together550.
6.1.4. THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN HISTORIANS ON DETERMINING THE YEAR OF ESTRANGEMENT
Historians differ about the year in which al-Mu‘izz ibn Badis declared the separation with Egypt, which is confined between the years 433 /1041 and 443 / 1051. The IbnʿIdhārī gives us two dates for the declaration al-Mu‘izz the separation with Egypt, where he mentioned that in 433 / 1041, al-Mu‘izz Ibn Badis announced his submission to the Abbasid state551, and the second date mentioned by the IbnʿIdhārī was the year 440 /1048 and in which he says," cut off the engagement to the owner of
546Tery: op. cit,269-270.
547Al-Zahabi: Tarikh al-lslam, 30: 12; Ibn Al-Jouzi: op.cit, 15 :235.
548Rossi: op.cit, 97.
549Idris: op.cit, 1: 187.
550Moanis : tarikh al-maghrib w al-andulis, 165-166; Al-Abbadi: fi al-tarikh al-eabasi w al-fatimi , 324.
551 IbnʿIdhārī: op.cit, 1: 301.
130
Egypt and burned its provisions, al-Mu‘izz and ordered that called on Ifriqiyan platforms for bin Abbas and cut an invitation Shiite Ubaid called Khatib's successors The four, and Abbas, and the rest of the ten552, While Ibn al-Athir , Ibn Abī Dīnār, al-Maqrizi, al-Nuwayrī, Ibn Khalikan and Ibn Kathir mentioned that the year of separation was 435/104.,In which he showed al-Mu‘izz of the Ifriqiya countries the prayer of the sons of Abbas and the speeches of the Abbasid Caliph, sent him a sword and horses and flags through Constantinople, while Ibn Khaldun said it "year 437/1045 As quoted Abbadi of the English historian Yin Paul, who mentioned the date of 438/1046 for adoption on another currency She was beaten in Mansouriya553bearing the name of the Caliph al-Mustansirbi-Allah. Other historians say that the year 440/1048 is the year of separation between Ifriqiya and Egypt, including IbnʿIdhārī, Ibn al-Athir, Ibn Khaldun, and Ibn al-Hanbali. In the year 441 /1049554, he renounced the supplication of the Caliph al-Ubaidi and the allegiance of al-Qayyim al-Abbasi555, Ibn al-Khatib said separation between Ifriqiya and Egypt was the year 441 AH556, while al-Maqrizi said that it was 443 AH, while Jak Tery seethat in 433/1041 Is the year of estrangement557, and Gautier mentioned that it was the year 437 /1045, and Hadi Idris year 439 - 440 /1047-1048 based on information derived from the coins, and Saʿd Zaghlūl recalled that in 435 AH boycotted Kairouan Cairo558 and tried to delay al-Mu‘izz responded to his deviation559, but the decision of the estrangement was not560, estimated to be reversed by Al-Mu‘izz In 440AH561, he declared the boycott with Cairo. After three years, in 443 /1051562, the black flag was adopted563, while al-
552Ibid ,302-303.
553Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kāmil: 8:265-266; Al-Maqrizi : Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 2: 189; Ibn Kathir: op.cit , 12: 51; Ibn Abī Dīnār: op.cit,81; Al-Nuwayrī :op.cit,24:116; Ibn Khalikan :op.cit,6 :210.
554Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 6 : 210.
555Al-Abbadi: fi al-tarikh al-eabasi w al-fatimi , 323.
556Ibn Al-Khatib: op.cit, 2 : 324. Al-Zahabi :Tarikh al-lslam, 29 : 337; Al-Zahabi: Syar al-lslam , 2: 276; Ibn Al-Hanbali: op.cit, 5: 180.
557Al-Maqrizi : Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 2: 189;Ibn Abī Dīnār: op.cit, 81; Tery: op.cit, 267.
558Gutier: op. cit.226;Idris: op.cit, 1: 220; Zaghlūl: op.cit, 3: 392-393.Ibn Zawi: op.cit, 143.
559Ibn Al-Khatib: op.cit, 2 :324.
560 Idris:op.cit, 1, p220.
561Tery: op.cit, 267.
562Gutier: op. cit,226.
563Idris: op.cit, 1: 222.
131
Abbadi assumed the year 443 / 1051. General in 442 /1050[564], He added that the reasons for separation was the conflict between al-Mu‘izz And Alyzuri565 .
It seems to us that the history of 440 AH is the year of separation between the Ziris and the Fatimids and that Cairo tried with the al-Mu‘izz to turn away from his decision, and sent him the Baath, but failed in the recovery of Ifriqiya and was to take al-Mu‘izz in the following year a new decision represented in the currency exchange Fatimid year 441 /1050 and issued orders not to deal In the currency of the Fatimids and ordered the punishment of those who deal with it, and in 443 AH took the black slogan.
As far as the actions of Ibn Badis and his policies were accepted by the Sunnis and their acceptance, they aroused the resentment of the Fatimids and their hatred. al-Mustansir sent a threatening letter to al-Mu‘izz ibn Badis, calling on him to return to the Ismaili doctrine and obey the Fatimid state?
Al-Mu‘izz replied, My fathers and grandfathers were the kings of Morocco before your ancestors owned them566.
Cairo resorted to sending Bedouins from the Arabs to the Ifriqiya and there are many reasons why al-Mustansir and his minister Yazouri resorted to those tribes, including the preoccupation with the armies of the Fatimid state of war against Qaramita, and because the denominations of the army of the same Moroccan race, but from their leaders is from the same tribe, Ibn Badis .
By virtue of these tribes, known for spreading unrest and turmoil in Egypt, the Fatimids saw that the transfer of Arabs Bani Hilal from Upper Egypt to North Ifriqiya to Bani Ziri, may bring them a double benefit: the elimination of Ibn Badis and his country and the establishment of a pro-state Fatimids place and on the other hand, get
564 Zaghlūl: op.cit, 3 : 392-393.
565Al-Abbadi: fi al-tarikh al-eabasi w al-fatimi , 323.
566Ibn Khalkan: op.cit, 5: 234.
132
rid of the children Hilal and chaos that they were doing to the Fatimid state in Egypt, and supports of al-Mustansir "will send him armies that will not bear hardship567.
6.2. THE MIDRATION OF BANI HILAL TO THE MAGHREB
There are many sources that exposed the presence Bani Hilal in the Islamic Maghreb and the interest of modern researchers in this subject is not less important than it, as the most effective Arab migrations in the region, so that the repercussions of heavy weight at all levels politically, economically and socially and thus form an important stage in the history of the region.
What is noticeable about this interest is that it focused on two points. The first is the circumstances that led to the orientation towards the Maghreb, which centered on the political conflict represented by the political breakup declared by the al-Mu‘izz ibn Badis in Ifriqiya and his departure for the Fatimids in Egypt, or rather in the sectarian conflict between Sunnis and the Shiites at the level of the Islamic world, "Fatimids in Egypt and the Abbasid caliphate in Baghdad"568, and embodied on the land of Morocco in the mass killings carried out by the people of al-kayrawan against the Shiites in all Ifriqiya "It is said that he was killed in al-kayrawan about 20 thousand"569, and in our view these reasons alone not the interpretation Bani Hilal presence in the Maghreb .
The second point that drew attention to those results or reflections that they have created in the region, which were in all if not negative all the historians of the destruction and burning, killing, displacement and destruction of entire cities, especially al-kayrawan and did not register for them only one advantage is Arabization of the region570.
567Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 6: 14; Al-Tijānī: op.cit, 18.
568Mohammad Almeghrawi, al-Muhidun w azamat al-Mujtamae, Alrebat , 2006 , 95 ; Radi Dagfos : al-eawamil al-aiqtisadiat li-hujrat bani hilal wa bani salim min misr ila Ifriqyia , majalat li-muarakh al-earabi ,baghdad , raqm 20 , 1981,13-14 .
569Maghul: op.cit, 168 .
570 Ibtisam Mari Khalaf Allah: Relations between the Almwohadia Caliphate and the Islamic Almshrq, Dar Al Ma'arif, 1985,134; al-Milli: op.cit, 2 :189; Dagfos:Al-eawamil al-aiqtisadiat li-hujrat bani hilal wa bani salim, 45; Abdullah Al-Arawi: tarikh al-Maghrib , al-Markaz al-thaqafi al-earabi - alddar albayda , nd2, 2000, 2 : 95.
133
The Bani Hilal and Bani Selim belonged to the northern Adnanian Arabs571, and were in constant conflict572, with the Arabs of Qahtaniya by virtue of their proximity to Najd in the middle of the Arabian Peninsula , and the Fatimid in Cairo, there was at that time the disparity between people in wealth and religious intolerance and domination in the exercise of power, and when the Carmatis defeated the transfer them the Fatimid Caliph al-Aziz bi-Allah to Egypt for fear of joining them to other insurgencies or return to their first activity of looting and to weaken Qarmata and use them in his wars573, against his opponents. On the other hand, Al-Mi'li added that al-Aziz bi-ALlah did not transfer the Bani Hilal Leaving sick and elderly , but those tribes harmed the Fatimids with their excesses , The Hilalites were unable to break their habits and the wars broke out among themselves, especially between the twilight and winds, as they raided the local population and became accustomed to their crops and took their money and took their livestock and animals, which led the Fatimids to assemble these tribes in Upper Egypt574,so how did these tribes arrive to the Maghreb?
It is almost unanimous that the Bani Hilal presence in the region is a punishment by the Fatimid Caliph a- Mustansir for al-Mu‘izz bin Badis after the latter declared the political rupture with the Fatimid Caliphate575.
Ibn Al-Athir differs from the rest, considering that the idea of punishment did not occur to the Caliph. He made it to the people of the plant and the agriculture instead of a minister. He did not like it, which led to the creation of a feud between al-Mu‘izz and al-Mustansir and inspired him with the idea. So they started to send the The Arabs to the West. They ordered them with the intention of al-kayrawan and they possessed everything they opened and promised them, and the Yazuri wrote to al-Mu‘izz :"But
571Al-Qalqashandi: The Most Expensive in the Manufacture of Anisha, The Egyptian Foundation for the Composition, Translation, Printing and Publishing,(D.T),341; Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 2 :233.
572Radi Dagfos: Dirāsāt fī al-Tārīkh al-ʿArabī al-Islāmī al-Wasīṭ , Dār al Gharb al-Islāmī, Bayrut,2005, 32; Almeghrawi: op.cit, 93 .
573Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 7 : 422; Abdulhamid Bousmaha: al-masar fi taghriba bani hilal bayn al-waqie w al-khial , risalat aldukturah ghyr almanshurat , jamiea Algiers, 2005, 33-34;Marce: Op.cit, 222;Dagfos: Dirāsāt fī al-Tārīkh al-ʿArabī al-Islāmī,49-53; al-Mlil:op.cit,179; Tkoucheh :op.cit,380; Salem :op,cit.580; Moanis : tarikh al-maghrib w al-andulis, 167.
574Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 2: 216;Ibn Khaldun:op.cit, 6 :18-19; Salem :op.cit,580 ; al-Maghraawi: op.cit, 93;Hadi Idris: op.cit, 247. .
575Al-Maghraawi: op.cit, 94; Abbas: op.cit,141.
134
after we have sent you the horses of Vhola, and we have carried on them the men of Khola to judge God"576. The historical texts about this event are many, including the story of the Ibn Adhari and the al-Tijani: "He forbade the sons of slaves to the Arabs, the Nile577, and before that was forbidden, no one of the Arabs would be permitted. Then he ordered each of them a dinar, and a great creation was created for them"578.
Ibn Al-Khaṭīb spoke about the incident of the entry of the Arabs To an Ifriqiya, he said: “He called the Arabs and allowed them to pass the Nile to The West was banned from it before and made it to those who have a scalp and a dinar"579.
The first part of the two texts illustrates the intense desire and intent that was shared by the tribes of Bani Hilal and Bani Sulaym in crossing the Nile to the land of Morocco, and prevented by the Fatimid authority, why this prohibition if we recognized the historical narrative? The question remains, especially since these tribes were famous for their disquiet and delusion. In other words, they were a nuisance, were not they an opportunity to get rid of them? One possibility remains in our view, which is the fear of the Fatimid caliphate of Morocco's corruption at the hands of these people, which is the region's mandate and its resources are stored in its treasury and therefore to preserve it must prevent them and force them to live in a region close to their eyes and easy to monitor and control.
The second idea raised by the two texts revolves around the material incentives given by the Fatimid Caliphate to each member of the two tribes. These are encouraging incentives in which they succeeded in implementing their scheme of "a great creation"580. It is understood from this part of the novel if it is true that the desire to go to The Maghreb countries did not exist in the crescent tribes, otherwise the Fatimid authority would not have to encourage them materially, and that is why they touched their weaknesses, especially if we know that this event coincided with a very deteriorating economic situation in Egypt. This view is reinforced by what al-Tijani said: The path of security as long as their ambitions Then they did not reach the
576Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 8 : 295-296; Al-Nuwiari: op.cit, 24 : 117; Salem: op.cit, 581.
577 Ibn Adhari: op.cit, 1 : 324-325; Al-Tijānī: op.cit, 18.
578Ibn Al-Khatib: op.cit, 2 : 324.
579Ibn Adhari: op.cit, 1: 314.
580Ibid .
135
Ifriqiya countries wrote to their brothers to catch up with them and did not let them Jerjerai to lead every passerby fled and Dinara took it more than gave»581, and thus drag us The contradiction in one text is to search for the real or hidden causes behind the crescent presence in the Maghreb.
No study is exposed to the reasons limited to the political rupture between the Zirid and Fatimid states is considered incomplete dealt with the subject from one specific angle neglected the other angles, as the subject cannot be addressedwithout touching the economic situation in Egypt coinciding with this event .
Al-Maqrizi, in his book "Relief of the Nation by Revealing al-Ghamma", talks about a general history of the famine that Egypt has known since Adam to the beginning of the ninth century AH / 15 th century, in which he analyzes the causes of those famines and suggests solutions that he saw as an occasion to remedy it582 .
In the departure of the Hilalites to the Maghreb, which were not in a year or two, but lasted for several years583, famines in the late fourth century AH /10th century AD and the fifth century AH /11th century AD, was the most severe in 444 / 1052 and its serious consequences decline in the population of due to the large number of dead , the disruption of economic activities , known famine 444-447-457 / 1052-1055-1065 ,the great distress584, and the tribes of the Crescent in Upper Egypt were isolated from these crises where they lived under deteriorating conditions, according to al-Maqrizi in his book".
"Therefore, it is not unlikely that the Caliph al-Mustansir encouraged the transition of Bani Hilal and Bani Sulaym to Ifriqiya to alleviate the hardships on the population of that region585, and perhaps this is reinforced by the possibility of this text: "Al-Mustansir sent his minister to these neighborhoods in the year one hundred and forty-four hundred and gave to their emirs in the tender and reached their age Baira and
581Al-Tijānī: op.cit, 20.
582Taqi Al-Din Ahmad ibn Ali Al-Maqrizi: ighathat al-umat bi kashf al-ghim, Alqahra,Ain lildirasat, 2007, 231.
583Dagfos : al-eawamil al-aiqtisadiat li-hujrat bani hilal wa bani salim, 26.
584Ibid, 25.
585Al-Maqrizi: The statement and expression of those who descended from Egypt, 155; Dagfos : al-eawamil al-aiqtisadiat li-hujrat bani hilal wa bani salim, 25.
136
dinars for each one. Also, he allowed them to leave the Nile and said to them: I have given you Morocco and the king al-Mu‘izz , the son of Belkin Sinhaji old slave do not lack"586.
It seems that most of the studies that dealt with this text to address the subject focused on the first part of the text to give the political character of the presence of the Crescent in the Maghreb, while neglecting the last words do not lack a clear indication of the deterioration of the economic situation of these tribes in Upper Egypt and it is clear that all Of the political crisis between the Zirin and Fatimid states, and the deterioration of the economic situation in Egypt were the main factors in the departure of the crescent of the country of Morocco, and that they were cleverly abandoned in the form of the feudal kingdoms, which became the political habits under way in the era of degradation of States by The rulers of some tribes who have the nerve to support the rule of lands that they do not have to dispose of from the hands of the hostile tribes, or control over them as a jackal, are subject to the measure of their abscess as they wish587.
This is what the Fatimids did, so that they cut the land of Morocco to the Hilal tribes, and these two sayings clarify that: "I have given you Magrab states and the kingdom of al-Mu‘izz "588," and their kings and all that they open"589.
The Chalonites continued until they realized that the whole of the land of Morocco was cut off by order of the Fatimid Sultan.
It was the year of 442 /1050, the year of separation in the establishment of the official presence of the Crescent in the country of Morocco, and was the first of its areas where they stayed and remained for a period not specified by us sources, and then submitted to them from Moins ibn Yahya al-Rihi to al-Mu‘izz bin Badis Sanhaji , So he took advantage of the Arab presence to hold an alliance with them and a sociable consultation in taking his cousins wind like a soldier, and despite the opposition of the latter idea, but al-Mu‘izz insisted on, when the tribe of wind and arrived in al-
586Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 6 : 20; Abbas: op.cit, 141; Salem: op.cit, 581.
587Dagfos : al-eawamil al-aiqtisadiat li-hujrat bani hilal wa bani salim, 44.
588Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 6 : 20; Al-Arawi: op.cit, 2 : 101.
589Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 8 : 296.
137
kayrawan summons of the prince raped the people from then590, and this event marks the first steps of ruin will witness al-kayrawan later by the year 446 / 1054 as besieged by the Arabs and the Muzid came out of the parish to Mahdia, then they began to demolish the palaces and fortresses, and cut the fruits and blind eyes and the destruction of rivers.
It seems that the devastation caused by the Chaldeans in al-kayrawan has received more attention from historians than anything else related to those who have overstated the description of their barbarity and destruction, yet we try to distinguish between the historical texts on this matter, Ibn Khaldun describes them by saying "and showed corruption in the earth"591, Also, elsewhere in the section that the Arabs if they overcome the homelands, the faster the devastation and says, "and Ifriqiya and Morocco, where Bani Hilal and Bani Selim have been allowed since the first fifth century and practiced for three hundred and fifty years have been traced back and lost by all means after the Sudan was between and the entire Rumanian Sea Ball practice attested to the effects of the construction of monuments and statues of construction and evidence of villages"592.
In fact, we do not see in the texts of Ibn Khaldun only absolute provisions that need to be scrutinized and scrutinized as the damage inflicted by the Arabs in the regions of the Near and Middle Moroccans were mixed among them as evidenced by the existence of other historical texts restricting the Hilal havoc in specific areas without others. Ibn Adhari limits the Crescent disaster in al-Qayrawan "Idrisi593, for his part, was more rational in distinguishing between the cities of the Middle and Lower Maghreb, mentioning the cities that were subjected to looting and destruction, while he witnessed us. The other provisions mentioned above in the case of Bani Hilal are self-considered594, because they were the cause and the calamity of his companion, Amir
590Ibn Adhari:op.cit, 1 :315-321; Al-nuweiri:op.cit, 24 :117-118;Moanis :tarikh al-maghrib w al-andulis, 170; Salem: op.cit, 582 .
591Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 2 : 20 .
592Ibid: 1: 188.
593Ibn Adhari: op.cit, 1 : 289.
594Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad Al-Idrīsī : Nuzhat al-mushtāq fī ikhtirāq al-āfāq, 1994, 1 : 265-270 .
138
Bejaia595, In his texts, orientalists found the subject of their activity and the fine thread in interpreting the tragedy of the Islamic Maghreb.
In the early Orientalists, George Marcy describes the crescent presence by saying, "This invasion, which emerged from the first moment as a destructive hurricane," is sometimes described as a "seminal catastrophe"596.
Charles Julien considers it "the most powerful event in Moroccan history as a whole, it is the one who has changed the Maghreb for centuries more than the Islamic conquest".
This is not only Ibn Khaldun describe the behavior of the Hilal tribes in Ifriqiya and Morocco, but looked at the597 "introduction" in the section called: "The Arabs if they overcome the home faster to ruin" and the content of this section as saying: "Look at what they owned and defeated by the homelands of the country "598. The reason for this is that they are more primal than the rest of the nations, because they are accustomed to the harshness and harshness of life, so beware of others, and it is difficult to move one another to the other, to make them mad and to be wild"599, he said Certainly, the ignorance of the Bedouins of any political authority or being unable to politicize their affairs and living in chaos is not related to reality. Rather, they live in a highly regulated and organized framework according to established laws or customs. Nomadic nomads may be the closest to the ideal type because they It is a system that is narrow and cohesive, motivated by the preservation of money and pasture. It protects the lineages from confusion and sanctifies the races and makes masculinity the basis of existence and is called to the dedication of individuals in the tribal entity. People exist only through the tribal group that is hostile or allied by interests and the guarantor of victory over enemies600.
595Mohamed Abed Al-Jabri: fikr abn khaladun fi eilm al-easibat w al-dawla , Markaz dirasat al-wahdat al-earabia, Bayrut, th 5, 1992, 150.
596Marci: op. cit, 233-234.
597Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 1: 188.
598Ibid: 1 :189.
599Al-Arawi: op.cit, 2 : 101-102.
600Gautier: op.cit, 226-228.
139
Apart from the barbaric acts of the nomads, the Hilal tribes were not all of the Bedouin origin, but of them the poor of the cities, the stratigraphers and the apostates of the princes. All were united under one nervousness, a tribe that had no history of greatness, chaos and contradiction with feudalist civilizations601.
However, it seems that Ibn Khaldun did not mean the Arabs but the Arabs informed us that these are successful and the people of Badawa and those builders of States and Amran and once again use some of the Orientalists texts separated from the context of their campaign slogan before or during the colonial period.
Gautier did not hide his hostility towards the Arabs, describing them as "a disaster more spectacular than the Kharijis disaster" and also calling them "the horrifying plague that has spread throughout the country"602.
Karit is no different from the Orientalists in underestimating the Arabs, saying: «The attack of the Arab conquerors such as hurricane uprooting trees and demolishing houses, and the attack of the Crescent as the huge fire that makes the trees and houses ashes of the wind, what left by the hurricane spent by the fire and what remains of Arab politics in Morocco Went by the destructive Arab literature, so they completed the acts of vandalism initiated by the first caliphs », and described by Roger Idris" unprecedented political and economic disaster"603 .
If we return to the behavior of these barbaric and chaotic in the Maghreb, we find the tone of the upper hand in it and our historical evidence and evidence proves that, was the first son of Badis604, who initiated a coalition winds of wind asking them to join his army, and in this revealed weaknesses In front of them, as was betrayed by the year 443 / 1051 Prince605 Munis bin Yahya abuse and arrest of his children and his children and seal on his home an explicit departure signal in the attack on al-kayrawan and sabotage it because the latter collected his tribe for revenge, and increased their hatred of al-kayrawan is the elongation of the year 444 / 1052 after al-Mu‘izz gave them
601Al-Milli: op.cit,186; Idris: op. cit, 245.
602Ibn Adhari:op.cit, 1 :288-289; Al-Milli: op.cit, 184 .
603Ibid: 289.
604Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 8 :55.
605Al-Jabri: op.cit, 27.
140
permission Buying and selling in their markets606, and form part of the permanent conflict between the two countries and Hamadia Zirfaid on the one hand and the tribes Alzenanah on the other hand, an opportunity for the persistence of these Arabs in the region.
The invasion was one of the most widely adopted means of obtaining wealth607, The Hilal tribes adopted it as a solution to their plight. The first to enter al-kayrawan, they looted al-Mu‘izz and entered the camp. They held gold, silver, luggage, furniture, slippers and a handkerchief608 457 / 1056 The first opportunity in the confiscation of the coffins of Nasser and his speculations with the tribes of Zanata, and managed to capture the valley of the castle and some of the surrounding areas such as Constantine, Tpneh and Maysila and around the last two cities have also become the property of the Arabs609.
Robberies and plundering are later manifested in the imposition of their control over many of the fortresses in the north of the Auras610, especially the fortresses stretching between Bejaia and the castle, where they used the method of raids, which harmed their inhabitants611.The people of Taflkayet, Tazka and Atiyyah did not surrender their harm despite their conciliation. The force of stability in a large part of the territory of the Zab Vardin control of the population, for example mixed with residents of the fortress of Badis and owned his land and prevented his family from leaving it only Khafara612, and the same treatment applied to the inhabitants of Mela, which was under the obedience of Yahya bin Aziz owner of Bejaia, Lifton scholars to fight them as corrupt and bandits and their jihad and Islamic duty613.
These were just samples of the robberies and abuse practiced by the Hilal tribes on the inhabitants of Morocco and Ifriqiya, which eventually formed their tributaries and
606Ibn Adhari: op.cit, 1 : 290.
607Ibn Said: kitab aljughrafia, Algeria,qasam alnashr aljamieii,1982,126; Al-Milli: op.cit,185.
608Idrisi: op.cit, 262.
609Ibid: 263.
610Ibid: 265.
611Al-Mazouni: The Dwarf in the Mazuna Whirlpools, Algeria,The Manuscripts Laboratory, 2004, 1 :309-310.
612 Al-Idrisi: op.cit, 265.
613Ibid: 291.
141
stabilizers.They were able to settle in Constantine614.They participated in plowing and saving and entered with them in commercial transactions. I knew of the little planting615.
The Arabs did not settle for stability and the participation of the Berbers in their property, opening the commercial area with them, but imposing their control over the commercial Warords and it is obvious that they obstruct the commercial caravans and as these areas belong to them they imposed strict control over them, And the most important616, and the east through the city and Tripoli through Baghdas this trade and if they stopped temporarily, they quickly re-activated, exploiting them and slapping humming on commercial convoys in exchange for protection and allow them to pass617.
The stability and participation of the Berbers in plowing and trade, as well as the imposition of control over commercial Warords, have all enriched the Hilal tribes to a certain extent from looting and robbery, and therefore the factor in the deviation of their morals and behavior is the material factor in the bWarord sense or material conditions of their lives618, Contrary to what Gutier tried to prove as enemies of nature619.
If we recognize the economic situation as the main factor behind the crescent presence in the Maghreb - we have already mentioned - justify the means and methods used by these to control the region on the one hand, and eliminate them barbarism and chaos on the other hand, and the evidence of their fusion in Moroccan society later, Balzab and Sahara, and thus defined the life of stability was the advantage of the weak tribes of them while the strong was not easy to leave the life of the sheep, yet not distinguished from the other in the Maghreb as it intersected with tribes Zanip - nomadic tribes - in
614Idris: op.cit, 1 : 292.
615Al-Milli: op.cit, 2 :188.
616Al-Jabri: op.cit,189.
617Gauthier: op.cit, 227.
618Al-Milli: op.cit, 2: 188.
619Ibn Adhari: op.cit, 1 : 300; Al-Milli: op.cit, 2 : 190-191.
142
many social customs and life today Thus, descent was not necessary in determining the way of life but rather because of nature620.
It should be noted that the private interest was paramount in the tribes of the Crescent, have divided themselves and fought each other whenever the Authority called for that, to name but a few expelled the tribe of the winds of Zagreb of Ifriqiya in 466 /1073 hastened to put themselves in the service of Bani Hammad621. No one denies the civilization of these people in the Maghreb, which was embodied in the UAE, which they built as the Emirate of Banu Jamea in Gabes, and hit a special railway known as the Rashidian currency and continued until the monotheistic existence, and the Principality of the sons of Elal in Wadi Gorda and settled in Tabarka and established fortresses for protection and control, and the Emirate of Beno Khalifa of Arabs To feed In the province of Zaghouan and the Principality of Beni Mazni Bbskra, and entered the Almohadoun Algeria, the sons of Mazgneh found on them the Achiakh of the Arabs and this is a clear indication that the tribe in all cases open to many types of adaptations, whether linked to urbanization or distant migration or melting in large groups for economic reasons and political and demographic, However cohesive they are, they are subject to the transformations that may go on and move them into social structures of another kind.
Summary
In summary, it seems clear that the crescent tribes did not migrate from their desire, but abandoned, or less characterized by their social status that they are immigrants without home and the victims of the royal cuts, and the issue is not a race or the beginning of the issue, but the term invasion, we believe that he was wrong, The invaders were not their goal, but rather the result of the recovery of what they had been cut into. Only force and violence were a means. This method was not used continuously, but when necessary, if they were excluded from the advanced stage of their coming, they proved to be calm whenever they achieved their goals. They entered into a truce with Or in the case of alliances with the authorities of Morocco and therefore cannot be based on the provisions of urban and some historians as a measure
620Al-Milli: op.cit, 2 :189.
621Ibn Adhari: op.cit, 1 : 300; Al-Milli: op.cit, 2 :192 .
143
to understand the corrupt sense which is the nature of these expressions, and such provisions reflect only the idea of one party in the conflict, the urban party.
144
CHAPTER 7
ASPECTS THE ECONOMIC,SOCIAL, RELIGIOUS AND CULTURAL LIFE OF THE FATIMID ERA
Many peoples have succeeded on this land, perhaps the oldest of them are the Berbers, the original inhabitants of the country, as well as the Arabs, in addition to the presence of other minorities of the Romans, Jews and Africans.
The rugged nature of the coasts of Barqa, which is immediately followed by mountains and reefs, and the difficulty of traversing its roads and the impossibility of its outlets, dictated he construction of the numerous and close palaces and fortresses that spread on the sea coast. When talking about the cultural aspect in Barqa and Tripoli and comparing it with its neighbors in the Islamic eras, we must be objective and not prejudiced or defensive so that we do not say that the cultural life in Barqa and Tripoli was in full swing with the major cultural centers in the Maghreb such as Kairouan or the Mashreq such as Cairo and Baghdad, also, we do not exaggerate in denying its role. Rather, we have to look at the subject with an analytical, realistic and objective view, by extrapolating the historical sources that are in our hands, and searching for the missing ones to show the role of Barqa and Tripoli in cultural life.
7.1 . THE ECONOMY OF TRIPOLI AND BARQA IN THE FATIMID ERA
By the end of the first century, Barqa and Tripoli has returned their stability and safety, and the people have returned to their jobs, despite the revolutions witnessed by Ifriqiya during the Alamoy era and with the beginning of the Abbasid era, the country witnessed a kind of stability, especially Tripoli under the rule of the Aghlabids who were interested in activating different. The economy of agriculture, industry and trade, as the Fatimids after the revival of economic life and dug wells along the Warord leading to Egypt.
7 . 1.1 The Economy Of Barqa And Tripoli Since The Islamic Conquest Until The Migration Bani Hilal
145
Al-Yaʿqūbī said in his book that the countries that Ajia surrounded by many farms and fruits622, and from the Barqa that he said that the mountains of the east and west are eyes running and trees and fruits and the eyes were used to watering plantations and livestock, but Ibn Hawqal mentioned that the light of a bWarord spot full of fruit and that the ground red. It is easy to identify them among people to reden their clothes623. It is well known for its many fruit crops, its fertile pastures, its evergreen mountains, and its orchards and water. It is also famous for the production of fruits including spinach and walnuts. It is also known for the delicacy of olive trees, Which was required of the days of Harun al-Rashid twenty-four thousand dinars624, and al-Yaʿqūbī said that the outflow of light law is based on the time of rational and Rashid sent one of his men to Barqa, who distributed the abscess on its territory by twenty-four thousand dinars625, on each estate, something known, unlike tithes and charity, It was about fifteen thousand dinars, and spread palm farms around Ajdabiya and Ojla Wdan and Sirte was the finest dates Ojla in addition to the cheap prices, and the farmer went to the destination of grapes and many of the fruits and money more than the capital of Ajdabiya, and known for its production of fruit and olive fruits taste good as peaches and pears626, as Tripoli was producing many fruits of pear and apple in addition to milk and honey. al-Yaʿqūbī described Mount Nafusa as saying, "There are many villages, farms, and many buildings in it "627, Sheros was surrounded by groves of grapes, figs, pears and pomegranates , And the cultivation of olive trees in the mountain of Nafusa, the backbone of agricultural life in the mountain, according to Masʿūd al-Mazhūdī628.
The wheat and barley cultivation spread in Nafusa Mountain until it was said that its bread made from barley was the best taste of wheat bread, Sufjin was famous for its wheat and barley cultivation. In the fertile years it produces large quantities of grain,
622 Al-Yaʿqūbī:al-Buldān, 181; Al-Barghūthī: op.cit, 276.
623 Ibn Ḥawqal,:Ṣūrat al-arḍ, 66; Ibn Hawqal: Al-Masalik wa al-Mamalik, 43-44; Tery: op.cit,385 .
624 Al-Bakrī: almaghrib, 23 ; Al-Maqdisi: op.cit, 235; Abbās: op.cit, 97 .
625 Al-Yaʿqūbī:Al-Buldān, 182.
626 Ibn Ḥawqal,: Ṣūrat Al-arḍ, 67; Ibn Hawqal: Al-Masalik wa Al-Mamalik, 44-45; Al-Bakrī: almaghrib,6; Al-Yaʿqūbī: al-Buldān, 182; Al-Maqdisi: op.cit, 235 ;Hayawi: op.cit, 85.
627 Al-Yaʿqūbī: Al-Buldān, 136 .
628 Ibn Ḥawqal,: Ṣūrat al-arḍ,92; Ibn Hawqal: Al-Masalik wa al-Mamalik, 44; Maayouf: op.cit 41;Al-Mazhoudi:op.cit. 201; Sharqāwī: op.cit, 122.
146
The cultivation of grain especially barley in the Fatimid era, Of production as an aid to soldiers in Sicily629.
In the absence of rivers in Barqa and Tripoli, the agriculture relied on rainwater. Therefore, after settling in the country, the Arabs were interested in the ancient Roman irrigation methods and the means used by wells, cisterns, tanks and jabbas, underground reservoirs for rain water used in irrigation of crops, The most prevalent in Ifriqiya drivers and wheels and gravity630, and increased interest in irrigation methods at Aghlabp and after the Fatimids dug the wells between Ifriqiya and Egypt, especially when al-Mu’izz li-Din Allah decided to leave from Ifriqiya to Egypt recalls that the pool of rainwater collected There are several wells in the ruins of Abi Halima, along with other wells in the valley of Makhil and Sirte, whose people drank water from the rain, Charus, Tripoli and Ghadames. "A large city in the desert has well-watered wells, with orchards and palm trees, and with baths and busy markets with good price, it has a lot of tamur which come from Ojla631.
In the country there are many fertile and suitable areas for grazing. The country has known sheep, goats, cows, camels, horses and donkeys. Egypt relied on the meat of the sheep, which came to it from Barqa for the abundance of its fat and the pleasure of its meat. The surplus of woolen garments was exported to Morocco and wool was exported to Egypt632. And the abundance of camels in Barqa the worker Aflh Ben Nashib when asked by Jodr Sicilian Mawla al-Mu’izz li-Din Allah to give him ten of the camels sent him twenty from him, and also spread camels around Jabal Nafusa and Tripoli633, and spread pastures of sheep and goats around Sirte and sold their wool in the neighboring markets, Ho The meat of the goats was fed by the sheep and the benefit and abundance of sheep in the city of Sirte based on the products of the manufacture of acacia along with the woolen rugs, and was positive shopping of
629Ibn Ḥawqal,: Ṣūrat Al-arḍ, 93; Al-Bakrī: Almaghrib, 9; Al-Idrisi: wasaf shamal ifriqiya, 97;Abbās: op.cit, 98; Al-Muzaini: op. cit,200-202; Sharqāwī: op.cit,122; Al-Hayawi: op.cit, 84; Al-Zawi: mejm albuldan al-liybia, 344; Mayouf: op.cit, 42; Al-Mazhoudi: op.cit,202; Sharqāwī: op.cit, 122.
630 Al-Muzaini: op.cit, 203-205; Hayawi: op.cit, 83-84.
631 Al-Maqrizi : Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 2:138; Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 4 :99; Al-Yaʿqūbī: Al-Buldān, 182;al-Bakrī: almaghrib, 4-6; Ibn Ḥawqal,: Ṣūrat al-arḍ, 70-92; Al-Barghūthī: op,cit,276; Al-Muzaini: op.cit, 204-205; Tery: op.cit, 384.
632 Maghul: op.cit,143; Al-Maqdisi: op.cit, 239; Al-Bakrī: Almaghrib, 5; Al-Ḥimyarī: op.cit, 91;Ibn Ḥawqal,: Ṣūrat Al-arḍ, 69 .
633 Al-Jawthari: op.cit, 95; Al-Muzaini: op.cit, 206.
147
animal wealth in the domestic and foreign markets, and Zawaila and Ghadames is known for the tanning of leather and became tanning leather in Ghadames of the finest dyes. The people of Barqa knew about bees and their interest in this craft. There was a lot of honey in it until it was said that the soil of Massus was boiling honey634, and there were large numbers of animals such as camels, cows, horses, donkeys, sheep and goats in the mountain of Nafusa635.
With the availability of agricultural production and livestock in the country had to be some of the industries, although simple in the region knew the industry of grain milling, especially with the availability of wheat and barley in large quantities in the area of Tripoli and Mount Nafusa I refer to the tasteful bread, which was made in Jabal Nafusa The olive oil industry, which had a popular market in Alexandria and the leather tanning industry. The country also knew the manufacture of bowls of palm fronds, perhaps to be used in the transfer of dates collected by the owners of the farms, as well as the manufacture of kohl and the manufacture of dyes and dyes, al-Idrisi said that she was a self-proclaimed leather tanner. He said, "There were leather and tanning dairies for the tanning of the cow leather and the tigers that came from Ojla." My heart and the saddle industry used in horseback riding636, and in Sirte the manufacture of acacia along with the Sufi rugs as we passed.
In addition to the above mentioned, the trade in the country flourished, Ibn Hawqal talked about the large number of merchants in the Barqa of being the first home to be brought down from Egypt to Kairouan, saying: "The faces of their money are great and the merchants and the multitude of strangers all the time. Moroccan and Mashreq, and they are unique to the trade in tar, which is not in much of Morocco like it, and the leather imported for tanning, and the dates that come from Ojla, and it has sharp hot markets of wool, pepper, honey, wax and oil, and the shops of the Mashreq coming from Morocco and their prices at most times Surplus And it was natural that the
634 Ibn Ḥawqal,: Ṣūrat Al-arḍ,68-71; Al-Idrīsī: wasaf shamal ifriqiya,91-98 ;Maghul: op.cit,145;Al-Bakrī: Almaghrib, 5-6; Al- Hamwi ,op.cit, 3:776; Al-Mazhoudi, op.cit,205 ;Al-Muzaini: op.cit, 206-207 .
635 Awḍ Sharqāwī confirmed the large number of animals in the mountain of Nafusa and mentioned large numbers possessed by some men of the mountain. For more see Sharqāwī: op.cit, 125-127.
636 Idrisi: wasaf shamal ifriqiya,90;Al-Bakrī: Almaghrib,10; Al-Maqdisi: op.cit, 239; Maghul: op.cit ,143-145; A-Yaʿqūbī: Al-Buldān,182; Al-Hamwi: op.cit, 3: 776;Abbās: op.cit,96; Sharqāwī: op.cit, 127-128.
148
markets are different through which the various agricultural products are exposed. The Islamic sources mentioned the places where the markets were held, including the market of Wadi Makhil and Ajia market full of fruit and agricultural crops. The markets of the city of Lebda are famous for the sale of fruits such as peaches and pears and sold good types of kohl, The markets of Sirte grapes, fruits and dates, as well as the markets of Tripoli Amira with various crops of fruits, dates, honey and salt637.
Ibn Hawqal tells us that the Sultan transferred some of these markets into the city. In the city of Jado, in the mountain of Nafusa, markets were set up to sell sheep and whales of Nafusa mountain markets. Barley, figs, olives, grapes, dates and raisins. These markets were under the supervision of the city worker in which the market was established. In order to maintain and regulate the market638, each market was responsible for collecting taxes from merchants and restricting goods to the market. Moreover, the tribes did not clash with each other, as happened between the villages of Beni Zamoru and Tarmisa639, On several occasions, the supervisor of the Gadu market ordered the Zamoru tribe to be allocated on Thursday to the village of Tarmisa. On the other hand, foreign trade was active. To the country of Morocco and wool and sheep meat to Egypt as well as cowhide and tigers coming from Ojla through some seaports, some of the sea ports have thrived because of the availability of agricultural products and livestock and although the port of Talmitha of that trade was a little was the ships anchored At the same time, the port of Brnique was a wonderful portico, as A-Yaʿqūbī said. Therefore, the port of Ajdabiya was the best port in the maritime trade. The port of Tripoli surpasses all the other ports of the country in its commercial activity. Ibn Hawqal said that the boats were landing in it day and night and over time with various baggage. The port of Tobruk also flourished until it became of military importance to the god of the religion of God who used it to intervene in the affairs of Crete, Albatrosses For the wool and goat meat640. It also worked alongside the maritime trade in the land trade, as the country was connected to the East and the West by several land routes that had a role in enriching trade in the country. The ruling authority in Barqa
637 Ibn Hawqal: Ṣūrat al-arḍ, 66-67; Ibn Hawqal: Al-Masalik wa al-Mamalik, 44.
638 Al-Yaʿqūbī: Al-Buldān, 182; Ibn Ḥawqal: Ṣūrat al-arḍ,67;Al-Bakrī : Al-Masālik wa al-Mamālik, 653; Abbās: op.cit, 97;Sharqāwī: op.cit,131; Maayouf: op.cit, 44.
639 Al-Muzaini: op.cit, 215-216; Al-Mazhoudi: op.cit,224.
640 Ibn Hawqal: Al-Masalik wa al-Mamalik, 44-46; Al-Yaʿqūbī: Al-Buldān, 181;Al-Mazhoudi: op. cit, 222-224. Hayawi: op.cit, 90-91 .
149
and Tripoli had to work to secure these Warords and ensure their protection and protection. The third century AH is safer than the majority of the efforts exerted by the state to establish security and care for the Warords. The guards and the guardians worked along the coast, and the Fatimids took care of them. They dug the wells to provide water and set up places for travelers to relax and put military garrisons forts and castles scattered on the Warord from Alexandria to the Maghreb coast and spread out along the Libyan ligaments coast this possible for traders to walk in the way of security is risky641.
7. . 1.2Economic Activity In Barqa And Tripoli After The Migration Bani Hilal
The historical writings present the war fought by Hilal in Ifriqiya as a source of destruction for man and his cities. He found Bedouin Hilal in the Barqa of a country rich in grassland free of his family Zanata, who said the same sources that their destruction was at the hands of the sons of Ziri of Sanhja, And spread the unrest in him as Ibn al-Athir and Ibn Khaldun reported that they came down Barqa and wrote to their brothers who remained in Egypt an attractive description of the province of Barqa to urge them to catch up with them642.
Ibn Khaldun mentioned that the sons of Heib had taken over a long region that had ravaged his cities643, but the tribes of Diab ,Bani Auf and Zuhum had moved to Ifriqiya and settled in a tributary between Tripoli and Gabes. He was happy. ibn Khazroun ruled Tripoli, and the incursion of the Nasra structures in the south (Wadan and Fezzan). Bani Hilal moved with them and built a kara and part of the tribes Sulaym into Ifriqiya and it was perhaps the transition of the Kara to Ifriqiya to move away from their first enemy of the Fatimids, The transition of those tribes to Because of the fact that they were the strongest party among the alliance of the Arab tribes, and
641 For more on the land trade activity of Tripoli and Tripoli, see Al-Muzaini: op.cit, 213-223; Al-Mazhoudi: op. cit, 206-220; Tery: op.cit, 555-575.
642 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kāmil, 8 :229-296; Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 6 :20; Al-Nuwayrī: op.cit, 24:117; Al-Maqrizi: Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 2: 217; Al-Ansari: Al-Manhal ,108; Ibn Gilbun: op.cit,61; Idris, op.cit, 1 : 247-252; Rossi: op. cit.98; Al-Barghūthī,258-259;Salem: op.cit, 581; Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 229; Moanis : tarikh al-maghrib w al-andulis, op. cit.168; Abbās: op.cit, 141; Bashir Bu Qayadat: Destruction of the Middle and lowest Maghreb Cities, Unpublished Master Thesis, High School of Teachers Algeria, 2013, 171.
643 Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 4: 96; Al-Ansari: Al-Manhal ,108; Zaghloul: op.cit, 3: 422 ; Abbās: op.cit,142; Salem op.cit, 582; Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 229; Khadairi, op.cit,259; Al-Abbadi, op. cit.326; Bu Qayadat:op.cit,171.
150
in their journeys they destroyed the red city with Barqa and jubilation and Sirte and adds the Ibn Abī Dīnār that their damage reached Tripoli They said that the area between Alexandria and Tripoli, was before the advent of Bedouin Bani Hilal strongholds close to that ravaged those tribes, after their victories on the division of the country goats sawed with each year 446 /1055 was her Tripoli, which granted them by the Fatimid Caliph al-Mustansir644.
Ibn Khaldun was the most historian who prejudiced the expressions of the Bani of Hilal and Sulaym. He attributed to them the desolation of the land of Morocco. He mentioned that when they entered the city gently, "they were guided by the desert of the Arabs, and they were victorious by a raid and a vengeance, until the doctrines of the pension were destroyed and the cities were destroyed"645, And it was in the places of captivity, such as Lebda, Zewaila, Barqa, Qasr Hassan and the likes of it, Yabba and Mafawaz returned, as if they were not,"646 he says in a third place “all these stomachs took over the province Long destroyed his cities it left the kingdom and the loyalty only to their elderly "647.
Most of the first Muslim historians attributed the subversion of Ifriqiya to the descendants of the sons of Hilal and Sulaym and their orientalist followers, and Charles André Julian described them as delinquents, as well as most of the modern Arab historians. He said that the Arabs came to the cultural monuments in Ifriqiya from agriculture, trade, Farouk al-Aqsa is a pillar of Safsafa, and Hussein Mounes considered the Battle of Bani Hilal the greatest ruin of Morocco and semi-exile in the flood, while others see that the destruction and destruction of Ifriqiya and attributed to the Bedouins built Hilal is nothing but ablutions, including Abdullah al-Arabi648, who said that the Bedouin The need for wide rangeland to graze their cattle and since the Ifriqiyan does not have large pastoral land, it is natural that the Bedouins acquire agricultural land to be used as a feeder and therefore the farmers are expelled from
644 Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kāmil, 8 : 296; Al-Maqrizi : Ittiaz Al-Hunafa , 2 :218; Ibn Abi Dinar: op.cit,84; Salem op.cit, 582; Ibn Zawi, op. cit,170;Moanis : tarikh al-maghrib w al-andulis, 169; Khaddary:op.cit,259; Bu Qayadat:op.cit,171-172; Rossi: op. cit, 99.
645 Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 6 :114.
646 Ibid: 103.
647 Ibid: 95.
648 Salem: op.cit, 586; Moanis : tarikh al-maghrib w al-andulis, 176; Bulibid: op.cit, 113.
151
their land resulting649,in a decrease in agricultural land and the field turns into pasture. Agricultural production, adding that the Bedouin then imposed on the remaining farmers to give part of the agricultural production, but the sources of the fifth and sixth centuries AH talked about the existence of agricultural potential in the city of Tripoli and al-Bakri pointed out in his book tract to the price licenses in Wadi He said: "If you come to the valley of a strange market, it is abundant and the price is very good," and gently said that it is permanent prosperity of many good and added that the most sacrifices of Egyptians and exported to Egypt, honey and tar and wool also mentioned that the varieties of fruit, including spinach and spinach and walnut650. He said that the orchards and palms walking is a lot of markets and their people rich and talked about the prices and the abundance of dates by the coming of Ojla651, but Sirt described orchards and palm trees and said that their sacrifices of goats, and Tripoli was a market full and many fruits and good in the east of the city many orchards and added that The city is Sabkha A large taken from the salt is much and talked about the valley Suvgin, which was in the fertile years given a lot of crops652, as pointed al-Bakri to the abundance of palm trees, olives and fruits in the middle of the mountain Nafusa653,and in his talk about Zuwail said that the palm trees and orchards and markets are abundant and brings slaves, And condemned the dates, and in the context of his talk about the Ojla, it is a city filled with many palm trees654.
As for Abi-alfidaa, he mentioned that Barqa has exported to Egypt, tar and sheep, and there are two mountains in which there are many farms and losses, and he pointed to the cheap prices at all times655. He spoke of Ojla. He mentioned that there were water and palm trees. He said that he had many wells and planted the corn with many berries, figs and palm trees656, Talmitha exports barley and honey, and Ibn Said mentioned other varieties of Talmitha exports, including wheat and sulfur. Tripoli has a variety of fruits, vegetables, fruits, olives, oil, raisins and dates. Ibn Said mentions that the
649 Al-Arawi: op.cit, 2 :95-96;
650 Al-Hamawi: op.cit, 1 :389.
651 Al-Bakrī :Al-Masālik wa al-Mamālik, 2 :175-178; Al-Hamawi: op.cit, 1 :100;Tery: op.cit,398.
652 Al-Bakrī : Al-Masālik wa al-Mamālik, 2 :180-181.
653 Ibid: 182.
654 ibid: 182-184.
655 Abi Al-Fadel: op.cit, 137.
656 Ibid: 137-138; Ibn Said: op.cit, 128-146.
152
palaces of Misrata are abundant with palm trees and olives.657 Palm and its finest Dates658.
While al-Hameiri mentions that the people of Ajdabia plant barley and a little wheat659, and of the tenderness he said, which came with many and houses of leather tanning cattle and tigers that arrived from Ojla and the vessels out to Egypt with wool and honey660, as the author of the book pointed to the many markets and orchards of Tripoli and abundance of the fruit661, and he said about Barqa, it has many fruits and fertility and fixations in the pastures and most of the sacrifices of Egypt from her sheep, and said that the Ajdabiya orchards and palm trees and markets are full and intended, and Ghadames many palm trees and water and most of their food dates and truffles and Zuwila brings slaves and the ones out to Ifriqiya And other countries, and the famous goods of Ghadames, which was desirable662.
Adarsi mentions that the crocodiles of chromium, figs, good tannins, and their more barley plants make better bread than other food663,but it gives us a different picture of Tripoli, destroyed its trees, although it recalls that the city in his era was good streets and markets are well-equipped manufacturers and luggage and added that "the land of the city of Atraplas is not an example of the injury of the plant and does not know that the Earth's soil like that and this famous known," Speaking of Sirte pointed to Remains of palms and many berries He added that the Arabs spoiled this and pointed to the absence of Sirte from the olive trees and dates and also mentioned that the palm trees were before the arrival of the Arabs enough, and the same talk about Lebda mentioned that it was in the past many good and after the arrival of the change changed the conditions and displaced people but pointed to the existence of market. The city is full of large palm trees and olive trees, and it is said that its indigenous people are the ones who manage the agriculture in it. Suwaqah ibn Qatud said that its people grow barley and have a famous market and its people are under Arab obedience.
657 Ibn Said: op.cit, 146.
658 Al-Hamawi: op.cit, 1:100.
659 Al-Humiri: op.cit, 12.
660 Ibid: 91.
661 Maghul: op.cit, 110.
662 Ibid: 143-146; Tery: op. cit, 438.
663 Al-Idrisi: Nazah al-Mushtaq, 2 :279; Al-Idrīsī: wasaf shamal ifriqiya, 76.
153
The markets were bright in its era664, and very busy. This activity did not prevent her from continuing tanning of cowhide leather and tigers coming from Ojla665. She also cultivated cotton and still exported honey, wool and oil to Egypt, and cultivated a small amount of wheat and barley.
The maize and around the city trees of berries and figs and palms and pointed to the taste of dates and Dan, but it is not in the quality of Zuila dates666, and Tukra in the era of the people who cultivate Qatani, and talked about Talmitha said it is full of its own and the boats are returned to cotton and linen and in turn exported honey, tar and margarine to the debtor Alexandria667,as well as the abundance of palm and honey near the Uthan Mountains668.
As for the animal wealth, the sources pointed to its availability in the country, and the author of the book of foresight, which is from the book of the sixth century AH, referred to the export of tenderness to the sheep to Egypt for the abundance of grease and the pleasure of taste, as pointed to the fertile grassland gently, as Idrissi pointed to the existence of some predators such as wolves and cow. And added to the practice of some of the expression of the fishing craft near Talmitha669, and Idrissi pointed to the large number of camels and sheep in Talmitha and stated that the tribes of Hipp and Rohp people of sheep and sheep and wealth and their country is safe670, and remained the country practiced maritime trade, Aldrissi said that Talmitha, Here the boats of various goods, including the issue of the population surplus of need and was the most important goods exported honey, sheep, wool, oil, tar and ghee, in contrast, the country supplied some cotton and linen671.
It is clear that agricultural construction was damaged by the migration of the crescent and the remaining agricultural manifestations of the indigenous people. If we look at
664 Al-Idrisi: Nazah al-Mushtaq, 2 :297-298; Al-Idrīsī: wasaf shamal ifriqiya, 89-90; Tery: op. cit,396-404.
665 Al-Idrisi: Nazah Al-Mushtaq, 2 : 308; Al-Tijani: op.cit, 259.
666 Ibid: 309-313; Tery: op. cit.389.
667 Ibid. 315-316; Al-Idrīsī: wasaf shamal ifriqiya, 102; Abbās: op.cit.143.
668 Al-Idrīsī: wasaf shamal ifriqiya, 103.
669 Maghul: op.cit, 136; Al-Idrissi: Nozha al-Mushtaq, 2 :314-315; Al-Idrīsī: wasaf shamal ifriqiya, 101-103.
670 Al-Idrīsī: wasaf shamal ifriqiya, 103; Abbās: op.cit,143.
671 Al-Barghūthī: op.cit, 348-350; Tery: op.cit, 296.
154
the business life in the country, it is better. The port movement has been active in most Libyan cities and markets have flourished in these cities.
This research topic is considered a hot topic and needs a huge number of databases (books,research papers,conference papers,etc.).Furthermore,due to the lack of the main research topic knowledge resources of the economy in Tripoli and Barga during the Fatimid era due to the recent situations of Libya, the researcher has content jus.
Fewer information resources with what he has mentioned.In addition,since some of the sources for this research are reserved for some publishing offices, which was difficult for the researcher to access due to the economic or political conditions in Libya, and due to the lack of time, the researcher tried to list the information that has been obtained.
7.2. ELEMENTS OF THE POPULATION IN BARQA AND TRIPOLI IN THE FATIMID ERA
Many people have been for this land, perhaps the oldest of them are the native inhabitants of the country, as well as other Arab, Roman, Jewis minorities.
7.2.1. Berber Tribes
Despite the multiplicity of opinions and differences about the homeland of the first Berbers and their origins672, there is a consensus among the historians on the division of Berbers into two main sections are Pyrenees and amputations673, which in turn
672The difference took place around the original Berber homeland. Ibn Khardadzeh, Qazwini, Al-Tijānī and Ibn Abd al-Hakim mentioned that their first homeland was Palestine and their King Goliath,
Berbers to Morocco, while the Marrakesh said that they were born of Afrikash bin Ham bin Noah and returned the Berbers to Ham Ben Noah except Sanhaja said they are donkeys, and others went to say that the Berbers of Yemen sons of Nu'man bin Hamir bin Saba, and some of them said they are of assets Different gathered in the Levant and they went to Morocco. See more Ibn Khaldashbeh: op.cit, 90-91; Al-Qazwini: op.cit, 163; Al-Tijānī: op.cit, 160; Ibn Abdul Hakam: Futuh 'Ifriqia w Andalusia, 170; Al-Marrākushī: op.cit, 250 ; Zaghlūl: op.cit, 1: 82; Al-Muzaini: op.cit,166-167.
673The gangs divide the amputation and the pyrenees into a group of tribes. The valbrans are divided into ten tribes and amputated into four large tribes. They are divided into many tribes that spread in the Maghreb, including Tripoli and Barqa. See: Al-Muzaini: op.cit, 167
155
divided into multiple tribes674, and the Berbers represent the vast majority of the population of Barqa and Tripoli before migration Bani Hilal675.
The Berber tribes were mentioned in the Islamic sources. al-Yaʿqūbī said in his talk about the Berbers676, "Wadi Makhil In which many people and most him Berber,said also between Barqa and Wadi Makhil677, three stages in the Berber lands from the stomachs of Lawata. He also said that Bernik population of the Berbers, and population Ajdabiya of Berber, are the last city of Lawata in the cities678, And Berbers are always moving679, and the Faruj residents live from Mazatah and the al-Yaʿqūbī remember that they are predominant in them and they are in the doctrine of Ibadi680, As for the Ibn Kharasadah, he says of the Berbers: "Lawata went down to the land of Barqa, and Hawara descended the city of Iyas (Tripoli)681. On the presence of the Berbers in abundance in the Barqa says " It is surrounded by a group of Berber sects, and Ibn Hawqal mentioned that Barqa was inhabited by sects of the Berbers and the Ja'ja ' The Berbers and their spread in Barqa, saying: "And from Ajdabiya to Sirte on the coast of the sea five stages and the people of these houses and the people of the city of Sirte from Mendassa , Puntas , others and the last of their homes in two stages of the city of Sirte in a place called Turga"682, starting from the houses of Hawara to Tripoli and Hawara also mountain known mountain Mselatah683 .
Ibn Abd-Alhakam points out684 that Zanata and Mghila went to Morocco and settled in the mountains, while Lawata lived in the land of Antapels and landed Hawara The city of Lebda685,and Nafusa down to the city of Sabrat (Sabra)686, and said al-Baladri that Amr Ibn Al-Aas conditional on the Lawata lightning annual tribute687, and spoke Al-
674Al-Ramada is a town between Alexandria and Barqa close to the sea and has a wall and a mosque and some orchards, which are close to Barqa. See more Al-Hamwi: op.cit, 2 : 318
675Abbas: op.cit, 91; Abdulqader Ahmed Tulimat: sukkan libiya eind al-Yaʿqūbī, Mutamar libiya fi al-tarikh, University Benghazi, 1968, 105
676Al-Yaʿqūbī: Al-Buldān,180; Tulaimat: op. cit,105
677Abbas: op.cit, 91
678Tulaimat, op. cit,107
679Ibn Khaldashbeh: op.cit, 90-91
680Karkhi: op.cit, 33
681Ibn Hawqal: Ṣūrat Al-arḍ, 69-71
682 Tulaimat: op.cit, 108.
683Abbas: op.cit, 91
684Tulaimat, op. cit,108.
685Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 6 : 204
686Ibn Abdul Hakam: Futuh misr w akhbaraha, 170.
687Al-Baladri: op.cit, 137
156
Yaʿqūbī in his book about the departure of the Berbers from their country heading to Morocco and stated that they passed Barqa and took the country and settled all of them part of them688, Lawata was the first of these tribes the tribe of Zanata, which declared its enemies to the Fatimids and their supporters Sanhaja, supported Abi Rekwa his revolt against the Fatimid state.When the revolution of Abi Rekwa failed, it was followed by Sunhaja until it was conquered689 .
Ibn Khaldun He said that the Berbers were spread in the form of groups in the area of Barqa and Tripoli, who were the dominant majority of the country until the middle of the century. What is the event that made barbarian tribes lose their lands in that century?
After the Separation announced al-Mu’izz Ibn Badis with the Fatimids, Cairo saw the release of the Arab tribes of Bani Hilal and Sulaim. Once these tribes entered the lands of Barqa and Tripoli in the form of multiple waves, the berbers tribes began to retreat and became confined to certain places, in addition to the assimilation of some Berber tribes Ibn Khaldun said in his talk about Hawara: "They have become among the successful Arab690 Bani Sulaim in language and dress, tents, horseback riding, camel-making, war-fighting and the flight of two trips. Summer and winter, and they forgot the barbarism of the Berbers and replaced them with the cleverness of the Arabs, he hardly divides them"691.
This does not mean the end of the Berber presence in the region. The Berbers continued to mention the Islamic sources as well as the expressions of Bani Hilal and Sulaim. al-Bakri said in his narration about Barqa that there is a tribe around Lawata692, Living in Zahli, and when talking about the Warord between Tripoli and Sudan, he said that the houses of Hawara extend to the south693, and with the beginning of the fifth century AH settled crowds of Hawara in Wdan and inhabited some houses while others lived houses of poetry694, the owner of the book of foresight
688Al-Yaʿqūbī: Tarikh Al-Yaʿqūbī, 1 :190.
689Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 4: 131; Bulibid: tarikh Barqa al-islami, 164
690Al-Idrisi: Nozha al-Mushtaq, 1: 309; Bulibid: tarikh Barqa al-islami,164
691Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 6 :141.
692Al-Bakrī : Al-Masālik wa al-Mamālik, 2 : 650-660.
693Maghul: op.cit, 109.
694Ibid ,144-145.
157
said that the city of Alexandria to Sirte Many buildings of the Arabs and Berbers, spoke of the existence of the Berber m "It is a Muslim population of Berbers who do not commit the habit of the people of the desert"695, he said of Ghadames696,Al-Zahrai said that Berber tribes such as Sanhaja, Zanata and others inhabit the area from the mountains of Barqa to the Nafusa Jabal697, al-Idrisi also said that the Berber tribes spread around Ajdabiya, Sirte and Mount Nafusa, and around Suwaqah bin Mithkod, which is said to be inhabited by people from Hawara Barbar under Arab obedience. He said of the city of Zala with a mixture of Berber Hawara, and also mentioned that the extended area jumps to Tlemitha to you that "a tribe of Berbers travelers are called Mazatah and Zanata and Fazara riding horses"698, as al-Humiri said Zlhai that mixes of Berber Hawara, al-Hamawi spoke about the presence of barbarian tribes alongside Arab tribes. He spoke of the Barqa, which he said were surrounded by Berbers from all sides699, and that Ghadames was her people from the Berbers , The area between Tripoli and Wadan mentioned that Hawara was spread there, and Ibn Said mentioned that the area stretching from Ajdabiya to Fayoum, In which the Arabs and the Berbers700, the palace of Ahmed and Misrata said that the people of Hawara, Which is confirmed by Idrissi that some Berber tribes like Hawara remained in their former places under the protection of the Arabs, while Qazvin said that the people of Ghadames of the Berbers are a good Muslim701,he said that around the city of Wadan Some of the Berbers worship an idol of stones, said al-Abdari when he passed through Tripoli ,that the Berbers were near from Tripoli in two Villages, Zuwara and Zuagha702, he said that the Berbers were in the vicinity of two villages, Zuwara and Zuagha, which they described as malicious. Al-Tijani said that when he passed through Tripoli, the village of Zaraat is A Berber house that adheres to Kharijis , spoke about the existence of Berbers in Tripoli. He said that the barbarians Hawara lived in a place called the palace of the guards, And spoke about Nafusa by saying "the name was transferred to the place of the name of the tribe that lived in the first age," and when passing by the position of mentioned that it was named by the name of a number of
695Al-Zahri: 156.
696Al-Idrisi: Nozha Al-Mushtaq, 1: 297-313.
697Al-Humeiri: op.cit, 268.
698 Hamawi: op.cit, 1: 100.
699Ibid: 1: 276.
700 Ibid: 4: 25.
701Ibid: 5: 365-366.
702Ibn Said: op.cit, 62.
158
Berbers call the building and Lul, and when passing zanzor said that the population of Berber Hawara, Ibn al-Athir agrees that Lawata came down Barqa, Hawara in city Lebda and Nafusa the city of Sabra, Ibn Khaldun said that the Berbers spread in the area between Ifriqiya and Tripoli, and they were from the Berbers of the city of Nefzawa ,yafern703,Nafusa and other Berber tribes704,and in his talk about Barqa said that it was Diarra of Hawara and Lawata and other Berber tribes before entering the Arabs705, and Nafusa mentions Ibn Khaldun they are one of the largest Berber tribes and their citizen near Tripoli in mountain known as their name, and away from Tripoli in three stages, and talked about the presence of Hawara in the city of Tripoli and Barqa706, Al-Qalqashandi spoke about the existence of the Berbers in Ghadames707. It was also mentioned that Hawara and Lawata homes between Alexandria and Barqa708.
He referred to the displacement of part of Lawata to Western Egypt709, Fayoum and the country of Upper Egypt, It is worth mentioning that Lawata was drawn to the insides after being tender to the Fatimids710,in order to be in the hands of their enemies from the Fatimids, such as kutama711,Some of them settled in Zewaila and later succeeded in establishing the Emirate of Bani al Khattab. Then some of them came down to Egypt ,al-Maqrizi says about Hawara origin of their homes from the last work Sirte to Tripoli, and then some of them came down the lake in Egypt712.
7.2.2. Arab Tribes
The second largest tribes constituent of the society in Barqa and Tripoli, since the Islamic conquest of Barqa, the Islamic armies began to confront the revolutions and foreign movements, which resulted in the establishment of many of the expatriate tribes within these campaigns, in addition to the migrations that flow to the country but did not have a clear impact on the population map The presence of the Arabs on the
703Al-Qazwini: op.cit, 57-280 .
704Al-Abdri: 70.
705Al-Tijānī: op.cit, 119.
706Ibid: 100-316.
707Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir : Al-Kamil, 3: 13.
708Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 6 : 103.
709Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 6 : 63; Abbas, op. cit, 92 .
710Al-Qalqashandi: qalayid aljaman, 168-175.
711Bulibid: tarikh Barqa al-islami, 164.
712Al-Maqrizi: Al-bayan w Al-aerab, 106-112.
159
coast and in the cities as the conquest force and their aftermath, but the situation changed in the fifth century AH with the entry Bani Hilal and Sulaym713.
Al-Yaʿqūbī tells us about the Arab tribes in Barqa, saying: "There are two mountains, one of which is said to be the east where the Arabs of Al-Azad, lkhm, jadham and other tribes from Yemen, The other is said to be Western, some of Ghassan, jadham, Al-Azad and others from the Arab stomachs," He also said that Ramadais a group of The Arabs of Juhayna and Bani Madlaj, but about the Dan said that the Muslims say that they are Arabs of Yemen and most of the Mazat, While Zewaila by the people of Khorasan, Basra and Kufa714, as moved the tribes of Ghenth and Medan, which settled in Egypt since its opening to Barqa and settled between Barqa And Zewaila715, and reminds Almzaini that the tribe of Sadaf moved to Barqa in the beginning of the fourth century AHin the mount east ,Because of their tendencies to the Shiite Alawites716, settled with of the tribes of Bani Qora al-Arabia.
It is noted that the spread of the Arab tribes before the migration of the Crescent was little compared to the spread of the Berber tribes, and by the fifth century the Hijra followed waves of Arab tribes to Morocco, and changed the features and dyeing the pure Arabic language in Barqa and Tripoli.
Al-Bakri mentioned that Arabs inhabit the city of Wadan717. They were settled in Dilbak and Hadhrama. They lived in the location of Bous, and often the war broke out between them. The author of the book of foresight refers to the large number of Arab settlements on the Warord between Alexandria and Sirte. He also mentioned that there is an Arab tribe called Sulaym in Tripoli, Idrissi said a group of Arabs in the province of Barqa said: "From the Palace of thirst to a hopper is to Nazareth, two Arab tribes, and the Palace of Tlemitha718, around it the tribes of Rawah on the part of Morocco, and from Tlemitha to the east of the tribes of Hipp"719, which captured the fertile land
713Abbas: op.cit, 92; Bulibid: tarikh Barqa al-islami,159.
714 Al-Yaʿqūbī: Kitāb Al-Buldān, 181-183.
715Al-Muzaini: op.cit, 186.
716Ibid,187.
717Al-Bakrī : Al-Masālik w Al-Mamālik, 2 :658-659.
718Bulibid: tarikh Barqa al-islami, 159-160.
719Maghul: op.cit, 109-146.
160
of Derna as tubercle and talmitha720Al-Marrakech confirms the spread of the Arab tribes of Bani Salem between Alexandria and Tripoli. As Ibn Said said that the Arab tribes extend from Fayoum to Ajdabiya,He added that the tribes of the Diab tribe extends from Gabes721, to the Sidra well near Sirte in Barqa. He talked about Diab's acquisition of Lebda722, Qasr Ahmed and Qasr Misrata is under their control Hawara tribe, and Ibn Said refers to the city of Derna, one of the Arab palaces where Jews live723.
Al-Tijani mentioned in his journey the names of the tribes of Bani Sulaym spread in and around Tripoli and mentioned the tribe of Diab and the tribe of Za'ab, as well as the children of Suhail and the Bani Sinan and other Arab tribes that settled in Tripoli724.
Al-Omari gave us a detailed account of the spread of the tribes of Bani Sulaym, who entered Barqa and Tripoli. He said: "They are the largest tribes of Qais, their houses in Barqa, which follows the West and the following are Egypt." He also talked about the tribe of Lobid and their houses from Aqaba to Sousse. Their homes are spread from Sousse to the Sidra well, which is the last border of the Egyptian Diyar. He also talked about the tribe of Dabbab and the mention of their homes , Through the above it is clear to us that the tribes of Bani Sulaym spread in Barqa and Tripoli more than the tribes of Bani Hilal, which continued to march towards Ifriqiya,This is what Ibn Khaldun said, "They fought with the country, Bani Sulaym reached the east and Bani Hilal to the west,Al-Qulashandi says: In his talk about the tribes of Bani Salem in Barqa and Tripoli,that Bani Lobid from Sulaym settled in Barqa, and they created countless.
As discussed in the tribes of Ja'afra in Barqa and Tripoli, and said that the tribes of Bani Sulaym, who entered Barqa and Tripoli, Their homes are spread from Sousse to
720Al-Idrisi: Nozha Al-Mushtaq, 1 : 309-315.
721Bulibid: tarikh Barqa al-islami,160.
722Al-Marrākushī: op.cit,249.
723Ibn Said: op.cit,147-148.
724Al-Tijānī: op.cit,134-142.
161
the Sidra well, the last border of the Egyptian Diyar. He also talked about the tribe of Dabbab and their houses and homes725.
This is what Ibn Khaldun said, "and they quarreled over the country. So bani Sulaym got to the east and healed to the west, and Bani Hilal to the west and their allies, Rahaa, Nazareth, and Amrah in the land." Morocco, and has been to the Tripoli and its surroundings"726. And al-Qalqashandi dwells in his talk about the tribes of Sulaym in Barqa and Tripoli727. He mentioned that Labeed of Bani Sulaym settled in Barqa, and they created countless, and he said of the tribes Bani Sulaym"728.
And about Diab he said that their dwellings between Barqa and Gibbs, and they that are near to Libna, He also said that the houses of Beni Hype from Sidra in Barqa729to the great Aqaba of the borders of Alexandria and also mentioned the tribe of Bani Sbeih, who said that their houses are lightning, and Al-Maqrizi gave his example on this subject. He told us about the Bani Sulaym tribes, their houses and their tribes divided between Tripoli and Barqa. After the Egyptians lived near Khyber and then moved to Egypt and from there to the Maghreb and did not remain in their country one and their numbers in Ifriqiya is large, and said that the buildings of Dabab came down between Barqa and Gabes, and they are lightning next to the structure of Hib and built Solomon bin Dabab who landed in Fezan and Sudan, Bani Hipp said that their homes are between the Sidra of Barr And to the borders of Alexandria, including the Ibn Ahmed in ajdabiay730, and described the al-Maqrizi the Warord between Barqa and the Great Aqaba that there are children of peace, and said that the lightning neighborhoods of Bani Jafar731.
7.2.3. Christians
725Al-Omari: op.cit, 4 : 214-215.
726Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 6 : 14-15.
727Al-Qalqashandi: Nihāyat al-Arab, 160.
728Al-Qalqashandi: qalayid aljaman, 126-127.
729Al-Qalqashandi: Nihāyat al-Arab,154-161.
730Al-Maqrizi: al-bayan w al-aerab, 111.
731Ibid,113
162
Despite the spread of Islam in the country, but there are areas that maintained its Christian religion in the village of Tknst732was a community of Christians, as was the majority of Christians and Copts, and others around the city of Tripoli733,and emphasizes the al-Bakri to the presence of a majority of Copts in Ajdabiya, also said that around Tripoli Copts In the form of the Berbers speak Coptic, and the owner of the book of foresight to the existence of Copts in Barqa, saying "In some cities of the tribes of the tribes of Lawata, but its people Copts"734.
7.2.4. The Jews
The Jews spread out in Barqa and Tripoli before the Islamic conquest and chose the areas that suit their economic ambitions. They were famous in the field of commerce. Some areas were named by the name of the Jewish Palace in Barqa. The Islamic sources spoke about the Jewish community in Barqa and Tripoli. And the author of the book of foresight confirms what al-Bakri said of Jado735, saying: "Jado is in the middle of the mountain of Nafusa736, and most of its inhabitants are Jews, or the villages of Mount Nafusa." This text indicates the influence of the Jews in the city. Speaking of the inhabitants of the city of Ajdabiya, In the city, besides the Muslim merchants737, Ibn Said and Abi al-Fidaa spoke of a palace for Jews in the city of Talmitha on the authority of a large tower.
Ibn Said referred to the Jews of the city of Derna738,Damascene says of the city of Talmitha that there is a palace inhabited by the Jews739. And a group of Jews in the city of Zewaila and settled by the Jews to the city on the Warord of the slave trade with the Sudan740, and housing the boudhim in special places known as the lanes and lived under the humming of the Arabs.
732It is about fifty miles from Barqa.
733Al-Muzaini: op.cit,191-192.
734Al-Bakrī : Al-Masālik w Al-Mamālik, 2 :651-653; Maghul: op.cit, 144.
735Al-Bakrī : Al-Masālik w Al-Mamālik, 2 : 656; Hamwi: Op.cit, 2 : 92.
736Maghul: op.cit, 144.
737Al-Idrisi: Nozha al-Mushtaq, 1: 311.
738Ibn Sa'id: op.cit,146-147; Abi Al-Fada: op.cit,149.
739Ibn Khaldun: op.cit, 2: 308.
740Bulibid: tarikh Barqa al-islami, 165.
163
It is possible to observe the stability of the Jews in the cities of Darna, Dujana, Ajdabiya, Talmitha and Jadu because they represent the centers of the caravans of the land on the one hand and the practice of maritime trade on the other, which makes them acquire commercial importance through the occurrence on the coastal Warord between Alexandria and Barqa and Tripoli, the commercial Warord linking Morocco in Egypt and the Levant Making it an economic magnet for Jews who had been involved in trade from ancient times.
7.3. THE MANIFESTATIONS OF RELIGIOUS AND CULTURAL LIFE IN TRIPOLI AND BARQA IN THE LIGHT OF THE FATIMID ERA
When we talk about the cultural aspect of the city of Tripoli and Barqa and compare it with its neighbors in the Islamic era, we should be objective, not prejudiced or defensive, so that we do not say that the cultural life in Barqa and Tripoli was in full swing with the major cultural centers in the Maghreb as Kairouan or the East as Cairo and Baghdad, We do not exaggerate Negative the role, but we have to look at the subject realistic analytical and objective through the extrapolation of historical sources in our hands, and search for the missing ones to show the role of Barqa and Tripoli in cultural life.
It should be noted here that it is difficult to distinguish between the political history of Barqa and Tripoli and between the cultural side, because this reflects and highlights the situation of Tripoli and Barqa between the neighboring Islamic centers (Kairouan, Cairo) if it is clear to us through the study of political history its impact on cultural life in terms of prosperity and weakness, And in light of which we will understand objectively the status of Barqa and cultural Tripoli, although they do not match other centers, but the scientists and what they provided of the ammunition of religious and secular sciences in Islamic civilization is not negligible741.
Before we proceed to the features of cultural life in Tripoli and Barqa during the period we are dealing with, we should pause to try to explain the weakness of the
741 Abdulbaset Mohammed Atwa: dawr al-mghtaribin al-earab w almughariba w al-ndilsiiyn fi thaqafat alliybiiyn khilal al-easr al'iislamii min alfath hataa al-qarn al-thamin al-hajri , tarabulus, al-markaz alliybi almahfuzat w aldirasat al-taarikhiati. , 2014,135.
164
cultural life in the city of Tripoli and Barqa by asking the following question why is not known for Barqa and Tripoli in the field of culture and religion as in Egypt and the country Morocco and Iraq.
The attempt to explain this phenomenon is not easy, but there are some researchers responded to the explanation of them Ihsan Abbas, who explained the causes of this phenomenon in the entirety of his talk about scientists and writers, saying :
1) The Libyan scientists did not contact the tiles of kings in Kairouan or Cairo, since most scientists and writers are famous for their contact with the tiles of the sultans.
2) The migration of many of the sons of Libya to Morocco or the Orient.
3) The absence of a stable political capital, Tripoli did not crystallize as the capital except in limited periods, although it could not be a major center for the meeting of scientists of the country742.
Al-Nu'man 'Abd Al-Muta'al in his book Al-Fotouh Islamic poetry in the beginning of Islam said : did so because of the violence of the fighting and the cruelty of the fighting and that the majority of the conquerors were those of the Arabs of Yemen who did not enjoy what the Adnanians gave to the poetry In Yemen, and Barghouthi attributed the level of cultural weakness in Libya for several reasons, after the Barqa and Tripoli about the status of the Caliphate, the breadth of Libya and poverty and lack of population, the social divide between Berbers and Arabs, the migration of scientists and writers743.
That the observer for the history of Tripoli especially notes that it was a conflict between the forces fighting for power from the East and West, and was often the dominant force of the West, for example, the Aghlabp see Tripoli as a state of their own and at the same time the population believes that they must have autonomy, In a permanent conflict, which deprived it of stability, like other civilizational centers such as Kairouan and Cairo, as this region witnessed conflicts and wars between the
742 Abbās: op.cit,105-106. .
743 Al-Nu'man Abdul-Muttalib Al-Qadi: shaear alfutuh al-islami fi easr al-islam ,Dar al-nashr al-watania, 1965,167-168; Al-Barghūthī : op. cit,293-300.
165
conflicting countries (the Aghlabids, and Toulonites) each working to make them subordinate to them. At the same time, the governors of Tripoli sought whenever they had the opportunity to declare their rebellion The formation of an independent government along the lines of its neighbors, all of which naturally affected the cultural situation in the country, during the reign of the Aghlabid744, the mandate of Tripoli (179 -296 AH) more than nine governors Tripoli residents revolted against them, Of the Fatimids after the site of Jadu in 311 AH population has revolutionized them,but in general enjoyed the mandate of Tripoli relative stability in the era of the Fatimid state745.
There was also a conflict between the Sinhajis and the Zanatians (367-391 AH), all of which influenced the cultural life of the state of Tripoli746, and the Christian ambitions to take over the city of Tripoli were another aspect of the dangers that threatened them, It fell into the hands of Norman (541-553) The enemies of Almohads from Tripoli took the scene of their bitter political conflicts, depriving them of security and stability, Tripoli became a region of tension and attraction between the Hafs supporters of the Almohads, and bani Ghaniya, Qarqoush adversaries of the Almohads, in addition to the invasion of Spain and the Knights of St John747.
If we look at the demographic structure in Libya during the Islamic era, we find that most of them are composed of people who did not have clear cultural centers, They did not have an interest in science. Most of them are Bedouins, in addition to the expatriates who are conquerors or migratory tribes, The Bedouin, who have been overcome by militancy, instability and lack of submission to the administrative authority, are led to tribal rule more than the state system748,so they did not pay attention to the study of science, they are more men of war than men of science.
The cultural centers that were established in Libya before and after Islam did not reach the level of Islamic cultural centers in Morocco or Sham ,And therefore remained the Barqa and Tripoli civilized located under the neighboring civilizations of the East and
744 Rossi: op. cit 63-99; Al-Barghūthī: op. cit,201-210.
745 Rossi: op.cit, 80-85.
746 Ibid: 89-93.
747 Ibid: 102-106.
748 Ahmed Mokhtar Omar: al-nashat al-thaqafi fi libiy min al-fath al-islami illa bidayat al-easr al-turki, Benghazi, University Benghazi, 1971, 86; Al-Qadi : op.cit ,168 .
166
West This is due to the fact that Barqa and Tripoli were not a central capital like other capitals, Although Tripoli was able to be in some periodscapital, but this did not last long because the cultural elements in Tripoli as the capital was not always available because of the political and economic conditions, as science is the birth of capitals, so we note that the kiss of scientists always be towards the big capitals749. Most of the souls aspire to fame if they do not covet wealth, For this reason, the scholars from Libya migrated to the cultural centers that possess the elements that do not belong to Barqa and Tripoli, nor are they from the cultural, economic and political side, In most of the Islamic covenants, Tripoli was a state within the states of Morocco, and Barqa Tracking Egypt750. Because Libya is a link between Mashreq and the Islamic Maghreb, its Mediterranean location made it a meeting point, a bridge and a transit bridge for commercial convoys that carried books and news from the country coming from both East and West. It was also a corridor for many travelers, pilgrims, Many of them preferred to stay for a long time751. This site gave the Libyans an opportunity to meet the flags and scholars and take them. Some scholars may leave Barqa and Tripoli to receive the flag, as did Ibn Al-Manmr when he traveled to Kairouan to take the flag from Sheikh Mohammed Abu Zaid ibn Abi Cyrene in the fourth century AH752 .
7.3.1. Media Of Culture In Barqa And Tripoli (Mosques)
The mosque was not only a place of worship and prayer, but a school with all its meanings. It is a place to lecture and listen to lessons. It is a compound for students and teachers, It also usually has private residences for expatriate teachers and students753.
It was not a Libyan city or village without a mosque or more, including what was founded early with the conquest, and he visited al-Tijani Tripoli in the early eighth century AH, and drew attention to the large number of mosques, even said: "The mosques of the country are numerous"754, he said elsewhere". Outside the country,
749 Al-Barghūthī :op.cit, 298; Abbās: op.cit,115 .
750Al-Telsi: op.cit, 243; Abbās: op.cit, 212; Al-Barghūthī : op. cit,298 .
751 Atwa: op.cit,102 .
752 Atwa: op.cit, 104; Al-Barghūthī :op.cit,300-301.
753 Omar: op.cit, 101.
754 Al-Tijani: Op.cit, 254.
167
many mosques are famous for their favor"755. He said," There are many mosques on this coast"756, Perhaps the building of the Fatimids for mosques is part of their desire to take centers for the teaching of the Ismaili doctrine According to Bashir Telsi757.
7.3.2. Libraries
The country was full of bookcases in mosques, schools and corners, in addition to the safes kept by scholars in their role, but the instability of the political situation in the country led to the looting and burning of libraries such as the Safes Jabal Nafusa, which was filled with precious books, strife that hit the mountain after the tenth century, but there are many of them did not reach the hands of the abusers and the link was not eliminated, including the library corner Sons Suhail, which visited Tijani758, and the library known as "closet Nafusa" was in the era aflah of thousands of books. Was headquarters In the city of Shros in the mountain of Nafusa759,and from the private libraries library Mohammed Al-Makeni, described by "Ibn Nasser Al-Deri," saying that "his closet does not exist for anyone because Al-Makeni was a jurisprudent and his home Beit Alam, a Mufti and teacher and was smart and leadership," Ayashi said that"Al-Warraqin's shops have played a role in cultural life760, not only selling paper,writing tools and selling books, but also playing a large role in copying, correcting, embodying, displaying, introducing, publishing and distributing books ,As a forum for scientists and writers and the believer Yen, not just paper and selling books.
And the schools of Ibadi, which originated in the second century AH and remained a science to the eleventh century school Abu Moneep Mohammed Ben-Yans, and the school has a group of branches in different villages and cities, and the school of Omar bin Imcten in the village of Evatman and is the first school in the mountain Nafusa to teach the Koran The second school of Abi Yahya Sulaiman Ibn Matus is a scholar of the first half of the fourth century AH, Ahmed Mokhtar mentions that it is one of the
755 Ibid: 247.
756 Ibid: 218.
757 Al-Telsi:op.cit,301.
758 Omar : op.cit, 108.
759 Omar: op.cit, 109; Hawala: op.cit, 1 : 255 .
760 Jumaa Mahmoud El Zoriki: dirasat lybya: dirasa fi hayat wa tathir bed al-fuqaha' wa wasayil al-ielam min libia , al-qadima wa lhaditha , Bayrut ,Dar al-madar al-islami , 2005, 468 .
168
greatest schools that published the science, The students were heard from everywhere, and the school of Abi Haroun Musa Bin Younis Al Jalami was collecting money for students Who came to School of remote areas761.
7.3.3. Trips
The trips from Morocco to Al-Mshreq, and vice versa, provided a unique opportunity to establish intellectual and cultural relations between Libya and its neighbors because of its position as a link between the East and the West, A number of sons of Barqa and Tripoli also traveled to Kairouan or to Cairo or Mecca and MedinaSeeking knowledge, Ibn Ghalbon said in this regard , That the Tripoli was dependent on the culture of those who come to the pilgrims and students of science From Morocco, Al-Mshreq and those who are accompanied by African princes On their way to Hajj from the scholars"762,and the Moroccan scientists who passed through Tripoli and Barqa on their way to the Orient forward Sahnoun bin Said (160- 240 AH) who resided in me He spent his time on the journey to seek knowledge in the Levant in 188 AH, and he gave his lessons in Tripoli and Ajdabiya, and he heard the people of Ajdabiya in 191 AH 806 AD, which also quoted him as saying, "There were African scholars, some of them in Kairouan, Tunisia and Tripoli if they compared the owner He said: "I have received men who have the merit of Ibn Ayyad the best of them"763, Muhammad ibn Sayyar Al-Qurtubi, who passed through Tripoli in 294 AH, was heard by its scholars as passed by Muhammad ibn Issa General statement 332 AH and met with Hammad bin Shragan Alastaji in Barqa year 338 AH during his return from the East764, and he was able to stay in Tripoli so that some Libyan students were able to study some of the scientific books, such as the book "Al-Kafi in the Fatwas" by Ibn al-Manmar and other books, including the world Faqih And historian Ibn Khaldun, who visited the city of Tripoli and stayed there for a period of time studying and lecturing, which indicates that these trips were giving opportunities to students of science in Tripoli and other
761 Al-Shamakhi: op.cit,1:142; Muammar: Al-ibadia fi Mawkib al-tarikh,158; Omar: op.cit, 112-113.
762 Ibn Ghalbon: Op.cit,140 .
763 Abū Al-Faḍl ʿIyāḍ, al-Qāḍī: Tartīb al-madārik wa-taqrīb al-masālik limaʿrifat aʿlām madhhab Mālik, Maghrib ,wizart Awqaf Maghrib,1983, 47;Abu Al-Arab Muhammad ibn Ahmad Ibn Tamim al-Qairawani: tabaqat aleulama' al'afariqa, Tunis, albayt altuwnisi, 1968, 73-83; Al-Tijani: op.cit,251; Al-Barghūthī : op.cit,301;Al-Telsi: op.cit, 87- 220 .
764Al-Tijani: op.cit,220; Al-Telsi: op.cit,221; Al-Barghūthī : op.cit,301; Omar :op.cit, 114.
169
regions to meet scientists from Andalusia765, Morocco and Tunisia and take them a lot of science in their country , Remind them of "Abi Ishaq Ibrahim Alajdabi who knew Abn Aljdabi from the fifth century scholars, did not have a flight outside of Tripoli, he was asked where did you take the learn,? He answered I took from doors Hawara and Zenata ,This is a reference to the fact that his knowledge benefited from his meeting with the scholars who pass through Tripoli through these two doors, whether Al-Msherq or Morocco, This means that Tripoli was a meeting place of senior scholars766, including Sheikh Abu Fares Bin Abdul Aziz bin Abdul Azim bin Abdul Salam Bin Abdul Aziz bin Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz bin Obaid, and through the knowledge of the sources of the culture of the Sheikh represented in the Mashhekh is clear to us the origins of the original was a scholar and his followers of the Maghreb crossed Tripoli and the elders of the jurist "Abu Hassan Ibrahim Mohammed bin Ibrahim the Andalusian Basti, who passed Tarab He read some of his writings in the Arabic language and heard about him some of his systems.He was narrated by al-Muhadhabah by Ibn al-Munasif, including al-Faqih Abu al-Abbas al-Ajami, who was sent from the east to the city of Tripoli, meaning Morocco, and he read some of the religious sciences of Ibn al-Khatib, Abu Muhammad Abdullah bin Ibrahim bin Abi Muslim Gabsi arrived Tripoli judge and many others767,and this shows that the cities located on the way to pilgrimage or trade was receiving the reception of scientists from the East or Morocco or Andalusia alike.
In the years of adversity, the migration between the layers of scholars from Barqa and Tripoli to Egypt and Sicily and Andalusia to escape the rule of the Fatimids, especially followers of the doctrine of Malik or aspiring in positions, was poet Abu Alhassan al-Barqee in Egypt and the owner of the letter office in Sicily of the sons of Oudani768.
In addition, Abn al-Ajdabi, who was well versed in the debate and knowledge of the literature and the principles that follow in the debate between the people of the
765 Al-Tijani: op.cit, 251; Atwa :op.cit,107.
766 Al-Husayn ibn Muhammad Al-Warthalani: al-rihlat al-wirthilania, Bayrut,1974,154; Abbās: op.cit, 105-106
767 Al-Anṣārī:: Al-Munahal,165; Al-Tijani: op.cit, 220; Atwa: op.cit,107.
768 Al-Telsi: op.cit 185.
170
doctrines of jurisprudence769, Also ibn Nasr Daoudi The author of the book "The response to fatalism”770.
7.3.4. Intellectual Production In The Mental Sciences
In the face of the lack of access to many manuscripts and documents that refer to the cultural life in Libya throughout the Islamic ages. Furthermore, it can be inferred from our conclusion that there are scientists and sheikhs who were of great knowledge and contributed effectively to the intellectual activity in the Maghreb. Even though the most active Intellectual science, on the other hand, the mental sciences had a share within their intellectual production. However, we cannot give a clear picture of this science in that period due to the loss of most of them. For the reason that the disasters that have been the country, which led to the loss of many of its heritage in this area. In addition, the blessings of this heritage are still locked and manuscripts and private safes, and some of them have not yet been available to learners.
7.3.5. History
The book of history has attracted the interest of many Libyan scientists and was one of the first books in history Ibn Salam, and considered his book "the oldest historical author of the whole of Morocco", and Ahmed bin Abi Zarah al-Barqi (249 AH) a book in history and a book in the classes and in the men and was not Abbas Abdullah Al-Ijdabi (384 AH) A book in the science of genealogy771.
7.3.6.Obedience
Is the science of obligatory for science, and honest art to collect between the reasonable and transferred, and access to the rights in the genetics of true uncertainties, and the most famous of the thousand on the bin Zacron, and the father of al-Hasan ibn al-Manamr, but Ibn al-Manmar is one of the best author on the doctrine of Malik and
769 Abbās: op.cit, 212 .
770 Abbās: op.cit, 212; Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 333 .
771 Directory of Arab authors Libin, Dar al-Ketub ,Tripoli, 1977 , 127.
171
The most famous of them, and the son of the tiger is written in another branch of the science of number, which is the account772.
7.3.7. Mathematics
The book is characterized by a large number of practical exercises in how to distribute the waste among those entitled "and allocated part of it to what we call the simple mental account and laid out the rules wonderful strange" The world of Abu al-Hasan al-Manmar was interested in arithmetic and wrote a book entitled "Account and times"773.
7.3.8. Astronomy
Ibn Al-Manmar was also famous for his astronomical knowledge. He has a book entitled "Meaqat". Al-Ajdabi wrote about the times and the seasons, which he addressed in different seasons: seasons and times of the year, stars, bodies and wind .
7.3.9. Some Scholars Of Tripoli And The Barqa
Tripoli, Barqa and Jabal Nafusa witnessed the emergence of a number of scholars and scholars during the period of study left a scientific and cultural impact and praised the mention of the books of translations and classes, including:
Abu Al-Asod Musa Bin Abdulrahman Bin Habib Al-Qattan Or Attar Trabelsi: Although classified from the third century scientists but his death was in the fourth century and we started it, was born in 232 AH said the judge Ayad origin of Ajam Qamouda774,heard from Imam Muhammad bin Sahnoun and others, The district of Tripoli and then isolated by Ibrahim bin Ahmed al-Aghlabi and imprisoned him Loshaya, and has an author in the provisions of the Koran is twelve parts, was the
772 Al-Tijani: Op.cit, 265
773 Ibid . .
774 Ibid, 35 .
172
confidence of the scholars and enumerated it was said about what the people of Egypt who came from Kairouan admire him, died 306 years775.
Abu Al-Fadl Al-Abbas Al-Ghadamesi died in 309 AH, At Dabbagh died in 349 AH776, he was 69 years old777, Hajar was his native Ghadames and settled in Sousse for three months before moving to Monastir to stay there778.
Abu Muhammad Abdullah bin Mahmoud Almkfov grammar: from the people of Sirte, learned in Kairouan, was the most knowledgeable people in the language and poetry and the days of the Arabs ,was organized poetry, has written in the language and book presentations, died 308 AH779.
Abu Muhammad Abdullah Bin Ismail Al-Barqi: From the people of jurisprudence and literature died in 317 AH, he said in the Riyadh souls of the people of jurisprudence and literature and overcome him last days of the pious ,He died at the age of forty years780 .
Abu Musallam Saleh Bin Ahmed Bin Abdullah Bin Saleh Al-Ajli: Learn from him many scholars of Andalusia and Morocco ،died in Tripoli 322 AH, origin his of Kufa781.
Abu Othman Said Bin Khalfoun Hishani Or Hassani: his Origin of the village of Hassan and the Sufi masters gathered many of the parents and took them, the housing of the mosque attributed to him in Tripoli, and was famous title of respondent, was Mehrez bin Almdib returned to the Hajj to Tunisia asked who saw on your way his
775 Qadi Ayyad: op.cit, (IN. Mohammed bin Sharifa), 5 : 90.
776 Abu Zeid Abdul Rahman Al-Dabbagh: Maealim al-iman fi Maerifa ahl al-qirwan , mktbat alkhaniji - Misr w al-maktba al-eatiqa - Tunis , 2 : 335-336; Aḥmad Hussain Al-Anṣārī : Nafhat al-Nisreen w al-Reihan,Tripoli, Maktabat al-furajani,1994,75; Ibn Farhoun Al-Maliki: al-Diybaj al-Muadhhab fi Maerifa eulama' al-Madhhab, Dar Heritage for printing and publishing,(D.T), 1:242; Naser Al-Din Muhammad Al-Sharif: al-jawahir al-ikliliat fi aeyan eulama libiya min al-malikia, Dar al-Bayraq Amman, 1991, 61-62; Atwa,op.cit p139; Al-Nusan, op.cit, 33; Hawala: op.cit, 1:356; Al-Barghūthī : op.cit,305 .
777 Al-Dabbagh: Op.cit, 2 :440; Al-Zawi: Aelam libiya,198-200; Al-Sharif: op.cit,69.
778 It is the place where the menstrual bleeding is done .
779 Al-Barghūthī : Op.cit,313.
780Al-Malki: Op.cit, 234; Al-Zawi: Aelam libiya, 239-240 .
781 El -Zoriki: op.cit, 460; Al-Barghūthī : op.cit, 305
173
from The righteous ,He answered" I saw in Tripoli a man and a woman, was the man Abu Osman Al-Hassani, died in 362 AH 782.
Aboabdullah Mohammad Bin Eshakh Jabali Or Alhabli: Judge Barqa The Fatimid worker was Ibn Al Kafi came to him and said to him Tomorrow is the feast , the judge replied that it is necessary to see the crescent of the feast because it is not necessary to breakfast people before making sure to see the crescent of the feast, but Ibn Al Kafi insisted on his words and added that A book came to him from Kairouan stating this, and when the people became, a sufficient son to the judge in the body of Eid and drums, the judge refused to come out, saying, " go not out and do not pray and do not break fast on the day of Ramadan even if my hand is suspended" By praying and going up to the pulpit for the sermon among the people, then sent to the Erawan told them what was asked of Kairouan to appear the judge in her hands, and when he stood between the hands of the Fatimid caliph finest between the entry in their obedience and pardon him or will punish him as he wished, he refrained from engaging in their call Vensb him Saria commented in his hand until he died and was in the year 341 AH783.
Abu Bakr Al-Nahwa Muhammad Ibn Mu'men Al-Kandi Al-Barqi: Books in Hadith and grammar, He moved to Egypt.He died in 351 AH or 356 AH784.
Abu Muhammed Tamim Bin Khairan Bin Tamim Sarti: heard about Musa Qattan and Ibn Bustam and others, was a jurisprudent and A scholar of African news, he died in 346 AH and he is Eighty - Eight years old785.
Abu Al-Husayn Ali Ibn Ahmad Ibn Zakariya Ibn Al-Khatib Or Al-Khasib Known As Ibn Zakroun Al-Trabelsi: He learned about Sheikh Saleh al-Ajlawi and narrated it from Abu Al-Hasan Al-Qabsi, He had a trip to Egypt and the Hijaz, then returned to Tripoli and lived in the mosque of Al-Majaz. Learn about his hands students from Morocco and Andalusia and heard him Abul Abbas Ghomra Sargsti
782 Al-Anṣārī: Nafhat al-Nisreen w al-Reihan, 178; Ibn Ghalboun: op.cit, 250-253; Al-Barghūthī :op.cit, 307; Omar:op.cit, 135; Al-Zawi: Aelam libiya, 171-172; Al-Sharif: op.cit, 72-73. ;.
783 Al-Dabbagh:op.cit, 2:49 ; Al-Zawi: Aelam libiya, 327; Al-Sharif: op.cit, 67.
784 Abbās: op.cit, 113 ; Omar:op,cit 25; Al-Barghūthī :op.cit, 314-315 .
785 Al-Sharif: op.cit, 68 . Abbās: op.cit, 113; Omar: op.cit,256;
174
when passing through Tripoli, died in 370 AH leaving many of the literature in jurisprudence and jurisprudence786.
Abu Nzar Khattab Al-Barqi: He accompanied the knowledgeable people of his time and took them and was one of the leading scholars and witnesses787, said Tijani "was living in the mosque, which is outside the city from the east on the sea"788, died in 373 AH789.
Abo Jafar Ahmad Bin Abi Abdullah Muhammad Bin Khalid Bin Abdulrahman: Born in Barqa and His origin from Kufa, one of the Shiite jurists who wrote In the difference of the Hadith of the Prophet's daughters and his marriage, interpretation of the hadiths dignified and has a poetry library, died in Barqa 376 AH790.
Abu Abdullah Muhammad Ibn Yahya Al-Ajdabi: from the people of Ajdabiya ،
Mohamed Ben Hanton said I went to the Hajj and went to Ajdabiya and met with Al-ajdabi this in year 382 AH ،In the place known as Mila791.
Abu Abdullah Muhammad Ibn Hassan Al-Zawaili Al-Sarti: He had trips in the request of knowledge to the Al-Mshreq and Morocco, had a corner in the last mosque to meet people to the fatwa on various issues, said by Ibn Al-Dabbagh, was of the scholars ,statutes and the Quran, died in 383 AH792.
Abu Jaafar Ahmad Bin Khalaf Al-Ajdabi: Known for his brilliance in the controversy and his ability in jurisprudence, he died in 391 AH, While Ahmed Omar, in his book Cultural Activity in Libya, said that he died in 381 AH793.
47- Al-Barghūthī : op.cit.306-307; Al- Zoriki:Op.cit,360; Al-Zawi: Aelam libiya, 257; Omar: Op.cit, 135; Al-Sharif: op.cit, 73 74.
787 Al-Anṣārī: Nafhat Al-Nisreen wa Al-Reihan, 78
788Al-Tijani: op.cit, 234 .
789 Al-Zawi: Aelam libiya, 149; Omar: op.cit,136.
790 Al-Dabbagh:op.cit,3 :105 ; Al-Anṣārī:: al-Munahal, 92; Al-Zawi: Aelam libiya,328; Al-Barghūthī , op.cit,308; Omar: op.cit,136 .
791 Omar:op.cit, 137; Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 365; Al-Sharif :op.cit, 78
792 Al-Dabbagh:op.cit, 3:105 ; Al-Anṣārī: al-Munahal, 92; Al-Zawi: Aelam libiya, 328; Al-Barghūthī , op.cit,308; Omar:op.cit,136; Al-Sharif :op.cit,75-76.
793 Al-Zawi: Aelam libiya, 328; Al-Sharif: Op.cit, 75 76
175
Abi Al-Abbas Abdullah Bin Abdul Rahman Al-Ajdabi:He was a well-known scholar of history. He heard about Abi Al-Hasan Al-Qabsa and others. He went to Egypt and the Hijaz ,He died in 384 AH794.
Ali Ibn Mudar Or Nasr Bin Sulaiman Abu Al-Hassan Al-Burinqi: belongs to Burinq , he was a famous In the literature and good line, died in 384 AH795 .
Muhammad Ibn Al-Hasan Ibn Abi Al-Dasbi Or Al-Dabsi Al-Trabelsi: Ibn Hajar mentioned that he was the judge of Tripoli and was summoned by the minister Ya'qub Ibn Klass to look at some of the rulings and then ordered him to spend Damietta and Ferma and others796.
Abu Jafar Ahmad Bin Nasr Al-Daoudi: Tijani mentions that he sat reading and writing in Tripoli. The sources agreed unanimously that the author wrote, and dictated to his student in Tripoli. He emigrated to Tlemcen and settled there until his death in 402 AH, and he mastered the science of speech and wrote a book in response to the fatalism which he called the clarification in the response to the fatalism, as well as his book in the money, it was said, "And his lesson alone, did not agree in the most famous knowledge of the Imam, To know himself, "denied to his contemporaries of the Kairouan scholars lived in the kingdom of the Fatimids wrote them and replied shut up is not you any Sheikh797.
Abu Lhassan Ali Ibn Muhammad Ibn Al-Manmer Al-Trabelsi: Born in Tripoli in 348 AH, he grew up and learned from them and took her elders from them to Ibn Zikron. Al-Tijani said, "Shaykh al-Faqih is famous because of his knowledge." He made a trip to Hajj in 389 AH and was taken from Abi Hassan Ahmad bin Abdullah
794 Al-Anṣārī:: al-Munahal, 95-96; Al-Dabbagh: op.cit, 3: 129; Mohamed Abdel Moneim Khafagy: qisat al-adab fi libiya al-earabia, Bayrut,Dar al-Jil, 1992,81; Abbās:op.cit,212; Omar: op.cit, 136; Al-Zawi: Aelam libiya, 77
795 Al-Zawi: Aelam libiya, 241; Al-Sharif: op.cit, 76; Abbās: op.cit, 113; Al-Barghūthī: op.cit, 314.
796Ibn Hajar Al-Asqalani: Rafa al-asr ean qudat Misr, maktabat alkhaniji,1988,356; Al-Anṣārī: Nafhat al-Nisreen w al-Reihan,92; Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya,327-328; ;Omar: op.cit,136; Al-Barghūthī : op.cit, 308-309.
797Ayad: Op.cit, 7:274; Al-Anṣārī: al-Munahal,101;Al-Anṣārī: Nafhat al-Nisreen w al-Reihan, 71-72; Qasem Ali Saad: The Population of the Translations of the Islamic Jurists, Dar Al-Bukhara for Islamic Studies and Heritage Revitalization UAE,, 2002, 1:291-292;Abbās: op.cit,212; Omar :op.cit, 137; Al-Zawi: Aelam libiya , 92; Al-Barghūthī : op.cit, 309; Al-Sharif: op.cit, 82 .
176
bin Zureiq al-Baghdadi. He then returned to Tripoli and sat down to know the people of fiqh and arithmetic. And he came to the people to know them, including Abu al-Qasim Abdul Rahman al-Qirwani of the people of Andalusia, and was very adhering to the Maliki school, the first to show the year in Tripoli of the year 407 AH, which killed many Shiites in Kairouan, He who recited Taraweeh prayers also recited and the Duha prayer, and was prevented people from their performance, was expelled from Tripoli to the village of booty. And remained there until the end of the year 432 AH. However, Barghouthi quoted Saad Zaghloul in his commentary on the Tijani narration of Ibn Al-Manmer as saying that Tajani was mixed between two personalities. He died in 432 AH and the Faqih was in Tripoli in 446 AH when the Arabs arrived.Thus Saad Zaghloul believes that the Almontaser was the one who incited the Trabelsians against the Shiites,not Ibn Manmer798.
Abi Abdullah Al-Hussein Bin Abdulrahman Al-Ajdabi: accompanied by the father of Hassan Al-Gabsi and heard from Tamim bin Abi Arabs and other thousand Mnabir spring Qattan said Judge Ayad famous in the jurisprudence of Kairouan was a bWarord novel, died in 432 AH799.
Ali Trabelsi: was updated in 348 AH,fought the Fatimids died in 432 AH800.
Abul-Qasim Abdulrahman Bin Mohammed Al-Hamdari Al-Hadrami : Born to Lebda and one of the most famous African scholars, authors and worshipers. The African sheikhs and of the people of Rabat called him. He held the presidency of science in Kairouan. He has a book in jurisprudence. In more than 200 parts and book increases mothers and narratives, died in Kairouan in 440 AH and 420 AH801, said by Yusuf Huala "among the most famous scholars and African jurists of late, his writings of jurisprudence has a significant impact on the consolidation of the Maliki doctrine and empowerment802.
798 Al-Barghūthī op.cit, 310.
799Ibid.
800Al-Dabbagh:op.cit, 3 :170; Khafagy:op.cit,83; Saad: op.cit,417-48.
801 Al-Humeiri: op.cit, 342.
802 Al-Dabbagh : op.cit, 3 :176; Hawala :op.cit, 1 :378.
177
Abu Musallam Mo'men Bin Faraj Al-Hawari Al-Trabelsi: He used to recite the lessons from the mosque that was known by his name. Ibn al-Namr offered him to pray with people in Ramadan after Ibn al-Manmar recited the Taraweeh prayer, which was prevented by the Fatimids, died in 442 AH803.
Abu Al-Tahir Isma'il Ibn Ahmad Ibn Zaydullah Al-Tajibi Al-Barqi: attributed to Barqa, but he lived in Mahdia visited Andalusia and Egypt, from his brilliant works garden flowers, died in 445 AH804.
Abu Abdullah Mohammed Bin Said Bin Sharaf Al-Ajdabi: Al-Zawawi said his origin from Ijdabip, schooled on the father of Hassan al-Qabsa, contact Maaz bin Badis as I call the minister son of the father of men, came out of Kairouan after the entry of Bani Hilal and headed to Mahdia I moved to Andalusia in the year 447 AH. He lived in Cordoba before he took al-Murrayh, and he has many books, including the flags of speech, and also the book of the earliest ideas. He was a contemporary of the poet Ibn Rushiq805, who died in 460 AH806.
Abu Ishaq Ibrahim Bin Ismail Bin Ahmed Bin Abdullah Al-Otaibi: A jurist is a linguist, a writer classified in the language classification, and the most trespassing in his journey from the description of jurisprudence and said about him "I know the people of his time all the sciences and words according to the language and language," belongs to the tribe of Louta Barbarian And his father, his father, was accepted by those who passed through Tripoli from the scholars and took them from the east to the west, or from the Moroccans heading to the east, and to Tijani on his journey a text depicting what was the order of Ibn al-Ajdabi807, indicates the amount of grandfather in the acquisition of science, Trip to Tripoli to others I was asked you this He did not migrates? And he said gained from my door Hawara and Zenata ", two doors from the gates of Tripoli and indicates that benefited but benefit from the knowledge of the
803 Hawala: op.cit, 1 : 293.
804 Al-Sharif :op.cit,88.
805 Ibid: 88-89.
806 Al-Anṣārī:al-Munahal,116-117; Al-Zawi: Aelam libiya,319-320; Khafagy: op.cit, 99-102.
807 Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 334; Al-Sharif: op.cit,90.
178
meeting are coming to Tripoli, enters from the two sections of Almcherqin and Amorbin"808.
It seems that Ibn al-Ajdabi was good because Tajani said that behind it"809, and had the care to meet delegations and their hospitality," and was keen to collect science as it was careful to copy some of the classification of the imams in his plan, and was one of the best people mistake Tajani that Prince Abu Zakaria Hafsi Very searching for the line of Ibn al-Ajdabi heard that in Tripoli two books in his book Al-Faisih for fox, and the book of examples of the strange work of Abul Hassan Al-Hinai known as an ant-hermit sent in their request810.
The most famous books of Ibn al-Ajdabi his short book in the language of adequacy and conservative end of the term used by people for a long time, and sold his reputation until almost the son of Alajdabi not known only by his book times and conditions, is not known from the effects of Ibn al-Ajdabi to this end other than these books and both printed, Two books in the presentations, one short and the other lengthy, and a book in the genealogy shortened the book of Zubair bin Bakar Quraish and increased increases, and a book in response to the son of Makki Skali in his book Education of the tongue, and a book to explain the other Clenched from the names and the statement of the ill health of this, In the window, the Ibn al-Ajdabi Ahol was the cause of its authorship that he attended a day in Tripoli when Judge Abu Muhammad Abdullah bin Mohammed bin Ibrahim bin Hanash judge ruled by mistake by an individual by the son of Ajdabi said to him shut up, Ahol what was called and did not take advantage of that letter, and Ibn Abdel-Moneim in Al-Rawd is a book that he called the sharpening of the narration and did not mention its content, but its title may have indicated that it is in literature811.
The year of his death is not known and most likely died in the second half of the fifth century AH in Tripoli after the year 456 AH or after the year 463 AH, while Al-
808 Jamal Al-Din Al-Qufti: ainbah al-Rawwa eala anba al-Nohaa, (IN.Mohammed Abu-Fadl Ibrahim), Dar al-fikr al-earabi ,alqahrat w muasasat al-kutub al-thaqafia, 1986, 1: 193; Al-Ansari: Nafhat Al-Nisreen w al-Reihan, 243; Al-Tijani: op.cit, 243.
809 Al-Anṣārī: Nafhat Al-Nisreen w al-Reihan,84; Al-Nusan: op.cit,35
810 Al-Tijani: op.cit,244
811 Ibid.
179
Zawawi mentioned in his book the flags of Libya that he died between the years 444 AH and 476 AH812, and his grave outside the city to the north-east, The tomb of most people frequent his visit and pray at him, and his home in the center of the city is still to the year in which Tijani wrote his trip in 707 AH and his line on some of its walls is still staying813.
7.4. IMPORTANT FEATURES OF ARCHITECTURE IN TRIPOLI AND BARQA IN THE FATIMID ERA
The march of the Islamic conquest required the securing of the coastline extending along the Mediterranean Sea through the restoration and consolidation of the Roman or Byzantine fortifications on the one hand and the development of new fortifications on the other, with the aim of establishing defensive bases to counter any Byzantine raids that threatened the Islamic conquests and stability at the time.
In the opinion of Mohammed Boucheira that what applies to the coast of the Shamans fortifications of the establishment of many ties and observation since the era of the second Caliph Omar ibn al-Khattab to govern the connection between the points of connection and control of the naked eye by fire was not limited to the coast of Shamy only, but included this system all the Islamic coasts814.
7.4.1. About The Islamic Architecture In Barqa And Tripoli Before The Fatimid Era
The nature of the coasts of Barqa, which is directly followed by mountains and reefs, and the difficulty of its Warords and its ports, has made it impossible to establish the many and numerous palaces and forts that spread on the coast and in stages815.
812 Al-Anṣārī: Nafhat al-Nisreen w al-Reihan,82-83; Al-Tajani: op.cit, 245; Al-Humeiri: op.cit,315; Al-Sharif: op.cit, 91-95.
813 Al-Tijani: op.cit, 245; Al-Zawi: Tarikh al-fath al-earabi fi libiya, 231; Al-Sharif: op.cit, 95 .
814Mohamed Abdelhadi Shaera: al-ribatat al-sahilit al-islamiat al-liybia , libiya fi al-tarikh , al-mutamar al-tarikhi , kuliyat aladab , University Benghazi, 1968, 235-236.
815Al-Idrisi: Nozha al-Mushtaq, The breakthrough of the horizons, the Library of Religious Culture, Alqahra, 2002, 1 : 310; Shaera:op.cit,247.
180
Al-Marakchi describes the Warord from al-kayrawan to Alexandria with many fortresses, saying: "Between Alexandria and Tripoli, Morocco, there were very close fortifications. If the enemy of the light of every fortress appeared in the sea, then I called the Enlightenment and the news of the enemy ended from Tripoli to Alexandria or from Alexandria to Tripoli in a few hours.And warn them of their enemy"816.
Ibn Khaldun confirms the establishment of several fortresses and the guards on the coast of the sea from Morocco and on the extension of fifteen days to Barqa[817], and mentioned many palaces and warlords of castles and fortresses and fences, which took the form of defensive war as well as the castles al-Bakrī says recalls, "The city of Ajdabiya Marina on the sea Known as Almahor has three palaces between him and eighteen miles, "and al-Ḥimyarī shortened in only two palaces in the desert818.
The palaces of Hassan near Sirte, one of the most famous palaces and known by this name relative to Hassan Ibn al-Nu'man, who settled in those parts for five years waiting for the extension from Damascus after his defeat in front of the priestess and during his stay those buildings of palaces and reminded al-Bakrī that they are two ruins, and Idriss did not mention There is also a Palace of Idols, a large palace and a distance away from Sirte thirteen miles, and the Palace of worship on the beach and also Palace thirst819.
The Al-Yaʿqūbī stood at these palaces and others, such as the palace of al-Faruj, which is a desolate palace, as al-Bakrī said, and Qasr al-Tha'ash and Judaea were large, with plantations and the palace of the worshipers, all located near Sirte820, as well as the palace of Alasal and the palace of Qafz, located in the middle of Brnik821, al-Idrisi and Ibn Mogadishu spoke about the palace of the two horns and mentioned that it was a palace of Amer and from it to a distance of thirteen miles822, Yacout al-Hamawi and al-Yaʿqūbī also mentioned that the coast of the coast is said to have a number of
816Abd Al-Wāḥid Al-Marrākushī : al-Muʿjib fī Talkhīṣ Akhbār al-Maghrib, Alqahra, Lajnat Iḥyā’ al-Turāth al-Islāmī,1962 ,432.
817Al-Bakrī : Al-Masālik wa Al-Mamālik, 2 :177; Al-Bakrī: Al-Maghrib, 5; Al-Ḥimyarī: op,cit, 11-12 .
818Al-Bakrī : Al-Maghrib, 8; Idrisi: Nozha al-Mushtaq, 1 : 314.
133 ;-: 1: 315;Mogadish: op.cit, 1 : 123Mushtaq -Nozha alIdrisi: -Al819
133.-: 1 : 315; Mogadish: op.cit, 1 : 132 Mushtaq-Nozha alIdrisi: -Al820
: 1 : 314; Mogadish: op.cit, 1 :132. Mushtaq-al NozhaIdrisi: -Al821
Buldān, 1 :389;-Hamawi: Muʿjam Al-Al822
181
pilgrims and six miles from the city of Barqa823,Barqa itself was fortified and well shielded by a wall Doors and iron trench and is likely to Abbasid Caliph al-Mutawakkil ordered the construction of this wall824.
The fortress of Talmitha is one of the most famous fortifications in Barqa, which was well fortified with a wall of stone and its Port city were used later to receive ships and export goods825,It also included a fortress of Wadi Makhil to the Mosque and Souk Amer826and pools for water and jabbab827,And on the Warord from the city of Ojla828,to the oases there are many fortresses walled with mosques and markets and this confirms the spread of the construction of fortresses, castles and defensive fences in the desert areas not only built on the coastal strip829.
Ibn Said described the walls of the city of Tobruk as old, and the city of Ramadah on the coast had a wall surrounding it. Sirte also had a wall that was blocked from the dirt and a wall of the city of Ajdabiya was of flat mud830.
At the level of architecture in Tripoli, it is regrettable that many of the buildings and buildings have been removed because of many factors. It is true that the weakness of the materials used in the construction is the most important factor is the conflict and tension between the which followed the sovereignty over this city. Which destroyed many of the architectural achievements of Islamic religious and aggressive, so most of what we can now know from the models of Islamic architecture in Tripoli and its vicinity is through the status of travelers, historians and geographers.
The Tigani's description of the city of Tripoli and its conditions and buildings is the most prominent book written in this area, where the writings of Al-Tijānī cover early
, 181.Buldān-Kitāb AlYaʿqūbī : -Al823
824Marrākushī: op.cit, 283; Shaera : op.cit,237.-316; Al-: 1 : 315 Mushtaq-Nozha alIdrisi: -Al
825 Al-Bakrī : Al-Masālik w Al-Mamālik,176; Al-Bakrī :Al-Maghrib, 4; Al-Yaʿqūbī : Kitāb Al-Buldān, 180.
826Emad El-Din Ismail Abi El-Fida: Taqwim Al-buldan, Bayrut,Dar Sader ,(D.T), 128; Al-Idrisi: Nozha Al-Mushtaq : 1: 120.
827Al-Ḥamawī :Muʿjam Al-Buldān, 5 : 366; Al-Bakrī :Al-Maghrib,11.
828 Al-Bakrī : Al-Maghrib, 12.
829Abū Al-Qāsim Ibn Ḥawqal: Al-Masalik w Al-Mamalik,Leyden, 1873, 44-45; Al-Bakrī : Al-Masalik w Al-Mamalik, 2 : 122; Mogadish: op.cit, 1 : 311; Al-Idrisi: Nozha Al-Mushtaq ,1: 130.
830Ibn Said : op,cit, 178.
182
periods of the Islamic city, as Al-Tijānī lived in the city of Tripoli over the year between 706 708 / 1307 1308, Trying to give a true picture of what was in the city then.
Between Tripoli and seven palaces"831,Mohammed Shaireh said, "the palaces between Gabes and Tripoli are 25 palaces832and from Tripoli to Slouk 38 palaces833,al-Bakrī and al-Idrisi mention "the city of Tripoli a large wall"834al-Bakrī, al-Ḥimyarī and al-Tijānī said that Haritha Bani built the Tripoli sea wall during his reign of al-kayrawan 180 AH835, al-Tijānī adds that Abu-Ubeid Zayan al-Saklabi was raised from the sea and land by the year 345 AH836, Amr ibn al-Aas demolished the wall of Tripoli when he opened it and rebuilt it Abdulrahman ibn Habib year 132 / 751837, but al-Ḥimyarī said, "the city of Kobe "838,al-Bakrī also mentioned that the city of Sirt Sur has a brick839, During the reign of the Aghlabid, many mosques and ribbons were built on the coastal strip. They were erected in a high place and were made of a small vaulted room. The state provided the Murabaha with their living necessities in return for their role as a Coast Guard in order to warn of any potential aggression that might surprise the country840, al-Bakrī mentions the remains of "the fortress of Libdah, an ancient fortress inhabited by Arabs"841.
The most important features of architecture in Libya were the mosque. Many historians especially al-Bakrī, Ibn Hawqal and al-Tijānī praised the architecture of the Libyan mosques. These mosques were destroyed or rebuilt842,al-Tijānī mentioned that
831 Al-Idrisi: Nozha Al-Mushtaq ,1: 298.
832 Shaireh: op,cit, 235-247.
833 Al-Bakrī : Al-Masālik w Al-Mamālik, 2 : 179; Al-Bakrī: al-Maghrib, 7; Idrisi: makhudhat min kitab Nozha Al-Mushtaq, 122; Al-Idrisi: Nozha Al-Mushtaq :1 : 297.
834 Al-Bakrī : Al-Masālik w Al-Mamālik, 2: 181; Al-Bakrī: Al-Maghrib, 9; Al-Ḥimyarī: op,cit, 390.
835 Al-Tijānī: op,cit, 239; Nagy Jalloul: Al-rawabit Al-bahriat fi Ifriqia fi al-eusur al-wustaa , Markaz al-dirasat w albuhwith al-aiqtisadiat w al-aijtimaeia, Tunisia, 1999, 181.
836Al-Ḥimyarī: op,cit, 231.
837Al-Ḥamawī :Muʿjam al-Buldān, 3: 206
838Al-Barghūthī: op,cit, 291
839Al-Bakrī: Al-Maghrib, 9.
840Salah Ahmed Albhansi: gharb tarabulus dirasa fi al-turath al-muemaria , dar al-ufuq al-earabi Alqahra, 2004, 97.
841Al-Tijānī : op,cit, 247-254 .
842In the third century AH, he was born in Tripoli, where he died in 243 AH 857. He was a well-known man of his asceticism and mysticism. In addition to taking care of matters of religion, he was a craftsman. His name was required to live in it and was buried a very short distance from the mosque, which bore its name (Sidi Shaab Mosque). Masoud Al-Baluchi: tarikh miemar almasjid fi libiya fi al-eahd al-ethmani w al-qramanli , jameiat aldaewat al-islamiat alduwalia -Tripoli, 2002, 210.
183
the country's mosques are numerous and close to several floors. al-Bakrī praised the Mosque of Shaab843 and mentioned that it is the oldest and most famous mosque in the city of al-Khattab844, which is located outside the city to the east845.
It is attributed to Sheikh al-Khattab al-Barqi, and the Grandma Mosque attributed to one of the grandmothers who built the most. And the mosque of Amr ibn al-Aas built by him when he opened the city and chose his location in the south-east in the place where his army was stationed at the opening of the city and after the opening was built this mosque, and perhaps this site has been used as a camp and a mosque by Amr[846], and the advantage of this mosque, like other mosques, the first simple simplicity derived from the system of the house and mosque Prophet peace be upon him, and built another mosque in Zanzor847.
Al-Bakrī also spoke of Wadan saying "they have scholars, readers and poets." Around the mosques were the schools where the students learn the Quran, the arithmetic and the writing, in the softness of Abu Rekwa's work in educating the boys before leading their revolt against the Fatimids later. al-Bakrī referred to the tribe of Bani Tidermit, who said that it has three fortresses and in the midst of these tribes is a large city called Jadwa markets and inhabited by Jews848.
7.4.2. ISLAMIC ARCHITECTURE IN BARQA AND TRIPOLI DURING THE FATIMID ERA
The Fatimids were interested in the urban areas in the various cities under their control. In Tripoli and Tripoli, many mosques and buildings belonging to the Fatimid era were found. Numerous coins were found in this period. The Fatimids were interested in the city of Ajdabiya for its distinctive commercial location and its location on the Ifriqiya -Egypt Warord. The most important monuments still remain in
843 Al-Hamwi: Muʿjam Al-Buldān, 4: 25
844 Yusuf Ahmed Hawala: alhayat aleilmiat fi 'afriqia, Umm al-Qura University Makkah Al-Mukarramah, 224-225; Jalloul : op,cit, 182-184; Al-Barghūthī: op.cit, 292; Omar : op,cit, 102-103
845Al-Bakrī : Al-Masālik w Al-Mamālik, 2 : 181; Al-Bakrī: Al-Maghrib, 9;Al-Tajani: op.cit, 245; Al-Barghūthī: op. cit, 291-293.
846Al-Yaʿqūbī: Kitāb Al-Buldān, 181.
847Ibn Ḥawqal: Ṣūrat Al-arḍ, 69-70
848Al-Bakrī: Al-Maghrib, 5-6; Omar: op,cit, 104
184
the city is a mosque attributed to the Fatimid caliph Abu al-Qasim ibn Ubayd Allah 934-946.In the third century AH, al-Yaʿqūbī described in his book the countries as saying: "Ajdabiya is a city with a fortress and a mosque and existing markets"849, And Ibn Hawqal speaks in his book the image of the earth from the city of Ajdabiya, recalling "850,it has a clean mosque, and it is adorned by a great creation"851, al-Bakrī also provides us with important information about the city of Ajdabiya in the fifth century AH. The mosque was built before the Fatimid period, and the cities of Ajdabiya and Sirte led the role that the Fatimids sought for it when they worked on their development and we can imagine the Fatimid army led by Jawhar al-SaKli, It is located in the outskirts of Sirte or Majidia To provide supplies and water and a request for rest to resume his journey to Egypt.
In 355 AH, the Fatimid Caliph al-Mu’izz li-Din Alla ordered that the wells be dug on the Warord of Egypt to secure the water for the army that he intended to send to open Egypt under the command of Johar al-Saqli852,He also ordered to build a suitable palace for him on this Warord. al-Mu’izz li-Din Alla started the journey to Egypt in 361 AH. He arrived in Sirte on the fourth day of Jumadi I and left it and went down to his palace, which was built for him in Ajdabiya853.
He received a busy reception that reached the point of extravagance and waste, while in the city he ordered that tanks be made to collect the rainwater854, The construction of the palaces was done by Tamim ibn al-Mu'izz He was written in the fluffy kufic script "ordered by Tamim" which is currently on display at the Tlemitha Museum. al-Mu'izz was exempted from the rule of Belkin ibn Ziri855, The intention was not to allow Ziri to control the caravan trade. The Fatimids were interested in the beginning of their state, and the trade of caravans flourished. Ajdabiya became the most important city in the Sirte region, and it was associated with Sudan in a way that passes in the direction of Sudan.
849Al-Barghūthī: op,cit, 227.
850 Ibn Abī Dīnār: op,cit, 65
851 Al-Barghūthī: op,cit, 228.
852Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir: Al-Kamil, 8 :45.
853 Al-Bahnasi: op,cit, 42-43; Omar:op,cit, 104; Hawala :op,cit, 1 : 225.
854Al-Tijānī : op,cit, 253; Al-Zawi: Maejim al-buldan al-libiya , Maktabat al-nuwr - Tripoli, 1968, 94-95.
855Al-Tijānī: op,cit, 254.
185
7.4.3. Al-Naqa Mosque
There are many accounts about the establishment of the group, a team that reconstructed it to the beginning of the Islamic conquest and its construction to 'Amr ibn al-'As. Others say that it was built with the beginning of the Fatimid rule of Tripoli, while another team is likely to build the mosque. On the way to Cairo after the middle of the tenth century AD This mosque was associated with the story of the camel that was donated by the caliph al-Mu'izz li-Din Allha al-Fatimi to the people of Medina to build this mosque856.
7.4.4. Mustansiriya Mosque
Al-Tijānī pointed out when he visited Tripoli 1306/1308, where he tells us The Mustansiriya Mosque is the largest Tripoli mosque built by Bani Ubaid. He also described it as "a large mosque on high pillars and a modern roof with a large, Round and starting from the middle is considered hexagonal and was built in the year complementary to the third third by Khalil Ishaq and his origin from Tripoli and adds al-Tijānī "that thanks known as Alkhalbi built the Magel in the mosque of Tripoli from the ground and the dome in 296 AH "857.
7.4.5. Mosque Of Greater Tripoli
Built by the Fatimids in 300 AH on the western side of the city of Tripoli n and built this mosque Abdullah bin Abi Muslim and Khalil ibn Ishaq858, continued this mosque as the largest mosque in the city and perhaps the only mosque (Friday Mosque), as was prevalent in terms of the existence of a mosque and one mosque Historians talk about the fate of the Fatimid Grand Mosque as it was removed and burned by the Spanish occupation and differ in determining the original location of this mosque, as it tends to be located at the site where the mosque of Dargout is located. Or close to it859.
856Omar:op,cit, 103; Al-Zawi: Maejim al-buldan al-libiya, 92-93; Hawala :op,cit,1:224.
857Al-Tijānī : op,cit, 240.
858 Omar: op,cit, 103; Al-Zawi: Maejim al-buldan al-libiya, 92.
859al-Bahnasi: op,cit, 43.
186
Unfortunately, the Islamic antiquities discovered in Tripoli and Barga did not give us enough information as well as a clear iew about the architecture in Tripoli and Barga in the Fatimid era.
187
THE CONCLUSION
Mahmoud Abu Sawa sees that the fall of the center falls with the parties and this happened with the Barqa of the fall of Alexandria in the hands of the Muslims facilitated their control later on the province of Barqa under an agreement with the tribe of Luata pay tribute to them, unlike what happened with Tripoli, which resisted the Islamic conquest by virtue of the city to Africa, That the Islamic sources gave us some aspects of the Islamic conquest of Tripoli, but in reality neglected the economic side of the country at that time.
The expansion of Islam in the country stopped with Amr Ibn Al-Khattab's refusal to continue the operations of the conquest after the arrival of Amr Ibn Al-Aas to Shrous, the capital of Mount Nafusa, some considered that the opening of Tripoli is just an invasion and were based on the lack of agreement between the two sides as happened with tenderness and also the return of the city to the rebellion The Islamic Army is responsible for the lack of an Islamic garrison in the city, but we see otherwise. The Byzantines were present in Africa and in abundance with the lack of the Islamic Army, Caliph Omar Ibn Al-Khattab realized the adventure of the army in areas that the enemy would not easily concede. Affected by what is happening in the region.
During the Alamoy period, the city remained safe, but Tripoli was affected by what was happening in Africa of the rebellions carried out by the Berbers against Uamyyad workers as a result of the acts of injustice and abuse exercised by these workers, The Ibadis who tried to establish their own emirate subjected the city to attacks. Although the Uamyyad were able to suppress them all but did not try to address the reasons that led to alienation of the city's population from their workers.
The most violent revolutions in the Abbasid era after the takeover of Abdul Rahman bin Habib to rule in Kairouan uprising Ibadis who took control of Tripoli and declared their empire extending from Sirte to Kairouan but the Abbasids were able to suppress that attempt, and saw a kind of stability after the rule of the Aghlabid who worked to develop the country and the advancement With its economy and the abbey's corner for tranquility in the mountain of Nafusa, It was a tenderness controlled by the Tolonians in Egypt and the city tried to revolt against them but they defeated the revolution by
188
force, which some researchers have based on that with these revolutions the country aspired to self-independence like its neighbors.
Mount Nafusa contributed to the continuity of the Ibadi movement after the fall of the Imamate of the emergence and revival of the imamate after its disappearance, where they were the right hand of Abdalrahman bin Rustam in establishing the Rustamic state in Tahrat .
The Shiites in the Maghreb have established their state, which passed the first roles of the da'wa, where the mission was entrusted to the Shiite Abi Abdullah, who was able to spread the teachings of the Ismaili Shi'ites among the Kataama tribe, After realizing the spread of the call, the second stage began. The Shiites, led by Abi Abdullah, the Shiites fought the war against the Aghlabids and Rustomis. The Mahdi is the establishment of the Fatimid state in Raqqada , the capital of most of the buildings.
The Fatimid era witnessed several events. As soon as the Fatimid Caliph Obaidullah declared the establishment of the Fatimid state, the problems began to confront him, killing the Shiite Abu Abdullah, who was the first to establish his country, which had a strong influence among the Berbers. It seems that Obaidullah was intimidating the man after the news came to him with his intention to overthrow him. At the end of his reign, the revolution of Abi Yazeed bin Mukhled, which had the support of Sunni scholars, almost ended the Fatimid state, where the revolution was not eliminated in the third era of their successors.
Barqa was vulnerable to retaliation and abuse from the Fatimid army, which on many occasions tried to take over Egypt by establishing a base in Barqa which led to the Abi Rakwa uprising in the region which enabled the reform between the Berber and Arab tribes at that time as a fortress and built a grave and promised them to give them two-thirds of the spoils. The Fatimids threatened in Egypt itself and almost overthrew them, as did Tripoli from the same cup. The Fatimids in Egypt tried to recapture Tripoli from the Zairian Idiids, whom the Fatimids had entrusted to an African state and helped Lubna Khazroun from Zanata to seize the city. But they built Waziri worked to expel them was the war between them and thus clear the willingness of the
189
Fatimids in control of the country to take advantage of its resources as well as to keep the link between them and Zirids in Africa.
About half a century after the suppression of the revolution of Abi Rakwa, Al-Mu'izz ibn Badis announced that he was abandoning the Ta'ifah to the Fatimids. The rulers of Egypt unleashed the Arabs from the Bani Bani Hilal and Salim Bedouins and allowed them to cross the Nile to Africa. According to historians, most notably Ibn Khaldun, And the destruction on the hands of these tribes and it seems to us that Ibn Khaldun made a mistake in his guess that the region began to collapse economically before the coming of these tribes, wars that broke out between the Berbers themselves and the Berbers and Arabs before the waves of those tribes and the country's natural disasters such as drought contributed to The situation in the region deteriorated.
The country has not witnessed the literary and cultural movement as it found in its neighbors and the reason is due to the distance of the country from the sources of science and culture in the east and the reluctance of the governors to receive writers and poets and sit them, and this did not prevent the emergence of scientists and writers and poets in the country, which known many scientists such as Ali bin Ziad and Abi Al-Hassan bin Al-Munmar and Al-Ajdabi. The study also showed that the region enjoyed great livestock and plant wealth, but the neglect of the region led, of course, to the non-utilization of these resources.
190
REFERENCES
1-Al-Marrākushī Abd Al-Wāḥid: (1962),Al-Mujib fī Talkhīṣ Akhbār Al-Maghrib,(IN.Muḥammad Saʿīd al-ʿAryān),Cairo, Lajnat Iḥyā’ Al-Turāth Al-Islāmī.
2-Al-Bakrī Abdallāh Ibn ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz: Almaghrib fi dhakar 'Afriqia wa Al-Maghrib , Cairo ,Dar Al-Kitab Al-Islami.
3- _____________________________ : (2003),Al-Masālik wa Al-Mamālik ،( IN. J. Ṭalba) ،Beirut , Dār Al-Kutub Al-ʿIlmīya.
4- Al-Darijni Abi Al-Abbas Ahmad Ibn Said: (1974),Tabaqat Al-Mashayikh fi Al-Maghrib ,(IN. Ibrahim Talai) , Aljazayir ,Matbieat Al-baeth .
5- Al-Baladri Abi Al-Abbas bin Ahmad:(1987), Futuh Al-Buldān (IN, Abdullah Anis Al-Tabaa), Beirut, Muasasat Al-Maearif liltibaeat waAl-Nashr .
6- Al-Balawī Abū Muḥammad ʿAbdallāh: Sīrat Aḥmad Ibn Ṭūlūn, (IN. Muḥammad Kurd ʿAlī), Cairo ,Maktabat Al-Thaqāfa Al-Dīnīya.
7- Al-Jawdharī Abū ʿAlī Manṣūr:Sīrat Al-Ustādh Jawdhar,( IN.Muḥammad Kāmil Ḥusayn and Muḥammad ʿAbd al-Hādī Shaʿīra), Cairo,Dar Al-Fikr Al-Arabi.
8- Al-Salawi Abu Al-Abbas: (1997),'Akhbar Alduwal Al-Mugharibia ,(IN. Jaafar Al-Nasseri and Muhammad Al-Nasseri), (N,P),Dar Al-kitab.
9- Al-Mālikī Abū Bakr Abd Allāh Ibn Muḥammad: (1994),Riyāḍ Al-nufūs fī Tabaqāt ʿulamāʾ Al-Qayrawān wa-Ifrīqiya, (IN. Bashīr al-Bakkūsh), 2nd,Beirut ,Dar Al-Gharb Al-Islami.
10- Aldawari Abu Bakr Bin Abdullah Bin Aibek: (1992),Kanz Aldarar wa Jamae Algharar, (IN, Dorothea Kravolski).
11- Al-Kindi Abu Omar Muhammad Bin Yusuf: (1908),Alwala waAlquda, (IN.Raffen Kest), Beirut ,Matbieat Al-aba' Al-yasueiiyn.
12- Al-Tabari Abu Jaafar Jarir: ( 1963),Tarikh Al-Tabari, (IN. Muhammad Abu Al-Fadl Ibrahim), 2nd , Cairo ,Dar al-Ma'arif.
13- Al-Tijānī Abū Muḥammad ‘Abadallāh Ibn Muḥammad Ibn Aḥmad: (1981),Riḥlat Al-Tijānī,( IN. Ḥasan Ḥusnī ʿAbd Al-Wahhāb), Tripoli,Dar Alkitab Alearabi.
14- Al-Qāḍī Abū Al-Faḍl ʿIyāḍ,:(1983), Tartīb Al-madārik wa Taqrīb Al-masālik limaʿRifat Aʿlām Madhhab Mālik, (IN. Muḥammad Ibn Sharifa), Th2, Maghrib,wizart Awqaf Maghrib.
15- Al-Idrīsī Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad: (1957),Wasaf shamal ifriqiya, maʾkhūdh min Kitāb Nuzhat al-mushtāq , (IN.Henry Pires), Aljazayir ,Dar Alkutub Aljazayiria.
191
16- ( 1994 ........................................: ,) Kitāb Nuzhat Al-mushtāq fī ikhtirāq Al-āfāq, (IN. and tr. R. Dozy and M. J. de Goeje).
17- Al-Yaʿqūbī Aḥmad Ibn Abī Yaʿqūb: (2010),Tarikh Al-Yaʿqūbī,(IN.Abdul-Ameer Mhanna), Beirut,Matbueat Al-Sharika Al-Ealamia.
18- ……………………………. : (2002),Al-Buldān,( IN.M.A. Ḍannāwī), Beirut ,Dār Al-Kutub Al-ʿIlmīya.
19- Al-Anṣārī Aḥmad Hussain: Al-Munahal Al-Eadhab fi Tarikh Tarabulus Algharb, Tripoli ,Maktabat alfurajanii.
20 - …………………………….. : (1994),Nafhat Al-Nisreen wa Al-Reihan,(IN.Muhammad Zinham Mohammad Azab), Tripoli, Maktabat Al-furajanii.
21 - Al-Shamakhi Ahmed Bin Abdul Wahid: (1992),Kitab Al-sayr, (IN.Ahmad Ibn Saud Al-Siyabi), 2nd , Saltanat Eamman, Wizarat Al-turath Alwatanii wa lthaqafat.
22- Al-Asqalānī Aḥmad Ibn ʿAlī Ibn Ḥajar:(1988), Qudat Misr,(IN. Muhammad Omar) , ,(N,P),Maktabat Al-Khanji.
23- Al-Nu͑man Al-Qaḍi: (1986),Iftitah Al-Da͑wa, (IN. Farhat al-Dashrawi), 2nd,Tunis, Al-Tunisia li-Tawzea.
24- Al-Attabaki Gamal Al Din Ibi Al-Mahasin:Al-Njoum Al-Zahera fi Muluk Misr wa Cairo, Cairo, Al-Muasasat Al-Misriat Al-Eama.
25- Al-Suyuti Jalal Al-Din: (1967),Hasan Alhadirat fi Tarikh Misr waA-lqahira, (IN. Mohammed Abu al-Fadl Ibrahim) ,Dar iihya Al-kutub Al-earabia.
26- ___________________: (2003),Tarīkh Al-khulafā ,Beirut,, Dar Ibn Hizm .
27- Al-Maqdisī Mahmoud Ibn Said: (1988),Nuzhat Al-anzar fi eajayib Al-tawarikh waAl-akhbar, (IN.Ali Alzwari and Muhammad Mahfouz), Beirut,Dar Al-Gharb Al-Islami.
28- Al-Ḥimyarī Muḥammad Ibn ʿAbd Al-Munim,:(1984), Al-Rawḍ Al-Miʿṭār fī Khabar Al-Aqṭār, (IN. Ihsan Abbās), 2nd, Beirut , Maktabat Lubnān.
29- Al-Ḥamawī Shihāb Al-Dīn Abū Abd Allāh Yāqūt:(1977),Muʿjam Al-Buldān, Beirut, Dar Sadir.
30- Al-Nuwayrī Shihāb Al-Dīn Aḥmad Ibn Abd Al-Wahhāb: (2004),Nihāyat Al-Arab fī Funūn Al Adab, (IN.Abdelmajid Terhini and Emad Ali Hamza), Dar Al-Kitāb.
31- Al-Dhahabi Shams Al-Din Muhammad Ibn Othman:(1996), Syar Al-lslam , (IN. Muhammad Naeem Al-Arqi and Mamoun Saqrji), Beirut,Muasasat Al-risala.
192
32-____________________________________________: (1990),Tarikh Al-lslam wa Wafiat Al-aeyan wa Al-Aalam,(IN.Omar Abdulsalam Tadmouri), 2th ,Beirut,Dar Al-Kitab Al-Arabi .
33- ____________________________________________:(1999), Doual Al-Islam, (IN. Hassan Ismail Marwa ), 2th,Beirut,Dar Sadir.
34- Al -Omri Shahab Al - Din Ibn Fadlullah: (2010),Masalik Al-absar fi Mamalik Al-aimsar, (IN.Kamel Suleiman Jubouri), Beirut,Dar Al – Kutub Al - Siyoumi .
35- Al-Maqrizi Taqi Al-Din Ahmad Ali: (1995),Al-mawaeiz waAl-aietibar fi Dhakar Al-khutat w Al-athar, (IN.Ayman Fouad Sayed), London,Muasasat Al-furqan liltarath Al-iislami .
36-_____________________________ : (1946),Ittiaz Al-Hunafa fi Akhbar Alkhulafa' Alfatimiiyn, (IN. Mohamed Helmy Mohamed Ahmed), Cairo .lajnat Iihya' Al-turath.
37- ____________________________________:(2007), Ighathat Al-umat bi Kashf Al-ghim, (IN.Karam Helmi Farhat), Cairo, Ain lildirasat.
38- Al-Antaki Yahya Ibn Said: (1990),Tarikh Antioch, Almaeruf bi Aism Tarikh Autikha , (IN.Omar Omar Abdulsalam Tadmery), Lubnan, Matbaeat Jurus.
39- Ibn Khaldūn Abd Al-Raḥmān Ibn Muḥammad:(2001), Al-ʿIbar wa Dīwān Al-Mubtada’ wa Al Khabar. ( IN. AbuShaib al-Karmi), Beirut , Dār Al-Fikr.
40- Ibn Abdul Hakam Abdulrahman: (1961),Futuh Misr wa Al-Maghrib , (IN. Abdel-Maam Amer), Cairo , Al-Ahayya Aleama.
41 -___________________________:(1964), Futuh 'Ifriqia wa Andalusia, (IN. Abdullah Anis Al-Dabbagh), Beirut ,Dar Al-Kutub.
42 -___________________________: Futuh Misr wa Akhbaraha, (IN.Mohammed Sabeeh),Cairo, Maktaba Madbouli.
43 - Ibn Al-Jouzi Abdulrahman: (1992),Almuntazam fi Tarikh Almuluk wal'umam, (IN. Mohammed Abdul Qadir Atta and Mustapha Badalqadir Atta), Beirut ,Dar Sadir.
44 - Ibn Khallikan Abi Al-Abbas Shams Al-Din : (1978),Wafayat Al-Ayan,( IN.Ihsan Abbas), Beirut ,Dar Sadir.
45 -Ibn Idhārī Abū Al-‘Abbās Aḥmad Ibn Muḥammad, :(2013),Al-Bayān Al-Mughrib fī Akhbār Al Maghrib wa Al-Andalus,(IN. Bashar Awwad Marouf), Beirut ,Dār Al-Gharb –Islāmī.
46 - Ibn Ghalbūn Abū ʿAbdallāh Ibn Khalīl: (2004),Al-Tidhkār fīman Malak Ṭarāblūs wa mā kāna bihā min al-Akhbār,( IN.Tahrir Ahmed Al-Zawai), 2nd, Beirut ,Dar al-Madar al-Islami.
193
47 - Ibn Ḥammād Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad ibn ʿAlī : (1927),Akhbār Mulūk BanīʿUbayd wa-sīratuhum , aljazayir.
48 -Ibn al-Abbār Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad Ibn Abd Allāh,: (1985),Al-Ḥulla Al-siyarāʾ, (IN. Ḥusayn Muʾnis ) , 2nd , Cairo,Dar al-Ma'aref.
49 - Ibn Ḥawqal Abū al-Qāsim,: (1992),Kitāb Ṣūrat Al-arḍ, Beirut ,Maktaba alhaya Aleama.
50 - ______________________: (1873),Al-Masalik wa Al-Mamalik , Leyden.
51 - Ibn Al-At̲h̲ir Al-Hasan Ali:(1987), Al-Kāmil fī Al-Tārīkh, (IN. Abū al-Fidā’ ʿAbdallāh al-Qāḍī), Beirut,Dār Al-Kutub Al-ʿIlmīya.
52 - ______________________ : (2012),Asd Alghaba fi Maerifa Alsahaba, Beirut, Dar-Ibn Hzm.
53- Ibn Kathīr Imād Al-Dīn Ismāʿīl Ibn Omar : (1992),Al-Bidāya wa Al-nihāya,Beirut .
54- Ibn Abī Dīnār:(1921), Kitāb Al-Munis fī Akhbār Ifrīqiya wa Tūnis , Tunis, Maṭbaʿat al-Dawla al Tūnisīya.
55- Ibn Al-Saghir: (1985),Akhbar Al-ayima Al-rustamiiyn, (IN. Muhammad Nasser and Ibrahim Bahaz), Beirut,Dar al-Gharb al-Islami .
56- Ibn Al- Hambali: (1989),Shadharat Aldhahab fi 'Akhbar min Ahahab, (IN.Thakiq Kader Arnaout), Damascus, Dar Ibn Kathīr.
57- Ibn Said: (1982),kitab Aljughrafia, (IN. Ismail Arabi), aljazayir ,qasam alnashr aljamieii.
58- Ibn Wardan : (D.T)Mustand Tarikh Mamlaket Al-Aghaliba, (IN.Mohammed Zainham Mohammed Azab.
59 - Ibn Ḥazm, Abū Muḥammad ʿAlī ibn Aḥmad :(1971), Jamharat Ansāb Al-ʿArab, (IN.Abd al-Salām Muḥammad Hārūn),Cairo.
60- Ibn Khayyat Khalifa: (1985), Tarikh Khalifa Ibn Khayat, (IN. Akram Zia Al-Omri), 2nd, Riyadh ,Dar Taiba.
61- Ibn Al-Khaṭīb Lisān Al-Dīn: (2002),Al-Iḥāṭa fī Akhbār Gharnāṭa , (IN . Sayyid Kasrwa Hassan), Beirut,Dar al-Kutub al-Alami.
62 - Maghul: (1986),Kitāb Al-Istibṣār fī ʿAjā’ib Al-Amṣār, (IN. Saʿad Zaghlūl ʿAbd al-Ḥamīd ),Baghdad, Dār al-Shu’ūn al-Thaqāfīya al-‘Āmma.
63 -Idrīs ʿImād Al-Dīn al-Qurashī:(1985), Taʾrīkh Al-khulafāʾ alFāṭimiyyīn bi-al Maghrib , min kitāb ʿUyūn al-akhbār ( IN. Mohamed al-Ya͑lawi), Beirut, Dar al-Gharb al-Islami.
64 -Karkhi:(1961), Al-Masalik wa Al-Mamalik, (IN.Muhammad Jabrhalini),Cairo.
194
65 - Zerkly Khiruldin: (2002),Al-Aelam, 15th,Beirut,Dar al-Elim lil-Malayin .
Arabic References :
1-Abdo ,Abdullah Kamel Mousa : (2001) , "Madinat Bariqa w Atharuha Al-islamia ", Dar Al-Afaq Arab  Cairo.
2-Atwa ,Abdulbaset Mohammed: (2014),Dawr Al-Mghtaribin Al-earab w Almughariba w Al-ndilsiiyn fi thaqafat Alliybiiyn khilal Al-easr Al'iislamii Min Alfath Hataa Al-qarn Al-thamin Al-hajri , Al-markaz Alliybi Almahfuzat w Aldirasat Al-taarikhiati. Tarabulus.
3-Taha,AbdulWahid danun: (2004) Al-fath Al-islami Al-earabi w Aistiqrarih fi Shamal Ifriqiya w Al'andalis , Dar Al-madar Al-islami- Beirut .
4-Gordo ,Abdelaziz : (2011) Al-fath Al-islami lilmaghrib Al-kabiri- Jadliat Al-tamdin w alsulta , Dar al-nshyr lilnashr - Kuwait, 2nd.
5- Al-Barghūthī ,Abd al-Laṭīf Maḥmūd: (1973), Tārīkh Lībīyā Al-Islāmī Min Al-Fatḥ Al-Islāmī Hattā Bidāyat Al-ʿAṣr al-ʿUthmānī, Dār Ṣādir-Beirut.
6-Bulibid ,Abdelfattah Rajab: (2009) , Tarikh Barqa Al-islami fi Al-fatra Min Al-Qarn Al-khamis Ila Al-Rube Al-awal Min Al-qarn Al-eashir , Markaz Al-jhad Al-liybiiyn lildirasat Al-tarikhiat , Tarabulus .
7-Al-Arawi ,Abdullah: (2000) ,Tarikh Al-Maghrib , Al-Markaz Al-thaqafi Al-earabi - Alddar Albayda.
8-Jamal Al-Din,Abdallah Mohamed : (1991), Al-Doula Al-Fatimia: Qyamiha Bi-Belad Al-Maghreb wa Intiqaliha Illa Misr, Dar Al-Thaqafa, Cairo.
9-Jahlan ,Adon:(D-T) Al-fikr Al-siyasi fi Al-ibadia , Maktabat Al-damri li-lnashr w Al-tawzie , Saltanat Eaman.
10-Muammar ,Ali Yahya:(D-T) ,Al-ibadia fi libiy , Muasasat Tawilat.
11-Al-Kharbotli ,Ali Hosny: (1972), Abu Abdallah , Muasis Al-dawla Al-fatimia , Al-Mutbaeat Al-Hadithat.
12- Salem ,Al-Sayed Abdelaziz: (1982),Tarikh Al-Maghreb fi Al-A͑eser Al-Islami,2nd, Muasasat Shabab Al-jamieat li-ltabaeat w Al-nashr w Al-tawzie, Alexandria.
13- Alzawy ,Altahir Ahmad: (2003) 'Aelam libiya , Dar Al-madar Al-islami, Beirut, Th3.
14-___________________: (1970),Walat Tarabulus Min Bidayat Al-fath Al-earabi Il Nihayat Al-easr Al-turki , Dar Al-fath li-ltabaeat w Al-nashr Beirut.
15- _____________________: (1968),Maejim Al-buldan Al-liybiya , Maktabat Al-nuwr – Tripoli.
195
16-_______________________: (2004),Tarikh Al-fath Al-earabi fi libiya ,Th4, Dar Al-madar Al-islami.
16-Al-ʿAbbādī ,Aḥmad Mukhtār:(D-T) ,Tārīkh Al-Maghrib wa Al-Andalus, Dar Al-Nahda Arab –Beirut .
17 -_______________________:(D-T), fi Al-tarikh Al-eabasi w Al-fatimi , Dar Al-nahdat Al-earabia- Beirut.
18-Omar ,Ahmed Mokhtar: (1971) , Al-nashat Al-thaqafi fi libiy Min Al-fath Al-islami Illa Bidayat Al-easr Al-turki, University Benghazi.
19-Al-Qadi ,Al-Nu'man Abdul-Muttalib: (1965), Shaear Alfutuh Al-islami fi Easr Al-islam , Dar Al-nashr Al-watania.
20- Sharqāwī ,ʿAwḍ: (2011) ,Al-Tārīkh Al-Siyāsī wa Al-Ḥaḍārī li Jabal Nafūsa: fī Al-Qarnayn Al Thānī wa Al-Thālith Al-Hijriayn, Mu’assasat Tāwālt.
21-Tamer ,Arif :(1980), Al-Hkim Bi-Amr Allah, Dar Al-Jil - Damascus.
- 22 _________: (1980) ,Al-Aziz Billah, , Dar Al-Jil, Damascus.
23-__________: (1991),Tarikh Al-Ismailia Min Al-Maghreb Illa Al-Mushreq, v. 1, Riad Al-Rayes lel-Kitab wa Al-Nasher, Cyprus.
24- __________: (1980) ,Al-Mu ͑ Izz li-Din Allah, Dar Al-Jil.
25-Foud ,Al-Sayid ,Aymen: (2007) ,Al-Daoula Al-Fatimiyya fi Misr: Tafsir Jadid, Al-Haia Al-Misriya Al-Aema lil-Kitab, Cairo.
26-Al-Harithi ,Bin Hamad Bin Sulaiman: (1983) ,Al-euqud Al-fidiya fi Usul Al-ibadia , Wizarat Al-turath Alwatanii w Al-thaqafI , Saltanat Eaman.
27- Baghi ,Ghazwan Mustafa : (1998) , Al-Doula Al-Fatimia: Al-da͑wa wa Al-Ta͗sis.
28-Hassan, Ibrahim Hassan : (1926), Tarikh Amr Ibn Al-Aas, Maktabat Madbouli- Cairo.
29-____________________: (1932), Al-Fatimiyoun fi Misr, Al-Matba͑a Al-Amiriya, Cairo, 1932.
30-Mahmoud ,Hassan Ahmed: (D-T),hadarat Misr Al-islamia fi Al-easr Al-tuwluni , Dar Al-fikr Al-earabi – Cairo.
31-Moanis ,Hussein: (2000),Tarikh Al-maghrib w Al-andulis, 5nd , Dar Al-Rashad
Cairo.
- 23__________:(D-T),fath Al-earab li-lmaghrib ,Maktabat Al-thaqafa Al-diynia.
33-Abbās ,Iḥsān: (1967), Tārīkh Lībīyā Mundhu Al-Fatḥ Al-ʿArabī Hattā MaṭlaʿAl-Qarn Al-Tāsiʿ Al Hijrī, Dār Lībīyā, Benghazi.
196
34-Biḍoun ,Ibrahim : (2012), Al-Faṭimioun Qera Mukhtalifa fi Tarikh Multabis, Dar Al-Mouarkh Al-Arabi, Beirut .
35-Samaei ,Ismail: (2010), Al-Qadi Al-Nu͑man wa Juhudahu fi Ersa Daem Al-Khilafa Al-Fatimiya wa A-Tatour Al-Hadari Bi-Belad Al-Maghreb fi Al-Qern 4 H/10 AD, Markez Al-Kitab Al-Akademi.
37- Kamal ,Ihab : (2006), Al-Ferq Al-Islamia, Al-Huria lel-Nasher wa Al-Tawzea, Cairo.
38-El Zoriki ,Jumaa Mahmoud: (2005) ,Dirasat lybya: Dirasa fi Hayat wa Tathir bed al-fuqaha' wa wasayil Al-ielam min libia , Al-qadima wa lhaditha , Dar al-madar Al-islami , Beirut.
39-Al-Bakai ,Latifa: (2001) ,Harakat Al-khawarij wa Tatawuruhum Hata Nihayat Al-easr Alamoy , Dar Altalieat liltabaeat wa lnash -Beirut.
40-Bazama ,Maohamed: (1972) ,libia fi Eahd Alkhulafa' ,Muasasat Nasir li-lthaqafa .
41-Dabouz ,Mohamed Ali:(2010), Tarikh Al-Maghrib Al-earabi ,Muasasat Thaqafia.
42-Khattab ,Mohamed Shit: (1984) ,Qadat fath fi Al-Maghrib Al-earabi , Dar al-fikr li-ltibaeat wa lnashr wa ltawzie, 7th.
43-Al-Ḥarīrī ,Muḥammad ʿIṣā: (1987), Al-Dawla Al-Rustumīya fi Al-Maghrib Al- Islāmī,Ḥaḍāratuhā wa ʿAlāqātuhā Al-Khārijīya Bi Al-Maghrib wa Al-Andalus ,Th3, Dār Al-Qalam li Al-Nashr wa Al-Tawzīʿ, Kuwait.
- 44Kordi ,Mahmoud Hussein: (2008), Al-hayat al-Eilmiat fi Jabal Nufusa wa Tathiriha Eala Gharb Al-suwdan khilal Al-fatarat 2-8 H ,Muasasat Tawalat Al-thaqafia .
45-Annan ,Mohamed Abdullah: (1983) ,Al-hakim Bi Emr Allah wa Asrar Al-dawla Al-Fāṭimiyya - Maktabat alkhaniji Bi Al-qahirat wa Dar Al-rifaei Al-riyad, Th3.
46-Al-Jabri ,Mohamed Abed: (1992),fikr Ibn khaladun fi Eilm Al-easibat w Al-dawla , Markaz dirasat Al-wahdat Al-earabia, Beirut, Th 5.
47-Souror ,Mohamed Jamal Al-Din : (1950) ,Al-Nafoudh Al-Fatimi fi Jazirat Al-Arab, Dar Al-Fekr Al-Arabi, Cairo.
48- _________________________: (1995),Tarikh Al-Daoula Al-Fatimiyya, Dar Al-Fekr Al-Arabi, Cairo.
49-Khafagy ,Mohamed Abdel Moneim: (1992), Qisat Al-adab fi libiya Al-earabia, Dar Al-Jil, Beirut.
50- Taqoush ,Mohamed Suhail: (2007),Tarikh Al-Fatimiyin fi Shamal Afriqiya wa Misr wa Belad Al-Sham, Dar Al-Nafaes, 2nd.
197
51-Al-Baluchi ,Masoud: (2002), Tarikh Miemar Almasjid fi libiya fi Al-eahd Al-ethmani w Al-qramanli , Jameiat Aldaewat Al-islamiat Alduwalia–Tripoli.
52-Shaera ,Mohamed Abdelhadi: (1968), Al-ribatat Al-sahilit Al-islamiat Al-liybia , libiya fi Al-tarikh , Al-mutamar Al-tarikhi , Kuliyat Aladab , University Benghazi .
54-Almeghrawi ,Mohammad: (2006),Al-Muhidun w Azamat Al-Mujtamae, Alrebat .
55-El-Tammar ,Mohamed: (2010) ,Al-Maghrib Al-Awsat fi EahdSinahaja , Qism Almanshurat Aljamieiat Aljazayir.
56-Al-Maqid ,Muhammad Salem: (D-T) ,Bed Al-athar Al-islamiat fi Jabal Nufusat fi libiya , Alfikr Alsiyasi fi Al-ibadia , Maktabat Aldamrii lilnashr w Altawzie.
57- Abd ulrazeq ,Mahmoud Ismail: (1985), Kharijites fi Bilād Al-Maghreb Ilā Muntaṣaf Al-qarn Alrabia Al-hijrī , Dar Al-Thaqafa Casablanca.
58- __________________________: (2000) ,Al-aghlaba- , Eayan li-ldirasat w Al-buhwith Al-aijtimaeia Cairo, 3Th.
59-Ghalib ,Mustafa: (1965),Tarikh Al-Da͑wa Al-Ismailia, Dar Al-Andalus for Printing and Publishing, Beirut, 2ed.
60- Al-Mazhūdī ,Masʿūd,: (2003), Jabal Nafūsa Mundhu Intishār Al-Islām Hattā Hijrat Banī Hilāl Ilā Bilād Al-Maghrib, Muʾassasat Tāwālt.
61- leqbal ,Musa : (1981), Al-Maghrib Al-Islami ,Al-Sharikat Al-Wataniat li-lnashr w Al-Tawzie -Algeria, 2nd .
62-___________: (1979), Dour Kutama fi Tarikh Al-khilafa Al-Fatimiyya, Al-Sharika Al-Watania lel-Nasher wa Al-Tawzea, Algiers.
63-Al-Mili ,Mubarak: (D-T),Tarikh Aljazayir fi Alqadim Walhadith ,Almuasasat Alwataniat li-kitab –Algeria.
64-Jalloul ,Nagy: Al-rawabit Al-bahriat fi Ifriqia fi Al-eusur Al-wustaa , Markaz Al-dirasat w Albuhwith Al-aiqtisadiat w Al-aijtimaeia, Tunisia, 1999.
65-Ahmed ,Nahla Shehab: Al-Maghrib Al-earabi fi Eahd Oqba Ibn Nafi , Dar Al-kitab Al-thuqfi li-ltabaeat w Al-nashr w A-ltawzi - Irbid, 2003.
66-Al-Saba'I,Nasser Bin Suleiman Bin Said (1999) Al-khawarij w Al-haqiqa Al-ghayiba .
67-Al-Sharif ,Nasser Al-Din: (1999) ,Eulama libiaan min al-malikiat , dar albyrq .
68-Ziadeh,Nicola: (1966),Safahat Maghribiat , Dar Al-nashr Alwatania –Beirut.
69- Dagfos,Radi: (2005),Dirāsāt fī Al-Tārīkh Al-ʿArabī Al-Islāmī Al-Wasīṭ , Dār Al Gharb Al-Islāmī, Beirut.
198
70-Al-Muzaini ,Saleh Muftah: (1987),libiya Mundh Al-fath Alearabii Hata Naql Al-khilafat Al-fatimiat Ila Misr , Al-sharikat Al-eama li-lnashr w Al-tawzie w Al-iielan  Tripoli.
71-Moftah,,Saleh Maayouf :(2006), Jabal Nufusa w Aealaqatuh Bi Al-dawla Al-rastamia, Muasasat Tuasil Al-thaqafia.
72-Albhansi ,Salah Ahmed: (2004),Gharb Tarabulus Dirasa fi Al-turath Al-muemaria , Dar Al-ufuq Al-earabi Cairo.
73-Al-Hajj ,Saleh Ammar: (2004),Al-Maghreb Al-Arabi Min Khilal Khilafat Al-Mu͑zz li-din Allah Al-Fatimi, 1, Al-Makteb Al-Misri li-Tawzea Al-Matbouat, Cairo.
74-Kashif ,Sayedh Ismail: (1970),Misr fi fajar Al-islam , Dar Al-nahdat Al-earabia li-lnashr  Cairo.
75-___________________: (1965),Ahmed Ibn Tulwn , Al-muasasat Al-misriat Al-eamat, Cairo.
76- Zaghlūl ,Saʿd : (1979), Tārīkh Al-Maghrib Al-ʿArabī, Alexandria .
77- Rustem ,Saed : (2005), Al-Ferq Al-Islamia Mundh Al-Bidayat, 3TH, Al-Awael lel-Nasher wa Al-Tawzea, Damascus.
78-Taima ,Saber :(1983), Dirasat fI Al-frq, Maktabat Al-maerifa- Al-Riyad.
79 -Al-Baroni ,Soluman Pasha:(2005), Al-aizihar Al-riyadiat fi Tarikh Ayimat wa Muluk Ibadya(IN. Muhamad Ali alkrwsy) , Dar Alhikma.
80-Al-Saloumi ,Sulieman Abdallah: (2001),Usoul Al-Ismailia, Dar Al-Fadila, Riyadh.
81-Hawala ,Yusuf Ahmed: (2000), Al-hayat Al-eilmiat fi Ifriqia , Jamieata Um Al-qura , Makat Al-mukarama.
Translated References :
1- Butler ,Alfred A. G.: (1996), The Opening of The Arabs To Egypt, (TR Mohammed Farid Abu Hadid Bey), 2nd Edition, Madbouli Library Cairo
2- Goetih ,A.F, :(2010), North Africa, (TR, Hashim Husseini), Tawalt Foundation, 2nd.
3 - Lewis ,Archibald. T.: (1960), Marine And Commercial Forces In The Mediterranean Basin, (TR, Ahmed Mohamed Issa), Egyptian Renaissance Library Cairo.
- 4Lewis ,Bernard (1980), Usoul Al-Ismailia wa Al-Fatimia wa Al-Qramita, (TR. Khalil Ahmad Khalil), Dar Al-Hadatha.
- 5Dafteri ,Farhad : (2012), Al-Ismailiyoun Tarikhihum wa Aqaedahum, (TR, Saif Al-Nasser Al-Qasir), Dar Al-Saqi, Beirut.
199
6- Al-Dashrawi ,Farhat: (1994),The Fatimid Caliphate In Morocco, (TR, Hamadi Al-Sahli), Dar Al-Gharb Al-Islami, Beirut.
7- Marchi ,George: (1999), The Land of Morocco and Its Relations With The Islamic Orient In The Middle Ages, (TR, Mahmoud Abdel-Samad Heikal), El-Maaref Establishment In Alexandria.
8- Idris ,Hadi Rouge: (1992),The State of Sananja, (TR, Hamadi Sahli), 1, Dar Al-Gharb Al-Islami Beirut.
9-Rossi, Ituri: (1999) ,Libya Since The Arab Conquest Until 1911, (TR, Khalifa Al-Tlisi), Dar Al-Kitab Arabic Tripoli, ed2 .
- 10Tery,Jack: (2004), History Of The Libyan Desert In The Middle Ages, (TR, Jadallah Azouz Al-Talhi), Libyan House for Publishing, Distribution and Advertising – Tripoli.
11- Bassi, Rooney :(2004), Scenes of Mount Nafusa, (TR, Abdullah Zaro and Mohammad Amadi), Cultural Foundation of the Peacock.
Periodicals :
1- Jarrar ,Abd Al-Raouf: (2010),Suqut Al-dawlat Al-fatimiat fi Al-maghrib wa Nabdh Al-madhab Al-shiyei , Majalat Jamieat Al-quds Al-maftuhat ,Al-eadad 20 , yuniu 2010.
2- Abdel ,Abbas Karim: (2010), Al-Kahinat Al-Zinatat wa Dawruha fi Al-Muqawama fi Al-Maghrib Al-Earabii , Majalat Kuliyat Al-Tarbiat Al-Asasia.
3- Bulibid ,Abdelfattah Rajab: (2014),Al-Wade Al-Siyasi fi Mintaqat Brqa fi Al-Easr Al-Fatimi , Majalat Al-Eulum w Al-Dirasat Al-Insaniat , Benghazi University.
4- Al-Shaybani ,Abduljawad Al-Sadiq: (2013), Shukuk Hawl A-lfath Al-Islami li-lmaghrib Al-Earabi (Drrasat Mrjey) , Al-majala Al-Duwaliat li-ltanmia, C. 2, No. 1.
5- Al-husayn Bin Muhamad Alwrthlani : (1974), Nazrat Ealaa Fadayil Al-Tarikh w Al-'Akhbar Al-Shahirat fi Rihlat Al-Wayalzia (IN. Muhamad 'Abi Shnb), Beirut.
- 6Telsi ,Bashir Ramadan: (2003), Al-Aitijahat Al-Thaqafiat fi Al-Duwal Al-'Iislamiat Al-Gharbiat , Dar Al-Madar Al-Iiislami –Beirut.
7- Hayawi ,Firas Salim: (2010),Tarabulus Al-Gharb Tarikh Al-fath Al-Earabii fi libia ,Iraq, No. 4.
8- Mothari ,Fatima: (2001), Zuhur Al-khawarij fi Al-Maghrib Al-Kabir wa Dawriha fi Tasis Dual Mustaqilat khilal Al-qurun 2-3 h / 8-9 m (Al-ibadiat wa Namudhaj Al-dawlat Al-rastmia) ,Majalat kan Al-Tarikhia.
9- Bahaz ,Ibrahim : (2010), Al-Ibadiat fi Al-Jughrafia w Al-siyah (baldany) , Majalat Al-eulum Al-iinsaniat Jamieat munturi , Qsntynt , Al-jazayir 2 Disambir 2003. Jamieatan Babil , Aleadad 3 , Yuniu.
200
10- Saleh ,Khalid Ahmed : (2011),Al-Ibadyt Taealimuhum wa Intisharuhim fi Al-maghrib Al-Earabi , Majalat Al-Anbar li-leulum Al-insaniat , Ean Jamieat Al-Anbar Al-Eiraqiat , Al-Eadad 1.
11- Leqbal ,Moussa : (1982),The Movement of The Conflict Between The Al-Amoys and the Fatimids in the 4th Century AH / 10th AD Through the Councils of Nu'man and Ibn Hayyan Quoted, Journal of the Arab Historian, No. 21, Baghdad.
12-Mahasneh,Muhammad Hussain : (2000),Thawrat Abi Rakwa Dida Al-khilafat Al-fatimiat , Majalat kuliyat Al-eulum Al-insaniat w Al-aijtimaeiat , Aleadad 23
13- Al-Mulhim ,Mohammed bin Nasser bin Ahmed:(2000), Mwqf Qasilat Bin limizm Min Al-fath Al-islamii li-lmaghrib , Al-majalat Al-eilmiat lijamieat Almalik faysal , Almajalid 1 , Aleadad 1 , Maris.
14- Abuswa ,Mahmoud:(1986), Ruyat Jadidat li-lfath Al-islami lilybia , Majalat Al-bihwth Al-tarikhiat , Markaz Dirasat Jhad Alliybiiyn Dida Al-ghazw Al-italii , tarabulus , Aleadad 1 , Alsanat 8 , Yanayir.
15- Zeyoud ,Mohamed : (2007), Markaziat Salmiya in the Ismaili da͑wa”, Majallet Dirassat Tarikhiya , issues 99-100.
16- Buheliqa ,Mohamed Saed : (2013), Tarikh Zohour Al-Da͑wa Al-Fatimia fi Belad Al-Maghreb al-Islami”, Majallet al-Eloum wa al-Dirassat al-Insania, al-Merj, issue 1.
17- Dagfos ,Radi : (1981),Al-eawamil Al-aiqtisadiat li-hujrat Bani Hilal wa Bani Salim Min Misr Ila Ifriqyia , Majalat li-Muarakh Al-earabi ,Baghdad , Raqm 20.
18-Thamer Lafta Hassan Al-Saadi :(2014), Al-Nafoudh Al-Fatimi fi Al-Yemen”, Majallet Al-Ustadh, Issue 208.
SCIENTIFIC MESSAGES :
1- Bousmaha ,Abdulhamid: (2005),Al-Masar fi Taghriba Bani Hilal Bayn Al-Waqie w Al-khial , Risalat Aldukturah Ghyr Manshurat , Jamiea Algiers.
- 2Bani Khalid ,Musa Ahmad Makhat:(1995),Thourit Abu Yazid Al-Khariji Ded Al-Fatimiyin”, Unpublished MA Thesis, University of Jordan.
3- Rahmani ,Musa :(2007), Al-Awras fi Al-Aser Al-Wasit Min Al-Fatih Al-Islami Il Intiqal Al-Khilafa Al-Fatimiya Ila Misr”, Unpublished MA Thesis, University of Mintouri, Algeria .
4- Al-nea Reda Ben: (2006),SinihajatAl-Maghrib Al-'Awsat , Risalat Majstyr Ghyr Manshurat , Jamieata Munturi , Qsntyn.
5- Maqri ,Samia: (2011),Al-taelim fi Al-ibadiat fi Al-Maghrib Al-kabir Min Suqut Al-Dawlat Al-Rastamiat Ila Tasis Nizam Eizbat , Risalat Majstyr Ghyr Manshurat, Jamieat Munturi – Algeria.
201
- 6Ibn Zawy ,Tariq:(2009), Aistiqlal Almaez Bin Badis Ean Al-dawlat Al-fatimiat , Risalat Majstyr Ghyr Manshurat - Aljamiea Algeria.
202