590

NEOPLATONISM IN ORTHODOX CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM AND ITS
REPERCUSSIONS IN BYZANTINE AND SELJUK ARCHITECTURES
A THESIS SUBMITTED TO

PLAGIARISM
I hereby declare that all information in this document has been
obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and
ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and
conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that
are not original to this work.

Neoplatonism was arguably a significant factor in esoterically nurturing
Christianity and Islam. It was influential in forming the worldview, culture,
art, and architecture of the two religions. This study aims to trace the
repercussions of this influence in Middle Byzantine churches from the 11th
and 12th Centuries and Seljuk mosques and madrasahs from the 13th
Century in Anatolia. By analyzing the typologies in terms of their spatial
configuration and decoration, both in respect to geometry, it questions
whether it is possible to suggest Neoplatonism as instrumental for the
formation of these architectures. The study not only highlights the common
aspects within the typologies but also provides a comparison of the two
architectural traditions.
To do so, the study first provides a philosophical background regarding
Neoplatonism. Based on the Neoplatonic ontology, the study generates
v
three concepts, “hierarchy, duality and unity.” These ontological concepts
are discussed to be transformed into design concepts by means of
geometry. Later, case studies selected from each architectural tradition
are examined in separate chapters regarding the traces of the three
concepts. These examinations are held in relation to the cultural
atmosphere and the liturgical characters of the eras, in both the
Neoplatonic influence are observable. As a result of these analyses with a
multidisciplinary approach, this study claims that Neoplatonic theories
were known in Anatolia and influential for the worldview, culture and art of
both the Byzantines and the Seljuks. These influences were possibly
instrumental for the two architectures, embedded with religion and
cosmology.
Keywords: Medieval Architecture, Byzantine Architecture, Anatolian
Seljuk Architecture, Architectural Symbolism, Neoplatonism
vi
ÖZ
ORTODOKS HRİSTİYANLIK VE İSLAM’DA YENİ EFLÂTUNCULUK VE
BİZANS VE SELÇUK MİMARİLERİNDEKİ YANSIMALARI

Yeni Eflâtunculuk, Hristiyanlık ve İslam’ı batıni olarak besleyen önemli
faktörlerden biri olarak kabul edilmektedir. Bu felsefi akım iki dinin dünya
görüşlerinin, kültürlerinin, sanatlarının ve mimarilerinin şekillenmesinde
etkili olmuştur. Bu çalışma, 11. ve 12. Yüzyıl Orta Dönem Bizans kiliseleri
ve 13. Yüzyıl Anadolu Selçuklu cami ve medreselerinde bu etkinin
yansımalarını aramayı hedeflemektedir. Çalışma ayrıca bu yapı tiplerinin
mekânsal özelliklerini ve bezemelerini çoğunlukla geometrik olarak
inceleyerek, Yeni Eflâtunculuk’un bu yapıların oluşmasında bir tasarım
aracı olarak kullanılıp kullanılmamış olduğunu sorgular. Çalışmada bu
mimari geleneklerin ortak yönleri öne çıkarıldığı gibi iki geleneği kapsayan
bir karşılaştırma da sunulmuştur.
Bu amacı karşılamak için, öncelikli olarak Yeni Eflâtunculuk hakkında
gerekli temel bilgi çalışmada sağlanmıştır. Ayrıca Yeni Eflâtuncu ontoloji
vii
temel alınarak “hiyerarşi, ikilik ve birlik” olmak üzere üç kavram
türetilmiştir. Bu ontolojik kavramların geometri aracılığıyla mimari tasarım
kavramlarına dönüşümü de yine çalışmada tartışılmıştır. Daha sonra, her
iki mimari gelenekten seçilmiş örnekler üç kavram üzerinden tezin ayrı
bölümlerinde incelenmiştir. Bu mimari incelemeler, Yeni Eflâtunculuk’un
etkisinin görülebildiği dönemin kültürel atmosferi ve dini ayin ve ibadetleri
ile ilişkilendirilerek yürütülmüştür. Disiplinler arası bir yaklaşımla yapılmış
bu analizler sonucunda, Yeni Eflâtuncu teorilerin Anadolu’da bilindiği ve
hem Bizans’ın hem de Selçukluların dünya görüşleri, kültürleri ve sanatsal
üretimlerinde etkili olduğu savunulabilir. Bu etki büyük olasılıkla din ve
evrenbilim ile iç içe olan bu iki mimari geleneğin şekillenmesinde rol
oynamıştır.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Ortaçağ Mimarisi, Bizans Mimarisi, Anadolu Selçuklu
Mimarisi, Mimari Sembolizm, Yeni Eflâtunculuk
viii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
First, I wish to express my gratitude to my supervisor, Prof. Dr. Ali Uzay
Peker, who has always provided me with the guidance I need in the field.
The autonomy and self-determination that he helped me to have enabled
this study to become what I exactly wanted it to be.
Secondly, I would like to thank Assist. Prof. Dr. Pelin Yoncacı Arslan from
the bottom of my heart for her endless support with her expertise and her
warm and joyful attitude. Also, I would like to thank Assoc. Prof. Dr. Tolga
Bozkurt for his contributions to this study.
I am grateful to my dear friend Zeynep Gür for her enormous mental
support since the day we have met. Our joyful conversations have always
been an escape for me. I would also like to express my thanks to my
brother, Taha Emre Baran. Without his support, this thesis would have
been harder to finish.
I am also thankful to my family, who have supported me throughout this
study.
Last but not least, I would like to thank myself for always defining my own
path and always staying dedicated.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
PLAGIARISM……………………………………………………………………iii
ABSTRACT………………………………………………………………………iv
ÖZ...............................................................................................................vİ
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS............................................................................viii
TABLE OF CONTENTS..............................................................................ix
LIST OF FIGURES....................................................................................xiii
CHAPTERS
1. INTRODUCTION.....................................................................................1
2. BASICS OF NEOPLATONISM AND USE OF NEOPLATONISM
AS A TOOL FOR SEARCHING MEANING IN ARCHITECTURE.............28
2.1. The Theory of Emanation: God, Creation, and Universe
According to Neoplatonism....................................................................35
2.1.1. The One...............................................................................40
2.1.2. The Intellect.........................................................................43
2.1.3. The Soul and the Material Universe.....................................45
2.1.4. The Humans........................................................................48
2.2. Neoplatonic Ontology and Concepts of Hierarchy, Duality
and Unity................................................................................................51
2.2.1. Hierarchy..............................................................................51
2.2.2. Duality..................................................................................53
2.2.3. Unity.....................................................................................55
x
2.3. Replicating the Divine Work: Perception of Architecture as
Microcosm..............................................................................................57
2.4. Significance of Geometry and Geometry as a Tool for the
Application of Hierarchy, Duality and Unity in Architectural Design.......60
3. REPERCUSSIONS OF NEOPLATONISM IN BYZANTINE
ARCHITECTURE......................................................................................76
3.1. Impact of Neoplatonism on Byzantine Theology
and Worldview.......................................................................................78
3.2. Significance of Middle Byzantine Churches as a
Manifestation of Neoplatonic Understanding in Byzantine Culture.......87
3.3. Reflections of the Neoplatonic Concepts in the Spatial
Characteristics of the Middle Byzantine Churches in
Relation to Liturgy..................................................................................94
3.3.1. The Byzantine Rite as a Liturgy under Neoplatonic
Influence.............................................................................................96
3.3.2. Traces of Hierarchy in the Plan Organizations and
Volumetric Configurations of the Middle Byzantine
Churches..........................................................................................113
3.3.3. Traces of Duality in the Plan Organizations and
Volumetric Configurations of the Middle Byzantine
Churches..........................................................................................121
3.3.4. Traces of Unity in the Plan Organizations and
Volumetric Configurations of the Middle Byzantine
Churches..........................................................................................130
3.4. Reflections of the Neoplatonic Concepts in the Decorative
Program of the Middle Byzantine Churches........................................136
xi
4. REPERCUSSIONS OF NEOPLATONISM IN THE
ARCHITECTURE OF ANATOLIAN SELJUKS........................................146
4.1. Impact of Neoplatonism on Islamic Theology
and Worldview.....................................................................................149
4.2. Formation of a New Culture and Its Archıtecture in Anatolia
under the Seljuks.................................................................................171
4.3. Reflections of the Neoplatonic Concepts in the Spatial
Characteristics of the 13th Century Seljuk Architeture
in Relation to Liturgy............................................................................184
4.3.1. Meaning In the Background of the Muslim Prayer and
Its Relation to Neoplatonic Doctrines...............................................186
4.3.2. Traces of Unity in the Plan Organizations and
Volumetric Configurations of the 13th Century Seljuk
Architecture......................................................................................191
4.3.3. Traces of Duality in the Plan Organizations and
Volumetric Configurations of the 13th Century Seljuk
Architecture......................................................................................201
4.3.4. Traces of Hierarchy in the Plan Organizations and
Volumetric Configurations of the 13th Century Seljuk
Architecture......................................................................................208
4.4. Reflections of the Neoplatonic Concepts in the Decorative
Program of the 13th Century Seljuk Architecture.................................214
5. CONCLUSION.....................................................................................232
BIBLIOGRAPHY......................................................................................265
xii
APPENDICES
A. FIGURES…………………………………………………………………..281
B. TURKISH SUMMARY / TÜRKÇE ÖZET.............................................391
C. THESIS PERMISSION FORM / TEZ İZİN FORMU............................409
xiii
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Diagram showing the basic ontological structure of the
universe according to The Theory of Emanation (Drawn by the
author)…………………………………………………………………..……..281
Figure 2: Examples of the Porphyrian Tree from 11th Century (From
Dardağan, Amer. “Neoplatonic ‘Tree of Life’ (Arbor Porphyriana: A
Diagram of Logic and Mystical Theology).” OSF. May 13. 2017.
osf.io/vsnyz)…………………………………………………………………..282
Figure 3: Shematical Porphyrian Tree in English (From
Dardağan, Amer. “Neoplatonic ‘Tree of Life’ (Arbor Porphyriana: A
Diagram of Logic and Mystical Theology).” OSF. May 13. 2017.
osf.io/vsnyz)……………………………………………………………….….282
Figure 4: The world map from around 11th Century (From Whitfield,
Peter. “The Earth and the Heavens: The Art of the Mapmaker: British
Library - Picturing Places.” The British Library. The British Library,
December 8, 2016.
https://www.bl.uk/picturing-places/articles/earth-and-the-heavens#)......283
Figure 5: The world map from 13th Century (From Whitfield, Peter.
“The Earth and the Heavens: The Art of the Mapmaker: British Library
- Picturing Places.” The British Library. The British Library,
December 8, 2016.
https://www.bl.uk/picturing-places/articles/earth-and-the-heavens#)......284
xiv
Figure 6: Three-dimensional drawings of polyhedral (From
Hill, Vanessa and Rowlands, Peter. “Nature's Code.” 2008. 871414.
10.1063/1.3020651)………………………………………………………….285
Figure 7: Table showing the process of the creation of polyhedra
(From Opsomer, Jan. “In defence of geometric atomism: explaining
elemental properties,” in Neoplatonism and the Philosophy of Nature,
edited by James Wilberding and Christoph Horn, 147-173. Oxford:
University of Oxford Press,
2012.)…………………………………………………………………………..285
Figure 8: Three-dimensional drawings showing the relationship
between polyhedra and sphere (From Tavakoli, Armin and Gisin,
Nicolas. “The Platonic Solids and Fundamental Tests of Quantum
Mechanics.”
2020.)………………………………………………………………………….286
Figure 9: Plan of St. John the Forerunner Stoudiou indicating the
interior sections of early basilica churches (From
http://projects.mcah.columbia.edu/medievalarchitecture/
htm/related/ma_st_john_stoudios_01.htm).........................286
Figure 10: Parametric drawing showing the separation of the side
spaces from the heightened central part in Middle Byzantine
Churches (From Potamianos, Iakovos , Turner, James and Jabi,
Wassim. “Exploring the Proportions of Middle-Byzantine Churches:
A Parametric Approach.” in Sixth International Conference on
Computer-Aided Architectural Design Futures [ISBN 9971-62-423-0]
Singapore, 24-26 September 1995, 483-
493.)……………………………………………………………….…….…….287
xv
Figure 11: Three-dimensional diagram showing the simple
stereometric forms of cross-in-square church scheme (Drawn by
the author)……………………………………………………………………..287
Figure 12: Plan of Temple of Hera in Paestum indicating the interior
spaces as a precursor of interior sections of the Byzantine church
(From http://www.paestum.org.uk/temples/basilica/)...............................288
Figure 13: Church plan diagrams indicating the horizontal axis from
the entrance to the apse (From Marinis, Vasileios. Architecture
and Ritual in the Churches of Constantinople Ninth to Fifteenth
Centuries. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014.,
diagrams drawn by the author)……………………………………………...289
Figure 14: Church plan diagrams indicating the passages during the
Byzantine Rite (From Marinis, Vasileios. Architecture and Ritual in the
Churches of Constantinople Ninth to Fifteenth Centuries. New York:
Cambridge University Press, 2014., diagrams drawn the
author)…………………………………………………………………………292
Figure 15: Church section diagrams indicating the height difference
between the narthex and the nave (Redrawn by the author with
diagrams, based on drawings from Birer Kurultay Mimarlık, Buchwald,
Hans. Form, Style and Meaning in Byzantine Church Architecture.
UK: Ashgate Publishing, 1999, van Millingen, Alexander. Byzantine
Churches in Constantinople – Their History and Architecture (1912).
Hong Kong: Hesperides Press, 2006, and Sağdıç, İsmail.
“Gül Camii’nde Osmanlı Dönemi Onarımları.” Restorasyon ve
Konservasyon Çalışmaları Dergisi 1 (2019 ), 17-27.,
diagrams drawn by the author)………………………………………..……295
xvi
Figure 16: Diagram showing the underlying circles in quadrature
(From El-Said, Issam and Parman, Ayşe. Geometric Concepts in
Islamic Art. London: World of Islam Festival Publishing Company Ltd.,
1976.)…………………………………………………………………………..297
Figure 17: Diagram of quadrature (From El-Said, Issam and Parman,
Ayşe. Geometric Concepts in Islamic Art. London: World of Islam
Festival Publishing Company Ltd., 1976.)…………………………………297
Figure 18: Church plan diagrams showing the juxtaposition of
quadrature (From Marinis, Vasileios. Architecture and Ritual in the
Churches of Constantinople Ninth to Fifteenth Centuries. New York:
Cambridge University Press, 2014., diagram drawn by the
author)…………………………………………………………………...…….298
Figure 19: Church section diagrams showing the juxtaposition of
quadrature (From Birer Kurultay Mimarlık, Buchwald, Hans.
Form, Style and Meaning in Byzantine Church Architecture.
UK: Ashgate Publishing, 1999, van Millingen, Alexander. Byzantine
Churches in Constantinople – Their History and Architecture (1912).
Hong Kong: Hesperides Press, 2006., and Sağdıç, İsmail.
“Gül Camii’nde Osmanlı Dönemi Onarımları.” Restorasyon ve
Konservasyon Çalışmaları Dergisi 1 (2019), 17-27.,
diagrams drawn by the author)……………………………………………. 301
Figure 20: Three-dimensional diagram showing the relationship of
cube, cylinder, sphere in the nave of Middle Byzantine Churches
(Drawn by the author)………………………………………………………. 303
xvii
Figure 21: Drawing of a typical bema from Middle Byzantine Churches
(From Patricios, Nicholas N. The Sacred Architecture of Byzantium:
Art, Liturgy and Symbolism in Early Christian Churches.
London & NY: I.B. Tauris & Co, 2014.)…………………………………….303
Figure 22: Church plan diagrams showing the three thresholds on the
central axis (From Marinis, Vasileios. Architecture and Ritual in the
Churches of Constantinople Ninth to Fifteenth Centuries. New York:
Cambridge University Press, 2014., diagrams drawn by the author)…...304
Figure 23: Atrium and exterior walls of Myrelaion Church
(Bodrum Cami) (From Marinis, Vasileios. Architecture and Ritual
in the Churches of Constantinople Ninth to Fifteenth Centuries.
New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014.)…………………………..307
Figure 24: Atrium and exterior walls of The Church of St. Theodosia
(Gül Cami) (From Marinis, Vasileios. Architecture and Ritual in the
Churches of Constantinople Ninth to Fifteenth Centuries. New York:
Cambridge University Press, 2014.)……………………….. ……………..307
Figure 25: Atrium and exterior walls of The Church of the Monastery
of Christ Pantepoptes (Eski İmaret Cami) (From Marinis, Vasileios.
Architecture and Ritual in the Churches of Constantinople Ninth to
Fifteenth Centuries. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014.
and Paspates, A. Byzantine Studies.İstanbul: Koromilas Publications,
1877.)………………………………………………………………………….308
xviii
Figure 26: Atrium and exterior walls of Pammakaristos Church
(Fethiye Cami) (From Marinis, Vasileios. Architecture and Ritual
in the Churches of Constantinople Ninth to Fifteenth Centuries.
New York: Cambridge University Press,
2014.)……………………………………………………………………….….308
Figure 27: Atrium and exterior walls of the church of the Monastery of
Pantocrator (Zeyrek Cami) (From Marinis, Vasileios. Architecture and
Ritual in the Churches of Constantinople Ninth to Fifteenth Centuries.
New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014. and Paspates, A.
Byzantine Studies.İstanbul: Koromilas Publications,
1877.)………………………………………………………………………….309
Figure 28: Atrium and exterior walls of The Church of Theotokos
Kyriotissa (Kalenderhane Cami) (From Marinis, Vasileios.
Architecture and Ritual in the Churches of Constantinople Ninth to
Fifteenth Centuries. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014.
and Paspates, A. Byzantine Studies.İstanbul: Koromilas
Publications, 1877.)…………………………………………………….…….309
Figure 29: Atrium and exterior walls of Hagios Ioannes (Hırami Ahmet
Paşa Cami) (From Marinis, Vasileios. Architecture and Ritual in the
Churches of Constantinople Ninth to Fifteenth Centuries. New York:
Cambridge University Press, 2014. and Paspates, A. Byzantine
Studies.İstanbul: Koromilas Publications,
1877.)…………………………………………………………………...……..309
xix
Figure 30: Atrium and exterior walls of Church of Theodore
(Vefa Kilise Cami) (From Marinis, Vasileios. Architecture and Ritual
in the Churches of Constantinople Ninth to Fifteenth Centuries.
New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014. and from
Birmingham East Mediterranean Archive,
taken by David Talbot-Rice)…………………………………………………310
Figure 31: Drawing of the typical wooden railing, templon, as the
precursor of iconostasis wall (From Patricios, Nicholas N.
The Sacred Architecture of Byzantium: Art, Liturgy and Symbolism
in Early Christian Churches.
London & NY: I.B. Tauris & Co, 2014.)………………………………….... 310
Figure 32: Church plan diagrams showing the symmetry in the
central nave (From Marinis, Vasileios. Architecture and Ritual in the
Churches of Constantinople Ninth to Fifteenth Centuries. New York:
Cambridge University Press, 2014., diagrams drawn by the
author)…………………………………………………………………..……..311
Figure 33: Three-dimensional church diagram showing the vertical
axis in the central nave (Drawn by the author)………………………... …314
Figure 34: Three-dimensional church diagram showing the
intersection of the horizontal axis and the vertical axis
(Drawn by the author)………………………………………………..………314
Figure 35: The mosaic work on the central dome of the Church of
Theodore (Vefa Kilise Cami) (From Nicholas V. Artamonoff Collection
https://www.thebyzantinelegacy.com/vefa).............................................315
xx
Figure 36: The archangel mosaic from the Church of Theotokos
Kyriotissa (Kalenderhane Cami) (From
https://www.thebyzantinelegacy.com/kyriotissa).....................................315
Figure 37: Dome mosaic work from the parecclesion of
Pammakaristos Church (Fethiye Cami) (From Patricios, Nicholas N.
The Sacred Architecture of Byzantium: Art, Liturgy and Symbolism
in Early Christian Churches.
London & NY: I.B. Tauris & Co, 2014.) ………………………………..…..316
Figure 38: Mosaic work from Pammakaristos Church (Fethiye Cami)
(From Patricios, Nicholas N. The Sacred Architecture of Byzantium:
Art, Liturgy and Symbolism in Early Christian Churches.
London & NY: I.B. Tauris & Co, 2014.)………………………………….....316
Figure 39: Mosaic work from Pammakaristos Church (Fethiye Cami)
(From Patricios, Nicholas N. The Sacred Architecture of Byzantium:
Art, Liturgy and Symbolism in Early Christian Churches.
London & NY: I.B. Tauris & Co, 2014.)…………………………. ………..317
Figure 40: Mosaic work from Pammakaristos Church (Fethiye Cami)
(From Patricios, Nicholas N. The Sacred Architecture of Byzantium:
Art, Liturgy and Symbolism in Early Christian Churches.
London & NY: I.B. Tauris & Co, 2014.)………. …………………………..317
xxi
Figure 41: Church section diagrams showing the placement of the
figures in the domes of cross-in-square type churches (Original
diagram from Potamianos, Iakovos , Turner, James and Jabi,
Wassim. “Exploring the Proportions of Middle-Byzantine Churches:
A Parametric Approach.” in Sixth International Conference on
Computer-Aided Architectural Design Futures [ISBN 9971-62-423-0]
Singapore, 24-26 September 1995, 483-493. Sections redrawn
by the author with diagrams, based on drawings from Birer Kurultay
Mimarlık, Buchwald, van Millingen and Sağdıç)……. …………...……….318
Figure 42: The floor mosaic from the church of the Monastery of
Pantocrator (Zeyrek Cami) (From IBB Restoration
https://www.thebyzantinelegacy.com/pantokratormonastery)...............................................................................................
320
Figure 43: The floor mosaic from the Church of Theotokos Kyriotissa
(Kalenderhane Cami) (From Nicholas V. Artamonoff Collection
https://www.thebyzantinelegacy.com/kyriotissa).....................................320
Figure 44: The exterior brick ornament from the Church of the
Monastery of Christ Pantepoptes (Eski İmaret Cami) (From
https://www.thebyzantinelegacy.com/pantepoptes)................................321
Figure 45: The exterior brick ornament from the Church of the
Monastery of Christ Pantepoptes (Eski İmaret Cami) (From
https://www.thebyzantinelegacy.com/pantepoptes)................................321
Figure 46: The closure slab from Pergamum (From Buchwald, Hans.
Form, Style and Meaning in Byzantine Church Architecture.
UK: Ashgate Publishing, 1999.)……………………….. …………………..322
xxii
Figure 47: The lintel from Manisa (From Buchwald, Hans.
Form, Style and Meaning in Byzantine Church Architecture.
UK: Ashgate Publishing, 1999.)………………. …………………………..322
Figure 48: The alter from Manisa (From Buchwald, Hans.
Form, Style and Meaning in Byzantine Church Architecture.
UK: Ashgate Publishing, 1999.)…………….. ……………………………..323
Figure 49: The column capital from the Church of Theotokos
Kyriotissa (Kalenderhane Cami) (From
https://www.thebyzantinelegacy.com/kyriotissa).....................................323
Figure 50: The column capital from Hagios Ioannes (Hırami Ahmet
Paşa Cami) (From https://www.thebyzantinelegacy.com/prodromosconstantinople).............................................................................
….......324
Figure 51: The column capital from the Church of Theodore
(Vefa Kilise Cami) (From
https://www.thebyzantinelegacy.com/vefa).............................................324
Figure 52: The cornice piece from the Church of the Monastery of
Pantocrator (Zeyrek Cami) (From
https://www.thebyzantinelegacy.com/pantokratormonastery)..............................................................................................
325
Figure 53: The spolia stone from the Church of the Monastery of
Pantocrator (Zeyrek Cami) (From
https://www.thebyzantinelegacy.com/pantokratormonastery)..............................................................................................
325
xxiii
Figure 54: Drawing of the iconostasis wall showing the placement of
the figures in the common composition in the Eastern Orthodox
Churches (From Misijuk, Tatiana. “The Multilayer Composition of an
Iconostasis.” Rocznik Teologii Katolickiej. XVI, no.3 (2017), 221-
236.)…………………………………………………………….……………..326
Figure 55: Mosque plan diagrams showing the underlying grid system
(From https://okuryazarim.com/anadolu-selcuklu-donemi-mimariplanlari/,
diagrams drawn by the author)…… …………………………….327
Figure 56: Mosque plan diagrams indicating the qibla axis and the
symmetrical corridors (From https://okuryazarim.com/anadoluselcuklu-
donemi-mimari-planlari/, diagrams drawn by the author)….…..331
Figure 57: The portal of Alaeddin Mosque (Photograph taken by the
author)……………………………………………………...………………….335
Figure 58: The portal of Divriği Great Mosque (Photograph taken
by the author)………………………………….. …………………………….335
Figure 59: The portal of Burmalı Minare Mosque (From
http://www.selcuklumirasi.com/architecture-detail/burmali-minarecamii-
ve turbesi)......................................................................................336
Figure 60: The portal of Hunad Hatun Mosque (Photograph taken
by the author)………………………………………….. …………………….336
Figure 61: The portal of Hacı Kılıç Mosque (Photograph taken
by the author)…………………………….. ………………………………….337
xxiv
Figure 62: The portal of Gökmedrese Mosque (Photograph taken
by the author)…………………………….. ………………………………….337
Figure 63: The portal of Arslanhane Mosque (Photograph taken
by the author)………………………………………………….. …………….338
Figure 64: The portal of Eşrefoğlu Mosque (Photograph taken by the
author)…………………………………………………………………...…….338
Figure 65: The mihrab of Alaeddin Mosque (From Doğan, Nermin
Şaman. “Niğde’deki Türk Dönemi (13-15. Yüzyıl) Yapılarında Taç
Kapı-Mihrap Tasarımı ve Bezeme İlişkisi.” Hacettepe Üniversitesi
Edebiyat Fakültesi Dergisi, Vol. 30 Issue 1 (2013), 155-140.)… ……….339
Figure 66: The mihrab of Divriği Great Mosque (From
http://www.divrigiulucamii.com/tr/Mihrap_10.html)..................................339
Figure 67: The mihrab of Burmalı Minare Mosque (From
http://www.selcuklumirasi.com/architecture-detail/burmali-minarecamii-
ve-turbesi)......................................................................................340
Figure 68: The mihrab of Hunad Hatun Mosque (Photograph taken
by the author)…………………………………………….. ………………….340
Figure 69: The mihrab of Hacı Kılıç Mosque (Photograph taken
by the author)………………………………………………….. …………….341
Figure 70: The mihrab of Gökmedrese Mosque (Photograph taken
by the author)………………………………….. …………………………….341
Figure 71: The mihrab of Arslanhane Mosque (Photograph taken
by the author)……………………….. ……………………………………….342
xxv
Figure 72: The mihrab of Eşrefoğlu Mosque (Photograph taken
by the author)………………………….. …………………………………….342
Figure 73: Madrasah plan diagrams showing the central axis (From
https://okuryazarim.com/anadolu-selcuklu-donemi-mimari-planlari/,
diagrams drawn by the
author)………………………………………………...……………………….343
Figure 74: Section of Divriği Great Mosque showing the height
arrangement (From İpekoğlu and Hamamcıoğlu,
https://restoration.iyte.edu.tr/anadolu-selcuklu-donemi-anitsalyapilarinin-
mekansal-ozelliklerinin-sistematik-bir-arastirmasi/)................347
Figure 75: Section of Gökmedrese Mosque showing the height
arrangement (From İpekoğlu and Hamamcıoğlu,
https://restoration.iyte.edu.tr/anadolu-selcuklu-donemi-anitsalyapilarinin-
mekansal-ozelliklerinin-sistematik-bir-arastirmasi/)................347
Figure 76: Section of Eşrefoğlu Mosque showing the height
arrangement (From İpekoğlu and Hamamcıoğlu,
https://restoration.iyte.edu.tr/anadolu-selcuklu-donemi-anitsalyapilarinin-
mekansal-ozelliklerinin-sistematik-bir-arastirmasi/)……….....347
Figure 77: Three-dimensional diagrams showing the vertical
arrangement of the mosque units (Drawn by the author)…………...…. .348
Figure 78: The exterior walls and portal of Alaeddin Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)…………................. …………………..348
Figure 79: The exterior walls and portal of Divriği Great Mosque
(From Sivas İl Kültür Turizm Müdürlüğü,
http://www.divrigiulucamii.com/tr/Cennet_Kapi_4.html)..........................349
xxvi
Figure 80: The exterior walls of Burmalı Minare Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)…….................. ……………………….349
Figure 81: The exterior walls and portal of Hunad Hatun Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)……............................ ………………..350
Figure 82: The exterior walls and portal of Hacı Kılıç Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)……............................... ……………..350
Figure 83: The exterior walls and portal of Gökmedrese Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)……………............. …………………..351
Figure 84: The exterior walls and portal of Arslanhane Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)………............. ………………………..351
Figure 85: The exterior walls and portal of Eşrefoğlu Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)……............................ ………………..352
Figure 86: The exterior walls and portal of Karatay Madrasah
(From The Municipality Archive)………………....................... ……….….352
Figure 87: The exterior walls and portal of Cacabey Madrasah (From
Kırşehir İl Kültür Turizm Müdürlüğü,
https://www.kulturportali.gov.tr/turkiye/kirsehir/gezilecekyer/cacabeymedreses)................................................................................................
353
Figure 88: The exterior walls and portal of Çifte Minareli Madrasah in
Erzurum (From
https://archnet.org/sites/1947/media_contents/128020).........................353
Figure 89: The exterior walls and portal of Çifte Minareli Madrasah in
Sivas (From https://archnet.org/sites/2083).............................................354
xxvii
Figure 90: The exterior walls and portal of Gökmedrese in Sivas
(From https://archnet.org/sites/2084/).....................................................354
Figure 91: The exterior walls of Sahabiye Madrasah
(Photograph taken by the author)........................ …………………….….355
Figure 92: The exterior walls and portal of Hacı Kılıç Madrasah
(Photograph taken by the author)………………...... ……………………..355
Figure 93: The exterior walls and portal of Hunad Hatun Madrasah
(Photograph taken by the author)…………………................ …………...356
Figure 94: The portal of Dār al-Shifā of Divriği Great Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)………..................... …………………..356
Figure 95: Diagram showing the vertical axis in quadrilateral
mosque units (Drawn by the author)……………………........ …………...357
Figure 96: Diagram showing the intersection horizontal and vertical
axes during the performing of Salât (Drawn by the author)................….357
Figure 97: Three-dimensional mosque diagrams indicating the
intersection of two axes in the central corridor (Drawn by the author) …358
Figure 98: Three-dimensional madrasah diagrams indicating the
intersection of two axes in the courtyard (Drawn by the author)…… .….358
Figure 99: Mosque plan diagrams indicating the hierarchy of central
corridor (From https://okuryazarim.com/anadolu-selcuklu-donemimimari-
planlari/, diagrams drawn by the author)……........... ……………359
Figure 100: The lantern opening of Alaeddin Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)………………………….......... ………..363
xxviii
Figure 101: The central dome of Burmalı Minare Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)……………....... ……………………….363
Figure 102: The lantern dome of Hunad Hatun Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)……………............. …………………..364
Figure 103: The central dome of Hacı Kılıç Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)………………… ………………............364
Figure 104: The lantern dome of Gökmedrese Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)……………………...... ………………..365
Figure 105: The lantern dome of Eşrefoğlu Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)............................................................365
Figure 106: The central dome of Karatay Madrasah
(Photograph taken by the author)……………………….....……………….366
Figure 107: The central dome of İnce Minareli Madrasah
From The Municipality Archive,
https://www.kulturportali.gov.tr/turkiye/konya/
gezilecekyer/nceminare-tas-ve-ahsap-eserleri-muzesi)..........................366
Figure 108: Three-dimensional diagram of stereometric forms of the
central courtyard of closed courtyard type madrasahs
(Diagram drawn by the author)…………….......................... …………….367
Figure 109: The maqsura dome of Alaeddin Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)……………….... ………................. ….367
Figure 110: The maqsura dome of Hunad Hatun Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)………………....... …………………….368
xxix
Figure 111: The maqsura dome of Gökmedrese Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)…………………………........………….368
Figure 112: The minbar of Alaeddin Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)…………….. …………………………...369
Figure 113: The minbar of Divriği Great Mosque (From
http://www.divrigiulucamii.com/tr/Minber_9.html)....................................369
Figure 114: The minbar of Burma Minareli Mosque (From
http://www.selcuklumirasi.com/architecture-detail/burmali-minarecamii-
ve-turbesi)......................................................................................370
Figure 115: The minbar of Hunad Hatun Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)…………………….... ………………….371
Figure 116: The minbar of Hacı Kılıç Mosque (From Mustafa
Cambaz’s archive, https://www.mustafacambaz.com/details.php
image_id=30596&sessionid=4g3ur4amh960n7hd8u6d30ohj6)..............371
Figure 117: The minbar of Arslanhane Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)……............... ………………………….371
Figure 118: The minbar of Eşrefoğlu Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)……………………………….... ……….372
Figure 119: The geometric pattern on the portal of Hunad Hatun
Mosque (Photograph taken by the author)……................. ……………...373
Figure 120: The geometric pattern on the mihrab niche of Hunad
Hatun Mosque (Photograph taken by the author).....................…………374
xxx
Figure 121: Drawing and examination of the geometric pattern
on the portal and mihrab niche of Hunad Hatun Mosque
(Drawn by the author)………...................................................................375
Figure 122: The geometric patterns on the second portal of Hunad
Hatun Mosque (Photograph taken by the author)…….............…………376
Figure 123: Drawing and examination of the first geometric pattern
on the second portal of Hunad Hatun Mosque
(Drawn by the author)………..........................................................…….377
Figure 124: Drawing and examination of the second geometric
pattern on the second portal of Hunad Hatun Mosque
(Drawn by the author)…………..........................................................….377
Figure 125: The geometric patterns on the portal of Alaeddin
Mosque (Photograph taken by the author)…………............. …………...378
Figure 126: Drawing and examination of the geometric pattern
on the portal of Alaeddin Mosque (Drawn by the author)……...........…..379
Figure 127: The geometric patterns on the mihrab niche of Alaeddin
Mosque (Photograph taken by the author)……………..................……...380
Figure 128: Drawing and examination of the geometric pattern
on the mihrab niche of Alaeddin Mosque (Drawn by the author).....……381
Figure 129: The geometric patterns on the façade decoration of
Gökmedrese Mosque (Photograph taken by the author)…......... ………382
Figure 130: The geometric pattern on the portal of Divriği Great
Mosque in Sivas (Photograph taken by the author).........................……383
xxxi
Figure 131: Drawing and examination of the geometric pattern
on the portal of Divriği Great Mosque in Sivas (From Peker, Ali Uzay.
“Anadolu Selçuklu Mimari Tasarımını Etkileyen Evren ve Estetik
Anlayışı.” In Anadolu Selçuklu Şehirleri ve Uygarlığı Sempozyumu
7-8 Ekim 2008, edited by A. Esen, Haşim Karpuz, O. Eravşar, 85-107.
Konya: Selçuklu Belediyesi Basın Yayın Müdürlüğü, 2009.)…....………383
Figure 132: The geometric pattern on the wooden work of Eşrefoğlu
Mosque (Photograph taken by the author)…….........................………...384
Figure 133: The muqarnas decoration from Alaeddin Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)……….........................………………..385
Figure 134: The muqarnas decoration from Burma Minareli Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)…………............................…………...385
Figure 135: The muqarnas decoration from Hunad Hatun Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)…………...................................……...386
Figure 136: The muqarnas decoration from Hacı Kılıç Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)…………………………....……………..386
Figure 137: The muqarnas decoration from Gökmedrese Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)…………...................................……...387
Figure 138: The muqarnas decoration from Arslanhane Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)………………….......…………………..387
Figure 139: The muqarnas decoration from Eşrefoğlu Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)…………………...............……………..388
Figure 140: The muqarnas decoration from Karatay Madrasah
(Photograph taken by the author)…………………............. ……………..388
xxxii
Figure 141: The bird figures on the portal of Divriği Great Mosque
(From Özkul, Kifayet. “Sivas Divriği Ulu Cami ve Darüşşifası
Bezemeleri.” International Journal of Volga-Ural and Turkestan
Studies (IJVUTS), Vol. 2 Issue 3 (2020), 56-81.)………………..... …….389
Figure 142: The tree figure on the portal of Divriği Great Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)………….........................……………..389
Figure 143: The tree figures from Gökmedrese in Sivas (From Özkul,
Kıyafet. “Sivas Gök Medrese Bezemeleri, Semboller ve Anlamları.”
Şehir Araştırmaları Dergisi Şehir ve Medeniyet, (2020), 53-74. ISSN:
1308-8386)………………….............................................. ………………390
Figure 144: The tree figures from Çifte Minareli Madrasah in Erzurum
(From SALT Archive,
https://archives.saltresearch.org/handle/123456789/8175)....................390
1
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
It is difficult to examine and analyze architectural monuments from the
past, especially from the ancient and medieval ages, particularly in terms
of the probable symbolic meanings and incentives for forming these
monuments. The main reason for this difficulty is uncertainty. The lack of
original documents and sources from the ancient and medieval periods to
demonstrate factors in the architectural design background prevents
scholars to go beyond the boundaries of assumptions and hypotheses in
most cases. Besides, it is even probable to defend that today's scholars
cannot extract the same meaning in the background of an architectural
monument or a series of monuments that belong to a particular tradition,
with the symbolic meaning that it contained for its contemporary society.
John Onians, an English scholar who is an expert on the biological basis
of art and the issues regarding perception and cognition of art and
architecture, in his article titled Greek Temple and Greek Brain, indicates
the idea that it is biologically impossible for any of us to acquire the same
data or create the same meaning in the mind when observing a monument
from the past with the people who lived at those times.1 To support his
claim, the biological explanation Onians offers is that the anatomy of the
1 John Onians, “Greek Temple and Greek Brain,” in Body and Building, ed. George
Dodds and Robert Tavernor, (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2002), 43-63.
2
brain, the literal physical structure of the organ based on the placement of
nerves and the connections in between the lines of nerves, is shaped
according to the provided data since the electro-biological combinations of
nerves in the brain changes based on the types and amount of the
auditory and visual information that it receives.2 Therefore, every
individual's brain presumably has a different biological structure since it is
impossible for any two people to receive the same data set throughout
their lives.3 However, Onians suggest that it is likely for the brains of
individuals who were exposed to a similar set of data in a similar
environment for relatively more extended periods to have brains with
similar anatomical structures.4 Based on his perspective, it is not likely to
perceive the same meaning from a medieval building by looking through
today's glasses. In other words, the electro-biological structure of a brain
raised in the 20th or 21st Century is presumably totally different from a
medieval brain due to the entirely different data set that it is exposed to.
Thus, today's scholars cannot produce specific facts about medieval
buildings' reception within their contemporary societies or the motivations
in the background of their design without any other original sources.
However, this should not limit the studies investigating the design motives
and symbolic values of different medieval architectural traditions. A critical
point of this kind of studies is conceivably the requirement for an
2 Ibid., 43-63.
3 Ibid., 43-63.
4 Ibid., 43-63.
3
interdisciplinary approach. Blending the field of architectural history with
other fields in humanitieas and social sciences, namely philosophy,
theology, and sociology, increases the understanding of the modes of
thinking in the background of the focused architectural traditions. Although
it is not possible for today's scholars and researchers to structure their
brain in the same manner as the patrons, architects, or users of the past,
studying not only the monuments of those societies but also the social and
cultural structure is crucial in order to come close to their world view that
shaped architecture.
Moreover, in medieval era, the society, politics, economy, and culture of
different domains were embedded within religion. With the steady rise of
Christianity and then Islam, the two religions became sovereign faiths in
the Middle East. Even though these two religions were generally
considered disparate, it is possible to suggest familiarities between each
other and probable common sources that highly influenced both, with
Neoplatonism conceivably being in the first place among these sources.5
Neoplatonism's role as a common source of influence and a culture
blender between the Christian and Islamic domains is observable
throughout the medieval age.6 Remarkably, the regions that are possibly
defined as melting pots for different cultures, such as Al-Andalus (Spain)
and Portugal under Umayyad Rule, and Anatolia, witnessed the influence
of Neoplatonism on Christianity and Islam comparatively in greater
degrees. It is possible to observe different paths of influence that have
5 John Gregory, The Neoplatonists, (London: Routledge, 1998), 175-181.
6 Ibid., 175-81.
4
formed either direct relationships between one of the religions and the
ancient philosophical heritage through Neoplatonism or the indirect
transmission of the Neoplatonic concept into one religion through the
other. One of the notable peak points for the philosophical and
architectural products of these encounters of Neoplatonism with the two
monotheistic religions occurs in Anatolia between the 11th and 13th
Centuries. In more detail, the 11th and 12th Centuries witnessed the
increase of the Neoplatonic impact in the Byzantine Empire, especially in
Constantinople, which is generally named the final phase of the Middle
Byzantine Period.7 While the dominancy of Neoplatonic impact was fading
in Christian Constantinople, the reflections of Neoplatonism were
drastically increasing in Central Anatolia under the new rule of the powergaining
Muslim Seljuks by the 13th Century.8
Moreover, when the lifestyles in the 11th, 12th, 13th Centuries in these
domains are considered, one common ground is that religion and Divinity
were at the center, and theology was formative in the worldview and
society's structure. Due to the openness in both societies towards the
heterodox approaches in their respected religions, particular within this
time frame, the chosen cultures of Anatolia are conceivably two intense
manifestations of the Neoplatonic roots. In such societies embedded with
theology in different aspects such as politics, economy, and culture and in
7 Hans Buchwald, Form, Style and Meaning in Byzantine Church Architecture, (UK:
Ashgate Publishing, 1999), 310.
8 Resul Ay, “Bizanstan Osmanlıya Anadoluda Heterodoks İnanışlar: ‘Öteki’ Dindarlığın
Ortak Doğası Üzerine (650–1600),” Ankara Üniversitesi Osmanlı Tarihi Araştırma ve
Uygulama Merkezi Dergisi, 31 (2013), 20.
5
which the religious order is reflected in all classes and groups of the
community, it would be natural to expect the artistic production to be
formed under the heavy impact of the religion. In this sense, the artistic
products in Constantinople, including the architectural works, were
presumably manifestations of their Christian belief, which is claimed to be
nurtured by Neoplatonism in centuries and culminated in the late Middle
Byzantine Period. Similarly, the artistic products in Seljuk Anatolia,
including the architectural works, were presumably manifestations of their
Islamic belief which is claimed to be nurtured by Neoplatonism in centuries
and reached its possible peak point, in terms of quality and quantity,
among the Anatolian Seljuks during the 13th Century. Therefore,
examining the architectural works from these domains produced in these
periods in terms of the traces of Neoplatonic doctrines is a way to
demonstrate the influence and reinterpretations of Neoplatonism in
Orthodox Christianity and Islam. In a corresponding relationship, the
investigation of the Neoplatonic impact on the theologies and societies of
the Byzantine Empire and Anatolian Seljuks enables searching for the
symbolism in the background of their architectural works and providing
satisfactory explanations for the possible motives in the background of the
architectural design.
Based on this general framework, the introduction chapter of the thesis;
which aims to understand the symbolism and motivation in the background
of the two of the medieval architectural traditions, Byzantine and Anatolian
Seljuk, proceeds with the literature review at first. Then, by reviewing the
significant works in the field, the chapter provides the reader with the
significance of this study and what it aims to bring to the field. In the
following part, the research question and the hypothesis are provided.
Then the outline which is followed throughout the thesis is given. Finally,
6
the last part of the chapter explains the methodology employed in the
study.
To start the literature review, it is essential to state that this kind of an
interdisciplinary study requires the study of a wide range of sources. It is
possible to categorize the sources used for this study under two broad
types: the sources on Neoplatonic philosophy and the sources on
Byzantine and Seljuk architectures. The sources from the first category are
primarily used for providing the necessary background information for the
basics of Neoplatonism, the historical relationship of the school of thought
with the monotheistic religions of Christianity and Islam, and how the
original Neoplatonic doctrines are reinterpreted in these religions. These
are mainly The Neoplatonists by John Gregory, Neoplatonism and
Emanationism by Mark Sedgwick and The Significance of Neoplatonism
by R. Baine Harris.9 Besides, many articles and book chapters by
scholars namely John Anton, Fatma Aygün, Lloyd P. Gerson, John
Fielder, Ronald F. Kotrc, Anna Motta, Ian Netton, William C. Chittick,
Sergei Mariev are among significant studies. The sources on
Neoplatonism in a broad sense include not only these relatively modern
studies but also original sources from the ancient period, namely Republic
and Timaeus of Plato, Enneads of Plotinus, Elements of Theology of
Proclus, as well as the original works of Christian and Muslim philosophers
such as Pseudo-Dionysius, Maximus the Confessor, Michael Psellos, John
Italos, Muʿtazila school of thought, Ikhwān al-Safā , Al-Kindī, Al-Fārābī,
9 John Gregory, The Neoplatonists, (London: Routledge, 1998). Mark Sedgwick, Western
Sufism: From the Abbasids to the New Age, Online Edition, (Oxford: Oxford University
Press Online, 2016) Accessed February 22, 2020. DOI:
10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199977642.001.0001. R. Baine Harris (ed.), The Significance of
Neoplatonism, (New York: State University of New York Press, 1976).
7
Suhrawardī, Ibn ‘Arabī and so on from medieval age.10 Especially the
original ideas of Christian and Muslim philosophers are significant in
displaying the echoes of Neoplatonism. Most modern sources also touch
on the Neoplatonic impact on Christianity and Islam, which is accepted to
be crucial for both religions as a nurturing element that enriches and
shapes them esoterically.
However, these philosophical sources, whether modern works or originals,
are mainly related to philosophy and theology, and they do not include any
special ties with architecture. Both in the literature survey made for this
thesis as well as the discussions with one of the influential scholars, Anna
Motta, it has seen that there is a lack of original sources which dwell upon
the relationship between ancient philosophy and architecture in general,
and more particularly on the impact of Neoplatonism in medieval
architecture. Even though modern sources study the traces and effects of
Euclidian/Platonic geometry on architecture, these sources primarily focus
on the other periods, dominantly Renaissance, such as Daniela Bertol,
cited in this study.11 In addition, these studies are generally heavier on the
philosophical side of the topic rather than the architectural analyses.
10 Plato, The Republic, trans. Benjamin Jowett, (Massachusetts: The Internet Classics
Archive of Massachusetts Institute of Technology) Accessed February 27, 2021.
http://classics.mit.edu/Plato/republic.html. Plato, Timaeus, trans. Benjamin Jowett,
(Massachusetts: The Internet Classics Archive of Massachusetts Institute of Technology)
Accessed February 27, 2021. http://classics.mit.edu/Plato/timaeus.html. Proclus,
Elements of Theology, trans. E. R. Doods, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1963).
Proclus, Elements of Theology, trans. E. R. Doods, (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1963). Plotinus, The Enneads, ed. Lloyd P. Gerson, (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 2018).
11 Daniela Bertol, “The Parametric Making of Geometry: The Platonic Solids,”
International Journal of Rapid Manufacturing, 6 (2016), 33–52.
8
Furthermore, it is possible to state that this thesis' philosophical and
theological parts do not introduce unique ideas, neither about
Neoplatonism nor about its reinterpretations in Christianity and Islam.
Instead, these parts consist of an effective combination of various
philosophical and theological sources to inform the reader since this thesis
focuses on symbolism in architecture. Therefore, the philosophical and
theological sources are not included in this literature review to any further
extent.
The rest of the literature review focuses on the sources categorized as
architectural. Since there are not many sources that contain Byzantine
architecture and Seljuk architecture together and the ones that include
both are mostly taxonomical studies, it is possible to discuss these
architectural sources seperatel as the ones focusing on Byzantine
architecture and the others on Seljuk architecture.
For the sources on Byzantine architecture, a quite limited number of them
suggests a relationship between Neoplatonism and Byzantine
architecture. Nevertheless, there are significant number of studies that
examine the impact of the pagan temples on the formation of the early
Byzantine churches. The collective works titled Sacred Thresholds: The
Door to the Sanctuary in Late Antiquity edited by Emilie M. van Opstall
and The Sacred Architecture of Byzantium: Art, Liturgy and Symbolism in
Early Christian Churches by Nicholas N. Patricios are major sources for
this study and frequently cited in due places.12 These studies approach the
9
issue by embracing liturgies and discuss how they were instrumental in
forming the architectural space. It is possible to indicate that this
methodological approach is also employed in this study to demonstrate
the impact of Neoplatonic texts on Byzantine liturgy and architecture.
However, this thesis does not limit its discussion with the early periods of
Byzantine church architecture and incorporates the Middle Byzantine
Period in which the impact of Neoplatonism on Byzantine churches are
traced.
It is a fact that the available studies on the Middle Byzantine era are
limited and the ones that deal with the Neoplatonic bonds are drastically
less. The study of Hans Buchwald titled Form, Style and Meaning in
Byzantine Church Architecture and the study of Otto Demus titled
Byzantine Mosaic Decoration: Aspects of Monumental Art in Byzantium
are probably the unique examples that dwell upon the possible impact of
Neoplatonism on the Middle Byzantine church architecture.13 However,
these studies are conceivably insufficient in providing the necessary
philosophical background and the historical survey of the Neoplatonic
impact on the Byzantine Empire in general and its sacred architecture.
Despite these possible insufficiencies, a chapter in Buchwald's book titled
Platonic Architecture in the crossing of Neoplatonic philosophy and
architecture has been crucial for outlining the arguments of this study and
12 Emilie M. van Opstall (ed.), Sacred Thresholds: The Door to the Sanctuary in Late
Antiquity, (Leiden: Brill, 2018).
Nicholas N. Patricios, The Sacred Architecture of Byzantium: Art, Liturgy and Symbolism
in Early Christian Churches, (London & NY: I.B. Tauris & Co, 2014).
13 Otto Demus, Byzantine Mosaic Decoration: Aspects of Monumental Art in Byzantium,
(London: Aristide d Caratzas Publications, 1976).
10
the tools used for architectural analyses.14 Buchwald's architectural
analyses, especially in this chapter, regarding the plan organization,
volumetric configuration, and decoration of the Middle Byzantine churches
were the starting point for the analyses. However, this study examines
more cases and details in terms of architectural elements and general
layout. Presumably because it is only a relatively short book chapter,
Buchwald's study does very little to provide a historical background either
for the architectural tradition or for the philosophical, theological, and
social structure of the Byzantine Empire concerning Neoplatonism. Thus, it
is possible to state that this study borrows Buchwald's tools of architectural
analyses, enriches them with other geometric examinations, and combine
these with three basic concepts generated from the Neoplatonic doctrines,
i.e. “unity, hierarchy, and duality.” This thesis structures a series of
analyses around these three concepts and traces them in various cases.
For the case studies, three books are critical: The Early Churches of
Constantinople: Architecture and Liturgy and The Byzantine Churches of
Istanbul: A Photographic Survey by Thomas F. Mathews and Architecture
and Ritual in the Churches of Constantinople Ninth to Fifteenth Centuries
by Vasileios Marinis.15 Although the context, methodology, and aim of
these two studies are different from Buchwald's study in terms of the
Neoplatonic connection, they are valuable since they provide a list of
14 Hans Buchwald, “Platonic Architecture,” in Form, Style and Meaning in Byzantine
Church Architecture, (UK: Ashgate Publishing, 1999).
15 Thomas F. Mathews, The Early Churches of Constantinople: Architecture and Ligurty,
(US: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1990). Vasileios Marinis, Architecture and
Ritual in the Churches of Constantinople Ninth to Fifteenth Centuries, (New York:
Cambridge University Press, 2014).
11
churches with visuals and architectural drawings to be evaluated in this
thesis. They are also primary in regard to the relationship between liturgy
and Byzantine churches. Thus, they have been crucial for this study to
appraise the impact of Byzantine liturgy on church architecture in
Constantinople.
Moreover, the studies of Mathews and Marinis are chronologically
significant for surveying the churches in Constantinople from the very early
examples to the final ones in terms of their architecture and the evolution
of the practice and meaning of the Byzantine liturgy throughout the
Byzantine Empire. Finally, a matching contribution in case studies is
provided by topographical studies of Alexandros G. Paspates from 1877
on churches of Constantinople, which both Mathews and Marinis often
cite.
Furthermore, the set of examination tools were not only used for the
analyses of Byzantine cases but also for the Seljuk cases as well, again
structured with the three Neoplatonic concepts. For the literature review of
the sources specific to the Seljuk part of the study, it is possible to indicate
that the number of studies focusing on symbolism is even less than the
limited sources in the Byzantine part. The number of international studies
on Anatolian Seljuk architecture in English is very limited. The first reason
for this is that Anatolian Seljuk architecture is skipped in most general
architectural history survey books. It is even possible to point out that
many of the survey books on Islamic architecture also skip Anatolian
Seljuk architecture. In this kind of studies, the focus is primarily on
Ottoman architecture regarding the Islamic architecture in Anatolia. It is
possible to point out Turkish Islamic Architecture in Seljuk and Ottoman
Times 1071-1923 by Behçet Ünsal and Turkish Art and Architecture from
12
the Seljuks to the Ottomans by Giovanni Curatola among the few survey
books on Islamic and Turkish architecture which includes Anatolian
Seljuks as well.16 In addition to these two, Rum Seljuq Architecture, 1170-
1220: The Patronage of Sultans by Richard P. McClary is a recent stylistic
and descriptive study on the architecture of Anatolian Seljuks.17 This
situation resulted in a lack of knowledge and interest in Anatolian Seljuk
architecture on the international stage. Besides, these sources are general
ones and do not focus on this study's issues and discussions in particular.
However, it is possible to state that the studies focusing on the
architecture of the Seljuks produced in Turkish are quite high in number
when compared to the international ones. Most of these studies belong to
highly significant scholars of the field, namely Semra Ögel, Ömür Bakırer,
Doğan Kuban, Aptullah Kuran, and Ali Uzay Peker. Even though some of
these names produced English studies, these are mostly articles rather
than more comprehensive studies such as theses, dissertations, or books.
Nevertheless, their valuable studies influenced this thesis and contributed
to it in several different aspects. While Bakırer's articles, including but not
limited to Anadolu Selçuklu Dönemi Yapılarından Medrese ve Camilerde
Portal, written with Çağla Caner, contributed to this study with technical
analyses of architectural elements of the Seljuks such as portals and
16 Behçet Ünsal, Turkish Islamic Architecture in Seljuk and Ottoman Times 1071-1923,
(London: Alex Tiranti, 1970). Giovanni Curatola, Turkish Art and Architecture from the
Seljuks to the Ottomans, (New York: Abbeville Press, 2010)
17 Richard P. McClary, Rum Seljuq Architecture, 1170-1220: The Patronage of Sultans,
(Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2017) Accessed May 11, 2021.
http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.3366/j.ctt1g0505d
13
vaults.18 Her studies are one of the crucial sources for the geometric
analyses made on the decorations of the case studies in this thesis. Her
studies are also important providing case studies from 13th Century
mosques with some technical analyses on plan organizations.
Furthermore, Doğan Kuban's book titled Selçuklu Çağında Anadolu Sanatı
displaying the formal and decorative evolutions has been a source of
inspiration and a source for case studies .19 Besides, Bakırer's studies,
such as From Brick to Stone: Continuity and Change in Anatolian Seljuk
Architecture, are among the rare ones, that discuss the possible impact of
Byzantine architecture on Seljuk architecture in terms of use of spolia,
material and construction techniques.20 Similarly, Kuban's book partly
discusses the formal impact of Byzantine architecture on Seljuk buildings
while tracing their formal evolution and categorizing the buildings.
However, as it is possible to understand from these brief explanations,
these are not sources specifically dealing with the social structure of the
era embedded with religion or the symbolism of architecture shaped under
this. Thus, they are not studies that examine the Byzantine and Seljuk
architectures in a greater continuity in terms of symbolism. For the studies
specifically on the symbolism of Seljuk architecture, Semra Ögel's and Ali
Uzay Peker's studies are probably the principal ones in the field. Ögel's
18 Ömür Bakırer and Çağla Caner, “Anadolu Selçuklu Dönemi Yapılarından Medrese ve
Camilerde Portal,” Hacettepe Üniversitesi Türkiyat Araştırmaları (2009), 13-30.
19 Doğan Kuban, Selçuklu Çağında Anadolu Sanatı, (İstanbul: Yapı Kredi Yayınları,
2002).
20 Ömür Bakırer, "Brick into Stone: Continuity and Change in Anatolian Seljuk
Architecture," The Turks, 2, (2002), 729-736.
14
approach, such as the one in her study titled Anadolu'nun Selçuklu
Çehresi, is to investigate social structure and theological atmosphere in
Anatolian Seljuk age in a general sense and is to show how these were
possibly in the background of the architectural design.21 Peker's emphasis
is on Islamic philosophical and cosmological concepts. He traces the
reflections of these in architectural design, particularly in the decorative
program, including the geometric patterns of ornamentation, figures, and
motifs. It is possible to observe this methodology predominantly in most of
his articles related with the Anatolian Seljuk architecture such as Anadolu
Selçuklu Mimari I-IV, Anadolu Selçuklu Mimari Tasarımını Etkileyen Evren
ve Estetik Anlayışı, Imprisoned Pearls: The Long-Forgotten Symbolism of
the Great Mosque and Dār al-Shifā’ at Divriği, Ortaçağ Anadolu Selçuklu
Mimarisi'nde Anlam, Anadolu Selçuklu Mimari Tarihinde Anlam
Araştırmaları, etc.22 It is possible to state that his works on symbolic
meaning have been highly influential. The interdisciplinary methodology
and rich terminology in his studies greatly contribute to the field of Seljuk
architectural symbolsm. Neoplatonism's probable impact is an idea that is
21 Semra Ögel, Anadolu’nun Selçuklu Çehresi, (İstanbul: Akbank Yayınları Kültür Sanat
Kitapları, 1994),
22 Ali Uzay Peker, “Anadolu Selçuklu Mimarisi I– IV,” in İnci Aslanoğlu için Bir Mimarlık
Tarihi Dizimi, ed. T. Elvan Altan, Sevil Enginsoy Ekinci, (Ankara: Kalkan Matbaacılık,
20199, 1-6.Ali Uzay Peker, “Anadolu Selçuklu Mimari Tasarımını Etkileyen Evren ve
Estetik Anlayışı.” in Anadolu Selçuklu Şehirleri ve Uygarlığı Sempozyumu 7-8 Ekim 2008,
ed. A. Esen, Haşim Karpuz, O. Eravşar, (Konya: Selçuklu Belediyesi Basın Yayın
Müdürlüğü, 2009), 85-107.Ali Uzay Peker, “Imprisoned Pearls: The Long-Forgotten
Symbolism of the Great Mosque and Dār al-Shifā’ at Divriği,” in Archaeology,
Anthropology and Heritage in the Balkans and Anatolia: The Life and Times of F. W.
Hasluck, 1878-1920 Vol. III, ed. David Shankland (İstanbul: The Isis Press, 2013), 315-
345. Ali Uzay Peker, "Ortaçağ Anadolu Mimarisinde Anlam," Arkeoloji ve Sanat XX/85
(1998), 29-38. Ali Uzay Peker, "Anadolu Selçuklu Mimari Tarihinde Anlam Araştırmaları,"
Türkiye Araştırmaları Literatür Dergisi (2009), 67-80.
15
frequently mentioned in his works and there is study of him titled Taklidin
Estetiği: Anadolu Selçuklu Mimarisinin Mimesis Kavramı Üzerinden
Okunması which particularly dwells upon the Neoplatonic impact.23 It
should be indicated that the core argument of this thesis which suggests
Neoplatonism as an overarching concept that was formative in the
Byzantine and Anatolian Seljuk architectures, is an argument generated
from a long series of searches and studies that were initially sparked by
the mentions of the term in his works. Indeed, it is possible to state that
this study would not have been possible without the particular contribution
of Peker's article titled Imprisoned Pearls: The Long-Forgotten Symbolism
of the Great Mosque and Dār al-Shifā' at Divriği. In addition to these
works, it is important to mention one final study, conceivably a significant
one in Islamic architecture: Gülru Necipoğlu's Topkapı Scroll: Geometry
and Ornament in Islamic Architecture, which is often referred to in this
study.24 It is possible to describe this study as one covering geometric
patterns in Islamic architecture, whether used for space organization or
decoration. Even though Seljuk architecture is not a specific topic
examined in her study, her approach of tracing the origin of the geometric
patterns in Islamic architecture and how these are possibly related to
various theological and philosophical concepts excessively contributed to
this study. Neoplatonism's role as the transmitter of ancient
Euclidian/Platonic geometry to the medieval age is discussed in her
23 Ali Uzay Peker, “Taklidin Estetiği: Anadolu Selçuklu Mimarisinin Mimesis Kavramı
Üzerinden Okunması,” Türkiye’de Estetik: Türkiye Estetik Kongresi Bildirileri, ed. Jale
Erzen, Pelin Yoncacı (Ankara: TMMOB, 2007) 563-571.
24 Gülru Necipoğlu, The Topkapı Scroll - Geometry and Ornament in Islamic Architecture,
(Santa Monica: The Getty Center for the History of Art and the Humanities, 1995).
16
tracing of the origins. Besides, Ann Powell, in her commentary and review
of Necipoğlu's work, explicitly discusses this attributed role of
Neoplatonism. Therefore both of these studies are significant not only for
the field of architectural symbolism in general but also for this study, which
helped comprehension of the argument suggesting Neoplatonism as a
background for architectural design.25 In this thesis, this understanding of
Neoplatonism as the transmitter of ancient geometry is applied to
Byzantine and Seljuk architectures and created the logical base for the
geometric examination of the case studies from both architectural
traditions.
As the literature review displays, there are limited sources in the context of
Neoplatonism's presumed impact on medieval architecture in general.
When this broad topic is narrowed down to Byzantine and Seljuk
architectures in comparison, the number of studies decreases even more.
Even though there are studies that deal with the two architectural
traditions together, they are dominantly technical texts that focus on the
impact of Byzantine construction techniques and materials on the Seljuk
architecture or the formal impact of Byzantine basilicas on the mosques of
the Seljuks. In the field of architectural symbolism, it is almost impossible
to point out any significant sources that examine the Byzantine
architecture and the Seljuk architecture together and suggest a common
creative design instrument in their background.
Therefore, this study differentiates itself from the rest of the field in several
points. It focuses on the two significant architectural traditions that
25 Ann Powell, “Neoplatonism and Geometry in Islamic Art,” Art History, 21, no. 1 (1998):
135–139.
17
emerged in Anatolia, Byzantine and Seljuk, without attributing hierarchical
values. While not assuming or asserting supremacy, this study aims to
suggest a common motive, a creative tool of design in their background
and stands at a distance equal to both. Its hypothesis is that this common
ground for both architectures is Neoplatonism, a post-Hellenistic school of
thought that arose in Alexandria in the 3rd Century AD, conceivably
nurturing Christianity and Islam during the medieval age. In predominantly
religious cultures such as Byzantine and Seljuk, the heritage of ancient
philosophical doctrines penetrated by means of Neoplatonism and
nurtured through heterodox approaches. Neoplatonist thought is reflected
in their artistic production too. This thesis displays the similiarities and
differences in the adaptation of Neoplatonism by Byzantine and Seljuk
architectural traditions. It claims that the reason for this variance is the
circumstantial reinterpretations of the Neoplatonic notions.
Another different aspect of this study is the selected period of time, when
the Neoplatonic impact was at its peak in terms of the cultural influence
and it had on Byzantines and Seljuks. Starting with the cases from the late
10th Century and ending with cases from the late 13th Century, the study
covers the route of Neoplatonic influences in Christianity and Islam in a
broader, and in Anatolia in a particular outlook displaying architecture
under this influence over three centuries. Another different aspect of this
study, and perhaps a major one, is its interdisciplinary approach that
combines philosophy, theology, sociology, architecture, and history. Some
previously done interdisciplinary studies combined several of these fields
and have been useful for this thesis. Yet, in terms of the covered amount
of information transmitted from the fields of philosophy and theology to
architecture; the analytical focus on the three basic concepts derived from
the Neoplatonic doctrines and the rich architectural analyses made on
18
several case studies from both traditions, this study is believed to be
unique in the field.
Intended to fill a gap in the field in examining Byzantine and Seljuk
architectures in a continuum of a greater mindset, this study asks whether
Neoplatonism, a nurturing source for both Christianity and Islam, is a
common design instrument for both Byzantine and Seljuk architectures. It
claims the hypothesis that Neoplatonism was a significant source of
inspiration for intellectual life embedded in religion in both Christian
Byzantine and Islamite Seljuk periods. Penetrated different institutions and
daily life, the Neoplatonic impact is also traceable in Byzantines and Seljuk
art production, including architecture. The geometrical analyses of the plan
organizations, volumetric configurations, and decorative programs of the
case studies selected from Byzantine churches and Seljuk mosque and
madrasahs demonstrate that Middle Byzantine churches and Seljuk
buildings in Anatolia are great manifestations of the Neoplatonic impact.
The study adopts a multidisciplinary approach. It is arguably the most
suitable methodology to understand and analyze past architectures
concerning their symbolic meanings and philosophical/theological motives.
As part of this approach, three concepts, “unity, hierarchy, and duality,”
are generated based on the Neoplatonic doctrines, mostly about the
Divinity, the structure of the universe, and the place of human beings in it.
These three concepts are employed as intermediary concepts between
philosophy and architectural design. The reinterpretations and adaptations
of Neoplatonism in Byzantine and Seljuk theologies are discussed around
the philosophical concepts of “unity, hierarchy, and duality.” These three
concepts are also pointed out as design concepts in Byzantine and Seljuk
architecture. The architectural analyses of the plan organizations,
volumetric configurations, and decorative programs of the case studies are
19
categorized according to these concepts selected as the main notions the
of repercussions of Neoplatonism on architectural design. The different
reinterpretations of these concepts in Christianity and Islam are also
pointed out as the background of the differences in the architecture of the
Byzantines and Seljuks, in either formal or symbolic aspects. Furthermore,
the motivation behind the urge to suggest a common factor in the
background of the two different theological and architectural traditions is
another critical aspect of this study. The purpose of this approach is to
break the strict boundaries generally drawn between the Christian and
Islamic domains in general and between the Byzantine and Seljuk
architectures in terms of symbolism. By suggesting that both influenced
from the ancient philosophical heritage, this study aims to create a
historiography that does not exclude the cultural and architectural
encounters between neighboring cultures and thus does not create a
linear historical narrative that overshadows the paths of influences and
interactions. This study does not centralize neither Orthodox
Christian/Byzantine nor Muslim/Anatolian Seljuk tradition. It offers an
architectural history narrative that focuses on a particular region that is
Anatolia and discusses the social, philosophical, theological, and cultural
encounters dwelling upon the echoes of Neoplatonism that arguably
contributed to the formation of two symbolically and geometrically rich
architectural tradition in the selected time frame. In addition, choosing
Anatolia where Christian and Islamic cultural traditions encountered aims
to challenge Eurocentric narratives in the field of architectural history. The
Eurocentric approach in architectural historiography regards Islamic
architecture a distinct entity which is of derivative nature. With the way it
handles Seljuk architecture, this study demonstrates that Islamic
architecture is an original chapter in the long history of the Middle East
20
and Eastern Mediterranean architectural tradition. By emphasizing the
links, interactions, and continuity, it aims to show that the ideological
separation of East and West has no place in a historical narrative based
on transformations. It is also believed that tracing the impact of
Neoplatonism in further studies could open doors to many interdisciplinary
architectural history studies that provide links between Middle Eastern and
European architectural traditions and create inclusive narratives that do
not depend on regional separations or supremacies.
The combination of philosophy, theology, and architecture, meditating
around the concepts of “unity, hierarchy, and duality,” is fundamental in
the for formation of the outline of the study. It aims to inform the reader
initially about the Neoplatonic doctrines in the first chapter of the study. In
this chapter, the basics of Neoplatonism are introduced around The
Theory of Emanation, which focuses on the creation. The three principles
of Neoplatonic creation, The One, The Intellect, and The Soul, are
discussed with their relation to human beings. Based on these three
entities and the structure of the universe, which is created using them, the
three concepts mentioned earlier, “unity, hierarchy, and duality” are dealt
with. Then, Neoplatonism's emphasis on geometry is discussed in terms of
the idea that the structure of the universe and creation are based on
geometry.The presumed relationship of macrocosm-microcosm between
the universe and human products, including the architectural works, is also
introduced and discussed here. Since there are not any original
Neoplatonic texts which directly indicates that the architectural works are
microcosmic models of the macrocosmos, this part of the study builds on
other Neoplatonic theories that dwell upon the idea of microcosm by
adapting and combining the philosophical doctrines into the field of
21
architecture.26 To do so, The Literary Theory of Plato, introduced in his
work Republic, is referenced in this study.27 This theory, with its
continuation in Neoplatonism, discusses the literary works as microcosmic
models based on the aspects which are provided in the related part. This
thesis adapts the motives introduced in The Literary Theory to suggest
that the medieval architectural works were presumably considered as
microcosms, building on the ideas of scholars who study on this theme of
microcosmic architecture.28 It contributes to the argument by introducing a
systematic method of transforming the three philosophical concepts of
26 Neither Plato nor notable Neoplatonists such as Plotinus, Proclus, Porphyry and so on,
did not mentioned of an architectural symbolism that include the microcosm theme.
However, in several other theories, mainly the Literary Theory the theme of microcosm is
discussed with its motives regarding other human products such as literary works.
Byzantine philosopher Maximus the Confessor (580-662) is probably one of the first and
very few commentators on the symbolism of the church as the model of the universe
created by God. Other than his comments and impact on the following works, the original
sources touching upon the theme of microcosmic architecture is rare in medieval age. For
further information on Maximus’ commentary see Patricios, The Sacred Architecture of
Byzantium, 385. His ideas are also discussed in 2.3. Replicating the Divine Work:
Perception of Architecture as Microcosm and 3.2. Significance of Middle Byzantine
Churches as a Manifestation of Neoplatonic Understanding.
27 Plato, The Republic, trans. Benjamin Jowett, (Massachusetts: The Internet Classics
Archive of Massachusetts Institute of Technology) Accessed February 27, 2021.
http://classics.mit.edu/Plato/republic.html.
28 Despite the lack of original sources, many scholars from the field of art and
architectural history study the theme in terms of various aspects, focusing on different
perspective of microcosm idea or focusing on different architectural traditions or periods.
Ali Uzay Peker is one of these scholars and the scholar that suggests this symbolism of
Seljuk architecture. Particularly in his article titled Taklidin Estetiği: Anadolu Selçuklu
Mimarisinin Mimesis Kavramı Üzerinden Okunması and many of his works, he deals with
the issue of considering Seljuk architectural works as microcosms. This thesis contribute
to this argument with a series of architectural analyses conducted regarding the three
concepts that were observed in the structure of the Neoplatonic universe and the
Neoplatonic understanding of creation. This thesis also provide a full-scale render of the
possible transformation of these concepts from philosophical ones into design concepts
mostly through geometry.
22
“unity, hierarchy, and duality” into design concepts by means of geometry,
and trace their repercussions in architectural works.
The chapter (with 2.3. Replicating the Divine Work: Perception of
Architecture as Microcosm and 2.4. Significance of Geometry and
Geometry as a Tool for the Application of Hierarchy, Duality, and Unity in
Architectural Design ) aims to connect the theoretical first part to the
following chapters in focusing mainly on the Byzantine and Seljuk
architectures and on Neoplatonism's impact on Christianity and Islam. The
second chapter that consists of the Byzantine part follows a similar order
with the previous chapter. Firstly, the impact of Neoplatonic doctrines on
Christianity in the Byzantine period is discussed on philosophical and
theological grounds. This chapter dwells upon the significance of Middle
Byzantine churches as possible manifestations of Neoplatonic impact on
Byzantine theology and highlights the architectural, philosophical, and
social reasons in the background of the selected period (11th and 12th
Centuries). When these centuries are analyzed in terms of the
philosophical movements, social atmosphere, and architectural
production, it is possible to observe an increase in the impact of
Neoplatonism in Constantinople, probably related to the reestablishment
of the University of Constantinople. Also, it is possible to point out the first
part of the chapter as a bridge between the previous philosophical and
historical ones and the following ones that focus on architectural
examinations. Later in the chapter, the blend of philosophy and
architecture increases as the chapter discusses the possible Neoplatonic
impact on the liturgy, the Byzantine Rite, and how it has been instrumental
in the formation of the church space. After this discussion, the plan
organizations and the volumetric configurations of the case studies
selected from the Middle Byzantine era are analyzed in relation to
23
“hierarchy, duality, and unity.” The order of the concepts here is
determined according to the dominancy of their reflections in Byzantine
theology, community and architecture as possible adaptations of
Neoplatonic doctrines. The two and three dimensional analyses made in
this chapter consist of geometric examination of the plan and the
architectural space concerning the Neoplatonic concepts directly and the
Byzantine Rite, and how the sacred space and liturgy are embedded with
each other and arguably reflect traces of Neoplatonism. Finally in the
Byzantine part, the decorative programs of the case studies are focused
on. The examination of the decorative program of the churches consists of
not only the geometrical analyses but also iconographical ones as well.
Besides, even though a separate sub-chapter is created to analyze the
decorative program, this one dwells upon the three concepts as well. The
reason behind this separation is a conscious choice about the structure of
the thesis, done to make it easier for the reader to follow since it is
believed that providing architectural analyses on plans, spatial
characteristics, and decorations together under one heading would be
challenging to follow with all the philosophical references. Furthermore, as
discussed in the literature review, Buchwald's tools and analyses are
employed and referenced for this chapters, enriched with the ones from
other studies and the original arguments created for this thesis. The
Byzantine part of the study concludes with these analyses and not only
provides an individual examination of the Middle Byzantine churches as
the conceivable manifestations of Neoplatonic impact on Byzantine
theology and society but also traces the journey of Neoplatonism in
Anatolia and its architecture before the dominance of the Seljuks in
Central Anatolia during the 13th Century.
24
The third chapter of the thesis consists of Neoplatonism's probable impact
on Islamic philosophy, especially on Seljuk theology and worldview and its
repercussions in architecture. The chapter is structured in the same way
as the Byzantine one in most aspects, yet it is possible to point out a few
differences between the two. One difference is that the theological part of
the Seljuk chapter renders a brief history of Neoplatonic impact on Islam
and the Islamic reinterpretations of Neoplatonism in general since it is not
possible to follow a single path of ideas similar to the Byzantine case.
Another difference is the approach to liturgy. While the Byzantine Rite is
discussed as formed under the possible influence of pagan rituals from
Neoplatonic texts, the Muslim liturgy is examined without any similar
influence. Yet, in the Seljuk part, the symbolic meaning of the pagan and
Muslim liturgies is still discussed to demonstrate their possible impact on
the formation of the sacred architecture. In addition, the order of the
concepts in the analyses part on the plan organizations and the volumetric
configurations of the Seljuk case studies are different from the Byzantine
chapter, related with the degree of emphasis on each concept in Islamic
philosophy and Seljuk theology. In this chapter, the case studies are
analysed in relation with the order of “unity, duality, and hierarchy”.
Moreover, the last difference is that the Seljuk part of the study focuses
not only on the sacred architecture, the mosque cases, but also on the
other religious and educational buildings like madrasahs. Even though the
reasons of this approach are explained in the related part of the chapter, it
is possible to briefly state that these two typologies relate both functionally
and physically. Also, since the Anatolian Seljuks employed an architectural
symbolism primarily derived from cosmology, and due to their
understanding of architectural space as multi-functional, Peker claims that
they generated a shared architectural symbolism in their buildings that is
25
above typological differences based on function.29 Based on this claim,
examining mosque and madrasah cases together in this thesis would
enrich the investigation of Neoplatonic repercussions. Other than these,
the way the chapter is organized is in the same order as the Byzantine
chapter, finishing with the decorative studies after the two and three
dimensional analyses of the case studies. The Seljuk part of the study
concludes with these analyses and not only provides an individual
examination of the 13th Century Seljuk mosques and madrasahs as the
conceivable manifestations of Neoplatonic impact on Seljuk theology and
society but also continue to trace the journey of Neoplatonism in Anatolia
and its architecture after the culmination of Neoplatonic impact in the
capital of the Byzantine Empire, finalizing with the 12th Century.
Finally, in the concluding chapter, it is discussed whether the study is
sufficient to answer the research question. Then, the basics of the
Neoplatonic philosophy and the two analyses on the two architectural
traditions are summarized before providing a comparative discussion on
the products of these traditions. The comparison part mostly touches
upon how these architectural spaces are created, how the Neoplatonic
concepts in the design processes differ, how the differences in liturgies are
reflected in architectural spaces, and the differences in the architectural
characteristics. In addition to the comparison, other outcomes of the study
are listed and explained in the conclusion. In the last part, the questions
raised by this study are discussed as possible influences for further
studies in the field.
29 Peker, “Anadolu Selçuklu Mimarisi – IV,” 2.
26
Therefore, this study examines the two architectural traditions in separate
chapters, yet within a continuity provided through Neoplatonism as a
suggested design instrument in the background of both. Again related to
the Neoplatonic impact, a continuity covering three centuries is also
sustained with the selected time frames. It is possible to consider this
chronological structure of the methodology to indicate the Byzantine
Empire as a precursor of the Seljuks in terms of Neoplatonism's influence
on the theologies, societies, and architectural traditions in Anatolia.
Moreover, it is possible for one to claim that the original ideas fashioned in
this study for the Byzantine and Seljuk parts are not approximate. The
apparent reason for this difference is that there are more studies on the
symbolism of Middle Byzantine churches and some that suggest a direct
link with Neoplatonism.
On the other hand, as demonstrated in the literature review, there are only
a few studies exclusively focusing on the symbolism of Anatolian Seljuk
architecture, and only fewer of them mentions Neoplatonism as a possible
source of influence though without focusing on neither the basics of the
school of thought nor the architectural traces of the Neoplatonic impact on
theology. Therefore, the original ideas and analyses produced for the
Seljuk part are more than those in the Byzantine part. Although the
influence of Byzantine architecture on the architecture of the Seljuks in
terms of material or construction techniques is a topic that is studied in
architectural history, this study has a different methodology and aim. Thus,
these aspects of the relationship between Byzantine and Seljuk
architectures are not mentioned in this study profoundly. Yet, in specific
points, the probable formal impact of Byzantine architecture on Seljuk
architecture is discussed, and also the possible philosophical influences in
the general framework of Neoplatonism. Other than these, Byzantine and
27
Seljuk architectures in Anatolia are handled without defending the
supremacy of one over the other. Contrary, one of the aims of this study is
to cherish and pay respect to the richness of Anatolia, which depends on
differences as much as it depends on the shared values such as the
classical philosophical and architectural heritage. To achieve this aim, the
study demonstrates the rich philosophical, theological, social, and
geometrical knowledge and symbolism in the background of both the
Byzantine and Seljuk architectural traditions with a common source of
influence, which is claimed to be Neoplatonism.
28
CHAPTER 2
BASICS OF NEOPLATONISM AND USE OF NEOPLATONISM AS A
TOOL FOR SEARCHING MEANING IN ARCHITECTURE
To define Neoplatonism only as the revival of the doctrines introduced by
Ancient Greek philosopher Plato (423 BC - 348 BC) would be an
incomplete and misleading statement in order to understand not only the
basic principles and ideas of the school of thought but also the effects of it
on various philosophical movements and religions, mainly Christianity and
Islam. Even though it is difficult to suggest an overarching and inclusive
definition to it, it is possible to address Neoplatonism as the
reinterpretations of Plato's ideas generated by harmonizing his original
ideas with the doctrines of Aristotle (384 BC - 322 BC), the apprentice of
Plato. Although this statement excludes the other influences mainly from
Buddhism and Judaism in the formation of the Neoplatonic thought, it is
arguably a sufficient one for this study's framework.
One of the reasons for the difficulty of introducing inclusive definitions with
clear boundaries is the fact that, as British historian Mark Sedgwick claims,
the separation of philosophy and religion which occurred in the premodern
era did not exist in the ancient and medieval times, in which the
boundaries between religion and philosophy were blurry.30 In parallel with
30 Sedgwick, Mark. Western Sufism: From the Abbasids to the New Age. Online Edition.
Oxford: Oxford University Press Online, 2016. Accessed February 22, 2020. DOI:
29
Platonism, even with the studies of Plato himself, the theological studies
and efforts to explain the creation of the universe were not the only but the
main field of Neoplatonic studies.31 In addition, the boundary between
physics and metaphysics in these studies was not strict either.32 Again as
a continuation of the tradition going back to the times of Plato,
Neoplatonism has been dealing with physical forms and matter of the
beings, mainly in respect to geometry, and bringing metaphysical
explanations to these physical entities.33 This approach makes it
challenging to offer clear definitions for the study fields of many ancient
schools of thought, including Neoplatonism.
Furthermore, another reason is the difficulty and sometimes impossibility
of tracing back the relationship between philosophers or schools of
thought regarding their influence on their successors. Many ancient
philosophers possibly did not give importance to indicate their specific
influencers except for those who had a master-apprentice kind of
relationship. Sedgwick explains this by giving the example of Theology of
Aristotle edited by Al-Kindī, which is a part of the further chapters of this
study, with the claim that most of the philosophers from ancient times did
not pay attention to the creator of the doctrines which were influential for
10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199977642.001.0001 (The online edition of the book does not
contain page numbers)
31 Ibid., no page number.
32 Ibid., no page number.
33 Ibid., no page number.
30
them, but instead focused more on the content of these doctrines.34 They
were probably more interested in taking the studies further or challenge
them rather than the particular names and their philosophical legacies and
memories. This approach to previous studies is probably why the work of
Al-Kindī, who has been identified as a Neoplatonist, was named Theology
of Aristotle. 35
Moreover, the use of the term "Neoplatonism" is another possible proof of
the lack of classification or labeling used by ancient philosophers
themselves. It is not possible to find them referring to themselves as
Neoplatonists, or in any other periods as Platonists, or referring to their
school of thought or ideas as Neoplatonism. Neoplatonism is a modern
term suggested by German scholars in the mid-nineteenth century to
differentiate the school of philosophy from Plato's period.36 Since then, it
refers to the particular school of thought established in the 3rd century AD
in Alexandria and a general term for the latter philosophers, either Pagan
or primarily Christian and Muslim, whose works have probably been
influenced by the Alexandrian school of thought.
Furthermore, John Gregory claims that even the attributed and widely
accepted father of Neoplatonism, Plotinus (205-270), did not consider, or
pay enough attention to consider, himself as a Platonist nor did he give
34 Ibid., no page number.
35 Ibid., no page number.
36 R. Baine Harris, “A Brief Description of Neoplatonism,” in The Significance of
Neoplatonism, ed. R. Baine Harris (New York: State University of New York Press, 1976),
3.
31
any systematic commentary on Plato's doctrines, "but rather came to his
(Plato's) support after elaborating his ideas."37 As mentioned, his primary
motive was possibly his philosophical system based on his quest. Thus, it
would not be groundless to indicate that "Plotinus is a Platonist because
Plato enables him to achieve the most success."38
Even though Plotinus barely mentions his personal life in parallel to his
sources of influence, it has been known that he was born in 205 AD in
Egypt and died in 270 AD in Italia.39 With other personal details, this
information is provided by his student Porphyry (234-305 AD) in the
biographical essay titled On The Life of Plotinus and The Order of His
Books in The Enneads.40 Consisting of 6 volumes on moral, physics,
cosmology, psychology, philosophy, and reality, The Enneads, collected
by Porphyry, are the primary source for Neoplatonic thought, especially
about the cosmological matters such as God, creation, universe, and the
place of human beings.41 The main argument of the school of thought
regarding these issues, The Theory of Emanation, which is frequently
referred to in this study, is generated within The Enneads by Plotinus.
37 John Gregory, The Neoplatonists, (London: Routledge, 1998), 9.
38 Ibid., 9.
39 Ibid., 9.
40 Ibid., 6.
41 Harris, “A Brief Description of Neoplatonism,” 2.
32
Even though they are often referred to in this thesis, especially in 2.1 The
Theory of Emanation: God, Creation, and Universe according to
Neoplatonists, it would be misguided to discuss the influence and
reinterpretations of Neoplatonism in the latter centuries in Christian and
Islamic domains by referring to neither Plotinus nor The Enneads as the
only sources for the formation of the basics of the Neoplatonic tradition. R.
Baine Harris claims that The Enneads were problematic in terms of the
clarity of the ideas and the intelligibility of Plotinus's language.42 He points
out two other sources, Elements of Theology and Plato's Theology, written
by Proclus (412-485), as books that "elevated Neoplatonism may be better
than Enneads and these circulated in Byzantine, Arabic and early
medieval Latin Christian world."43 Therefore, Proclus is presumably
another vital figure of Neoplatonism, after Plotinus and Porphyry, with his
contributions to the field and his influence on the later decades. Although
he lived in the 5th Century AD, he was possibly influenced by Plotinus,
whom he possibly read during his time in Alexandria, and Porphyry.44 Very
similar to Porphyry, Proclus also has a significant role in the penetration
and spread of Neoplatonic thoughts in Byzantium due to his time in
Constantinople, as discussed in the related part. In addition to
Neoplatonists before him, and similar to their process of influences, it is
possible to indicate that Proclus was also influenced by the original works
of Plato, Aristotle, and Euclid as his commentaries on them and the time
42 Ibid., 3.
43 Ibid., 11.
44 Gregory, The Neoplatonists, 155.
33
he spent in Athens conceivably demonstrate.45 Especially in his doctrines
about the role of geometry and his system of six causes, it is possible to
observe these influences. As a possible result of the studies on works of
ancient philosophers and Plotinus, Proclus came up with a formulation of
the system of "the six causing principles," which act on every single
creation in the universe.46 These are "the material cause," "the formal
cause," "the efficient cause," "the instrumental cause," "the exemplary
cause," and "the final cause."47 According to him, the material cause is
related to time and space, two elements of the material universe. The
formal cause is the reason behind the style and the physical features of
the matter. While the efficient cause is related to the soul, which is
mandatory for existence, the instrumental and exemplary causes are the
arguments and the problems, and the final cause is the One that is the
source of every aspect mentioned.48
Therefore, based on these names, which are arguably the notable ones in
the early phases of Neoplatonism, it is possible to claim that Neoplatonism
was a multifaceted constitution that was influenced by different names
from earlier periods. Moreover, it is also an influential school of thought
that interacted with different places and important centers in a large area
45 Ibid., 155-156.
46 Anna Motta, “Putting Cosmogony into Words: The Neoplatonists on Metaphysics and
Discourse (Logos).” Peitho. Examina Antiqua. 1 (10) (2019), 122-124.
47 Ibid., 124.
48 Ibid., 124.
34
around the Mediterranean, including Anatolia. The role of Alexandria, "the
cosmopolitan center of learning where western and Eastern cultural
influences coincided," as Gregory defines it, was crucial in this layered and
hybrid structure of Neoplatonism.49 Moreover, this network of interactions
affected the collective mindset of many cultures, including the Byzantine
and Seljuk ones, and penetrated the people's daily lives. Neoplatonism's
harmonization with the monotheistic religions of Christianity and Islam
probably added mysticism and esoteric depth to both religions. When the
power of religion on not only the ruling elite but also on the people in the
street throughout the medieval age is considered, it is possible to suggest
that the concepts based on the Neoplatonic doctrines were known and
probably unintentionally influential in different aspects of the daily life and
production including art and architecture.
This chapter explains and discusses the basics of the Neoplatonic
thought, starting with The Theory of Emanation and Plotinus and the
reinterpretations of this theory offered by different philosophers from later
periods, mainly the ones introduced by Proclus. In addition, the three main
concepts, hierarchy, duality, and unity, which are generated from the
Neoplatonic worldview and doctrines, are to be used to examine and
discuss their repercussions in architecture. To examine the theory, the
system that Plotinus introduced is analyzed concerning the influential
doctrines, mainly from Plato and Aristotle. The issues mainly concerning
the Divinity, the creation of the universe, the reality, the matter, and the
humans are addressed in the chapter to create the necessary
philosophical background to trace the reinterpretations of them within the
49 Gregory, The Neoplatonists, 3.
35
Christian and Islamic Theologies. Moreover, the chapter also discusses
how it is possible to use Neoplatonism as a tool for searching for meaning
in medieval architectural design based on the provided philosophical
framework.
The creative thinking in the background of the architectural design was
likely to be about the perception of God and the relation of human beings
to it in most of the medieval civilizations, including the Byzantine and
Seljuk domains. While it is likely that this relation was not partaking in the
creative process intentionally, it is possible to trace its repercussions in the
architectural products in various aspects. The chapter covers the issue in
terms of two aspects. The first one is the relationship of the microcosms
and macrocosm and how the architectural products of the medieval age
are conceivably microcosmic models that consist of the three concepts of
the Neoplatonic understanding in parallel with the macrocosm, the
universe itself. The other one is the role of geometry within the Platonic
and later Neoplatonic schools of philosophy to explain the structure of the
universe and how it was used to replicate this structure based on
hierarchy, duality, and unity within the different aspects of architectural
design.
2.1 The Theory of Emanation: God, Creation, and Universe according
to Neoplatonism
Emanation means "to flow from" or "to pour forth or out of" with its primary
meaning.50 It is possible to describe the term as something that originates
or issues from a source in theological philosophy. Understanding the
50 Encyclopaedia Britannica, 8th ed., s.v. “Emanation.” Chicago: Encyclopaedia
Britannica, 2009.
36
emanationism and role the term played in the system of Plotinus is
crucially vital for one to understand the basics of the Neoplatonist
perception of God, creation, and universe. As Michael Dunn suggests,
Plotinus's emanationism is probably "a protest against any account of
creation which implies conscious planning."51 According to the Theory of
Emanation, the act of creation is an unwilled and necessary one by its own
and happens spontaneously, and it stands against the idea of God
creating everything else willingly and consciously.52 Plotinus rejects the
idea of a moment or any planning for the act of creation.53 The aim of the
Neoplatonic mind set was not to despise the superiority of God as it is
likely to be misunderstood from the doctrines of the Neoplatonic
philosophers as if they disregard God's ability to create at his will and
attribute the act of creation to the laws of the universe and define it as a
necessity of existence to any being.
Nevertheless, when the Theory of Emanation was examined profoundly, it
would be possible for one to see that, on the contrary, the Neoplatonic
idea of creation supports and cherishes the superiority of God as the
"infinite, undiminished and unchanged primary substance."54 The
Neoplatonists defended that the understanding of creation ex nihilo
51 Gregory, The Neoplatonists, 71.
52 Ibid., 8-9.
53 Ibid., 9.
54 Encyclopaedia Britannica, 8th ed., s.v. “Neoplatonism.” Chicago: Encyclopaedia
Britannica, 2009.
37
diminished God's supremacy since it accepted the creation as a decision
made by God, and the idea of a moment that God deciding confines him to
time raises the question of what was happening before.55 Contrary to the
idea of the moment God decided to create, Plotinus and his successors
claim that "creation is an eternal and spontaneous process."56
Although the systematic formulation of The Theory of Emanation belongs
to Plotinus, it was highly possible for him to be influenced by a wide range
of ideas, mainly from Ancient Greece. "His thought embraces many
different philosophical conceptions from diverse sources that are brought
together."57 It is important to briefly cover these influences in terms of
displaying the contribution of Plotinus to the issues discussed by many
before him and make the examination of The Theory of Emanation and
principles of Neoplatonism easier to understand.
Most of the important sources of the field, which analyses and discusses
the possible influences of Neoplatonism, including The Neoplatonists by
John Gregory, Neoplatonism and Emanationism by Mark Sedgwick, and
The Significance of Neoplatonism edited by R. Baine Harris, points out a
variety of influential factors from Ancient Greek civilization or neighboring
lands of Alexandria like Persia.58 The Greek sources are particularly a part
55 Sedgwick, Western Sufism, no page number.
56 Gregory, The Neoplatonists, 13.
57 John H. Fielder, “Chorismos and Emanation in the Philosophy of Plotinus,” in The
Significance of Neoplatonism, ed. R. Baine Harris (New York: State University of New
York Press, 1976), 102.
38
of this study to connect the Neoplatonic doctrines to Plato and Aristotle's
studies, which continued to influence the Neoplatonic tradition even
centuries after Plotinus.59 Yet, Plato and Aristotle are far from being the
only inspirations of Plotinus' emanationist theory. It is possible to describe
Neoplatonism "as the last major attempt to bring into one complete system
to the same themes debated by the philosophers (mostly from Ancient
Greece) for the eight centuries proceeding it." 60 One of the possible
influences of Plotinus was the Heraclitus' doctrine of logos, a set of
structural principles "which maintains a rational equilibrium in the universe
by balancing opposing forces."61 Heraclitus presumably considered logos
as the reason for creation and existence.62 Plotinus was possibly familiar
with the ideas of logos from Plato's writings. Another important part of the
theory of Heraclitus is the idea that the opposing forces or contradictions
he offered to be existing in the universe.63 It is possible to trace the
influence of this contradiction in Platonic and Aristotelian metaphysic
studies as the diversity of "Form and Matter."64 Plato's idea of "mind over
58 See Gregory, The Neoplatonists, Harris, “A Brief Description of Neoplatonism,” and
Sedgwick, Western Sufism
59 “Majority of the Neoplatonic system after Plotinus have been nearer to the dialectic of
Aristotle than to Plato’s dialectic.” (Harris, “A Brief Description of Neoplatonism,” 3.)
60 Harris, “A Brief Description of Neoplatonism,” 3.
61 Gregory, The Neoplatonists, 6.
62 Ibid., 6.
63 Ibid., 6.
39
matter," derived from the issue of form and matter, is the probable
foundation of his doctrines, cosmological understanding, and
epistemology.65 Thus, his approach to the cosmos bases on the duality of
the intelligible universe of forms and the material universe of matters.
Sedgwick explains the doctrine of Plato on form and matter with the
metaphor of "a triangle drawn on paper, and thus made of matter, is not a
form, but an imperfect reflection of the perfect form of a triangle"66 Plotinus
must have been influenced by this idea and possibly thought that the
incompleteness of the material universe should point out a higher reality
which is beyond matter and more complete.67 Moreover, Plotinus was also
possibly influenced by Stoics' emanation, but he did not describe a
material structure as Stoics did.68 Instead, with his Theory of Emanation,
"Plotinus was trying to convey the idea of the permanent structure of
spiritual essences."69 He offered arguably the most systematic explanation
for the creation of the universe and the order of being by pointing out three
main principles for all existence, whether intelligible or material. 70 These
64 Ibid., 7.
65 The term is borrowed from Susan Truett Trammell, Mind Over Matter, (Conneaut Lake,
PA: Page Publishing, 2019).
66 Sedgwick, Western Sufism, no page number.
67 Fielder, “Chorismos and Emanation in the Philosophy of Plotinus,” 102.
68 Gregory, The Neoplatonists, 11.
69 Harris, “A Brief Description of Neoplatonism,” 5.
40
principles are The One, The Intelligence, and The Soul in descending
order.71 It is crucially important to discuss these three principles to
understand the basics of the Neoplatonic conception of the universe and
discuss issues regarding the material universe, such as art and
architecture. As it is discussed more deeply in the following parts, the main
reason for this is the descending ontology of the universe and the idea that
"any problem that concerns reality below Soul or individual souls will
require adducing all three principles."72 Since the material universe is
accepted to be below the Soul's reality, it is necessary to discuss the three
principles (The One, The Intellect, and The Soul) before discussing
humans and their products. (Fig. 1)
2.1.1. The One
According to Plotinus' emanation model, "from The One proceeds Intellect,
from Intellect Soul, and from Soul the material universe, which is
everlasting. While The One remains self-contained, both Intellect and Soul
revert to contemplate their prior reality."73 In other words, the Soul is the
instrument of Intellect, and the two together are the instruments of The
One.74 However, it is important the note that this order is not chronological
70 Ibid., 5.
71 Lloyd P. Gerson, “Plotinus on logos,” in Neoplatonism and the Philosophy of Nature,
ed. James Wilberding and Christoph Horn (Oxford: University of Oxford Press, 2012), 24.
72 Ibid., 17.
73 Gregory, The Neoplatonists, 13.
41
but logical.75 Moreover, while The One should be considered separately
from the rest of the two principles and the material universe, each lower
level depends on a higher reality to exist in this descending model. In this
order, the degree of reality and perfection is always the reference of
distinguishing the lower and higher levels.76 It is possible to consider this
creative process as the self apprehension of the absolute simplicity and
perfection of The One manifesting in an "ever-increasing multiplicity: the
one-in-many of the form in Intellect, the one-and-many of Soul, and the
fragmented world of material bodies."77 Therefore, there is likely to be a
relationship of archetype-image between these levels of reality, similar to
the relationship between form and matter in Plato's doctrines. As John
Fielder explains:
… These realities form a hierarchy in which each lower
reality points beyond itself to something higher. Thus
Nous (Intellect) said to be the image of The One, Soul is
likewise the image of Nous (Intellect) and in general each
lower level is the image of its higher, generating reality.78
Furthermore, it is crucial for this theory to indicate that the dependence is
absolutely in one direction: from lower to higher and never the other way
74 Gerson “Plotinus on logos,” 24.
75 Harris, “A Brief Description of Neoplatonism,” 5.
76 Gregory, The Neoplatonists, 13.
77 Ibid., 13.
78 Fielder, “Chorismos and Emanation in the Philosophy of Plotinus,” 103.
42
around, highlighting and cherishing the supremacy of The One as Plotinus
describes it, which is, according to Harris, the biggest contribution of
Plotinus to the field.79 The One of Plotinus is;
…the base unity of all multiplicities. It is nothing because it
is everything. It is no-one thing, non-existed and nonbeing
because any sense of thingness, or existence or its
being would be prostitution of it genuine nature.80
Therefore, it is possible to indicate that with its perfection based on its
simplicity, The One is beyond any state of being or thing, separate from
the totality of metaphysical and physical beings emanated from him, yet
still ever-present in each one of them without depending on nothing. It is
the self-sufficient and necessary cause of all beings. Thus, Plotinus
apparently frees The One from any notion of thinking, seeking,
possessing, needing, and activity and places it above all. Furthermore,
Dominic J. O'Meara indicates that "everything must derive from the One
without implicating The One in any form in change, for such change would
mean ending the perfect simplicity that is required of The One as first
cause"81 So, The One is associated with absolute simplicity, purity,
perfection and, as a result of these, the ultimate Beauty which is also the
ultimate Good.82 Yet, this conception of The One contradicts the Platonic
79 Harris, “A Brief Description of Neoplatonism,” 4.
80 Ibid., 4.
81 Quoted in Sedgwick, Western Sufism, no page number.
82 See Gregory, The Neoplatonists, 104-115.
43
and Aristotelian understanding of God.83 Plotinus rejects the self-thinking
God of Aristotle since he believes that even the act of thinking diminishes
its superiority.84 He explains The One as simply having a selfapprehension.
85 However, he was also influenced by the idea of the
intelligible universe emerging as a result of thinking.86 Similarly, Plato
considered The Good, as he names God, as the craftsman of the universe
that mathematically creates everything with perfect order, the idea of
Demiurge.87 Opposing the conscious creation model, Plotinus attributes
thinking and the role of Demiurge to the second principle of existence and
the first emanated one, The Intellect. 88
2.1.2. The Intellect
It is possible to explain the emergence of The Intellect as "The One's
superabundance and its offspring turns to it and is filled, and in
contemplating The One becomes The Intellect."89 In order words, The
83 Ibid., 30-32.
84 Ibid., 24.
85 Ibid., 32.
86 Ibid., 32.
87 Sedgwick, Western Sufism, no page number.
88 Ibid., no page number.
89 Gregory, The Neoplatonists, 36.
44
Intellect is presumably the first product of The One's self-apprehension.
The forms overflowing from The One creates The Intellect, which is the
first state of being and the supreme one among the beings since it is the
closest to The One. "Its stance towards The One gives it (the state of)
Being, while its contemplation of The One makes it The Intellect."90
According to Plotinus, "the thinking Intellect is identical with the intelligible
beings" and adapts the self-thinking God of Aristotle.91 This statement
indicates that The Intelligible Universe consisting of the forms is within The
Intellect. In other words, The Intellect created it by "its vision of The Good
(The One)."92 The perfect archetypes of everything within any lower level,
including the material universe, are contained within The Intelligent.93
Therefore, it is possible to claim that The Intellect, the totality of the
intelligible beings, is the craftsman, or in Platonic terms Demiurge, of the
material universe. Mainly due to their nearness to The One, the collective
of the intelligible beings is presumably the state of true being. They are the
archetypes for every single sensible being within the material universe and
imply The Intellect, which is accepted as the archetype of the whole
material universe.94 As an inevitable part of the creation process, The
Intellect manifests itself in order for The Soul, the third principle of the
90 Ibid., 36.
91 Ibid., 10.
92 Ibid., 42.
93 Ibid., 43-45.
94 Ibid., 42-45.
45
existence within the order leading, to generate the material universe based
on the archetypes which are collectively The Intellect itself.95
2.1.3. The Soul and the Material Universe
The Soul is the presumed animator of the material universe created by
The Intellect.96 In other words, it is assumed as the source of life within the
material universe and "the principle of motion" since it is "the self-moved
cause of movement" (or life) in the material universe.97 According to
Plotinus, it is possible to claim that The Soul was inspired by Plato's
distinction between forms and matters.98 Even though Plotinus
differentiates from Plato in the understanding of creation as a conscious
design and suggests that the emanation of the material universe from The
Soul is necessary for it to express itself and is unplanned and
spontaneous, he attributes a mediating role to The Soul possibly based on
the distinction in Plato's doctrines.99 Gregory suggests that The Soul has
three functions or roles; it is forever in contact with its higher reality, The
Intellect, and also concerned with the material universe of senses while "a
third part holds a mediating position" in between.100 Basically, The Soul is
95 Gerson “Plotinus on logos,” 22-24.
96 Gregory, The Neoplatonists, 9.
97 Ibid., 56.
98 Ibid., 7.
99 Ibid., 54.
46
the mediator between the intellectual beings, the archetypes within the
Intellect, and the sensible beings in the material universe. The beings in
the material universe emanate from the Soul as the images of the
archetypes, which are in the intelligible one. As a totality of these sensible
and material beings, the material universe emerges from The Soul as a
model of the intelligible universe consisting of archetypes' togetherness.101
The material universe is probably considered as the "expiry of the creative
energy" and the lowest level of reality, which depends on the higher
intelligible reality to exist and maintains its state of being.102 John Fielder
explains the dependence of the material universe to the intelligible
universe with the metaphor of reflection of an object in the mirror:
The existence of image (which is the material universe)
requires the existence of the archetype (which is the
intelligible universe) just as the mirror lasts as long as the
object remains in front of the mirror.103
Moreover, since the material universe is considered the lowest level, it is
the farthest from The One and the least perfect, least good, and least
simple. It is "solely characterized by its deficiency."104 One of the main
100 Ibid., 55.
101 Ibid., 42-45 and 58-59.
102 Ibid., 13.
103 Fielder, “Chorismos and Emanation in the Philosophy of Plotinus,” 105.
104 Ibid., 105.
47
reasons for this deficiency is probably contradictions within the material
universe.105 As the opposite of the pure simplicity and stillness of The
One, the beings emanated from it contain contradictions. As a necessary
outcome of the descending model of the universe in Neoplatonism, these
contradictions imply that the material universe is an imperfect copy of the
intelligible universe.106 Because it is a higher level of reality, it is hard to
observe these contradictions within The Intellect's perfection. So, the
source for the contradictions in the material universe is possibly traceable
in The Soul. According to Plotinus, the soul should be considered in two
separate categorizes107. One is the universal soul, which is the mediating
one embodied by the material universe, and the other is the individual soul
embodied by the human body.108 Although the individual souls are one
with the universal soul and connected to higher realities, this duality
should be considered as a necessary fulfillment of creation laws.109
Furthermore, again based on the laws of creation, "to say that (the
material universe) is an inadequate copy is false (even though it has
contradictions); nothing has been left out which a beautiful representation
105 Ibid., 104-105.
106 Ibid., 104-105.
107 Gregory, The Neoplatonists, 58-62.
108 Ibid., 58-62.
109 Ibid., 55.
48
within the physical order could include."110 Therefore, the material universe
is conceivably the best that could possibly be as an image of the
intelligible one. However, the inferiority of its realness presumably resulted
as the Neoplatonists considering it a temporary delusion that closely
affected their perception of humanity and human beings' place within the
universe.111
2.1.4. The Humans
According to Neoplatonism, any material thing, including their body, is an
obstacle for human beings that stand between the higher realities and
their soul.112 This understanding indicates that humans are made out of
contradictions as a part of the material universe. The human being
consists of two parts: the material body and the intelligible soul.113 The
true self of a human being is the individual soul that has been separated
from the universal soul with the embodiment.114 According to Plotinus, the
task of the human is to free himself from the material universe and strive
for the "primal unity (which only belongs to The One) which has been lost
by ensoulment of his body"115 In order to free himself/herself from the
110 Fielder, “Chorismos and Emanation in the Philosophy of Plotinus,” 104.
111 Gregory, The Neoplatonists, 80-81.
112 Ibid., 13.
113 Ibid., 80-82.
114 Ibid., 80-82.
49
material universe, one should leave all the material senses which deal
only with the evil and imperfection of the matter and return his inner self
"to recognize one's kinship with the universal soul, then to learn to see
intelligible form reflecting the light of The Good (The One)"116 Plotinus
offers a journey of transcendence for the individual soul of the human in
between the descending stages of the universe and indicates that "the
task of philosophy is to point the way."117 Only by virtue and study of
physics and philosophy can one lift his soul from the wickedness of the
material universe, the furthest point from The One, and reunite with The
One eternally.118
Moreover, in order to explain the descending structure of the universe
created through the emanation, it is possible to point out the “Porphyrian
Tree”, a diagram originally created by Porphyry (234 – 305 AD) himself.119
The first known example of this diagram was found in Porphyry’s work
titled Introduction to Aristotle's Categories.120 Yet, it is also possible to find
different recreations and versions of this diagram in both Christian and
115 Ibid., 80.
116 Ibid., 14.
117 Ibid., 14.
118 Ibid., 14.
119 Amer Dardağan, “Neoplatonic ‘Tree of Life’ (Arbor Porphyriana: A Diagram of Logic
and Mystical Theology),” OSF. May 13. 2017, no page number. osf.io/vsnyz.
120 Dardağan, “Neoplatonic ‘Tree of Life’,” no page number.
50
Islamic domians through out the medieval age.121 The Porphyrian Tree is
basically a “diagram of logic” that explains the emanation and reversion of
Neoplatonism, discussed to be created with harmonization of Plato’s and
Aristotle’s ideas.122 As Amer Dardağan explains the diagram:
In its most basic form, diagram is made of the terms within the three
columns that are interconnected with lines. The highest term is
"substance" which is divided into "physical/material"and "nonphysical/
immaterial" (incorporalis) substances. Material substance
includes genus "organic body" which refers to animals and plants.
Now, the "organic body" is genus of "living organic bodies subjected
to perception or senses" and here for example we talk about
animals, but not the plants. Next, the "living organic body subjected
to the senses" is the genus of "rational animated body" such as
people, but not the animals. "Rational animated body" form genus
of "mortal and immortal animated body", so finally the "mortal
animated body" emerged from "rational animated body" leads to
generation of man. Thus man which consists of individuals like
Plato or Socrates for example, becomes most specific species on
the diagram123 (Fig. 2 & 3)
The Porphyrian Tree is significant for the methodology of this study, since
it is “an ideal metaphor” to explain the general characteristics of the
Neoplatonic universe.124
Therefore, based on this brief examination of the creation and structure of
the universe, starting from the absolute perfection and good of The One
121 Dardağan, “Neoplatonic ‘Tree of Life’,” no page number.
122 Dardağan, “Neoplatonic ‘Tree of Life’,” no page number.
123 Dardağan, “Neoplatonic ‘Tree of Life’,” no page number.
124 Dardağan, “Neoplatonic ‘Tree of Life’,” no page number.
51
and ending with the imperfection and evilness of the material universe,
there are arguably themes or concepts that are existed within the created
whole. It is also possible to discuss these concepts' existence and traces
in the different reality levels of the descending universe and their
relationship. These concepts are suggested as hierarchy, duality, and
unity.
2.2. Neoplatonic Ontology and Concepts of Hierarchy, Duality, and
Unity
These are not concepts suggested as universal laws neither by Plotinus
nor by later Neoplatonists. However, when their doctrines are studied, it is
likely to come across these concepts frequently. These concepts should
not be thought of as the logos or the divine laws of the universe which
provide the order, but they are more like the general characteristics of the
created universe. The reason for introducing them as part of this study's
methodology is to categorize the main characteristics of the universe in
Neoplatonic doctrines to make the physical repercussions of this
metaphysical understanding traceable in the design of the architecture
from Byzantine and Seljuk traditions.
Moreover, although it is possible to misunderstand that the concepts are
separate from each other, they should not be thought so since they are
interconnected and examined as if they are necessary ingredients of a
whole. The provided order here, starting with hierarchy and continuing with
duality and unity, is also arranged to display the connection between them.
2.2.1. Hierarchy
Hierarchy is the one that is arguably most easy to be traced among the
three concepts. The One being the ultimate, infinite, undiminished, and so
52
on directly places it above all the created beings. “Only The One prior to
being has no need of Life (provided by The Soul) and Intellect.”125 The rest
of the beings need these two, and these two principles need The One to
exist.126 This understanding conceivably brings a hierarchy and separation
between The One and the universe, including the principles of The
Intellect and The Soul.
Moreover, the descending model of the universe strengthens the concept
of hierarchy since, as explained previously, the degree of reality,
perfection, and, therefore, beauty decreases with each emanation creating
a lower level. The universe is created based on the understanding of each
level has come to be by “imaging” of a higher reality, so the hierarchy is
possibly a necessity of the state of being since “image is always inferior to
archetype.”127 One of the most significant archetype-image relationships
within the universe is possibly the relationship between the intelligible
universe and the material universe. Since the material universe is a
complete but imperfect copy of the intelligible universe, the form's
supremacy over the matter is presumably evident. The hierarchy is also
arguably apparent in the diagram of the Porphyrian Tree. In the spine of
the diagram, or metaphorically the trunk of the tree, the order of
“substance-body-living body-animal-man” is observable. (Fig. 3) As
125 Ibid., 41.
126 Ibid., 41.
127 Fielder, “Chorismos and Emanation in the Philosophy of Plotinus,” 104.
53
explained above, this order represents the descending and therefore
hierarchical order of the universe.
Furthermore, the increase in diversity due to the decrease in perfection
causes conflicts. Because of these conflicts within the universe, the
concept of duality emerges as fulfillment and a possibly natural outcome of
the hierarchy within the universe and the hierarchy between The One and
the rest.
2.2.2. Duality
Like hierarchy, duality is also traceable in different aspects of the universe
and the different relationships. While the gradual difference of reality in
different stages of the universe suggests a separation, the duality should
not be considered apart but rather a differentiation based on the hierarchy.
Moreover, the image-archetype relationship also supports duality, and
again the most potent example of this is probably between the intelligible
universe and the material universe. The relationship between them should
not be considered as if “the higher realities are ontologically separate from
the sensible world, but that this separation must be consistent with a very
close connection between them.”128 This statement indicates that the
existence of the material world depends on duality since it is considered
an image and could not exist on its own. The relationship between the
image and the archetype is a separation based on connection. Thus, it is
possible to claim that this relationship itself ontologically consists of
duality, meaning the duality of separation and connection.
128 Ibid., 101.
54
Furthermore, as discussed previously, as reality hierarchically emanates
further away from The One, its absolute simplicity gets distorted, and
diversities start to occur, and the material universe is the stage of reality
that consists of diversities the most. As in the example of separation and
connection, the duality is probably equal to conflict, and “conflict is a
necessary consequence of the diversity of the material universe and the
imperfection of its parts.”129 One striking example of the duality in the
material universe is the human being. Like the duality of intelligible and
material that constitutes the universe, the duality of soul and body
constitutes humans.130 The humans’ likeliness to the universe is also a
significant part of the Neoplatonic worldview regarding human beings and
their products, as discussed in 2.3. Replicating the Divine Work:
Perception of Architecture as Microcosm.
In addition, the Porphyrian Tree conceivably displays the general sense of
duality within the universe based on the differences.
The columns to the left and right refer to specific species within the
genus of the higher species. It is interesting that the terms on the
"Tree" are differentiating only in the right, but not in the left column.
The other member of the pair is therefore always a negation of the
first. In other words, there are deliberate contradictory differences
that are highlighted…131 (Fig. 2 & 3)
129 Gregory, The Neoplatonists, 71.
130 Ibid., 80.
131 Dardağan, “Neoplatonic ‘Tree of Life’,” no page number.
55
Moreover, Gregory explains the constitution of two separate entities as
“the image of concentric circles, with coincident yet separable centers.”132
Based on these statements, the understanding of duality in the
Neoplatonic worldview does not challenge the grand unity of the universe,
which is the third and final concept.
2.2.3. Unity
Like everything, unity derives from The One too, yet The One does not
depend on unity as the beings.133 Its existence and the ontology of
emanation create unity among all beings, whether intelligible or material. It
is possible to consider unity as a governing agent of the universe. “Without
the presence of unity, continuous magnitudes would not exist, at least,
when divided; they change their being in proportion as they lose their
unity.”134 Therefore it is the unity of beings with each other and the unity of
the beings with The One that their identity is probably based on. This
connection is again emphasized in the spine of the Porphyrian Tree. (Fig.
2 & 3)
Furhermore, Gregory indicates that according to Neoplatonism, “the whole
universe is a single living organism, all its parts linked by a spiritual
harmony and sympathy.”135 Their essence is the same and comes from
132 Ibid., 124.
133 Ibid., 27.
134 Ibid., 26.
135 Ibid., 13.
56
the ultimate source of existence, The One, which is present in all beings
and in a way connects them all, yet not being any of them. However, this
understanding of grand unity does not contradict the individuality and
uniqueness of beings. As Gregory exemplifies:
…similarly, many eyes look in the same direction, and all
are filled with the sight, though the object of the sight is
separate because of the difference between the organs. In
just the same way, what is capable of ensoulment will
possess itself of soul, and again another and another will
draw from the same source.136
According to this understanding, the diversity within the material universe
caused by the embodiment of the individual souls emanated based on the
archetypes within the Intellect do not possess a challenge for the unity in
the same way unity does not challenge individuality. The reason for this is
possibly the Divine laws of creation and the understanding “that it is
always true that unity results (inevitably due to the ontology of the
universe) even if composed of opposites.”137 Gerson explains the
Neoplatonic universe's unity using the term “virtually.”138 In his essay titled
Plotinus on Logos he provides multiple definitions of the term. One of the
most applicable ones to this study's framework is the definition that
indicates that “an entity is virtually all of its epistemic appearances.”139 In
136 Ibid., 61.
137 Ibid., 71.
138 Gerson “Plotinus on logos,” 18.
139 Ibid., 18.
57
the Neoplatonic understanding of being, “x is virtually y” or “y is virtually x”
since all the beings emanated from a single source, The One.140 Based on
this, a level of reality is virtually all the levels of reality descending from it,
and thus “The One is virtually all things.”141
Therefore, it is possible for one to observe hierarchy, duality, and unity in
different components and levels of the Neoplatonic conception of the
universe and between them. While these concepts are mistaken for each
other in some cases since there is no clear separation between them, in
some cases, it is possible to think of them as challenging each other. Yet,
according to the Neoplatonic worldview, the Divine order of the universe
provided by logos is like a perfect machine with each and every
component and part being in harmony with each other and with the whole.
As a result of these, it is possible to observe and trace these three
concepts within different scales and different levels of reality, from the
whole universe to a single human being, in the same basic manners. This
worldview introduces the idea of a microcosm, which is crucially important
for understanding the relationship of humans with nature and their
relationship with their products, including architectural works.
2.3. Replicating the Divine Work: Perception of Architecture as
Microcosm
Although none of the Neoplatonic, or even Platonic, texts directly indicate
the conception of architectural works as microcosms, the idea of the
humans' effort to replicate the divine creation in his products is discussed
140 Ibid., 18.
141 Ibid., 24.
58
both by Plato and later Neoplatonists.142 Maximus the Confessor has the
first known commentary, dating the 7th Century, that relates an
architectural work to cosmos in terms of symbolism.143 Yet, his
commentary is particular to the symbolism of the Byzantine church, and he
does not discuss the motives of creating such symbolism, like Plato
discussed for literary works in his Literary Theory.144 Thus, it is significant
to discuss this theory and the Neoplatonic approach to replicating divine
creation in order to understand the possible incentives of this urge. Only
by understanding these incentives, it is possible to discuss the feasibility of
the microcosm idea for the architectural works. However, before arguing
the applicability of this idea to architectural works, it is essential to clarify
the term “microcosm” used in this study.
It is possible to define microcosmic models as beings with the same basic
ontological properties as the macrocosm. In other words, they are less
perfect models of the universe, the macrocosm. It is argued in this study
that tracing the concepts of hierarchy, duality, and unity in the microcosmic
models is a reliable method to compare them to the macrocosm. As an
example of this methodology, the human being, one of the most
mentioned microcosms in the Neoplatonic texts, is be examined briefly.
142 For a brief cover of different approaches to microcosm idea by Plato, Aristotle, Proclus
and so on see Motta, “Putting Cosmogony into Words,”
143 Maximus comments on the symbolism of the church in his work titled Mystagogia. For
further information see Patricios, The Sacred Architecture of Byzantium, 385. It is also
discussed in 3.2. Significance of Middle Byzantine Churches as a Manifestation of
Neoplatonic Understanding
144 See Patricios, The Sacred Architecture of Byzantium and Motta, “Putting Cosmogony
into Words,”
59
The human consists of the duality of soul and body, as discussed
previously. Since the intelligible beings are in higher order than the
material beings, the human soul, which is a part of the universal soul, is
prior and hierarchically superior to the body, made out of matter. In
addition, although there is a hierarchical separation between the soul and
the body, the two are united and in perfect harmony, thanks to the divine
laws of ontology.145 This examination displays that humans are
microcosmic models of the universe and possess its characteristics on a
smaller scale and in a less perfect way.
Moreover, another idea about humans is also important to suggest that
architectural works be considered microcosms. As Anna Motta indicates,
there is an anonymous text written in Alexandria called Prolegomena.146
Prolegomena discusses the Neoplatonic doctrines and contains
commentaries on the ancient doctrines, mainly Platonism.147 There is an
idea in this text that mentions a metaphorical “friendship” between Plato
and the deity.148 It is possible to describe this concept as one friend
following each other in his works and products. When considered the
hierarchical relationship, it only makes sense for Plato to be the friend who
follows the steps of The One. This metaphorical saying refers to the
humans' desire “to follow the example of God and his accomplishment of
145 Gregory, The Neoplatonists, 80-82.
146 Motta, “Putting Cosmogony into Words,” 123.
147 Ibid., 123-124.
148 Ibid., 120.
60
the divine work” in their products but in a less perfect way.149 Therefore,
this idea is probably wishing humans to reproduce the act of creation that
started with The One in their own works.
Furthermore, Motta explains that The Literary Theory of Plato displays
how he considered his literary works as microcosms that in pace to
replicate the order and characteristics of the universe and strive to get
closer and closer to its perfection.150 When it is considered that the
metaphor of friendship of Plato and The One was known in Neoplatonist
Alexandria, it is highly possible that the microcosm understanding in The
Literary Theory of Plato was also known. Based on this hypothesis and the
Neoplatonic approach to human beings as microcosms, this study claims
that it is possible to consider the Byzantine and Seljuk works of
architecture, together with the ones from many other traditions, as
microcosmic models since they display the concepts of hierarchy, duality,
and unity in various aspects.
2.4. Significance of Geometry and Geometry as a Tool for the
Application of Hierarchy, Duality, and Unity in Architectural Design
It is possible to trace these concepts in the two and three-dimensional
arrangement and configuration of the architectural spaces regarding
geometry. In addition, they are traceable in the architectural decoration
consisting of metaphysical figures and abstracted geometrical patterns.
Geometry is conceivably a crucial design tool in many cases, including the
architectural traditions selected for this study. For the Byzantine and
149 Ibid., 120.
150 Ibid., 120.
61
Seljuk architectures, it is possible to claim that geometry had meanings
beyond practical as an organizer of design. This role probably passed into
these traditions and cultures through the Neoplatonic ideas carrying the
ancient Euclidian/Platonic approach to geometry. Neoplatonism and its
precursor Platonism have excessively dealt with geometry since it was
considered proof of the perfection of the universe, the macrocosm.151
In the medieval age, geometrical studies and knowledge were considered
mandatory to understand The One and the cosmos emanated from it. This
understanding has probably identified geometrical perfection with the
cosmos' creation.152 It is possible to indicate that the medieval people
considered the geometric proportions and numeric arrangements, which
provided organization to the pre-creation chaotic mass, to be the reason in
the background of the perfect harmony and order in the universe.153 The
practice of geometry in the fields like geography and especially astronomy
by the interdisciplinary medieval scientists and philosophers are possible
indicators of how they tried to understand the perfection of the cosmos
using geometrical studies.154 Also, medieval scientists harmonized
geometry and other sciences with the esotericism in their religions in their
151 Ann Powell, “Neoplatonism and Geometry in Islamic Art.” Art History, 21, no. 1 (1998):
135.
152 Jan Opsomer, “In defence of geometric atomism: explaining elemental properties,” in
Neoplatonism and the Philosophy of Nature, ed. James Wilberding and Christoph Horn
(Oxford: University of Oxford Press, 2012), 147-149.
153 Ibid., 147-150.
154 Ibid., 147-150.
62
pursuit of understanding themselves and the cosmos. One of the
significant human products that this worldview and harmonization of
sciences reflected is arguably the maps. Peter Whitfield claims that the
maps were produced with religious imagery throughout the medieval age
until the Copernican Revolution.155 It is possible to define these earth and
cosmos maps as the products of the harmonization of mysticism and
geometric sciences.
On the one hand, scientific studies based on the heritage of ancient
geometry, geography, and astrology enabled medieval scientists to
examine the known lands of the Earth and the visible celestials, or in other
words, the Euclidian Space.156 On the other hand, the esotericism of their
religions enabled them to make assumptions related to the metaphysical
universe, beyond the measurable space, and God. Containing information
about both of these aspects, most medieval maps depict the Earth as
limited, surrounded by water, and measurable yet with secondary
importance.157 (Fig. 4 & 5) Jurgen Schulz states that:
Cartographic historians are agreed that the main function of these
maps was the representation of religious mysteries and history,
rather than recording of precise geographical facts.158
155 Peter Whitfield, “The Earth and the Heavens: The Art of the Mapmaker: British Library
- Picturing Places,” The British Library. The British Library, December 8, 2016.
https://www.bl.uk/picturing-places/articles/earth-and-the-heavens#.
156 David Woodward, "Reality, Symbolism, Time, and Space in Medieval World
Maps," Annals of the Association of American Geographers 75, no. 4 (1985): 511.
Accessed July 2, 2021. http://www.jstor.org/stable/2563109.
157 Woodward, "Reality, Symbolism, Time, and Space in Medieval World Maps," 515.
63
Based on this statement, it is not surprising to find the depictions of lands
in medieval maps with general outlines rather than detailed calculations
that reflect geographical reality.159 In this sense, the metaphysical realms
are also generally depicted on these maps with scenes that arguably
highlight the glory of God in his realm and placing the humans in their
deserved humble place in the grand scene of the universe. It is possible to
relate this effort to the understanding of the afterlife in medieval
monotheistic religions. This understanding was likely to be one of the main
reasons in the background of how the Earth is depicted as secondary and
the cosmos and the metaphysical Divine realm is defined as primary in
most medieval maps. (Fig. 4 & 5)
Even though there are certain reinterpretations, the roots of these
medieval approaches are suggested to be transmitted from ancient Greek
culture by Neoplatonism. How Neoplatonism nurtured medieval
Christianity and Islam is discussed in the related chapters of the study.
However, it is essential to examine the attributed role of geometry as the
tool of creation in the medieval worldview, conceivably reflected in the
maps as well. Ancient ideas such as Plato’s demiurge as the artisan of the
universe and Aristotle’s prime mover are possibly reinterpreted in the two
monotheistic religions.160 It is possible to observe the attribution of these
158 Cited in Woodward, "Reality, Symbolism, Time, and Space in Medieval World Maps,"
514.
159 Woodward, "Reality, Symbolism, Time, and Space in Medieval World Maps," 510.
160 Whitfield, “The Earth and the Heavens: The Art of the Mapmaker: British Library -
Picturing Places,”
64
roles sometimes directly to God, and sometimes to heavenly beings such
as angels in the depictions of the medieval maps.161 (Fig. 4 & 5) Thus, it is
possible to claim that the approach to geometry in the medieval age was
embedded with religious mysticism as well.
Neoplatonism was probably one of the most influential sources in the
background of this medieval approach due to its role as the transmitter of
ancient knowledge. In Ancient Greece, notable names like Euclid, Plato
and Aristotle studied geometry concerning the cosmos and paid enormous
attention to it. In the seventh book of his great dialogue titled Republic,
Plato states that “geometry is the knowledge of the eternally existent,”
which probably refers to The One as well as the universe it created.162
Besides, in another dialogue of his titled Timaeus, he indicates that “God
began by first making them (material beings based on elements) out into
shapes by means of forms and numbers.”163 Moreover, he also states that
other components of the material universe such as time, planets, and their
orbits, which are in a great harmony, “came into existence for the
determining and preserving of the numbers.”164 This tradition of using
geometry as a tool to explain the structure of the universe continued with
Neoplatonists after them as well.
161 Whitfield, “The Earth and the Heavens: The Art of the Mapmaker: British Library -
Picturing Places,”
162 Plato, The Republic, VII.
163 Plato, Timaeus, 53b.
164 Plato, Timaeus, 38c.
65
…In this respect mathematic objects are not inherent in
material objects rather they are perfect ideas that reflect to
the material world as line, square, circle, number etc. in
the world of becoming… This is also interpreted as
material world is a reflection of mathematical objects and
mathematical objects are reflections of the world of
forms.165
One of the essential theories of Plato that possibly affected the
Neoplatonic doctrines and commented by Neoplatonist the most is his
geometrical explanation of the elements, the Platonic Solids.
Plato’s approach to geometry is considering the geometry itself as sacred
“not because God (The One) constructed the world out of these forms
(Platonic solids) but because they collectively embody the Divine blueprint
underlying all levels of existence, including the physical universe.”166 He
was likely inspired by a Jewish mystical tradition called Kabbalah, in which
The Tree of Life, consisting of numbers in a staged model, was accepted
as God’s blueprint for Creation.167 This understanding, transferred via the
means of Pythagoreans, possibly affected not only Plato’s approach to
geometry but also his idea of God as the Craftsman since he believed that
“craftsman set out to impact distinct configuration to the pre cosmic mass
by means of shapes and numbers.”168 Therefore, Plato suggested a
165 Deniz Özden, “Theory and Practice of Geometry in Medieval Architecture in the Middle
East (10th-14th Centuries).” MA Thesis (Middle East Technical University, 2015), 17.
166 Stephen M. Phillips, “The Sacred Geometry of the Platonic Solids.” Smphillips.
http://www.smphillips.mysite.com/pdfs/Article03.pdf (Accessed February 27, 2021), 1.
167 Ibid., 1.
168 Opsomer, “In defence of geometric atomism,” 147.
66
systematic creation based on geometry that defines the characteristics of
elements and their relationships. In this system which is based on the
three concepts, Platonic solids, which are stereo metric figures called
polyhedra, were associated with the four elements and the matter of
celestials.169 Tetrahedron represents the fire, octahedron represents the
air, icosahedron represents the water, and hexahedron represents the
earth, while the fifth polyhedron, the dodecahedron, is generally accepted
as being related to the matter of celestials.170 (Fig. 6) However, Plato
thought of the polyhedra as the symbols for the elements and suggested
that elements were created from smaller particles in the polyhedra
shapes.171
According to him, the creation system starts with the elementary triangles,
which are the first constituent.172 This idea was possibly formulated under
the impact of the Pythagorean system.173 According to this system,
Tetractys are the first shapes which are triangular array of ten dots
arranged in four rows symbolizing “the ten Divine names as the
counterpart of the outer and inner forms of the Tree of Life, the universal
blueprint.”174 Tetractys were considered as the key that unlocks
169 Ibid., 148.
170 Ibid., 148.
171 Ibid., 148.
172 Ibid., 148.
173 Phillips, “The Sacred Geometry of the Platonic Solids,” 12.
67
information about reality encoded in sacred geometry.175 Therefore, what
Plato did was explain the further stages by unlocking the code of creation
through triangular particles.176 In the second level after them, by different
combinations of the elementary triangles, complex surfaces, which are the
basic shapes of triangles, squares, and pentagons, are created.177 On the
next level, these surfaces combine with identical ones to create threedimensional
polyhedra, Platonic Solids.178 Then, the combination of many
of the same polyhedra constructs the four elements.179 Finally, as the last
step of creating matters, the four elements mix in different portions.180(Fig.
7) Moreover, as Plato also indicates, there are higher principles prior to
the elementary triangles, which are only known to God and some
privileged humans.181 He suggests a part-whole relationship between each
level, and this relationship between them is based on composition, except
for the higher principles.182 In other words, the matter presumably
174 Ibid., 3.
175 Ibid., 3.
176 Ibid., 3-4.
177 Opsomer, “In defence of geometric atomism,” 148.
178 Ibid., 148.
179 Ibid., 148.
180 Ibid., 148.
181 Ibid., 148.
68
“received shape utilizing form and numbers” 183 For the fifth polyhedron,
Plato’s approach is a little different than the rest of the four. In Timaeus, he
writes that “God used it (dodecahedron) for the whole, making a pattern of
animal figures thereon.”184 Even though this translation from Ancient
Greek seems like it does not make sense in terms of the creation
understanding of neither Plato nor Neoplatonist, Ronald Kotrč states that
in his philological study A.E. Taylor interprets that this phrase was used for
Zodiacs rather than actual animals.185 However, in terms of its clear
function, Kotrč indicates that “the question of what utility, if any, it has in
the formation and continuing function of the material universe is perhaps
not wholly amenable to solution.”186 Although Plato or any of the
Neoplatonists clearly states its role in creating the whole, it is mostly
presumed as the matter of celestials, which is composed of the
combination of the other four elements. As Kotrč further claims;
The dodecahedron visibly incorporates in itself all the
surfaces that combine and recombine to form the other
four regular solids of Platonic physics. In so doing, it
constitutes a geometrical matrix in the formation of the
physical universe.
182 Ibid., 149.
183 Ibid., 157.
184 Ronald F. Kotrč, "The Dodecahedron in Plato’s "Timaeus"." Rheinisches Museum Für
Philologie 124, no. 3/4 (1981), 212.
185 Ibid., 212.
186 Ibid., 216.
69
As a result of these approaches, it is possible to point out geometry as an
outcome of The One's perfection and beauty. The universe, created
through geometry, is its manifestation rather than a presupposition of
perfection and beauty.
Latter, Aristotle confronted the identification of the elements with Platonic
Solids based on qualities and suggested that “qualitative properties
themselves; hot and cold, dry and wet, are primitive facts of physics since
they explain the material composition of the world.”187 This understanding
arguably diminishes the role of geometry and mathematics as creation
tools. In the Neoplatonic tradition, Proclus, who deals with geometry and
mathematical issues the most in the Neoplatonic school of philosophy,
offered an interpretation of Plato’s ideas to reject the ones offered by
Aristotle.188 Proclus apparently returned to the Pythagorean roots of
Plato’s idea and reinterpreted them to suggest that polyhedra are “active
and creative forces of nature.”189 He believed that;
They are present and lend structure and motion to the
world. Yet contrary to mathematical entities, which are
devoid of motion and life, the polyhedra are active and
demiurgic principles.190
187 Opsomer, “In defence of geometric atomism,” 154.
188 Ibid., 156.
189 Ibid., 168.
190 Ibid., 168.
70
Thus, it is possible to argue that based on the ideas of Proclus,
Neoplatonism considered elements, which are the components of matter,
as created from three-dimensional geometric particles, the polyhedra,
proceed from the demiurge into the different levels of the universe.191
These geometric particles are the constituent of the beings and active and
mobile entities that result in the material universe's motion.192 According to
Neoplatonism, this understanding is likely to prove the necessity of
geometry for the harmony in the universe and its creation. It should not be
surprising that the amount of importance paid to geometry by artisans for
their designs, in which he seeks to get as close as possible to the Divine
perfection via replication. In addition to this, Özden also indicates Platonic
mind set considers geometry, especially “the mathematical object as an
intermediary between metaphysics and material world.”193 Therefore, it
would not be groundless to point out the geometry both as a tool to read
these architectural spaces and decorations and demonstrate the
Neoplatonic concepts of hierarchy, duality, and unity in the macrocosm
and the microcosm.
Moreover, the transformation of these concepts into architectural design
elements is conceivably a process of abstraction. The polyhedra have
been accepted as beautiful, divine, and perfect geometrical shapes since
they are the only three-dimensional shapes with equal sides.194
191 Ibid., 168.
192 Ibid., 168.
193 Deniz Özden, “Theory and Practice of Geometry in Medieval Architecture in the Middle
East (10th-14th Centuries).” 19.
71
Nevertheless, in addition to the polyhedra, there is one three-dimensional
shape that Plato himself paid great significance to and later by
Neoplatonists: the sphere. Plato considers the sphere as the symbol of the
celestial heavens, the universe and places it above any other.195 He states
in Timaeus that;
…now for that Living Creature which is designed to
embrace within itself all living creatures the fitting shape
will be that which comprises within itself all the shapes
there are; wherefore He wrought it into a round, in the
shape of a sphere, equidistant in all directions from the
center to the extremities, which of all shapes is the most
perfect and the most self-similar, since He deemed that
the similar is infinitely fairer than the dissimilar. And on the
outside round about, it was all made smooth with great
exactness, and that for many reasons.196
Thus, it is possible to categorize these solid geometric shapes into two
types. One is the polyhedra that occur with the demiurge. It constitutes
and symbolizes the material beings in the physical universe, and the other
is the sphere that symbolizes perfectness in the universe and the creation
itself. Since the intelligible universe is the perfect level of the created ones,
it is possible to associate the sphere with it. Moreover, it is possible to
inscribe all of the five regular solids, representing the basic elements and
the matter of celestials, in a sphere.197 (Fig. 8) When the volumetric sizes
194 Phillips, “The Sacred Geometry of the Platonic Solids,” 1-12.
195 Plato, Timaeus, 32c-34b.
196 Ibid., 33b.
197 Kotrč, "The Dodecahedron in Plato’s "Timaeus"," 215.
72
and bodies of all five polyhedra are compared, it is possible to state that
the dodecahedron is the closest to the sphere's volume.198 Based on this
geometrical analysis, Kotrč argues that the dodecahedra hold “an
intermediate position between the four polyhedra of the elements and the
figure of the sphere.”199
From this point of view, it is possible to argue that the geometrical shapes
and patterns used in various aspects of the architectural design have been
generated from polyhedra employing abstraction, primarily due to their role
in God’s creation of the universe and the acceptance of them as
geometrically perfect.200 Daniela Bertol claims that it is possible to trace
variations derived from the regular convex polyhedra not only in geometry
but also in art, architecture, and design by indicating that “the symmetry
related properties make polyhedra of great interest in architecture and
product design.201 In addition, as discussed in Plato’s system of geometric
creation of the elements, the two-dimensional geometry, the element
triangles, are prior to the three-dimensional polyhedra and thus closer to
The One in the hierarchical order. Based on this reason, it is possible to
consider abstraction as an urge to return to what is prior and thus higher in
reality. Abstraction of the three-dimensional polyhedra and the sphere
198 Ibid., 215.
199 Ibid., 215.
200 Daniela Bertol, “The Parametric Making of Geometry: The Platonic Solids,”
International Journal of Rapid Manufacturing, 6 (2016), 34-35.
201 Ibid., 34-35.
73
were probably used as a tool to create two-dimensional organizations and
patterns both for the architectural plans and the decorations. This
abstraction is possibly a symbolic representation of the spiritual journey
inwards to achieve the reunion of the soul with The One. This
understanding also matches Özden’s idea of geometry being the mediator
between the intelligible and material.
Furthermore, as a part of the understanding of replicating The One's work,
it is possible to suggest that geometric patterns and organizations used in
architectural design are abstracted copies of nature, The One's primary
work. In his book titled Abstraction and Empathy: A Contribution to the
Psychology of Style, Wilhelm Worringer explains two types of decoration:
geometric style and vegetal ornament.202 He claims that “both ornamental
styles are actually devoid of a natural model, notwithstanding the fact that
their elements are to be found in nature” by suggesting that similar to the
vegetal ornament which gives “not the plant itself but the regularity of its
outwards structure, the geometric style gives the structural law of
inanimate matter, but not the matter itself in its outward appearance.”203
Although it is not as evident as the vegetal one, this explanation displays
that the geometric decoration is arguably a reflection of the “structure of
nature” within the Neoplatonic mindset. Also, this should not be limited to
the decorative program, but it is also possible to apply it to the plan
organizations and volumetric configurations of the buildings as this study
claims and discusses with the case studies in the following chapters.
202 Wilhelm Worringer, Abstraction and Empathy: A Contribution to the Psychology of
Style, (Chicago: Elephant Paperbacks, 1997), 59-60.
203 Ibid., 59-60.
74
Therefore, based on these discussions regarding the importance paid to
geometry by the Neoplatonists, it is possible to state that the universe was
created through geometry, starting from its smallest particles. According to
the Neoplatonic mind set, from elementary triangles to all material beings,
which are the different mixtures of elements, the physical creation is again
a perfect order based on hierarchy, duality, and unity, which are organized
and arranged by divine logos through geometry. Thus, the humans who
wanted to get closer to The One and cherish its supremacy by replicating
its work apparently paid a tremendous amount of significance to geometry
in their architectural works, primarily through abstraction. The geometry
was conceivably used as a tool to reflect the ontological characteristics of
the universe, the three concepts, in the volumetric configuration, plan
organization, decorative program, and precise craftsmanship in
architectural work both physically and symbolically.
As concluding remarks, Neoplatonism is conceivably too big of lore to
cover in a single chapter. Yet, as the background information for the
remaining parts of this study, this chapter’s brief covering of Neoplatonic
doctrines regarding God, the creation, the universe, human beings, and
the relationship between these is arguably sufficient. This study claims
that the doctrines discussed in this chapter probably penetrated and
influenced Eastern Orthodox Christianity and Islam. As a result of
Neoplatonism's influence on the religious culture of post-Neoplatonism in
the Middle East and Eastern Mediterranean, it is possible for these
esoteric ideas to be reflected in architectural works that were possibly
considered as microcosms. Besides, the adaptation of the Neoplatonic
doctrines into two monotheistic religions apparently processed differently.
These ideas were probably reinterpreted differently by Christianity and
75
Islam to adapt and fit them into their religion's belief system, as discussed
in the following chapters.
With regard to these, the study argues that Middle Byzantine Churches
and 13th Century Seljuk Architecture are suitable examples not only to
trace the reflections of Neoplatonic ideas which are discussed in this
chapter in the architecture of medieval Anatolia but also display the
differences in the reinterpretations of these ideas within the two religions.
76
CHAPTER 3
REPERCUSSIONS OF NEOPLATONISM IN BYZANTINE
ARCHITECTURE
Beginning with the Byzantine side of the discussion is probably an
accurate methodology to provide a chronological narrative from several
aspects. The interactions of Byzantine theology, culture, and community
with Neoplatonism are before the Seljuks' interactions in chronological
order. As a matter of fact, some of the ideas possibly penetrated Muslim
theology through Christian studies under Neoplatonic influence. Even
though these are not discussed deeply in this study, when the two parts
about the impact of Neoplatonic concepts on Byzantine and Seljuk
theologies are concerned, the study provides a brief chronological tracing
of Neoplatonic impact in Anatolia from the 4th Century to the 13th Century
with references to important philosophers from both Christian and Muslim
domains. Another aspect is that the case studies of Middle Byzantine
Churches in this thesis are selected from the 11th and 12th Centuries, with
reasons discussed later in this chapter, which are prior to the 13th Century
Seljuk Architecture. The study analyzes architecture in Western and
Central Anatolia in terms of Neoplatonism's repercussions over three
centuries continuously. However, even though the interactions between
the two architectural traditions are discussable, it is possible to mistakenly
think it defends the idea that Byzantine architecture is a predecessor of
Seljuk architecture. Although the impact of Byzantine tradition on Seljuk
architecture in terms of material use and construction techniques is
77
discussable, they are not part of this study. It is essential to state that this
study examines the two traditions based on their own reinterpretations of
the Neoplatonic concepts within their respected theologies. This approach
is the reason for discussing these two in different chapters, a comparison
of them is also provided to demonstrate both the different reinterpretations
and the different architectural applications.
This chapter starts with a brief history of Neoplatonism and Byzantine
theology. It introduces philosophers whose doctrines are referenced when
needed in the latter parts of the chapter, especially while discussing the
liturgy and various characteristics of Middle Byzantine Churches regarding
the traces of Neoplatonic concepts in the form that these philosophers
adapted them to Christianity. The chapter mainly traces these reflections
not only in plan organizations and volumetric configurations but also in
decorative programs of particular case studies selected from the 11th and
12th Century Constantinople. The study particularly focuses on the Middle
Byzantine church examples from the capital of the Empire. The artistic
production including the church architecture in Constantinople was
arguably the initial and most complete manifestations of the Neoplatonic
influence in the intellectual production at the center of the Orthodox
Christianity. A general overview of the intellectual production at the capital
is discussed in the next part titled 3.1. Impact of Neoplatonism on
Byzantine Theology and Worldview. It is possible to speculate that the
peripheral church examples were not enhanced with these intellectual,
philosophical and theological studies conducted in Constantinople within
the timeframe of 11th and 12th Centuries. However, any further claim
regarding the peripheral examples would require more study and
examination and would be out of the scope of this thesis. As demonstrated
later in the chapter with the mostly geometrical analyses of the case
78
studies, it is possible to observe a solid parallelism with the increase of the
Neoplatonic doctrines in the intellectual production in Constantinople and
the possible repercussions of these in the churches from the capital of the
Empire.
Moreover, formerly dealt hierarchy, duality, and unity are the concepts that
define the study's approach to the cases in the mentioned aspects.
3.1. Impact of Neoplatonism on Byzantine Theology and Worldview
The relationship between Neoplatonism and the Byzantine Empire is
presumably an organic one due to Alexandria and Constantinople's
closeness. Indeed, Alexandria itself was a town in Byzantine lands itself
for centuries, even though it was under the heavy influence of Hellenistic
culture. This part briefly covers the Neoplatonic impact in Byzantine
theology and community by highlighting the essential philosophers from
Byzantine Empire and their works in a chronological narrative. These
names are mainly Porphyry (233-305), St. Augustine (354-430), Proclus
(412-485), Pseudo Dionysius (late 5th – early 6th Centuries), Maximus the
Confessor (580-662), Michael Psellos (1018-1078) and John Italos (1025-
1085). It is not a part of this study to examine the doctrines and ideas of
each of these philosophers profoundly, but rather the purpose here is to
follow the path of Neoplatonism within Byzantine Empire over nine
centuries in order to trace the Neoplatonic impact in theology, community
and sacred architecture of Byzantines. The significant works of these
philosophers and their significant ideas are also briefly covered in this part
to explain the reinterpretations and adaptations of Neoplatonism in
Byzantine Orthodox Christianity.
79
Since the Orthodox Christians of the Byzantine Empire were against the
practices and doctrines of the pagans, and these were mostly forbidden in
the Empire, it is hard to trace the interactions between Neoplatonism and
Byzantine theology, especially in the earlier periods.204 One of the
important names of these very early periods is possibly Porphyry, the
presumed editor of the works of Plotinus to compromise Enneads. He has
started a school in Byzantine Empire on philosophy, where he taught the
Neoplatonic doctrines.205 This interaction was probably the first
penetration of Neoplatonism into Byzantine philosophy and theology.
Another one of the influential names in these earlier periods is possibly St.
Augustine. He was a pagan for most of his life and studied the doctrines of
Neoplatonists, mainly Plotinus, before he converted to Christianity.206
Coleman states that after he studied with the Bishop Ambrose of Milan,
there was a period when St. Augustine worked on the fusion of
Neoplatonism and Christianity before accepting the orthodox path of
Christianity.207 Even though St. Augustine was known as a respected
philosopher, he was probably not as effective as Porphyry in Byzantine
Lands since he mainly studied in Europe, especially in Milan.
204 Sedgwick, Western Sufism, no page number.
205 Ibid., no page number.
206 Janet Coleman, “The Christian Platonism of St Augustine,” in Platonism and the
English Imagination, ed. Anna Baldwin and Sarah Hutton, (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1994), 28.
207 Ibid., 29.
80
Nevertheless, his studies are crucial for the Christian lore and theology in
general, regardless of the region or sect, particularly in terms of how
Christians should have perceived Christ, his relationship to God and
people, and the church's conception for the Christian community.208 His
ideas on Christian Holy Trinity, The Father, The Son, and The Holy Spirit,
are vital since they are possible adaptations of the three Neoplatonic
principles.209 Moreover, he has dealt with the issues regarding the virtue
and the man’s reunion with God in his studies, which was probably an
influential factor for The Byzantine Rite, especially the commentaries of
Dionysius and Maximus, as a liturgy of virtue that prepares the soul for the
ultimate reunion with God after death.210 Thus, Porphyry and St. Augustine
are essential in terms of initial contacts based mainly on the ideas or
reinterpretations of the studies of Plotinus. Yet, for the Neoplatonic impact
in Byzantine Empire, Proclus was likely to be more influential than any
other Neoplatonist with his impact on many significant Christian
philosophers in the Empire.
208 For his impact on Christian theology in more detail see Coleman, “The Christian
Platonism of St Augustine.”
209 Gregory, The Neoplatonists, 177.
210 For further information see Christian Boudignon, “From Taboo to Icon: The Entrance
to and the Exit from the Church in the First Three Greek Liturgical Commentaries (ca 500
- 730 ce),” in Sacred Thresholds: The Door to the Sanctuary in Late Antiquity, ed. Emilie
M. van Opstall, (Leiden: Brill, 2018). For the original sources see On the Celestial
Hierarchy and On Mystical Theology by Pseudo Dionysius and Mystagogia by Maximus
the Confessor.
81
Proclus was a citizen of the Byzantine Empire and born in
Constantinople.211 It is possible to point him out as the most important
transmitter of Hellenistic culture into Byzantine Empire before the
Iconoclasm period since he studied both in Alexandria and in the School of
Athens, founded by Plato himself.212 His ideas mainly follow Plotinus’
doctrines in general, yet he also studied Aristotle closely and offered ideas
on the nature of being, the elements, their properties, and mathematical
approaches.213 His prime work is the Elements of Theology, in which he
mainly discusses these issues, as some of his ideas are mentioned in the
previous chapter of this study.214 Moreover, it is important to state that he
was not a Christian but a pagan and conceivably a true Neoplatonist,
different than the rest of the names mentioned here who were Christians
and studied with the possible goal of nurturing the Christian theology
under the influence of Neoplatonism. When their studies are analyzed, it is
possible to indicate that they were mostly commenting on Proclus. Two of
the critical names among the ones influenced by Proclus and the other
before them are Pseudo-Dionysius and Maximus the Confessor. Both
were apparently among the most significant philosophers before the
211 Gregory, The Neoplatonists, 155.
212 Ibid., 155.
213 Sergei Mariev and Monica Marchetto, “The Divine Body of the Heavens,” in Byzantine
Perspectives on Neoplatonism, ed. Sergei Mariev, (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter Inc. 2017),
36-41.
214 Magda Mtchedlidze, “Two Conflicting Positions Regarding the Philosophy of Proclus in
Eastern Christian Thought of the Twelfth Century,” in Byzantine Perspectives on
Neoplatonism, ed. Sergei Mariev, (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter Inc. 2017.), 137-138.
82
Iconoclasm period. They studied humans' relationship to God and the
reunion of the soul with God and created the first comprehensive
commentaries on the Byzantine Rite.215 Thus, it is possible to claim that
the two's doctrines are significant to demonstrate the perception of the
church space and the liturgy concerning the concepts of hierarchy, duality,
and unity not only in their lifetimes but also in the following centuries,
including the 11th and 12th centuries.
For the importance of Dionysius, it is possible to indicate that he was
highly influenced by the Origen of Alexandria, Proclus, and Plotinus, so it
was possible for him to interact with the Neoplatonic texts from Alexandria,
too.216 His four surviving treaties are On the divine names, On the celestial
hierarchy, On the ecclesiastical hierarchy, and On Mystical theology.217 It
is evident even from the titles of the works that he was dealing with the
Neoplatonic concepts of hierarchy in the universe and esoterism in the
background of the religion in general. Ivanovic states that he developed
“the system of the two hierarchies, celestial and ecclesiastical,” the
counterpart of the duality of material and intelligible universes from the
Neoplatonism in the Christian Theology.218 According to him, “a hierarchy
215 Nicholas N. Patricios, The Sacred Architecture of Byzantium: Art, Liturgy and
Symbolism in Early Christian Churches, (London & NY: I.B. Tauris & Co, 2014), 385.
216 Filip Ivanovic, “Images of Invisible Beauty in the Aesthetic Cosmology of Dionysius the
Areopagite,” in Perceptions of the Body and Sacred Space in Late Antiquity and
Byzantium, (London: Routledge, 2018), 11.
217Ibid., 11.
218 Ibid., 11.
83
is a sacred order, a state of understanding, and an activity approximating
as closely as possible to the divine.”219 The emphasis of Dionysius on the
concepts of hierarchy and duality is apparently a general characteristic of
the Neoplatonic reinterpretations in Byzantine theology and community.
Later, Maximus the Confessor was highly influenced by Dionysius and
contributed to Byzantine philosophy, especially with his commentaries on
the liturgy and church. Patricios states that his main work, Mystagogia,
was the first full-scale interpretation of the liturgy in Byzantine Empire.220
Moreover, “he is also the first commentator to give an interpretation of the
church as a building as well as of the liturgy that is celebrated in it.”221
Although there are differences between the narratives of the liturgy
created by Dionysius and Maximus, both were presumably composed
under Neoplatonic influences. The details of the Byzantine Rite are the
subject of another chapter in the study.
Byzantine Rite was a layered liturgy for both philosophers with different
roles assigned to the different classes in the community and performed to
prepare the soul for the journey after death towards God by symbolically
practicing the journey itself. It is even possible to find parallelism between
the physical practice of the Rite with the Neoplatonic rituals, as well as the
relationship of the ritual to the sacred space.222 Thus, understanding the
219 Ibid., 11.
220 Patricios, The Sacred Architecture of Byzantium, 385.
221 Ibid., 385.
84
practice of liturgy in the church space and the meaning in the background
of it is highly significant to understand the sacred church space and
architecture. Maximus’ studies is arguably an important source for this
point, too, since he comments on the church space frequently in his
studies about liturgy and describes it as “composed of stones and souls
and is an image of the world (the universe) which is made up of things
visible and invisible.”223 His understanding was possibly created under the
influence of the Neoplatonic idea of the microcosm, which Proclus, whom
Maximus was known to read, studied.224 Therefore, it is possible to point
out Dionysius and Maximus as the first two significant figures widely
accepted in the Byzantine society and elite at their time. However, their
importance is not limited to their time since their ideas on the order of the
universe, liturgy and church have become influential for centuries. Their
influence is traceable, especially in the period after Iconoclasm in which
the state censorship hardens not only in the field of art & architecture but
also in the field of philosophy.225 Within this perspective, the state's
censorship of the pagan heritage within the Christian Byzantine society
was likely to be the reason that triggers the return to a more orthodox
222 For further information on Neoplatonic ritual and its effects on the sacred space see M.
Lucia Tissi, “Sanctuary Doors, Vestibules and Adyta in the Works of Neoplatonic
Philosophers,” in Sacred Thresholds: The Door to the Sanctuary in Late Antiquity, ed.
Emilie M. van Opstall, (Leiden: Brill, 2018).
223 Patricios, The Sacred Architecture of Byzantium, 385.
224 Ibid., 385.
225 Jesús Garay, “The Reception of Proclus: From Byzantium to the West (an Overview),”
in Byzantine Perspectives on Neoplatonism, ed. Sergei Mariev, (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter
Inc. 2017), 154.
85
understanding of Christianity. It is possible to define these centuries as
insufficient in artistic and philosophical production. As a part of this,
antique philosophy, including Neoplatonism, mostly disappeared from the
Byzantine scene, particularly from the 8th Century to the 11th Century.226
However, Buchwald indicates that this censorship has resulted in a search
for alternatives within the society that has presumably led to the revival of
the Hellenistic heritage with the beginning of the 11th Century.227
Moreover, the conflicts in and out of the Empire until the 11th Century and
the drastic decline of the Empire starting with the Latin invasion of
Constantinople in 1204 make it possible to define the 11th and 12th
Centuries as a more stable period in terms of economics (mostly sustained
in the 12th Century), politics, culture and the artistic production. Thus, the
atmosphere of the 11th and 12th centuries was probably one of the
culminated period of Neoplatonic influence in the Byzantine Empire
generally, and particularly in Constantinople, due to this stability, search
for alternatives, and the revival of antique cultural heritage as a result of
the decrease in censorship of Iconoclasm.228
Furthermore, it is possible to argue that the reestablishment of the
University of Constantinople at the beginning of the 11th Century was
226 Ibid., p. 154.
227 Hans Buchwald, Form, Style and Meaning in Byzantine Church Architecture, (UK:
Ashgate Publishing, 1999), 310.
228 Michele Trizio, “The waves of passions and the stillness of the sea: appropriating
neoplatonic imagery and concept formation-theory in middle Byzantine commentaries on
Aristotle,” in Byzantine Perspectives on Neoplatonism, ed. Sergei Mariev, (Berlin: Walter
de Gruyter Inc. 2017), 75.
86
essential for the revival of Neoplatonism in the Byzantine Empire. The
reestablishment of the University in the capital is a significant factor for the
claim that the Neoplatonic influence was mostly traceable in
Constantinople during that period. It is also possible to point this out as a
result of the focus of this thesis on the case studies from Constantinople.
Moreover, many influential philosophers of the period, including Michael
Psellos and his student John Italos who was the head of the school,
studied at the University of Constantinople under the impact of Hellenistic
heritage.229 It is possible to point out especially Psellos as the key figure in
this revival due to his embracement of the cultural heritage of the ancients,
possibly more than any other before him.230 His student Italos was also
crucial for continuing his teacher's understanding with the future
generations of philosophers particularly in the 12th Century, including but
not limited to names like Eustratios of Nicaea (1050-1120) and Michael of
Ephesus (1070-1129). They also studied at the University of
Constantinople.231 The common point of these names was apparently their
effort to carry the philosophical tradition of Porphyry, Proclus, Dionysius,
and Maximus before the Iconoclasm era to the 11th and 12th centuries.232
Their aim was possibly to carry their successors' effort to combine
Neoplatonism and Christianity onwards.233 Based on this, their time was
229 Ibid., 75.
230 Mariev and Marchetto, “The Divine Body of the Heavens,” 49-57.
231 Trizio, “The waves of passions and the stillness of the sea,” 75.
232 Ibid., 75.
87
when the Neoplatonic impact arguably peaked in terms of its impact on the
culture and artistic production. It was most widely accepted in society,
even if the majority of the society was probably unaware of the pagan
heritage. It is also possible to trace the reflections of this theological
atmosphere in the art and architecture, especially the sacred architecture,
the Middle Byzantine Churches with cross-in-square plans.
3.2. Significance of Middle Byzantine Churches as a Manifestation of
Neoplatonic Understanding in Byzantine Culture
The chronological covering of the Neoplatonic impact on the theology and
philosophy of Byzantines provides the necessary historical background to
understand the significance of the 11th and 12th Centuries in terms of
Neoplatonism's influence. The chronological examination of the church
architecture's formal evolution in the Empire is vital to show why 11th and
12th century Middle Byzantine churches are conceivably the most potent
manifestation of the Neoplatonic concepts in the Byzantine church
tradition. This study claims that when the historical evolution of the
Byzantine church architecture is considered, the cases from the 11th and
12th centuries are arguably the complete microcosmic models. Andre
Grabar claims that there should be no differentiation between the 11th and
12th centuries, especially in terms of the repercussions in art and
architecture.234 He also suggests marking the Crusader Attack in 1204 as
the point for a drastic change in the political, social, and economic
233 Ibid., 75.
234 Andre Grabar, The Art of The Byzantine Empire, (New York: Greystone Press, 1967),
99.
88
environment, as well as the togetherness of the 11th and 12th centuries in
terms of art and architecture.235
The comparative analysis of the early basilica schemed churches and the
cross-in-square planned Middle Byzantine churches supports this. Many of
the points mentioned in this part are elevated and discussed more deeply
regarding three Neoplatonic concepts. This part only aims to demonstrate
the reason for selecting the period in terms of architectural significance
concerning the Neoplatonic understanding.
Before discussing the historical evolution of the Byzantine church, it is
significant to indicate the symbolic perception of the church in Byzantine
theology. Although the impact of the liturgy on the formal creation of the
church space is discussed in more detail in 3.3. Special Characteristics of
Middle Byzantine Churches in Relation to Liturgy, it is still important to
state the symbolic meaning in the background of the church to
contextualize the creation of the space and how it evolved both around
this meaning. The first full-scale commentary on the perception and
meaning of the church space in the Byzantine Empire was again produced
by Maximus the Confessor.236 In Mystagogia, he provides detailed
information on the liturgy, as mentioned, and discusses how the church
was perceived as a building. In the third chapter of his work, he indicates
that “…God’s holy Church in itself is the symbol of the sensible world as
such since it possesses the divine sanctuary as Heaven and the beauty of
235 Ibid., 98-100.
236 Patricios, The Sacred Architecture of Byzantium, 385.
89
the nave as Earth.”237 According to him, the sacred space was thought of
as a replica of two realms coexisting together. It is possible to suggest that
the two universes, intelligible and material, of the Neoplatonic
understanding are reflected in Christian theology as the Divine realm and
earth.
Moreover, the Father, The Son, and The Holy Spirit in Christianity create
the Divinity.238 It is possible to think of the Trinity as the reinterpretation of
the three principles of creation, The One, The Intelligence, and the Soul, in
the Neoplatonic philosophy.239 When The Trinity in Christianity is
considered, it is possible to indicate that God was among humans as
Jesus Christ since he was accepted as God's incarnation.240 Thus, it only
makes sense for the holy church space to be his dwelling on Earth, based
on St. Augustine’s ideas on Trinity.241 Even though Mystagogia was a
commentary produced in the 7th Century, it is possible to interpret that
Maximus formulated his views on the church with the influence of the
ideas of earlier Neoplatonist Christian philosophers, mainly St. Augustine.
Probably, his formulation of the ideas about the church and his comments
237 Maximus the Confessor, Mystagogia, Chapter 3. quoted in Boudignon, “From Taboo to
Icon,” 97.
238 Gregory, The Neoplatonists, 177.
239 Ibid., 177.
240 Ibid., 177.
241 See Gregory, The Neoplatonists and Coleman, “The Christian Platonism of St
Augustine”
90
created bases for the meaning of church space in Byzantine theology and
effective for the evolution of the church architecture, which has arguably
brought more layers of meaning to the sacred space.
Even though Byzantines' early basilica churches contain the division of
sacred and profane, it is possible to claim that as the interior space
developed with the liturgy, as Thomas F. Mathews indicates, the division
has extended towards the interior of the church hierarchically.242 The
precursor of this is traceable in the pagan temples and the rituals
mentioned in the Neoplatonic texts. While this is discussed in the following
parts of this study regarding the liturgy, it is possible to indicate that the
vestibule space, the narthex, was considered a buffer zone between the
profane exterior and the nave, and it symbolized the earth.243 In addition,
the nave symbolized the celestial heavens, and the apse symbolized the
Divine realm.244 (Fig. 9) It is possible to claim that this connotation has
been the same throughout the Byzantine period, as it is observable not
only in the texts of Dionysius and Maximus but also in other philosophers
even from the later periods of the Empire, including a theologian named
Symeon of Thessaloniki (1381-1429) who indicates that;
Three spaces of church – bema (apse), naos and narthex
– have multiple meanings. The Three signify the Trinity
while bema represents what is above the heavens, naos
242 Thomas F. Mathews, The Early Churches of Constantinople: Architecture and Ligurty,
(US: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1990), 177-179.
243 Patricios, The Sacred Architecture of Byzantium, 398-399.
244 Ibid., 398-399.
91
(nave) the things in heavens and the narthex what is on
earth.245
Furthermore, since this understanding was possibly the base for the
conception of the church space in the Byzantine Empire regardless of the
period, it is possible to claim that this has not been lost with the cross-insquare
churches rathe this symbolism conceivably has gotten even more
robust. Ali Uzay Peker indicates that with the addition of the dome to the
church space in Hagia Sophia, the church has gained another symbolic
level of being a microcosmic model of the universe, in addition to being
shaped by the liturgy.246 As a possible outcome of the dome's addition in
terms of technically and symbolically, the plan schemes of the Byzantine
churches have started to become more centralized with the adoption of
the cross-in-square scheme in the Middle Byzantine period.247 With the
centralization of the plan, the separation of the periphery spaces (narthex
and side aisles) from the central space (nave) has strengthened.248 (Fig.
10)
Moreover, the addition of the dome and the centralization of the plan
arguably enabled the use of purer geometric forms such as sphere and
245 Ibid., 399.
246 Ali Uzay Peker, “Anadolu Bazilika Geleneği ve Selçuklu Anıtsal Mimarisine Etkisi,” in
Anadolu Selçukluları ve Beylikler Dönemi Uygarlığı Vol. 2., ed. Ali Uzay Peker ve Kenan
Bilici, (Ankara: T.C. Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlığı Yayınları, 2006), 55-56.
247 Evangelia Hadjitryphonos, “"Divinity" and "World" Two Spatial Realms in the Byzantine
Church,” in The Creation of Sacred Spaces in Byzantium and Medieval Russia, ed.
Alexei Lidov, (Moscow: Indrik, 2006), 241.
248 Ibid., 241-245.
92
cube, compared to the rectangular volumes of the basilica scheme to
create the interior of the church space.249 Thomas F. Mathews points out
the changes in the liturgy in the Middle Byzantine era as one of the main
reasons behind this centralization of the Byzantine churches.250 He
indicates that “wherares the medieval liturgy was shaped around a series
of appearances (in addition to the passages) …the early Byzantine
ceremony was structured around a series of full-scale processional
movements.”251 Although the details of these are discussed in 3.3. Special
Characteristics of Middle Byzantine Churches in Relation to Liturgy,
Mathews states that this change transformed the liturgy into a “more
closed” and “self-contained” character and this reflected as the “withdrawal
of the sanctuary from the nave.”252 Thus, it is possible to argue that the
longitudinal nave of the early basilica churches that contained the
sanctuary and functioned as a stage for the active community transformed
into a central place of hold for the more passive community in the Middle
Byzantine era. According to him, this centralization allowed the use of
pure, stereometric geometric forms in the Middle Byzantine churches,
especially in post-iconoclastic cases.253 When considered within the
Neoplatonic perspective, pure geometric forms have a significant meaning
249 Buchwald, Form, Style and Meaning in Byzantine Church Architecture, 303.
250 Mathews, The Early Churches of Constantinople: Architecture and Ligurty, 177-179.
251 Ibid., 178.
252 Ibid., 179
253 Ibid., 179.
93
since they were accepted as the creation particles. Even though it would
be a bold claim and a difficult one to support, to suggest that these
volumetric shapes were used with this particular reason in every case
intentionally, it is possible that they were unanimously known in the
community as sacred without acknowledging their Neoplatonic roots and
therefore used commonly. The studies of Psellos and Italos regarding the
Platonic Solids and the Aristotelian fifth element particularly show that the
approach to geometry was known in the 11th and 12th centuries in
Constantinople, and they were possibly applied in sacred architecture
even if it was done unintentionally.254 As Buchwald indicates, if there was
ever a “Platonic architecture,” it could have been “achieved by a perfect
combination of simple stereometric forms and the inscribed cross church
appears to fully meet the requirements.”255 (Fig. 11) In addition to the use
of pure geometrical solids, it is possible to consider the 11th and 12thcentury
cases as the examples in which the central cross-in-square
planned church tradition is matured enough to produce its great examples
in terms of craftsmanship. Also, technological advancements contribute to
the perfection of the churches' volumetric configurations and plan
organizations and the quality of their decorative work. Based on these
reasons, even though it is possible to observe the employment of cross-insquare
plan scheme in earlier centuries, from the 9th Century onwards, this
study focuses mainly on the cases from the 11th-12th Century
Constantinople in which the typology and tradition of cross-in-square
254 Mariev and Marchetto, “The Divine Body of the Heavens,” 49-62.
255 Buchwald, Form, Style and Meaning in Byzantine Church Architecture, 318.
94
churches were probably matured and wholly settled per the social, cultural
and economic atmosphere of the era.
Therefore, it would be accurate to state that with the transformation to the
central church scheme, more layers were added to the symbolic meaning
of the church while keeping the meaning of the church sections
demonstrated in basilica plans. The addition of the dome and the use of
Euclidian/Platonic geometry for plans, volumes, and decoration make it
possible to claim that 11th and 12th century Middle Byzantine churches are
the complete manifestations of Neoplatonic understanding in sacred
architecture of the Empire. It is possible to take this argument further with
the examination of specific case studies mainly selected from 11th and 12th
century Constantinople in respect to the Neoplatonic concepts of
hierarchy, duality, and unity in relation to the church liturgy.
3.3. Reflections of the Neoplatonic Concepts in the Spatial
Characteristics of the Middle Byzantine Churches in Relation to
Liturgy
To trace the reflections of Neoplatonic concepts, this study adopts a
methodology of combining the symbolic meaning provided by liturgy with
the examination of sacred space concerning geometry. As mentioned in
the previous chapter, geometry is crucial for Neoplatonic understanding
and apparently for Byzantine mystical theology since significant names
like Proclus, Psellos, and Italos all studied ontology with geometry and
mathematics.256 According to them, geometry was the regulator of the
256 For further information see Opsomer, “In defence of geometric atomism,” Magda
Mtchedlidze, “Two Conflicting Positions Regarding the Philosophy of Proclus in Eastern
Christian Thought of the twelfth Century,” and Graeme Miles, “Psellos and his
Traditions,” in Byzantine Perspectives on Neoplatonism, ed. Sergei Mariev, (Berlin:
Walter de Gruyter Inc. 2017)
95
universe consisting of hierarchy, duality, and unity in different components
at different levels, including the microcosmic models.257 Hence, the
context of this chapter is primarily the geometrical analyses of the selected
case studies mainly from Constantinople, namely, Myrelaion Church
(Bodrum Cami) around the 10th-11th Century, The Church of St. Theodosia
(Gül Cami) from around 11th Century The Church of the Monastery of
Christ Pantepoptes (Eski İmaret Cami) from 11th Century, Pammakaristos
Church (Fethiye Cami) from 11th-12th Century, the church of the Monastery
of Pantocrator (Zeyrek Cami) from 12th Century, The Church of Theotokos
Kyriotissa (Kalenderhane Cami) from 12th Century, Hagios Ioannes
(Hırami Ahmet Paşa Cami) from 12th Century and Church of Theodore
(Vefa Kilise Cami) from 12th Century. The cases are analyzed concerning
geometry to trace the repercussions of the three Neoplatonic concepts
with their reinterpretations in Byzantine theology. The traces of hierarchy,
duality, and unity in volumetric arrangements and plan organizations of the
churches support the understanding of the church as a microcosm. In
addition to these, the liturgy's role is discussable as another support for
the microcosmic understanding with its symbolic meaning. The Byzantine
Rite was possibly generated under Neoplatonic impact incorporating its
specific symbolic meaning and practice.258 Before moving on to the
geometric examination of the church space, it is imperative to discuss the
Neoplatonic roots of the Byzantine Rite to demonstrate how it affected the
formation of the church concerning the Neoplatonic concepts. It is also
257 Opsomer, “In defence of geometric atomism,” 147-150.
258 See Tissi, “Sanctuary Doors, Vestibules and Adyta in the Works of Neoplatonic
Philosophers.” and Boudignon, “From Taboo to Icon”.
96
essential to indicate that the supremacy of one or two of the concepts over
the others can be considered a natural outcome of the different
interpretations and adaptations of them in Byzantine theology and by the
Christian community. As a result, it is possible to observe traces of the
concepts in liturgy and sacred architecture to different degrees.
3.3.1. The Byzantine Rite as a Liturgy under Neoplatonic Influence
It is possible to describe The Byzantine Rite briefly as a ritual based on a
series of passages and appearances performed by the Christian
community led by clergy within the church space. Through these
passages, the spiritual ascension of the faithful Christians towards the
reunion with God, which happens after death, is reimagined in the sacred
church space. The purpose of this ritual is the purification of the soul and
preparing it for the ultimate reunion after death by means of increasing its
virtue.259
Although the Rite is known to have a pre-Byzantine origin, it apparently
developed into more advanced versions of symbolic connotations in
Constantinople.260 Based on the commentaries produced in
Constantinople, it is possible to understand the 6th and 7th centuries were
significant for the Rite's development. It continued to be performed
onwards generally the same, despite some practice changes.261 Dionysius
259 Sedgwick, Western Sufism , no page number.
260 Encyclopaedia Britannica, 8th ed., s.v. “The Byzantine Rite.” Chicago: Encyclopaedia
Britannica, 2009.
261 Ibid.
97
and Maximus, around the 6th Century, arguably produced the most
significant ones of these commentaries. It is possible to point them out as
the prime sources about the physical practice and the meaning of the
Byzantine Rite, not only in their periods but also in the following
centuries.262 Based on various other commentaries and liturgy calendars
of Constantinople, it is known that there were several versions of the Rite
that performed on different occasions and were differentiated basically
according to their length, scale, and hours.263 It is possible to categorize
them as the cathedral rite, observed in Hagia Sophia and monastic rite,
yet no further discussion on this topic is a part of this study.
Moreover, it is mentioned earlier that Mathews points out a differentiation
between the early Byzantine liturgy and medieval liturgy from the Middle
Byzantine period.264 In his book titled Architecture and Ritual in the
Churches of Constantinople Ninth to Fifteenth Centuries, Vasileios Marinis
indicates that Robert Taft considers the Rite's development in five different
phases that overlap with each other “due to the coexisting of the two
practices.”265 According to Taft’s categorization, it is possible to consider
the liturgy in the 11th and 12th centuries as a continuation of the Dionysius’
and Maximus’ periods, as a part of “the Imperial period which lasted until
262 Patricios, The Sacred Architecture of Byzantium,
263 Vasileios Marinis, Architecture and Ritual in the Churches of Constantinople Ninth to
Fifteenth Centuries, (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 10-12
264 Mathews, The Early Churches of Constantinople: Architecture and Ligurty, 177.
265 Marinis, Architecture and Ritual in the Churches of Constantinople Ninth to Fifteenth
Centuries, 11.
98
the beginning of the 13th Century.”266 In addition, Marinis also claims that
even though the outdoor processions declined in the 7th century, the main
characteristics of the Rite were preserved in the following centuries.267
When the fact that it is not likely to find detailed information from the
original sources dating the Iconoclasm era and the afterward, about what
was happening inside the churches during the Rite, this study adopts the
approach of referencing the commentaries of Dionysius and Maximus as
the primary sources together with the modern studies on them.268 In
addition, The Book of Ceremonies, a 10th Century work collected and
composed by Emperor Constantine VII (095-959), is referenced in this
study.269
Although it is not mentioned in the original sources, whether commentaries
or any other, the Byzantine Rite possibly formed under the impact of
Neoplatonic rituals on the imperial showcase of Romans. The common
aspects of physical practices, their relation to the settings, and the
symbolic meanings probably point out a strong influence. To trace this
266 Ibid., 10.
267 Ibid., 11.
268 Ibid., 11.
269 Constantine Porphyrogennetos: The Book of Ceremonies, trans. by Ann Moffatt and
Maxeme Tall, (Leiden: Brill. 2012.) It is possible to consider The Book of Ceremonies as
a set of detailed protocols and descriptions about religious and secular rituals in the 10th
Century Constantinople. It is more like a manual and provides the details about various
rituals in different scales. Although it is possible to point it as the prime source of the
period regarding how to perform these rituals, it hardly provides any philosophical
background and discussions. Therefore, it is occasionally referenced in this study where
descriptions about the religious ritual in the church space are addressed.
99
impact, it is essential to discuss the common aspects, yet it is also
essential to demonstrate the differences to explain the adaptation and
reinterpretation in Christian belief and how it affected the church space.
The meaning in the background of the pagan ritual is explained in
reference to the Neoplatonist two-way process of emanation.270 As the
emanation creates human beings from The One, their ultimate goal is to
reverse the creation process to return to The One through virtue.271 It is
believed that this virtue could be gained from the well-being and fulfillment
of one’s social duties, yet it also required a higher spiritual practice to tame
the soul through a series of spiritual ascension.272 This spiritual ascension
was practiced as a ritual by ancient Greek philosophers to get purified and
reunite with The One. This ritual is discussed in the Neoplatonic writings in
a physical analysis concerning the temple space.273 M. Lucia Tissi claims
that the temple space, which consisted of three interior spaces, namely
vestibule, naos, and adyton, was formed, utilizing this practice in
Neoplatonic texts.274 (Fig. 12) According to this understanding, the
“journey of the philosopher,” as it is called in the original writings, is a ritual
270 Gregory, The Neoplatonists, 24-38.
271 Ibid., 24-38.
272 Ibid.,, 6-12, 24-38 and 94-103.
273 Tissi, “Sanctuary Doors, Vestibules and Adyta in the Works of Neoplatonic
Philosophers,” 139-140.
274 For further information see Tissi, “Sanctuary Doors, Vestibules and Adyta in the Works
of Neoplatonic Philosophers,” 139.
100
starting from the profane, which is the outside of the temple, and reaches
to the most sacred, which is “adyton,” the sanctuary within the temple with
the cult image.275 When the fact that the term “adyton,” also refers to the
metaphysical place and state of mind in which the philosophers arrive after
the spiritual practice, strengthens this understanding.276 Thus, it is possible
to claim that the temple space represented the hierarchical stages of virtue
from less virtuous to the ultimate in the descending order of the universe.
The parallelism between this symbolism and the symbolism of the church
spaces discussed in the previous chapter is hard to overlook.
Nevertheless, there are some fundamental differences in symbolism and
the liturgies of Neoplatonists and Byzantines.
One of the main differences is the understanding of interior spaces of the
church as the earth, the celestial heavens, and the domain of God, or the
Divine Realm, which is beyond the universe. It is discussed that
Neoplatonists considered imperfection in parallel to the decrease in
goodness. As a result, they considered the material universe as the least
divine. In Christian adaptation, it is possible to suggest that this has been
transformed into the idea of the earth being the place of sins and humans
being born as sinners. This idea conceivably affected many Christian
beliefs, for example, baptism, including the church's conception and the
earth as the bottom stage of the hierarchical order.277 Despite this
275 Ibid., 147-149.
276 Ibid., 147-149.
277 Hadjitryphonos, “"Divinity" and "World" Two Spatial Realms in the Byzantine Church,”
245-248.
101
difference, parallelism could be observed in the plan organization of the
pagan temple and the early Byzantine churches, which were based on the
basilica scheme. Similar to the series of temple spaces, mentioned as the
vestibule, naos, and adyton, early Byzantine basilica churches also had a
similar sequence of spaces, namely narthex, nave, and apse. (Fig. 9 & 12)
As discussed in the previously, this sequence of interior spaces continued
in the more centralized Middle Byzantine churches.
Another significant difference was possibly the belief in the afterlife. The
pagan ritual was the spiritual journey itself, ascension to the gods, and it
was believed that purification and virtue were on earth; on the other hand,
the Byzantine Rite was a symbolic reinterpretation performed in order to
purify the souls of the laity and prepare them for the ultimate reunion with
God through ascension after death.278 This ultimate reunion was believed
to be only possible for the faithful Christians who lived their earthly life in
virtue and according to Christ.279 Therefore the purpose of the rite was to
recreate the hierarchical ascension, which will happen after death,
symbolically in the church space, to awake the “interior teacher,” as St.
Augustine names Christ, through purification and increasing virtue.280 This
concept of St. Augustine is yet another one that presumably has
Neoplatonic roots. As mentioned, the term “adyton” in the Neoplatonic
278 Sedgwick, Western Sufism, no page number. Also see Gregory, The Neoplatonists,
94-103.
279 Sedgwick, Western Sufism, no page number. Also see Boudignon, “From Taboo to
Icon,” and Gregory, The Neoplatonists, 94-103.
280 Coleman,“ The Christian Platonism of St. Augustine,” 34.
102
doctrines means the symbolic inner temple within philosophers
representing the divine transcendence.281 Based on these texts that
describe the ancient ritual and point out the aim of this spiritual journey as
reaching his inner conscious, adyton, which is symbolized with the
sanctuary of the temple, generally with the guidance of the mentor of the
philosopher, called as “teacher,” it is probably to draw a parallelism with
St. Augustine’s idea.282 Yet, the pagan ritual was a spiritual ascension
itself, not the symbolling reprising of it contrary to the Byzantine Rite. In his
work titled On the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, Dionysius mainly deals with the
symbolic meaning of the liturgy representing the reunion with God, which
is suitable to be used in order to explain this difference.283 According to
Dionysius’ work and later Maximus’ studies, contrary to the pagan
understanding of union on Earth with The One through the rituals, the
Byzantine Christians believed that the true reunion was after death.284
Therefore liturgy was only the symbolic practice of the ultimate reunion in
the afterlife.285
281 Tissi,“Sanctuary Doors, Vestibules and Adyta in the Works of Neoplatonic
Philosophers,” 147-149.
282 Ibid., 142.
283 Ivanovic, “Images of Invisible Beauty in the Aesthetic Cosmology of Dionysius the
Areopagite,” 11.
284 Sedgwick, Western Sufism, no page number. Also see Gregory, The Neoplatonists,
94-103.
285 Sedgwick, Western Sufism, no page number.
103
In addition to these, the most striking of the differences was probably in
the fundamental of the physical practice due to the role of Jesus Christ in
the Christian belief. It possibly had several effects on the formation of the
Byzantine Rite. One of them is the symbolism of the apse section as the
Divine realm. Since Christ has been accepted as the incarnation of God in
the human form, it was possibly not considered a violation of the Divine
realm's sacredness to represent it in earthly space. Furthermore, a more
significant effect is likely to be that the Byzantine Rite was performed as a
community of Christians, contrary to the individual practice of the pagan
ritual.286 In the Rite, the Christian community is led by the archbishop
reprising the role of Christ, who has been accepted as the savior and the
leader of Christians.287 To demonstrate the roles of the community and the
arch-bishop, it is crucial to analyze the Rite based on Dionysius and
Maximus's commentaries.
According to both Byzantine philosophers, the Rite consists of a series of
passages, very similar to the journey of a pagan philosopher. However,
contrary to it, these movements were not performed individually.288 In both
commentaries, the Rite starts with the gathering of the community in front
of the church doors and continues with the passages from outside to
narthex, from the narthex to nave, and finally from the nave to the apse.289
286 For further information see Tissi, “Sanctuary Doors, Vestibules and Adyta in the Works
of Neoplatonic Philosophers,” and Boudignon, “From Taboo to Icon,”
287 Boudignon, “From Taboo to Icon,” 92-101.
288 See Marinis, Architecture and Ritual in the Churches of Constantinople Ninth to
Fifteenth Centuries, 10-24. and Patricios, The Sacred Architecture of Byzantium, 385.
104
With gathering in front of the church, and in some cases in the atrium of
the church, the community starts to feel the liturgy's holistic atmosphere,
which starts with the opening of the church doors. Based on the texts
about the initial stage of the liturgy narrated by Dionysius and Maximus,
the first transition from the outside to the narthex is when the community
steps into the sacred by leaving the profane behind.290 However, before
the community, the emperor and the higher groups of the society enter the
church and perform a series of prayers and actions such as lighting
candles, greetings, and kisses between the archbishop and the emperor,
and acclamations from the clergy.291 Only after the emperor and the clergy
completed their own rituals, the “divine communion” is welcomed into the
holy and sacred interior of the church space for the start of the Divine
Liturgy.292
Thus, this is possibly the most substantial separation between the profane
and the sacred.293 With the doors opening, the community has the chance
289 See Boudignon, “From Taboo to Icon,” and Arnold van Gennep, The Rites of Passage,
trans. M.B.Vizedomand, G.L. Caffee, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960.)
290 Boudignon, “From Taboo to Icon,”92-101.
291 The 9th chapter of the The Book of Ceremonies describes 9 groups of the higher
society. These groups of high imperial, military or religious officers accompany the
emperor through the different stages of different rituals. They all have their own duties
within the rituals. For further information see Constantine Porphyrogennetos: The Book of
Ceremonies, p. 61-63.
292 Constantine Porphyrogennetos: The Book of Ceremonies, p. 65.
293 Ibid., 92-101.
105
to have a vista to the church's sacred interior. Patricios explains that the
narthex, nave, and apse being lined up on a straight axis creates the
advantage of perspective with the door's opening and the transition to the
narthex.294 Equal importance was presumably given to the initial stage of
the Neoplatonic ritual, too. Williamson describes the initial stage of the
Neoplatonic ritual at the temple door as;
…The door to the temple marked the moment
of transgression from outer to inner space and was a
sacred zone, a formalized point of contact between human
and divine worlds. The opening of the temple door was in
itself often a ritualized act.295 (Fig. 12 & 13)
Moreover, this is the stage of the rite where the community is present as a
whole and not separated yet. It possibly emphasizes the idea of the
narthex section representing the earthly existence where the whole
community is together.296 Yet, the community’s presence in the narthex is
temporary, just like their mortal lives on Earth.297 The community present
in the narthex is worthy of being in the church space as Christians, yet
only the most faithful within the community are worthy of the second
passage from the narthex to the nave. For these reasons, it is possible to
294 Patricios, The Sacred Architecture of Byzantium, 53.
295 Christine G. Williamson, “Filters of Light: Greek Temple Doors as Portals to Epiphany,”
in Sacred Thresholds: The Door to the Sanctuary in Late Antiquity, ed. Emilie M. van
Opstall, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 320.
296 Both Dionysius and Maximus indicates that separations happen after this stage. For
further information see Boudignon, “From Taboo to Icon,”
297 Ibid., 93-100.
106
consider the narthex as similar to the vestibule in temples for their function
as transitionary spaces and their symbolic meanings.
Furthermore, it is possible to point out the second passage in the rite as
the final step before reaching the climax to awaken the “inner Christ” in the
community members. According to Dionysius and Maximus' descriptions,
a separation within the community accompanies this passage.298 After the
first part of the liturgy in the narthex, the catechumens among the
community leave the church, and this division itself transfers the social
status of the ones who are worthy to attend the rest of the liturgy to a
higher value.299 Although this probably has a lifting effect on the
community's staying members psychologically because of the unity among
them, a stronger one argued to be occurred due to the actual physical
passage from the narthex to the nave. Then, the laity steps into a
completely different interior space and arrangement by moving forward
from the dark and low space of the narthex, representing the lowest level
of existence.300 The moment they step into the nave, they find themselves
under the dome of the nave. The heightened ceiling of the nave covered
with a dome welcomes the laity into a new spatial experience with a much
higher symbolic meaning.301 For the remaining faithful in the nave, who
298 Ibid., 93-100.
299 Ibid., 93-100.
300 Ibid., 93-100.
301 Nave is discussed to represent celestial heavens, which is in a higher level in terms of
hierarchy when compared to narthex, symbol of Earth. See Boudignon, “From Taboo to
Icon,” and Patricios, The Sacred Architecture of Byzantium.
107
symbolically left their sinful habits behind in the earthly space of the
narthex, “the nave becomes a symbol of virtue.”302 This passage
presumably represents the spiritual ascension from earth to the celestial
heavens to reunite with God after death. The faithful Christians perform
this passage from narthex, which symbolizes the Earth, to central nave,
which symbolizes the celestial heavens and the end of the material
universe to get purified from their sins. By doing so, they presumed that
their virtue would reach a higher level. They will be prepared for the actual
ascension after their death by performing it symbolically in the church
space. (Fig. 14)
In addition to the drastic spatial change in height and size, the surrounding
paintings, mosaics, and lighting display significant contrast as they pass
from the narthex to the nave.303 Compared to the ornamentations in the
narthex, the nave display increases in the number of mosaics of Jesus
Christ, the Virgin Mary, many of the saints and archangels.304 Besides, the
row of windows at the two sides of the nave, lined on the walls in doublestorey
height, in addition to the windows of the drum, illuminates the
central nave, in great contrast with the narthex.305 (Fig. 15) With the holy
sound of the psalm signed by the clergy, the Divine presence starts to be
felt by the laity in this holy atmosphere as they symbolically ascent to the
302 Boudignon, “From Taboo to Icon,” 98.
303 Patricios, The Sacred Architecture of Byzantium, 69-72.
304 Ibid., 69-72.
305 Ibid., 69-72.
108
heavens.306 Moreover, the association of the terrestrial sky and the
celestials as the final stages of the material universe is another
Neoplatonic understanding.307 According to the reflection of it in Byzantine
theology, beyond them is the spiritual universe, the Divine realm. It is then
possible to indicate that the laity gets prepared spiritually and
psychologically during the Rite to reunite with God through architectural
and environmental factors. Before the final step of the Rite, in which the
remaining faithful get lifted to a higher statue of virtue and feel closer to
God, the drastic change in the architectural and environmental
characteristics of the narthex and nave triggers their minds. This shift,
accompanied by the passage, conceivably affects their minds to create
new event models as they left the narthex, which symbolically represented
their sinful, earthly life, and now present in the nave, the symbolic church
space for the celestial heavens and higher virtue.308
Moreover, in terms of its symbolism and spatial characteristics compared
to the previous space, it is possible to consider the nave as parallel to the
central sanctuary space of the pagan temples.309 (Fig. 9 & 12) The
306 Ibid., 69-72.
307 Gregory, The Neoplatonists, 71-80.
308 See Arnold van Gennep, The Rites of Passage, & G.A. Radvansky, “Across the Event
Horizon,” for further information on how transition from one space to another affects the
human mind psychologically and in the case of Byzantine Rite create a higher value with
the each following space
309 Tissi, “Sanctuary Doors, Vestibules and Adyta in the Works of Neoplatonic
Philosophers,” 147-150.
109
Neoplatonic texts indicated that the philosophers stood in front of the cult
image in the sanctuary area before passing to adyton.310 In parallel,
Dionysius and Maximus also indicated that the community stands in front
of the iconostasis wall and the Holy Table behind it before reaching the
climax in the final stage.311 The central nave of the Middle Byzantine
cross-in-square churches acts as the standing place for the laity, which is
more passive than active after this point of the Rite in the medieval form of
the liturgy.312 After this stage, the clergy, particularly the archbishop, are
more active in finalizing the liturgy and purify the laity's souls by
performing a symbolic reunion.
Furthermore, even though they do not differ in the laity's role, the doctrines
of Dionysius and Maximus display different practices with different
interpretations for the archbishop's role. According to Maximus, the
archbishop leads the community in its transitions within the church,
reprising the role of Jesus Christ.313 After opening the Gates of the church
to the community, he performs a transition to nave as well.314 Since the
nave is discussed to be still in the boundaries of the material universe
symbolically, the passage of the archbishop symbolizes the first coming of
310 Ibid., 147-150.
311 Patricios, The Sacred Architecture of Byzantium, 78-79.
312 Mathews, The Early Churches of Constantinople: Architecture and Ligurty, 177.
313 Boudignon, “From Taboo to Icon,” 96-101.
314 Ibid., 99-101.
110
Christ to the Earth.315 On the other hand, Dionysius’ doctrines indicate that
the community comes to the nave on its own where their minds and souls
get prepared in this new holy atmosphere for the archbishop to come from
the apse section, symbolizing the coming of Christ from the Divine realm,
his eternal home.316 Despite the differences, the archbishop's role is
crucial for the final stage in both versions of the rite. This importance is
because the final stage of the rite is a different one from
the previous stages in terms of the fact that it does not contain a transition
performed by the laity. (Fig. 14)
One of the different factors between the pagan ritual examined by
Neoplatonist and the Byzantine rite was the belief in an afterlife in the
religion. This understanding is probably directly reflected in the rite's
practice, especially in the final stage. The apse section is discussed as the
symbol of the Divine realm, which remains unknown and inaccessible for
the laity before the death and ultimate reunion in the afterlife.317 Based on
this understanding, the laity's physical transition to the apse and bema in it
with the Holy Table was forbidden in the Rite.318 This closeness is the
most probable reason in the background of the fact that Mathews
describes this medieval version of the liturgy as “more closed” and “self-
315 Ibid., 99-101.
316 Ibid., 92-93.
317 Mathews, The Early Churches of Constantinople: Architecture and Ligurty, 177-179.
318 Ibid., 177-179.
111
contained.”319 Then, it is possible to indicate that the last passage is
mainly performed through the means of visual connection for the laity
rather than a movement of passing, unlike the previous ones. As Patricios
indicates that “the bema reserved for priest and ministers, represent
symbolically the invisible, spiritual universe while the naos, reserved for
the faithful people, represents the material world.”320 When this is
considered with the afterlife understanding, it only makes sense for the
laity to be separated from the apse physically. However, this separation
contributes to the meaning of the symbolic connection and the visual
connection provided by the iconostasis doors.321 The laity gets the chance
for a quick vista while the archbishop is passing through the doors of the
iconostasis.322 Nevertheless, his transition's directionality differs in
Dionysius and Maximus's texts.323
When the laity is ready to reach the climax of the liturgy, the doors of
the iconostasis get opened. According to Maximus, the archbishop
accompanying the laity as the symbol of Christ now leaves them behind to
pass through the iconostasis doors and reach the apse section.324 This
319 Ibid., 178.
320 Patricios, The Sacred Architecture of Byzantium, 386.
321 Ibid., 386.
322 Boudignon, “From Taboo to Icon,” 99-101.
323 Ibid., 92-101.
324 Ibid., 99-101.
112
second transition of the archbishop symbolizes Jesus Christ's ascension
after his crucifixion to reunite with his Father.325 Contrary to this direction
of the passage, in the adaptation of Dionysius, the archbishop comes from
the apse to the nave.326 According to this adaptation of the liturgy, the
archbishop remains his role as the symbol of Jesus Christ. Since Christ is
believed to be God's incarnation, it only makes sense for him to come from
the apse section symbolizing the Divine realm, not from the narthex, the
section of the church representing the sinful Earthly life. In both
adaptations, the archbishop is in relation to the apse, symbolizing the
Divine realm. The laity reaches the liturgy's climax and gets purified by
reaching a higher level of virtue through his movement. (Fig. 14)
This brief cover of the Byzantine Rite displays the possible impact of
Neoplatonic doctrines of mainly the descending universe model and the
transcending return of the humans to the Divine for the reunion. These
core ideas are discussed with their adaptations to Byzantine theology.
Moreover, the Byzantine rite was conceivably a creative design instrument
for forming the Byzantine church architecture, very similar to the idea that
the Neoplatonic ritual was formative in creating the sacred temple space.
So, the similarities and differences between the pagan and Byzantine
rituals practice are also observable in the similar and different
characteristics of the pagan and Christian sacred spaces. Besides, it is
possible to claim that the early Byzantine churches based on the basilica
325 The first transition of the archbishop was to nave with the laity. (Boudignon, “From
Taboo to Icon,”)
326 Ibid., 92.
113
scheme display more resemblances with the pagan temples in terms of
the architectural characters and how these characteristics took form under
the rituals performed in both sacred spaces. This study argues that Middle
Byzantine churches are more complete, complex, and layered to reflect
the Neoplatonic concepts and microcosmic understanding. One of the
possible reasons for this is that the Middle Byzantine churches continued
to hold the directionality of the early basilica churches, coming from the
liturgy, while transforming from longitudinal plan organization into a central
one as a result of the transformation of the liturgy. The additions of the
elements like the dome and the iconostasis possibly aimed to elevate the
symbolic meaning and richness by means of replicating the macrocosm in
the church space. Therefore, it is crucial to examine the cases selected
from the respected period of the Middle Byzantine churches in terms of the
Neoplatonic concepts of hierarchy, duality, and unity to support this
argument.
3.3.2. Traces of Hierarchy in the Plan Organizations and Volumetric
Configurations of the Middle Byzantine Churches
The first one of the concepts is the hierarchy generated from the
descending model of the universe. It is probably the most widely reflected
concept in the Middle Byzantine churches and the theology and
community. As discussed, getting less good and less perfect by getting
further away from The One in the Neoplatonic mindset has probably
transformed into the idea that the people being sinners at birth since their
souls are separated from God, in Christian theology.327 Besides the idea
that this is traceable in the Byzantine Rite consists of movement in
327 This is the reason of the ritual of baptism. For further information Hadjitryphonos,
“"Divinity" and "World" Two Spatial Realms in the Byzantine Church,”
114
between hierarchical spaces of the church as symbolic ascension toward
God, the community has divided into hierarchical groups as it is
observable in the practice of the Rite. The catechumens, laity, and clergy
are discussed to play different roles in the liturgy. Their relation to the
space is also different from each other according to their status in the
hierarchy within the community. Each group generates different
relationships to the church space since the interior sections they allowed
to be present and the movement they perform are different then each
other. As an example to this situation, it is stated in The Book of
Ceremonies that different hierarchical groups of people are situated in
different spatial components of the church interior and in different
positions.328 While the emperor sits in front of the cross and the image of
Christ, consolidating his status as the representer of the God, the different
groups of clergy moves to gallery spaces leaving the central space to the
newly welcomed laymen.329 Thus, how the church space is perceived by
one is based on the hierarchical class of the society that the person
belongs to. In hierarchical order, the configuration of interior spaces,
narthex, nave, and apse, conceivably not only reflects their cosmological
connotations but also social classes as well.
Moreover, Williamson indicates that “thresholds in sanctuaries were
furthermore signifying elements in a hierarchy of space.”330 Then the
328 Constantine Porphyrogennetos: The Book of Ceremonies, p. 66-67.
329 Constantine Porphyrogennetos: The Book of Ceremonies, p. 66-67.
330 Williamson, “Filters of Light: Greek Temple Doors as Portals to Epiphany,” 319.
115
threshold between each space is more than a physical connection,
suggesting leaving one space with the connotations it has behind and
moving on to a new, higher level of purity with the rite.331 In addition to the
symbolic meaning of the series of interior spaces, it is possible to trace
hierarchy physically in the various aspects of the church space, starting
with the underlying organization of the church plans.
With the move towards a more central understanding of the church plan,
the organizing principle of the plan scheme has also shifted away from the
grid organization of the basilica.332 As a result of Neoplatonic revival due
to the search for alternatives after the iconoclasm era, experimenting with
and getting experience on the use of geometry apparently increased.333
Buchwald suggests a link between these experiments and the shift from
the grid system, which was used as a design tool to organize the plans of
early Byzantine Churches, to quadrature for creating the plans of most
Middle Byzantine Churches with a more centralized understanding.334 The
use of quadrature, besides the exceptions, was dominant among the plan
configurations and the volumetric configurations of Middle Byzantine
Churches.335
331 Ibid., 319. For more detail of this theory regarding the passages during the Rite also
see van Gennep, The Rites of Passage,
332 Buchwald, Form, Style and Meaning in Byzantine Church Architecture, 298.
333 Ibid., 296-302.
334 Ibid., 296-302.
116
It is possible to define Quadrature as a geometrical organization consisting
of squares arranged in a hierarchical order. Although without a direct
reference or link, this geometrical organization probably has ancient Greek
roots, possibly Euclidian, and transferred to Byzantine Empire via
Neoplatonism for two particular reasons. One reason is the use of the
square, a single two-dimensional face of the cube, as the main geometric
shape. As discussed, the cube has been accepted as both the symbol and
the particle of the Earth in Neoplatonic lore, based on the theory of
Platonic Solids.336 Since the square is used in the quadrature system to
create the base for the church spaces to symbolize different parts of the
material universe, such as the Earth and the celestials, the two are
possibly linked. Moreover, there is an underlying circle pattern in the
quadrature, which is the perfect geometrical shape and representation of
the Divine perfection in Platonic and Neoplatonic understandings.337 For
this reason, the generation of squares in the quadrature organization from
circles arguably implies a hierarchical descending from a perfect
geometrical shape to another, less perfect one. (Fig. 16 & 17)
Another reason for the possible Neoplatonic connection is how the
squares are arranged in the quadrature system. As displayed in the
diagrams, there is a hierarchical order and ratio between the parallel
squares.338 It is likely to consider the squares as developing outwards from
335 Ibid., 296-302.
336 Opsomer, “In defence of geometric atomism,” 148.
337 Issam El-Said and Ayşe Parman, Geometric Concepts in Islamic Art, (London: World
of Islam Festival Publishing Company Ltd., 1976), 9.
117
a central one regulating the order and organizing the rest.339 When the
macrocosm model in Neoplatonism is considered, it is possible to discuss
this geometrical organization as an abstract manifestation of the creation
of the universe through emanation from The One. It is possible to indicate
that the quadrature system was juxtapositioned into the plans of case
studies selected from 11th and 12th century Middle Byzantine churches.
(Fig. 18)
As demonstrated in the diagrams as well, squares in different scales
define the points for different architectural elements of the church, namely
the four columns underneath the dome, inner faces of the three sides of
the nave, outer edges of the nine central bays of the nave, and the
locations of the inner faces of the apse and the west wall of the narthex, in
the order from the center of the church to the periphery.340 Based on this,
the hierarchy in the Neoplatonic universe was possibly geometrically
manifested in the plan organization of the Middle Byzantine cross-insquare
churches, which were considered to be microcosmic models via
the use of quadrature. Also, further geometrical analyses demonstrate that
some of the Middle Byzantine Churches were designed according to
quadrature in the third dimension as well.341 (Fig. 19)
338 Buchwald, Form, Style and Meaning in Byzantine Church Architecture, 298.
339 Ibid., 298.
340 Ibid., 297-298.
341 Ibid., 299.
118
Moreover, in terms of the volumetric configuration, the stereometric
architecture of the Middle Byzantine Churches was another significant
feature, possibly influenced by the Neoplatonic concept of hierarchy.
According to Buchwald's further studies, Middle Byzantine Churches were
designed by being honest to the pure volumetric forms of geometry.342 He
indicates that “each geometric component is viewed and considered by
itself and its relationship to other components without interference from
secondary features such as coffers, ribs, fascias.”343 Based on his
statement, it is possible to consider the Middle Byzantine Church space as
the composition of volumetric geometries connected from nothing but their
faces, without intermediary elements that obscure the geometry's
pureness. The best demonstration of this is probably the central space of
the church consisting of the dome, the drum, and the nave underneath, in
the vertical order.344 Buchwald believes that the composition of these three
elements originated from three volumetric geometries, the sphere, the
cylinder, and the cube, placed on top of each other in a hierarchical order
based on Neoplatonic cosmology.345 As mentioned, the sphere has been
considered the perfect geometrical shape in Platonic and Neoplatonic
schools of philosophy.346 Furthermore, based on the relationship between
342 Ibid., 303.
343 Ibid., 306.
344 Ibid., 317-318.
345 Ibid., 318.
119
form and matter, it was discussed that as the matter's resemblance to the
form increases, so does its perfection.347 Based on this Neoplatonic
theory, Buchwald suggests that under the perfect hemisphere of the
dome, the drum was placed as a less perfect geometrical form but still
more perfect than the cube since it resembled the curvilinear nature of the
sphere more.348 (Fig. 20) When considered in this framework, it only
makes sense for the use of curvilinear geometrical forms in the critical
components of the church space, such as pendentives and the cylindrical
apse section. It is possible to support this argument with the placement of
the decorative frescos on these particular architectural elements, which is
included in 3.4. Reflections of the Neoplatonic Concepts in the Decorative
Program of the Middle Byzantine Churches.
Thus, the plan organization and volumetric configuration of the 11th and
12th century Middle Byzantine churches are possible reflections of the
Neoplatonic concept of hierarchy, which was dominant not only in
Byzantine theology but also in the Byzantine community. As Otto Demus
indicates, “the architectonic conception of a building developing
downwards from the central cupola, like the Middle Byzantine Church, is in
complete accord with the hierarchical way of thought manifested in every
sphere of Byzantine life, as it is to be met within the hierarchic conception
346 “…wherefore He wrought it into a round, in the shape of a sphere, equidistant in all
directions from the center to the extremities, which of all shapes is the most perfect and
the most self-similar…” (Plato, Timaeus, 33b)
347 Sedgwick, Western Sufism, no page number.
348 Buchwald, Form, Style and Meaning in Byzantine Church Architecture, 318.
120
of the series of images descending from the supreme archetype” which is
God itself.349
Furthermore, hierarchy is also traceable in more minor elements within the
church space. One of them is probably the bema. Bema is the platform
that contains the Holy Table and extends from the apse section of a
church towards the central nave in the earlier basilica churches.350
Nevertheless, with the addition of the iconostasis wall and the increase in
the symbolic closeness of the liturgy, it is possible to consider it as a part
of the apse section since it is located behind the iconostasis wall and
separated from the nave in the Middle Byzantine examples.351 It is
possible to observe the bema as a heightened platform since the early
basilica examples.352 This level difference is probably an architectural
repercussion of hierarchy within the Byzantine society based on laity and
clergy classes since only the clergy members are allowed to pass and
stand on the bema.353 (Fig. 21) Even though the bema conceivably implies
a symbolic duality, derived from and following hierarchy, which has been
architecturally reflected on the floor level, the addition of the iconostasis in
349 Otto Demus, Byzantine Mosaic Decoration: Aspects of Monumental Art in Byzantium,
(London: Aristide d Caratzas Publications, 1976), 10-12.
350 Patricios, The Sacred Architecture of Byzantium, 72.
351 Ibid., 81-82.
352 Ibid., 72.
353 Ibid., 399.
121
the Middle Byzantine churches, apparently added a new layer to the
symbolic duality of the church space.
3.3.3. Traces of Duality in the Plan Organizations and Volumetric
Configurations of the Middle Byzantine Churches
The meaning of duality, in the fields of theology and philosophy, is
discussed as transforming from the duality of form and matter in Plato’s
system to intelligible and material universes in Neoplatonism, and as a
possible reinterpretation of Neoplatonic idea, to Earth and Divine realm,
the domain of God, in Byzantine theology. Although it is possible to reach
the outcome that the traces of hierarchy is dominantly observable in the
Middle Byzantine churches compared to the traces of the other two
concepts, the concept of duality was probably the initial symbolic motive of
the emergence of church space due to the sharp separation between
profane and sacred. In this framework, it is possible to consider each
threshold within the church space, interior, and exterior, as a duality point
separating profane from sacred or sometimes less sacred from more
sacred. The passages performed in the Byzantine Rite are transitions
through these thresholds. Nevertheless, three architectural elements,
generally lined on an axis, arguably stand out as strong thresholds with
their symbolic meaning and architectural characters. These are the atrium
walls, together with the outer gates, the church's main doors, and the
doors of the iconostasis wall. (Fig. 22)
The first of these elements is possibly the atrium walls of the church, which
are the first threshold that separates the profane, sinful earth from the
sacred church space, the house of Christ.354 The atrium is an open
354 Patricios, The Sacred Architecture of Byzantium,66-67.
122
courtyard, generally located in front of the church.355 It is possible to define
it as a zone for the community's preparation for the initial stage of the Rite,
starting with the opening of the church doors.356 This preparation consists
of the psychological effect of the two-storey high atrium spaces
surrounding the four sides, implying the departure from the rest of the
world.357 The colonnades of the atrium work as a visual barrier since they
break the community’s interaction with the unholy outside.358 Symbolically,
it is also possible to describe the atrium walls as if they are the borders of
the universe, which are replicated with the microcosmic church space.
Besides, considering the atrium's function as a purifying space, the
connotation of its walls as a separating line between the profane and
sacred is strengthened.359 In his work From Synagogue to Church, John
Wilkinson expresses the thoughts of Bishop of Tyre on the atrium as “he
did not wish those who entered the gates to go directly into the building
with unholy or unclean feet.”360 This statement also explains why fountains
and water channels are found in most church atriums. The cleaned and
psychologically ready community waits for the opening of the church
355 Ibid., 66-67.
356 Ibid., 66-67.
357 Ibid., 66-67.
358 Ibid., 66-67.
359 Ibid., 66-67.
360 Quoted in Patricios, The Sacred Architecture of Byzantium,. 390.
123
doors, the starter of the Rite, which is discussed to have Neoplatonic
roots, in the atriums at the churches.361 However, possibly due to the
increase in the density of the urban fabric in Constantinople during the 11th
and 12th centuries, the atriums of the most selected case studies are more
likely to be described as small gardens or courtyards rather than big openair
gathering spaces.
Another possible reason for this the scale and purposes of the churches
concerning liturgy. Based on the studies of Baldovin and Marinis, it is
possible to indicate that various liturgies were differentiating in their
scale.362 The first complete liturgical calendars of Constantinople from the
ninth and tenth centuries demonstrate that Hagia Sophia was the starting
point of the ritual that spreads on a particular path passing from public
spaces, mainly the forum.363 Then, the community moves towards the
selected church of the day.364 Therefore, it is possible to understand that
there were city-scale rituals that were possibly performed by a larger
community. When the fact that the cases of this study are either small in
scale or a part of a monastery complex, it is not surprising not to find
grand atrium spaces in most of them, especially in the ones that are not
361 For further information of the entrances and passages during the Byzantine Rite, see
Boudignon, “From Taboo to Icon.”
362 John F. Baldovin, “The City as Church, The Church as City,” in City, Church and
Renewal, (Washington DC: Pastoral Press, 1991), 7-9. Marinis, Architecture and Ritual
in the Churches of Constantinople Ninth to Fifteenth Centuries, 9-11.
363 Baldovin, “The City as Church, The Church as City,” 7-8.
364 Ibid., 7-8.
124
part of the monastery complexes, compared to the larger churches in
Constantinople. Furthermore, Turkey's government's new city planning
policy, starting from the 1950s onwards, conceivably affected the historical
fabric of the city profoundly.365 As a result, it is possible that the
surrounding of these churches has changed with the massive increase in
housing due to population growth. Nevertheless, even with the current
situations of the relationship of the atriums and the rest of the urban fabric,
it is possible to claim that the atrium walls are like fortresses that block the
view with almost no opening other than the gates and create a strong
duality of the inside and outside by means of separation from the sinful
daily life based on senses and earthly motives. This characteristic of the
atrium walls is observable, probably more close to their original forms from
the illustration by Alexandros Paspatis collected in his book, Byzantine
Studies, Topographical and Historical.366 His study, dating 1877, consists
of watercolor or black and white drawings of Byzantine monuments in
Constantinople, including the cases analyzed for this thesis.367 (Fig. 23-30)
Based on his drawings of these churches, together with the observations
on the current situation of the atrium and exterior walls, the fortress-like
characteristic of the atrium walls, with few openings and height that
365 Sibel Bozdoğan and Esra Akcan, “Populist Democracy and Post-War Modernism,” in
Turkey: Modern Architectures in History, (London: Reaksion Books, 2012), 108.
366 See Marinis, Architecture and Ritual in the Churches of Constantinople Ninth to
Fifteenth Centuries, and Mathews, The Early Churches of Constantinople: Architecture
and Ligurty,
367 Cited in Marinis, Architecture and Ritual in the Churches of Constantinople Ninth to
Fifteenth Centuries, and Mathews, The Early Churches of Constantinople: Architecture
and Ligurty,
125
blocking the view, is observable as well. Also, probably due to the lack of
urban space, some cases do not contain an atrium space with an open
courtyard's quality. However, in this kind of churches, the symbolic duality
of the profane and sacred is conceivably maintained by the solid walls of
the church buildings.
The second elements are presumably the main doors of the church. Their
significance for the liturgy as marking the Rite's starting point with their
opening is crucial in terms of a threshold. Although it is not the first one, it
is possible to consider it as the threshold that marks the complete
departure from the profane in the church's symbolic meaning. In his theory
titled “The Doorway Effect,” Radvansky refers to the phenomenon of
transition from a space to another triggering the human mind to forget
what it was in the previous space in the short-term memory
immediately.368 This analysis identifies the doorways as “event
boundaries” in his cognition and memory model named “event horizon
model.”369 According to this, memory is described as “the parsing of past
actions into separate events that are spatially contextualized.”370 Based on
this, it is possible to state that the human mind creates close links between
the events and their physical settings and updates its event model every
368 For further information of this theory see G.A. Radvansky, “Across the Event Horizon,”
Current Directions in Psychological Science, 21 (2012), 269–272. and G.A. Radvansky,
S.A. Krawietz and A.K. Tamplin, “Walking through Doorways Causes Forgetting. Further
Explorations,” The Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology, 64 (2011), 1632–1645.
369 G.A. Radvansky, “Across the Event Horizon,” 269–272.
370 Williamson, “Filters of Light: Greek Temple Doors as Portals to Epiphany,” 319-320.
126
time one passes from one space to another.371 Therefore it is possible to
argue that spatial characteristics, together with side factors like smell, light,
sound, have a stimulating effect on the event's perception.372 With the help
of this theory, it is possible to suggest that the transition from exterior open
space to the closed interior through the door of the church creates an
entirely new event model in the minds of the community members and
trigger them to forget about the profane, and left the sinful life behind
them. Even though this threshold is the separation between profane and
sacred, the community is still present in the material universe symbolically,
whether in narthex or nave, representing the earth and celestial heavens.
Thus, the final threshold marks the separation of the material universe and
the Divine Realm.
The third and last element is the iconostasis, a symbolic wall with sacred
Christian icons, emphasizing the boundary between the apse section, the
symbol of the Divine Realm, and the rest of the church interior, the symbol
of the material existence.373
The effect of the solid iconostasis that completely fills the
archway of the apse is to cut congregants off both hearing
the most important prayers and seeing the vital actions of
the liturgy. The idea behind this was the belief that the
mystery of the consecration was too holy for the laity and
371 Ibid., 320.
372 Ibid., 320-321.
373 Patricios, The Sacred Architecture of Byzantium, 81.
127
only the clergy by virtue of their ordination could hear, see
and touch mysteries.374
When considering the afterlife understanding, it only makes sense for the
laity to be separated from the apse physically. In addition to its contribution
to the symbolism of the duality between the two realms in the church
space, it probably has Neoplatonic roots by simply representing the gates
of heaven or the heavenly gates. Plato and Neoplatonists discussed the
idea of heavenly gates after him as astrological gates placed in the sky,
the heavens, where the celestial road or the constellations crossed each
other.375 Since the iconostasis is placed at the end of the nave, where the
heavens are replicated, the symbolism of the iconostasis as the heavenly
gates gets strengthened as well as its connection to the Neoplatonic
ideas. Furthermore, the historical evolution of the iconostasis wall also
apparently displays parallelism with the peaks of the Neoplatonic impact
on Byzantine culture and theology. It is possible to point out the wooden
railing surrounding the bema in the early Byzantine churches as the
precursor of the iconostasis of Middle Byzantine churches.376 (Fig. 31) The
primitive examples of the iconostasis, as higher railings resembling a row
of columns, have started to be observed around the 6th century, the period
in which the impact of possible Neoplatonist Christians, namely Dionysius
374 Ibid., 81.
375 George Beke Latura, “Plato's Cosmic X: Heavenly Gates in the Celestial Crossroads,
Ancient and Modern Prophets,” in Proceedings of the 20th Conference of the European
Society for Astronomy in Culture, ed. Ivan Sprajc and Peter Pehani, (Ljubjana: Slovene
Anthropological Society Press, 2003), 258.
376 Patricios, The Sacred Architecture of Byzantium, 44.
128
and Maximus, was difficult to overlook.377 After the pause during and after
the iconoclasm period, the iconostasis has taken its final and common
form with three doors and specific decorations, discussed in 3.4.
Reflections of the Neoplatonic Concepts in the Decorative Program of the
Middle Byzantine Churches.378 It is possible to indicate that this was
probably the time around the 11th and 12th centuries in which the
Neoplatonic impact has arisen.379
Moreover, the examination of the iconostasis door in comparison to the
main door of the church possibly displays a symbolic meaning that might
not be evident at first sight. It is possible to observe a significant difference
in the sizes of the two doors, lined on an axis starting from the outside and
extending towards the apse section at the other end of the church. It is
possible to consider this scale difference as a natural outcome of the
functions of the doors, with one serving the whole community while the
other serving only a few people and mostly just the archbishop or priest.
Yet, when considered two thresholds that separate more sacred from less,
the duality between them in terms of scale possibly reflects the
hierarchical order of the ascension. The large church doors serve as the
gate that welcomes the whole Christian community into the narthex that
symbolizes the Earth, so its permeability is more since it is connected to a
lesser level of sacredness and virtue. On the other hand, the iconostasis
377 Ibid., 44-45.
378 Misijuk, “The Multilayer Composition of an Iconostasis,” 222-224.
379 Michele Trizio, “The waves of passions and the stillness of the sea,” 75.
129
door is only large enough for a single person to pass to the apse section
that symbolizes the highest level of sacredness, the domain of God. Thus,
its permeability is much lesser than the church doors because only a very
small portion of the faithful is able to pass through it due to their high
virtue, in parallel to the belief that only the ones with complete faith and
highest virtue will rest in the domain of God with Christ after death.
Therefore, the horizontal axis followed during the Rite probably symbolizes
the return of the human soul to God, while the doors on this axis, arranged
hierarchically to symbolize the thresholds of duality. (Fig. 13)
In addition to these traces in the plan organization of the Middle Byzantine
churches, it is possible to find possible traces of the concept of duality in
the volumetric configuration of them, as well. It is possible to indicate that
with the Middle Byzantine churches, the duality based on the contrast
between the periphery spaces and the central nave gets more drastic. The
central nave space with a dome on top of it gets higher as the periphery
spaces remain lower and more interconnected.380 Evangelia
Hadjitryphonos claims that the central, heightened part of the church
represented the divine presence within the church thanks to the
heightened ceiling, compared to the height of periphery spaces like
narthex and side aisles, and the addition of the Dome emphasizing the
central cross-in-square plan.381 (Fig. 10) Besides, she also empathizes
that the daily and ritualistic functions of the central domed nave and the
380 Hadjitryphonos, “"Divinity" and "World" Two Spatial Realms in the Byzantine Church,”
241.
381 Ibid., 241-242.
130
periphery spaces are in accordance with their symbolic meanings.382 For
example, while the nave is the main space for the Byzantine Rite, by
symbolizing the celestial heavens, the periphery spaces are used for
individualistic rituals with lower virtues since they are more earthly than the
Rite, such as baptism and funerals.383 To this respect, it is possible to
claim that the symbolic meaning of the Byzantine church as a microcosmic
model of the macrocosm has gotten stronger and become more
emphasized with the central cross-in-square plan scheme of the Middle
Byzantine churches with various traces of duality primarily based on
thresholds and volumetric contrasts, in addition to hierarchy.
3.3.4. Traces of Unity in the Plan Organizations and Volumetric
Configurations of the Middle Byzantine Churches
Compared to the previous two concepts, unity is arguably a less traceable
one in the Middle Byzantine churches in plan organizations or volumetric
configurations. Although unity among the Christian community under the
rule of Christ is a fundamental understanding, it is not openly reflected in
the society based on classes of hierarchy, even affected liturgy.384
However, when the meaning of unity is considered in the Neoplatonic
understanding, as togetherness of everything in perfect order despite the
conflicts of dualities, it becomes possible to observe and reinterpret unity
within the same traces which are suggested to reflect hierarchy and
382 Ibid., 241-245.
383 Ibid., 241-245.
384 See 3.3.1. Byzantine Rite as a Liturgy under Neoplatonic Influence for the discussions
regarding the Byzantine Rite.
131
duality. As demonstrated by examining these traces, they do not display
clear separation from each other, but they are categorized under different
concepts due to minor differences in interpretations based on the
Neoplatonic doctrines and architectural analyses.
To trace the concept of unity in the plan organization of the Middle
Byzantine churches, it is crucial to analyze the meaning of quadrature
again. It is discussed to reflect the hierarchy of the emanation, yet it is
possible to discuss that it also reflects the unity of the emanation. Since
the squares in the organization are emerged from a single point, in parallel
to the metaphysical emanation from The One, it is possible to suggest an
understanding of unity. In addition, the way that the squares are arranged
conceivably indicates a harmonious unity, too, provided by employing
geometry. (Fig. 18) As Buchwald indicates, various ratios are used for
different geometric organizations, and the most commonly used ratio for
quadrature is the square root (√ 2).385 Besides, striking parallelism in
terms of ratio is traceable between the Platonic Solids and quadrature. As
explained in the first chapter, Platonic Solids consist of elementary
triangles combined in different ratios. Ronald Kotrč’s examination of the
polyhedra displays that for the solids of water, fire, and air, the ratios
between the triangles are 1, 2, √3, which enables them to transform into
each other.386 On the other hand, the earth's solid is composed of the ratio
of 1, 1, √2.387 The sensibility to calculate and apply this geometric
385 Buchwald, Form, Style and Meaning in Byzantine Church Architecture, 300.
386 Kotrč, "The Dodecahedron in Plato’s "Timaeus"," 217.
387 Ibid., 217.
132
organization as the underlying scheme for the church plans is possibly a
reference to the acceptance of geometry as a sacred organizer, even
though it has probably been unintentional.
Furthermore, as an outcome of the fact that the squares have determined
the places of architectural and structural elements in the quadrature
organization, it is possible to observe symmetry, particularly in the central
nave space. When the plans of the case studies are examined, it is
possible to observe symmetry with the structural elements defining the
central space. (Fig. 32) In addition to the two-dimensional organization,
symmetry is observable in the third dimension as well. Symmetry is
evident mainly because of four columns with pendentives on top of them
to create a baldachin with the stereometric volumes of the cylindrical drum
and the half-sphere dome. While the symmetry itself arguably implies unity
due to its organization and harmony, it is also possible to claim that
symmetry has significance in the Neoplatonic perspective towards
geometry. Plotinus presumably strongly refutes symmetry as a source or
provider of beauty since this idea conflicted with The One as the ultimate
beauty and the source of all beauty in the universe.388 He suggested that
“beauty is that which irradiates symmetry rather than symmetry itself.”389
This understanding of Plotinus possibly has its roots back in Plato's ideas.
Plato discusses the issue in Philebus as;
388 John P. Anton, "Plotinus' Refutation of Beauty as Symmetry," The Journal of
Aesthetics and Art Criticism, 23, no. 2 (1964): 234, doi:10.2307/427785, (Accessed
March 1, 2021).
389 Ibid, p.234.
133
…”symmetry” along with truth and beauty, are forms in
which we “catch” the Good (The One), where “catch” is
obviously a metaphor for cognitive achievement… just
focusing on symmetry, the understanding or knowledge of
it is nothing but cognition of one manifestation of Good.390
As a result of this understanding, it is possible to point out symmetry as a
way to acknowledge the ultimate beauty of The One. It could only be an
outcome of this beauty, not its source, similar to the universe generated
utilizing geometry in general.
In addition, Bertol indicates that one reason that makes polyhedra this
special is the three-dimensional symmetry of them due to their identical
surfaces.391 He argues that the polyhedra mainly inspired symmetry and
these regular three-dimensional forms in art and architecture.392 The
purpose here is not to suggest that symmetry was applied in Middle
Byzantine churches as a direct reference to the characteristic of the
Platonic Solids. Instead, the acceptance of symmetry as a manifestation of
The One's beauty was probably known in Byzantine Empire with its
adaptation to Christianity. Based on these, it would not be groundless to
think that the use of symmetry in the sacred space of Byzantines was
possibly tradition generated under the Neoplatonic impact.
Moreover, the thresholds mentioned as the points of separation and
reflections of duality presumably have unifying symbolism as well. When
390 Gerson “Plotinus on logos,” 21-22.
391 Bertol, “The Parametric Making of Geometry,” 3.
392 Ibid., 3.
134
considered with the Rite, they bond two different spaces with different
symbolic meanings. As discussed, these spaces' different architectural
characters also accompany their symbolic meaning. These unifying
functions of the gates as thresholds basically imply a connection and,
thus, an idea of unity. This relationship is conceivably very similar to the
relationship between the intelligible universe and the material universe in
Neoplatonism. The relationship between form and matter is a dilemma
since the archetype-image relationship is based on separation due to the
hierarchical decreases. Yet, it also depends on unity due to the inferior
depending on the superior's existence. It would not be groundless to claim
this relationship exists for the series of church spaces separated by the
thresholds. (Fig. 22) In the order of atrium, narthex, nave, and apse, each
of them depends on the following one, which is on a higher level of
hierarchy in terms of sacredness, to be meaningful, and the thresholds
mentioned between them are the ones that provide their connections to
create a harmoniously united whole, a microcosm. In order to explain the
dilemma of the thresholds, Mircea Eliade indicates that;
…Between the sacred and the profane there is a threshold
that represents a boundary, a frontier that distinguishes
and opposes these two worlds but, at the same time
paradoxically is the place where the two worlds
communicate.393
Also, the precise geometrical work of the proportions of the church's
volumes possibly reflects unity. Even though they are discussed as a
reflection of duality due to the contrast of the volumes per their symbolic
meanings, the church space consists of the unity and togetherness of the
393 Quoted in Patricios, The Sacred Architecture of Byzantium, 399.
135
volumes and their symbolism. It contains both realms symbolically and the
architectural relations of these spaces to each other, a combination of
pure geometric volumes. Studies of Buchwald and Hadjitryphonos on
these pure geometric volumes and their relations and proportions
conceivably suggest that there has been a geometrical sensibility in the
background of the designs of Middle Byzantine churches and precise
craftsmanship to reflect this sensibility.394 Even though it would be a bold
claim to suggest that these were all done with the awareness of the
Neoplatonic roots, it is still possible to suggest that the importance is given
to geometry as the organizer and regulator of the unity in the universe
presumably reflected unintentionally in the design of the volumetric
configuration of the Middle Byzantine churches.
Furthermore, the most dominant one of these spaces consisting of
geometric volumes is probably the central nave. While this is primarily
because of the height of the space, the central understanding was also
emphasized and strengthened with the dome in this sense. The cube,
cylinder, and half dome volumes on top of each other apparently create a
vertical axis in the nave. (Fig. 33) In addition to this vertical one, a
horizontal axis within the church space is discussed in the direction of the
Rite and the longitudinal organization of the series of thresholds. The nave
is conceivably the intersection point of these two axes. (Fig. 34) Two
crossing axes in the three-dimensional space are possibly the symbols for
earthly existence and spiritual one by symbolizing the directions of the
394 See Buchwald, Form, Style and Meaning in Byzantine Church Architecture, and
Evangelia Hadjitryphonos, “"Divinity" and "World" Two Spatial Realms in the Byzantine
Church,”.
136
earthly journey performed in the church and the spiritual one, which is
after death. Therefore, it becomes possible to suggest that the church
space contains both journeys and the symbolic representations of their
realms united under one roof. As a further interpretation, since these two
axes span across the church space and cover it in both horizontal and
vertical dimensions, the church itself conceivably becomes a threshold
itself, a connection point on Earth for Christians and their God. Thus, it is
possible to consider the church space as a unifying focal point of the two
domains as a sacred space.
These analyses and examinations of the plan organizations and the
volumetric configurations of the case studies within the three Neoplatonic
concepts are possible thanks to the fact that the buildings, or ruins enough
to create hypothetical plans, survive this date and their documentations in
terms of drawings and photographs exist. However, this is not the same
for the decorations of most cases because they were transformed into
mosques after the Ottomans' conquest.
3.4. Reflections of the Neoplatonic Concepts in the Decorative
Program of the Middle Byzantine Churches
It is possible to gather knowledge about the decorative program of the
Middle Byzantine churches in Constantinople primarily based on the
surviving examples from neighboring lands, original texts that describe the
churches and a few examples surviving from Constantinople. These
surviving pieces are mostly column capitals or partial cornices, preserved
while the churches are transformed into mosques. Besides, mainly from
the archival documentation of restoration and maintenance projects, it is
possible to find photographs of original frescos and mosaics which
partially survived.
137
Based on these surviving examples and examples from neighboring lands,
examining the decoration in this part is made in two general categories:
the architectural decorations that possibly contribute to the characteristics
discussed previously and the furniture decoration. The decorative
analyses are also made by mostly taking the same case studies into
account, not to decrease the arguments' coherence. However, due to the
reasons mentioned above, examples from other cases are also used to
provide an overview of the general characteristics of the era in particular
aspects. Whether architectural or furniture decorations, it is possible to
describe the decorative program of the Middle Byzantine churches as a
rich combination of geometric, vegetal, and iconic ornamentations. These
mainly include the architectural decorations employing mosaics as well as
the brick and stone decorations both from the interior and the exterior of
the building, together with the marble furnishing and the iconostasis wall.
A critical application of architectural decoration in Middle Byzantine
churches is mosaics. Mosaics were mainly used as coverings of the
interior surfaces such as floor, walls, or ceiling.395 In the cases where they
were applied to the floor, the geometric motifs and patterns were generally
employed, while the mosaic work on the upper surfaces generally depicted
the icons of the holy people from the Christian past, including but not
limited to Christ, Virgin Mary, Apostles, and later saints.396 The use of
395 Patricios, The Sacred Architecture of Byzantium, 255-265. Also see Buchwald, Form,
Style and Meaning in Byzantine Church Architecture, 305-307.
396 Ibid., 255-265.
138
mosaics to depict icons is conceivably a stage in abstraction in Byzantine
art and architecture. James Ward states that:
…Sculpture was subordinate to painting as plastic art was
not encouraged, because of the dislike to images shown
by early Christians, and so painting which led to the
mosaic picture, which in its turn led to enamelling on
metals…397
Based on this statement, it is possible to claim that the abandonment of
the sculpture and painting and the increase in the standardized application
of icons with mosaic pictures was a process of abstraction in the art based
on geometry. It apparently occurred in the iconoclasm period, a period
during which the Byzantine philosophy was in search and conceivably
verged more into the Neoplatonic doctrines.
For the mosaics with icons placed on the upper levels and architectural
elements, it is possible to suggest a hierarchical order in the organization
of the frescos on the dome, semi-dome, and the pendentives, as well as a
separation between central and periphery spaces.398 Buchwald argues
that the placement of the frescos in the icons' hierarchical order was
following the completeness of the geometrical volumes that these figures
are depicted on.399 In this tendency, Christ was generally depicted on the
dome, the Virgin Mary on the semi-dome of the apse, and the archangels
on the curvilinear pendentives. The possible link between this hierarchy
397 James Ward, Historic Ornament, Treatise on Decorative Art and Architectural
Ornament, (London: Chapman and Hall Limited, 1897), 298-299.
398 Buchwald, Form, Style and Meaning in Byzantine Church Architecture, 310.
399 Ibid., 310.
139
and geometry with the Neoplatonic doctrines of form and matter generated
from the Theory of Emanation is strong. The central dome of The Church
of Theodore (Vefa Kilise Cami) and the archangel icon from The Church of
Theotokos Kyriotissa (Kalenderhane Cami) in addition to the dome mosaic
of the parecclesion of Pammakaristos Church (Fethiye Cami) are
presumably examples of this decorative tendency. (Fig. 35-37)
Moreover, the mosaic works with secondary importance in Pammakaristos
Church (Fethiye Cami), the church with the most surviving mosaics from
its era, are located in the periphery spaces such as side aisles or narthex
following the tendency mentioned above.400 (Fig. 38-40) In addition, when
the surviving mosaic in the interior surface of the dome of the parecclesion
of Pammakaristos Church (Fethiye Cami) is examined, it is also possible
to observe that the icon in the center of the dome is Christ while the
mosaic in the periphery spaces of the parecclesion, as well as the main
church, mainly depicts saints. (Fig. 37) As a result of this categorization,
the spatial duality between the periphery and central nave was probably
supported by the decorative program.
Furthermore, it is possible to support this argument with another study by
Iakovos Potamianos, James Turner, and Wassami Jabi titled Exploring the
Proportions of Middle-Byzantine Churches: A Parametric Approach.401
Even though it is a highly technical study on the proportions of geometric
400 Patricios, The Sacred Architecture of Byzantium, 356-358.
401 Iakovos Potamianos, James Turner and Wassami Jabi, “Exploring the Proportions of
Middle-Byzantine Churches: A Parametric Approach.” in Sixth International Conference
on Computer-Aided Architectural Design Futures, (Singapore, 24-26 September 1995),
483-493.
140
volumes through digital re-creations, their diagram suggests that the
proportions were arranged to support the visual access during the Rite,
the icons' hierarchical order, and the symbolic meaning of the spaces.402
When this diagram is applied on the sections of the case studies of this
thesis, it is possible to indicate that this was a common tendency. (Fig. 41)
Their re-creations apparently indicate that the hierarchy, together with
duality, was possibly known as a concept to be used as design tools and
shaped the geometric formation of the Middle Byzantine Churches.
In addition, when compared to the mosaics applied to the walls, domes,
vaults, it is probably harder to find examples of floor decoration from this
period. Some studies examine the floor mosaics and marbles of Byzantine
churches, yet the examples rarely match the time period of this thesis.403
Nevertheless, based on the few surviving examples, it is possible to
assume that geometric patterns were the mainly applied patterns on the
floor decoration of churches from the Middle Byzantine period. With the
archival photographs taken during the restoration project of the church of
the Monastery of Pantocrator (Zeyrek Cami) made by the municipality of
Istanbul, it is possible to support this assumption. In these photographs,
the geometric floor patterns made from marble are observable. Similarly,
the archival photographs of The Church of Theotokos Kyriotissa
(Kalenderhane Cami) also display geometric floor patterns. (Fig. 42 & 43)
402 Ibid., 489-490.
403 One of the few full length studies devoted to mosaics of Middle Byzantine era is Otto
Demus, Byzantine Mosaic Decoration
141
Another architectural decoration where the geometric patterns were mainly
applied is the exterior brickwork of the Middle Byzantine churches. It is
possible to observe “various forms of meanders, chevrons, checkerboards,
triangles, lozenges, herringbone and basketweave patterns” in addition to
various shapes of arches in these exterior brickworks.404 The geometric
ornaments on the exterior brick façade of The Church of the Monastery of
Christ Pantepoptes (Eski İmaret Cami) are probable examples of this
decorative tendency. (Fig. 44 & 45)
Furthermore, in terms of the decoration of furniture, it is possible to
examine the marble furniture of the Middle Byzantine churches.
Unfortunately, it is not much possible to find surviving pieces from the
Constantinople examples, yet similar to floor mosaics, it is possible to
provide a general overview by the examples from neighboring lands.
Buchwald indicates that;
Middle Byzantine carved marble church furnishings
(including lintels, door and window frames etc.) included a
rich variety of geometric figures, such as circles, rosettes,
quatrefoils, spirals, squares, triangles, hexagons,
octagons, rhombuses, star shapes, knot forms, and
crosses.405
It is possible to observe different geometric pattern applications with
different techniques and precise craftsmanship to combine them in various
examples from the Middle Byzantine Churches.406 (Fig. 46-48)
404 Buchwald, Form, Style and Meaning in Byzantine Church Architecture, 295.
405 Ibid., 295.
142
In addition to these examples from neighboring lands, the column capitals,
cornices, and lintels from the selected cases in this study are also possible
examples of the importance of geometric works with their precise
craftsmanship and vegetal decoration. Since these pieces were mostly
continued to be used as spolia in the buildings after they transformed into
mosques, it is possible to find more surviving examples. The column
capitals with geometric and vegetal ornaments of The Church of
Theotokos Kyriotissa (Kalenderhane Cami, Hagios Ioannes (Hırami Ahmet
Paşa Cami) and Church of Theodore (Vefa Kilise Cami) are among these
surviving ones. (Fig. 49-51) The tendency to combine geometric patterns
and vegetal motifs is traceable in partial cornice pieces and spolia stones
in the church of the Monastery of Pantocrator (Zeyrek Cami). (Fig. 52 &
53)
Moreover, besides the marble furniture of the Middle Byzantine churches,
the rich decoration of the iconostasis is conceivably a significant part of
the church's symbolism. It is discussed both as a threshold being a
physical barrier that adds to the symbolic separation between the nave
and apse and as a unifying element since it allows passage and works as
a connection point. The icons on the iconostasis wall conceivably add
another level of symbolism as a connection point and therefore contribute
to the understanding of unity within the church space. It is possible to point
out these icons as elements that strengthen the idea of connection.407 In
terms of being the symbolic point of connection, iconostasis is likely to be
406 Ibid., 295.
407 Patricios, The Sacred Architecture of Byzantium, 82.
143
a very accurate example of the paradoxical meanings of the thresholds
indicated by Eliade. Patricios argues that;
Symbolically it (the iconostasis) can be sensed in two
different ways. In one sense it marks the border between
the terrestrial naos (nave) and the heavenly Holy Bema
but in another way, it connects the faithful in the naos
(nave) to the Holy of Holies and the Holy Table through
the holy persons (including Theotokos and St. John)
represented by the icons.408
Then, even though the laity was not able to pass through the door of the
iconostasis symbolizing the heavenly gates, the idea that the holy people
of the Christianism will accompany them once they were dead and ready
for the reunion was apparently there, through the medium of architectural
decoration.409 In her article, The Multilayered Composition of Iconostasis,
Misijuk indicates that there has been a standard composition of icons on
iconostasis after a certain point in its historical evolution.410 (Fig. 54)
Based on this statement, the iconostasis of the 11th and 12th century
churches, including the case studies used here, possibly had the
iconostasis walls in accordance with the descriptions of Patricios and
therefore presumably contributed to the symbolic union of the two realms
as well as the faithful with God.
408 Patricios, The Sacred Architecture of Byzantium, 82.
409 Tatiana Misijuk, “The Multilayer Composition of an Iconostasis,” Rocznik Teologii
Katolickiej, XVI, no.3 (2017), 221-236.
410 Ibid., 222.
144
Therefore, even though the lack of surviving pieces of evidence and
examples of the decorative program of the Middle Byzantine Churches
from the 11th and 12th Centuries in Constantinople, the remaining samples
and the interpretations based on the knowledge gathered from
neighboring lands, the decorative program of these churches probably had
a massive impact on the perception of the symbolic meaning of the church
space by the community as well as contributing to the meaning of the
sacred space highly based on the influence of Neoplatonic concepts by
means of not only the content of the decorations but also the placement of
them and their relations to the volumetric space.
As concluding remarks, this chapter provided a brief covering of
Neoplatonism's impact on the theology and community of the Byzantine
Empire first. It then examined the case studies in relation to the liturgy, the
Byzantine Rite, and the concepts of hierarchy, duality, and unity.
Concerning these examinations and discussion, it is possible to claim that
the impact of Neoplatonism on Orthodox Christianity of Byzantine Empire
as an esoterically nurturing element is traceable in the 11th and 12th
Century examples of cross-in-square Middle Byzantine churches as
complete, rich, and significant cases as microcosmic models based on the
Neoplatonic concepts of the universe. It would be difficult to claim that
these reflections are directly linked to the Neoplatonic doctrines, yet their
reinterpretations in the form of basic concepts in Byzantine theology are
hard to overlook. Thus these traces, whether direct or indirect, are
possible reflections of the reinterpretations and adaptations in the
Byzantine lore. Based on this, it is possible to trace different architectural
repercussions in different architectural traditions from other cultures in
which the Neoplatonic doctrines are possibly reinterpreted and adapted in
145
different ways according to their religion. Such a case is observable in
Seljuk theology and the 13th century Seljuk Architecture in Anatolia.
146
CHAPTER 4
REPERCUSSIONS OF NEOPLATONISM IN THE ARCHITECTURE OF
ANATOLIAN SELJUKS
Although differences are present between the reflections of Neoplatonism
in Byzantium/Christianity and Anatolian Seljuk/Islam, it would be
comprehensive to structure this chapter dedicated to the Seljuk side of the
study in the same order of topics with the Byzantine one, despite some
minor variations due to the historical differences in between the two
cultures. This order is arguably a correct approach for such a comparative
study. In the same order as the previous one, this chapter starts with a
brief history of the relationship between Neoplatonism and Islamic and
Seljuk theology. The reason for this is the need to explain the motivations
behind the selected time frame and introduce philosophers whose
doctrines are referenced when needed in the later parts of the chapter.
These are referenced while discussing the world view and mindset of the
Seljuks and their architectural spaces regarding the possible
repercussions of Neoplatonic concepts. The chapter mainly traces these
repercussions not only in plan organizations and volumetric configurations
but also in decorative programs of particular case studies selected from
the 13th Century Anatolia. Moreover, hierarchy, duality, and unity are the
concepts that define the approach of the study to the cases.
Varied interpretations of the two religions affect the chapter's content and
the historical differences between the Byzantine Empire and Anatolian
Seljuks in terms of age and time gaps. One difference is how Neoplatonic
147
concepts are reflected compared to the Byzantine examples in the cases
selected from the 13th Century Seljuk monuments in Anatolia. The study
argues that this divergence is due to the Neoplatonic concepts
reinterpreted to adapt them to the basic notions and rules of the Islamic
belief system. Another significant difference is that Anatolian Seljuk
architecture consists of an original set of products generated by a new
mindset in the Islamic domain. Nevertheless, it should not be considered
separate from Eastern Mediterranean and Middle East traditions, as this
study opposes, but rather a new interpretation of thousands of years old
traditions. Thus, the chapter explores the cultural and political environment
that birthed this architecture in 4.2. Formation of a New Culture and Its
Architecture in Anatolia under the Seljuks. A final difference is that this
chapter examines the sacred architecture of the Seljuks and includes
another typology, the madrasah, developed by Anatolian Seljuks.
The main reason for madrasahs' involvement is that these buildings
probably were products of a common mindset promoting symbolism, as
suggested by Ali Uzay Peker.411 He indicates that the Seljuk spaces were
multi-functional.412 As a result of this tendency, Seljuks created these
spaces without case-specific functional motives but by a system of
symbolic codes.413 The Seljuks' architectural design theory conceivably
411 Ali Uzay Peker, “Anadolu Selçuklu Mimarisi – IV,” in İnci Aslanoğlu için Bir Mimarlık
Tarihi Dizimi, ed. T. Elvan Altan, Sevil Enginsoy Ekinci (Ankara: Kalkan Matbaacılık,
2019), 2.
412 Ibid., 2.
413 Ibid., 2-3.
148
enabled the employment of several architectural elements and
components such as iwan, maqsura dome, lantern dome, inner courtyard,
vault, and portal in different typologies with symbolic connotations.414 In
other words, Peker indeed claims the existence of an architectural
symbolism of the Seljuks that is above typologies.
Moreover, the lack of architectural or ideological agendas imposed by a
central authority, ecclesia, or clergy class, as discussed further in this
chapter, probably enabled this design understanding. Based on this claim,
while it is possible to discuss various building types of the Seljuks to
contain similar symbolic meanings and connotations, this study particularly
focuses on mosques and madrasahs. There are several reasons for this
approach. One reason is that these two typologies are chiefly religious
buildings, mosques for prayer, and madrasahs for religious education.
Madrasahs, the higher education institutions of the Seljuks, were
significant facilities for creating their cultural and political atmosphere,
discussed in the following parts.415 In addition, since madrasah is a
typology invented by the Seljuks, it is likely to reflect their mindset and
worldview to a significant degree. Besides, the mosques and madrasahs
are part of larger complexes in numerous cases from the 13th Century.
Even when they were not built within the same complex, it is possible to
observe that the madrasahs were generally built in relation to the
surrounding urban fabric, including the mosques.
414 Ibid., 2-3.
415 Ali Öngül, “Selçuklularda Eğitim Faaliyetleri ve Yetişen İlim Adamlarına Genel Bir
Bakış.” Celal Bayar Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, Vol. 1 Issue 2 (2003), 67.
149
However, despite the idea that madrasah is a significant case to
demonstrate the possible impact of the Neoplatonic doctrines on the
Seljuks' architecture, this chapter mostly dwells upon the mosque
typology. The reason for this is to discuss how the Muslim liturgy affected
the formation of the architectural space and how parallelism could be
drawn with Neoplatonism.
Furthermore, this chapter is not limited to architectural typologies and
repercussions only. The content of 4.1. Impact of Neoplatonism on the
Theology and Community of the Seljuks, related to the Neoplatonic impact
on Seljuks' theology and community, follows a different narrative than its
counterpart in the Byzantine chapter. This difference is due to various
interactions with Neoplatonism that are particular to the two religions.
Moreover, another divergence is in the content of this part which is related
to the relationship between liturgy and Neoplatonism. While it is possible
to trace the origin of the Byzantine Rite back to Neoplatonic or even
Platonic rituals, it is difficult to suggest such a link for the Muslim liturgy,
Salât. In a different approach from the previous one, this chapter
discusses the possible parallelism between the meaning of Salât and the
Neoplatonic concepts and its effects on the architectural space regarding
the Neoplatonic concepts.
4.1. Impact of Neoplatonism on Islamic Theology and Worldview
It is possible to indicate that the relationship between the theology of
Seljuks and the Neoplatonic school of philosophy is fundamentally
different from the Byzantine case. The main reason for this is probably the
significant time gap between the establishment of Neoplatonism and the
Seljuk rule in Anatolia. Because of this gap, it is not possible to offer direct
interactions between the Seljuks of Anatolia and Neoplatonism, contrary to
150
the Byzantine situation in which the kind of an organic bond was present.
Therefore, to understand the mindset of the Seljuks properly, the
interactions between Neoplatonism and Islam, in general, should be
traced. With the brief cover of Neoplatonism's impact on Islamic theology
chronologically, this part provides the necessary background for how the
cumulative lore has been building over six centuries until the 13th Century.
It also dwells upon theological constitutions and philosophers such as
Muʿtazila school of thought, Al-Kindī (801–873), Ikhwān al-Safā, Al-Fārābī
(872-950), Ibn Sīnā (980-1037), Suhrawardī (1154-1191), Ibn ‘Arabī
(1165-1240) and Sadreddin Konevi (1209-1271). They are among the
notable names under the Neoplatonic influence in the history of Islamic
philosophy. The works and doctrines of these names are also discussed in
this chapter as the possible reinterpretations and adaptations of
Neoplatonism into Islamic belief and the background that probably
influenced not only the works of two 13th Century philosophers, Ibn ‘Arabī
and Sadreddin Konevi, but also the symbolism in architectural space of
the Seljuks in the following parts. The earlier works are provided to trace
their influences in the philosophy of the period, mainly around the works of
Arabī. He was contemporary with the selected Seljuk monuments. His
doctrines are crucial to understanding the philosophy of the era and why
the theological state of 13th Century Anatolia is significant to examine
these monuments.
Moreover, although the narrative is generally a chronological one, it is also
possible to observe opposite views from the same periods throughout
Islamic philosophy. The Byzantine aspect of the study enabled the focus
on philosophers from Constantinople. However, to understand the
possible influences of the Seljuks in terms of theology, it is crucial to cover
the doctrines of different philosophers from various cultural centers,
151
including Alexandria, Baghdad, Samarkand.416 The reason for this is
probably the rapid spread of Islam in a relatively large area, yet no further
discussion on this topic is part of this study.
The Neoplatonic impact is conceivably traced best in the Sufi tradition, the
mystical branch of Islam. It is possible to point out the reason for such an
esoteric search as the urge of Muslim philosophers to offer explanations
regarding creation, the structure of the universe, and humans’ relationship
with God.417 These are the issues that were discussed in Qur’an, yet
Qur’an does not provide full-scale information on them.418 Besides, Qur’an
consists of two types of verses: Muhkamat verses which have clear and
direct meanings and explanations, and Mutasabihat verses which are
highly allegorical and challenging to understand.419 The second type of
verses were possibly the reason in the background of a need to provide
metaphysical explanations by Muslim philosophers. However, even before
the rise of Sufism as a systematic constitution around the 10th Century,
416 Metin Bozkuş, "Anadolu Selçuklularında Sosyal, Dini ve Mezhebi Yapı,” Cumhuriyet
Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi, 5 (2001 ), 251.
417 Michael Chase, “Creation in Islam from the Qur’an to Al-Fārābī,” in The Routledge
Companion to Islamic Philosophy, ed. Richard C. Taylor and Luis Xavier López-Farjeat,
(New York: Routledge, 2016), 250. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315708928
418 Ibid., 248-249.
419 Leah Kinberg, "Muḥkamāt and Mutashābihāt (Koran 3/7): Implication of a Koranic Pair
of Terms in Medieval Exegesis," Arabica 35, no. 2 (1988), 143. Accessed March 29,
2021. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4056832.
152
some schools of thought and philosophers were dealing with metaphysical
issues, possibly under Neoplatonic impact.420
The first encounter of the Islamic domain with Neoplatonism is accepted to
happen when the Abbasid Caliphate conquered Alexandria in 642.421
Although the Neoplatonic doctrines started to be studied onwards, it is
hard to point out any significant study from the earlier periods. The first
significant studies in which Neoplatonism's influence is traced were
probably generated by a school of thought named Mu’tazila, established
around the 8th century and located in Baghdad, the Abbasid capital.422 It is
possible to discuss their studies, especially those regarding the creation
from “the non-existent (al-madüm), " to have Neoplatonic or even Platonic
roots with similarities to Khora, the mysterious entity before the creation of
the universe, according to Plato.423 Even though it is difficult to point out
significant works composed or created by members of Mu’tazila, their
impact is traceable in studies of Al-Kindī, who was possibly one of the
pioneer names of Islamic Sufism.424 In his works titled On the Quantity of
420 For these schools of thought and philosophers see Chase, “Creation in Islam from the
Qur’an to Al-Fārābī,” 249-251.
421 Ian Richard Netton, “Neoplatonism in Islamic philosophy,” In Routledge Encyclopedia
of Philosophy, (London: Taylor and Francis, 1998). doi:10.4324/9780415249126- H003-
1.
422 Encyclopaedia Britannica, 8th ed., s.v. “Mu’tazila,” (Chicago: Encyclopaedia
Britannica, 2009). Accessed January 22, 2021.
https://www.britannica.com/topic/Mutazilah.
423 Chase, “Creation in Islam from the Qur’an to Al-Fārābī,” 250.
424 Sedgwick, Western Sufism, no page number.
153
the Books of Aristotle and What is Required for the Attainment of
Philosophy, Al-Kindī deals with the metaphysical issues regarding God,
the creation of the universe, and their relationship.425 In these works, he
was likely influenced by Mu’tazila’s idea of “the creation of it from non-it”
and the Christian Neoplatonist John Philoponus (490-570) from
Alexandria.426 According to Al-Kindī, creation is an instantaneous notion,
which happens “all at once.”427 Especially for this approach of his, it is
possible to presume that the ideas of Porphyry were possibly transmitted
to Al-Kindī through the works of Philoponus, whom Porphyry highly
influenced.428 Besides these studies, it is possible to point out Athulujiya
Aristu (Theology of Aristotle) from the 9th Century as the prime work of Al-
Kindī. 429 Although the work is attributed to Al-Kindī, it is unclear whether
he was the only one who worked on it.
Moreover, Athulujiya Aristu was not completely an original work either but
rather an edited translation of the Enneads into Arabic.430 As mentioned
earlier, Sedgwick explains that there were no clear separations between
425 Chase, “Creation in Islam from the Qur’an to Al-Fārābī,” 251.
426 Ibid., 251.
427 Ibid., 253.
428 Ibid., 253.
429 Sedgwick, Western Sufism, no page number.
430 Ibid., no page number.
154
the doctrines of different philosophers in antiquity, and it was known that
although the school of thought is referred to as Neoplatonism, Plotinus
was also highly influenced by the doctrines of Aristotle.431 Therefore,
probably, Al-Kindī was mainly concerned with the ideas and doctrines in
his work rather than who generated them. In any case, Athulujiya Aristu
(Theology of Aristotle) is probably the first significant Sufi work under
Neoplatonic influence. Its impact is traceable in later centuries and even in
Europe in the late medieval age.432
Contemporary with Mu’tazila and Al-Kindī, it is possible to point out Ikhwān
al-Safā (The Brethren of Purity), a society of philosophers, under
Neoplatonic impact.433 Their Rasa’il (Encyclopedia) claims that creation
has a twofold nature.434 “In the first instance, divine and spiritual things
were created all at once, without place and matter.”435 The ideas regarding
the twofold ontology of the universe in Islamic philosophy possibly started
with these ibda and halq understandings of Ihwan al-Şafa. 436 In other
words, this first stage of creation was a creation ex nihilo (al-ibda).437 After
431 Ibid., no page number.
432 Ibid., no page number.
433 Chase, “Creation in Islam from the Qur’an to Al-Fārābī,” 255.
434 Ibid., 255.
435 Ibid., 255.
436 Ibid., 255.
155
this, “natural things (al-halq) then developed over time by a process of
combination (tarkib).”438 It is possible to observe Neoplatonic influence in
various points of this idea, particularly the twofold nature of the creation
displays parallelism with the difference between intelligible creation and
material creation in the Neoplatonic understanding.
Regarding these discussions, probably derived from them as well, it is
possible to observe the duality of the domain of God and the material
universe in Islamic belief. The intellectual realm, or the Divine realm as it is
named in Byzantine theology, is named alam al ghayb by Muslim
philosophers, translating into English as the unknown realm. 439 On the
other hand, the material universe is named alam al mulk.440 Besides, the
word used to describe the creation of material beings is tarkib, in English,
“combination.”441 Based on this, it is possible to argue that the idea of
organizing a mess through combination possibly had Neoplatonic or even
Platonic roots to the creation process, starting from elementary triangles
and continuing with their different combinations.442 Thus, the idea of the
437 Ibid., 255.
438 Ibid., 255.
439 The Encyclopaedia of Islam, Vol. I, s.v. “alam al ghayb.” (Leiden: Brill, 1986), 349.
440 The Encyclopaedia of Islam, Vol. I, s.v. “alam al mulk.” (Leiden: Brill, 1986), 351.
441 Chase, “Creation in Islam from the Qur’an to Al-Fārābī,” 255.
442 Plato explained the creation as a process of organizing the pre-creation mess by
means of combining elementary triangles to bring order to the universe in his Republic
156
duality of realms is observable in Islamic theology as well. The influence of
this idea, probably introduced by Ikhwān al-Safā with the harmonization of
Qur’anic doctrines with Neoplatonic ones, is traceable in the following
centuries, particularly in the works of Arabī.
Furthermore, the 9th and 10th Centuries are also crucial in terms of the
studies of another highly significant name, Al-Fārābī, who is probably the
most influential Islamic philosopher.443 Even though he was from Central
Asia, it is possible to point out that Al-Fārābī was under the influence of
Hellenistic heritage in Baghdad, since “the Abbasid capital sustained a
direct continuum between the Alexandrian school of late antiquity and
Baghdad.”444 Al-Fārābī’s epistemology consists of a combination of
Aristotelian cosmology, Neoplatonic emanationism, and Islamic belief.445 It
is possible to refer to this new emanationist model as sudûr in Islamic
philosophy.446 While he borrows terms and theories such as emanation
and Timaues. See 2.4. Significance of Geometry and Geometry as a Tool for the
Application of Hierarchy, Duality and Unity in Architectural Design.
443 He was named as the “second teacher” after Aristotle in the Islamic theology under the
impact of ancient heritage. See Mariana Malinova, “Al-Fārābī and His Concept of
Epistemological Hierarchy,” in Knowledge and Education in Classical Islam: Religious
Learning between Continuity and Change, ed. Sebastian Günther, (Leiden: Brill, 2020),
186-199.
444 Mariana Malinova, “Al-Fārābī and His Concept of Epistemological Hierarchy,” in
Knowledge and Education in Classical Islam: Religious Learning between Continuity and
Change, ed. Sebastian Günther, (Leiden: Brill, 2020), 186.
445 Ibid., 186.
157
and descending order, his understanding of God is arguably similar to the
self-thinking God of Aristotle.447 He basically divides the universe into a
hierarchical order of the ten Intellects emanated from the First Intellect,
which is non-other than God.448 He explains the process of creation based
on these hierarchical levels of intellects with the following order: “The First
(The first Intellect) is The One. The Second Intellect comes from it with
emanation. Then the third (Intellect comes). Then by thinking on its own, it
produces a celestial body, the first heaven.”449 Even based on this short
passage, it is difficult to overlook the possible influence of Neoplatonic
principles in this description of creation. Although there have been some
other Islamic philosophers before Al-Fārābī who discussed hierarchy
within the material universe, such as the 9th Century philosopher Al-
Tustari, who created a hierarchy among the humans by placing Prophet
Muhammed at the top and ordering the other prophets and caliphates
down to the ordinary Muslims, these were not widely accepted in the
Sufism and not much reflected in the later doctrines.450 Rather than this
approach to the universe's hierarchy, Al-Fārābī’s division of Intelligence
446 Fatma Aygün, “İslam Düşüncesinde Tanrı-Alem (Birlik-Çokluk) İlişkisine Yönelik Temel
Teoriler: Hudus, Sudur, Zuhur,” Kader, Vol. 16 Issue 1 (2018), (Accessed January 12,
2020). 167.
447 For further information on Al-Fārābī’s hierarchical system see Malinova, “Al-Fārābī
and His Concept of Epistemological Hierarchy.”
448 Malinova, “Al-Fārābī and His Concept of Epistemological Hierarchy,” 187-188.
449 Ibid., 187.
450 Sedgwick, Western Sufism, no page number.
158
into ten, associated with celestials, has been much more appreciated and
referenced by later Muslim philosophers.451 Ibn ‘Arabī as been apparently
influenced by the system of Al-Fārābī and continued his own interpretation
of this system in his zuhûr theory.
Moreover, it is possible to indicate that the hierarchical division of Al-
Fārābī also transferred to the studies of Sadreddin Konevi and some other
Anatolian Muslim philosophers from the 13th Century, possibly utilizing
Arabī’s reinterpretations since Konevi and others were accepted to be in
direct relationship with Arabī and his studies.452 Therefore, the Islamic
worldview suggests a hierarchical understanding of the cosmos yet
apparently defends equality and unity among the created, particularly
human beings. This understanding is most likely to be an adaptation of
Neoplatonic doctrines about unity and hierarchy in the universe.
In addition, it is possible to state that Al-Fārābī refuses the creation idea of
Al-Kindī and defends the notion of continuous creation. He also manages
to adapt this understanding into the Islamic belief of tawhid (the oneness
of God) by associating the First (Intellect) with the One and considered the
rest as secondary.453 This conception of God is presumably more parallel
to the Neoplatonic perception of The One rather than the incarnated God
in Byzantine theology. Thus, it is possible to consider Tawhid as the
opposite of the Trinity understanding in Christianity, yet both perceptions
451 Ibid., no page number.
452 Ibid., no page number.
453 Malinova, “Al-Fārābī and His Concept of Epistemological Hierarchy,” 188.
159
of God possibly have Neoplatonic roots with various reinterpretations.
Moreover, the Arabic translation of the word “One” used as the name of
the deity by Plotinus is “ahad” which is used several times to describe
Allah in various Sufi texts.454 In addition, Plotinus also describes the deity
by using the adjective “unknowable” several times in his works.455 When
the fact that Ibn ‘Arabī referred to God as “the blind point,” which is
impossible for the mortals to see and know, is considered, the similarity
between the two doctrines is observable. 456 Additively, it is possible to
consider the understanding of tawhid in Islam as a doctrine that contains
all three Neoplatonic concepts. It suggests a duality between God and the
created beings while also suggesting unity and equality among the created
beings. In this sense, it also suggests a unity between the created beings
and God yet places God above any being in a hierarchical manner. Thus,
it is a significant doctrine to search for its repercussions in different fields,
including architecture. Besides, Al-Fārābī also deals with the Islamic
political system regarding equality among people and leadership, whose
possible repercussions in the Seljuk architecture are discussed in the
following part of the study.457
454 Sedgwick, Western Sufism, no page number.
455 Ibid., no page number.
456 İbrahim Coşkun, “Muhyiddin İbn Arabi’nin Felsefesinde “Allah” Mefhumu,” İlmi ve
Akademik Araştırma Dergisi (İbnü’l-Arabi Özel Sayısı-1) Vol. 9 Issue 21 (2008), 125-126.
457 For further information on Al-Fārābī’s political doctrines see Nani Widiawati,
“Epistemology of Islamic Political Leadership in the Al-Fārābī’s Emanation System,”
International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences, Vol. 8 Issue 5 (2019), 25-36.
ISSN(P): 2319–393X; ISSN(E): 2319–3948. (Accessed August, 18 2020).
160
Moreover, the last quarter of the 10th Century and the early 11th Century
are significant periods in terms of the doctrines of another Muslim
philosopher, Ibn Sīnā. Ibn Sīnā was presumably highly influenced by the
formulation of Al-Fārābī, which was a combination of Aristotle's and
Neoplatonic philosophers' ideas.458 Aygün indicates that Ibn Sīnā provided
permanence to the theory of sudûr mainly by his categorization of beings
as “the necessary ones” and “the contingent ones” under the concept of
duality.459 According to him, the necessary beings did not need an external
cause to exist, while the contingent ones' existence requires an external
cause.460 It is possible to claim that this categorization has been
influenced by the three-staged categorization of Al-Fārābī and the similar
categorization of Neoplatonists, including Plotinus and Proclus.461 With
this approach, he proved both the hierarchical order in the universe of
emanated beings and the oneness of the necessary One as the ultimate
One that the universe emanated from.462 According to him, all beings were
united with God, the metaphysical source of their existence.463 He
458 Fatma Aygün, “İslam Düşüncesinde Tanrı-Alem (Birlik-Çokluk) İlişkisine Yönelik Temel
Teoriler,” 168.
459 Ibid., 168.
460 Ibid., 168.
461 Ibid., 168-169.
462 Ibid., 169.
463 Ibid., 169.
161
perceived the act of sudûr as a bridge connecting the emanated cosmos
with God himself, and this connection is not related to the phenomenon of
time, which means it does not have a beginning or an end at a specific
point in time.464 He suggested that creation was not a conscious choice of
by God, but the necessary emanation happened due to God
acknowledging his existence, and ever since that, the universe is in a state
of sudûr.465 It is possible to observe the influence of this understanding of
sudûr in Arabī works very frequently, especially in his theory of zuhûr.
Before proceeding to the understanding of zuhûr by Arabī, it is important
to mention another notable philosopher, Suhrawardī. He also supported
the theory of sudûr by explaining it with the metaphor of light.466
Apparently, light has been an ancient symbol of the Divine since God was
associated with the sun in many different beliefs.467 Even in Qur’an, it was
written that:
Allah is the Light of the heavens and the earth. The
example of His light is like a niche within which is a lamp,
the lamp is within glass, the glass as if it were a pearly
[white] star lit from [the oil of] a blessed olive tree, neither
of the east nor of the west, whose oil would almost glow
464 Ibid., 169.
465 Ali Durusoy, “Ibn Sīnā” Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslam Ansiklopedisi, (İstanbul: TDV
Yayınları, 1999), 327.
466 Ian Richard Netton, “Neoplatonism in Islamic Philosophy”, Routledge Encyclopedia of
Philosophy, London and New York, Routledge, 1998.
467 Ian Richard Netton, “Neoplatonism in Islamic philosophy,” In Routledge Encyclopedia
of Philosophy, (London: Taylor and Francis, 1998). doi:10.4324/9780415249126- H003-1
162
even if untouched by fire. Light upon light. Allah guides to
His light whom He wills. And Allah presents examples for
the people, and Allah is knowing of all things.468
Under the possible influence of this verse from Qur’an that associate God,
his power, and his knowledge with the light, Suhrawardī used light to
explain the sudûr as the primary source of the light is God himself, as his
light flood from him to create the universe and the beings in it. When the
original text of Plotinus is analyzed, one may find that light was one of the
metaphors he uses to explain the creation of the universe by
emanation.469
As this very brief cover of the Neoplatonic impact in Islamic theology
displays, there have been various reinterpretations regarding God, the
creation, and the universe, generated either contemporary to each other or
in chronological order. It is possible to find different points in each of them
possibly related to Neoplatonic doctrines. However, it would be a bold
claim to defend a constituted and systematic approach to Islamic
theologies for metaphysical issues. Ibn ‘Arabī’s role is arguably highly
crucial in terms of this aspect. Although he was possibly influenced by
names like Al-Kindī, Al-Fārābī, and Ibn Sīnā, whose studies are discussed
here about the Neoplatonic concepts, Arabī has essentially been identified
with the most complete and harmonious fusion of Islamic doctrines with
Neoplatonic concepts by important scholars such as Netton, Chittick, and
468 Qur’an 24:35
469 Gregory, The Neoplatonists, 27.
163
Sedgwick.470 Sedgwick argues that “the basic underlying system of Arabī,
derives from Plotinus through various re-interpretations, with additions
appropriate for an Islamic context.”471 Besides, Ibn ‘Arabī’s studies
apparently mark a significant period in Islamic Sufism. İhsan Kara explains
that it is possible to divide Islamic theology into four periodical
categories.472 According to him, the first phase was about the
interpretations of the Qur’an.473 With the second phase, the harmonization
of the philosophical heritage and Qur’anic doctrines begins.474 The third
phase was the culmination period for these harmonization studies, and it
finishes with the 13th century.475 After this, there have not been new
theories introduced in the fourth phase, but rather dervish orders were
constituted around the old doctrines from the previous phase.476 Thus, it is
possible to state that Arabī has lived in the very final period of the third
470 See Netton, “Neoplatonism in Islamic philosophy,”Chittick, and Sedgwick, Western
Sufism.
471 Sedgwick, Western Sufism, no page number.
472 İhsan Kara, “İbnü’l Arabi’nin Tasavvuf Istılahlarına Etkisi ve Seyyid Mustafa Rasim
Efendi’nin Istılahat-ı İnsan-ı Kamil’ı Örneği,” İlmi ve Akademik Araştırma Dergisi (İbnü’l
Arabi Özel Sayısı), Vol. 2 Issue 23 (2009), 586-587.
473 Ibid., 587.
474 Ibid., 587.
475 Ibid., 587.
476 Ibid., 587.
164
phase, and his original doctrines have been influencing the following
religious orders in the fourth phase.
Furthermore, to basically discuss Ibn ‘Arabī’s doctrines, Aygün defines
zuhûr of Arabī as a concept from the mysticism branch of Islam called the
tasavvuf system.477 According to Montague, Islamic mysticism in general
and the theory of zuhûr deal with the unification of human beings with
God.478 Though mistakenly perceived by some as a pantheist approach, in
tasavvuf, it is possible to identify a spiritual search and desire to reunite
with God.479 To achieve this, one should tame his/her soul and train his
will by isolating himself/herself from the pleasures of earthly senses.480
Moreover, in terms of the approach to creation and God, Ibn ‘Arabī’s zuhûr
suggests that God is the ultimate being, and the universe is the
manifestation of his being.481 He defines God as the essential one and
everything else in the physical universe as shadows of this essence.482
This understanding of unity is the core of his vahdet-i vücud concept,
477 Fatma Aygün, “İslam Düşüncesinde Tanrı-Alem (Birlik-Çokluk) İlişkisine Yönelik Temel
Teoriler,” 174.
478 Pepperell Montague, The Ways of Knowing or The Methods of Philosophy, (London
G. Allen & Unwin Limited, 1925), 55-58.
479 Fatma Aygün, “İslam Düşüncesinde Tanrı-Alem (Birlik-Çokluk) İlişkisine Yönelik Temel
Teoriler,” 174.
480 Ibid., 174.
481 Ibid., 174.
482 Ibid., 174.
165
which is referred to particularly in the part related to unity.483 Vahdet-i
vücud is translated into English as “the oneness or unity of all (beings)”.484
This concept briefly suggests God's complete unity with all of its creations,
whether intelligible or material.485 In accordance with his zuhûr theory
under the possible influence of emanation in Neoplatonic doctrines,
vahdet-i vücud defends a unity provided by God, yet God does not depend
on this unity to exist. 486 While it is possible to observe parallelism
between Arabī’s perception of God and the Neoplatonic perception of The
One, the similarities are not limited to this point. Virtue and separation
from the material senses are mentioned to prepare the soul for the Divine
reunion in Neoplatonic doctrines. Under the possible influence, Al-Fārābī
formulated his understanding of insan-ı kamil, a “perfect man” who was
purified by virtue and worthy of the ultimate reunion.487 This doctrine of Al-
Fārābī was likely to be the most decisive influence for the Sufi practice of
Ibn ‘Arabī to tame the soul and his doctrine of fena fi’l Hakk, which means
being one with God as the ultimate outcome as well as the final stage of
vahdet-i vücud. 488 Arabī considered the prophets and the philosophers
483 Coşkun, “Muhyiddin İbn Arabi’nin Felsefesinde “Allah” Mefhumu,” 120-122.
484 Ibid., 120-122.
485 Ibid., 120-122.
486 Ibid., 120.
487 Sedgwick, Western Sufism, no page number.
488 Coşkun, “Muhyiddin İbn Arabi’nin Felsefesinde “Allah” Mefhumu,” 123.
166
before him, including the pagan ones, to be in the stage of fena fi’l Hakk.
489 It is possible to suggest this approach as proof of the inclusive mindset
of Arabī and the religion of Islam in general. The doctrines that influenced
the Arabī’s mindset, whether Qur’anic or philosophical, were possibly
known by the Seljuks. Therefore it is possible to claim the theology of the
Seljuks was shaped based on these sources as well and contained
parallel views.
In addition, the stage of fena fi’l Hakk, being one with God, is likely to
realize the reversible nature of emanation, mainly discussed by Plotinus
and Proclus. According to them, the emanation process includes three
steps: immanence, procession, and reversion.490 The final step, the
reversion, indicates the soul’s return to God since emanation was a twoway
phenomenon in the eternal cycle. 491 Another similarity is observable
in terms of Neoplatonism's influence on the doctrine of fena fi’l Hakk.
Chittick claims that insan-i kamil, the perfect man, has been considered as
the minimized version of the ultimate reality in the Sufi understanding. 492
Conceivably, this understanding is highly similar to humans' perception as
microcosms in Neoplatonism, thus reinforcing the possible impact of the
concept of unity on Sufism. There are also verses in the Qur’an that
489 Ibid., 123.
490 Christoph Helmig and Carlos Steel, "Proclus," The Stanford Encyclopedia of
Philosophy (Fall 2020 Edition), ed. Edward N. Zalta, Online Encyclopedia. 2020.
<https://plato.stanford.edu/archives/fall2020/entries/proclus/>
491 Ibid., no page number.
492 Quoted in Coşkun, “Muhyiddin İbn Arabi’nin Felsefesinde “Allah” Mefhumu,” 123.
167
support this idea, such as: “His are all things in the heavens and on
earth”493 It is possible to indicate Arabī that harmonized the Qur’anic
doctrines with the heritage of previous Muslim philosophers. Since
Neoplatonic influence in the works of these philosophers is briefly
demonstrated, it is possible to claim that the Neoplatonic impact in the
theories of Ibn ‘Arabī is conceivably a strong one. According to Proclus,
“the cosmos is a single being made up of a multiplicity of other living
beings that live by virtue of demiurgic causality.”494 In addition to this
statement of Proclus, the unity of beings is discussed to be a fundamental
part of not only the Theory of Emanation but the Neoplatonic philosophy in
general. Furthermore, Arabī’s ideas about virtue as a mean to reunite with
God are again possibly formulated under a fusion of Neoplatonic doctrines
and Islam.
Moreover, concerning his zuhûr model of the universe and vahdet-i vücud
understanding, Ibn ‘Arabī’s barzakh idea is conceivably another significant
contribution of his to Islamic mysticism.495 The idea of barzakh and
vahdet-i vücud is essential for the claims of this study. Dictionary
definition of the word barzakh is “gap, break, partition, bar, obstruction;
isthmus.”496 However, according to Arabī, barzakh is the “thingness” that
493 Qur’an, 2:255
494 Motta, “Putting Cosmogony into Words,” 124.
495 Ibn ‘Arabī, Fütûhât-ı Mekkiyye. Trans. Ekrem Demirli. (İstanbul: Litera Yayıncılık,
2015), 55-56.
496 Ursula Badenhorst, "The Language of Gardens: Ibn al-‘Arabi’s Barzakh, The
Courtyard Gardens of the Alhambra, and The Production of Sacred Space," Master
168
connects and separates two different entities or zones in general.497 In the
metaphysical conception of the universe in Islam, it is possible to define it
as an intermediary zone between the two realms: alam al ghayb and alam
al mulk. While barzakh is none of these entities or zones, the essences of
these two are present in it.498 In other words, “Even though the barzakh
differentiates between the two, it is not only its function to prevent the two
entities mixing with one another, but it also unites them.”499
Furthermore, in Islamic belief, it is believed that the souls of the dead rest
in an intermediary zone until the ultimate resurrection for judgment.500
Arabī possibly blended this Qur’anic understanding of an intermediary
zone with Neoplatonic esotericism. Even though there is no notion of a
zone with the function of purgatory or intermediary position in the
descending model of the universe, it is still possible to trace the influence
of the Neoplatonic ontology in Arabī’s barzakh. As the cumulative of the
individual souls and its function as the bridge between the intelligible
universe and the material universe, the Soul's role is possibly parallel to
Thesis. University of Cape Town, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Religious
Studies, 2014, 31. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/13083
497 Ibn ‘Arabī, Fütûhât-ı Mekkiyye, 56.
498 Ibid., 56.
499 Badenhorst, "The Language of Gardens,” 33.
500 Ali Uzay Peker, “Imprisoned Pearls: The Long-Forgotten Symbolism of the Great
Mosque and Dār al-Shifā’ at Divriği,” in Archaeology, Anthropology and Heritage in the
Balkans and Anatolia: The Life and Times of F. W. Hasluck, 1878-1920 Vol. III, ed. David
Shankland (İstanbul: The Isis Press, 2013), 335.
169
barzakh in esoteric Islam. Besides, the concepts of unity and duality in the
essence of the Neoplatonic universe are traceable in the function of
barzakh as both the connection and the separation zone. Basically, it is
possible to interpret that Ibn ‘Arabī explained how these two concepts do
not challenge each other with his barzakh doctrine and how the soul
transcends towards God. In this manner, Arabī’s barzakh is a zone that
the souls of the dead are present and a zone that believers of God could
reach through virtue gained with meditation or prayer.501 This approach
attributes mysticism to barzakh. It is possible to define it as not an
imaginary zone but the zone of imaginaries (al-khayāl) which are only
visible for the souls of insan-ı kamil.
Therefore, when Arabī’s impact on Sufism and esoteric Islam with these
doctrines is considered, it is possible to point out the 13th Century as a
significant period for Islamic Neoplatonism. It was probably a significant
era, particularly for Anatolia, since Ibn ‘Arabī himself was present in
Anatolia and settled there several times during his life.502 He studied with
different philosophers in Anatolia, had relations with the ruling elite and
even Sultans of Seljuks, and accepted students from Anatolia.503
Sadreddin Konevi was one of the most significant students of Arabī in
terms of the continuation of his ideas in Anatolia and Sufism in general.504
501 Ibid., 55-56.
502 Kazım Yıldırım, “İbnü’l Arabi’nin Kültürümüzdeki Yeri ve Önemi,” Pamukkale
Üniversitesi Eğitim Fakültesi Dergisi, 4 (1998), 31.
503 Ibid., 31.
170
Moreover, in addition to the philosophical sources, which are the products
of earlier traditions, the Qur’anic verses are referenced in these heterodox
studies since, at certain points, they show resemblance in the perception
of God and the relationship of humans with the Divine.505 Based on this
resemblance, it is possible to presume that the acceptance of Neoplatonic
doctrines in Islam was not as forced as their acceptance in Christianity
since, as Sedgwick indicates, early Christian philosophers and mainly St.
Augustine had difficulty in relating Neoplatonism to Biblical doctrines.506
Contrary, the Qur’anic verses about the creation of the universe
remarkably resemble the Theory of Emanation and the understanding of
creation based on regulations, especially employing geometry.507 Scholars
on Islamic studies like Al-Alousi, Peterson, and Lizzini agree that “the
preponderant notion of creation in the Qur’an seems to be one of shaping,
moulding, vivifying or otherwise perfecting some kind of material that is
already present, however, in imperfect state.”508 Also, based on their
studies, it is possible to indicate that “creation in Qur’an is not a one-time
affair, but rather a continuous act of endowing.”509 This parallelism
504 Ibid., 31.
505 For further information on the resemblances and references to Qur’anic doctrine of
creation in the Islamic philosophy see Chase, “Creation in Islam from the Qur’an to Al-
Fārābī.”
506 Sedgwick, Western Sufism, no page number.
507 For the understanding of creation according to Qur’an see Chase, “Creation in Islam
from the Qur’an to Al-Fārābī,” 248-249.
508 Chase, “Creation in Islam from the Qur’an to Al-Fārābī ,” 251.
171
probably smoothened the adaptation process of the Neoplatonic doctrines.
Besides, Sedgwick claims that Neoplatonic doctrines were known in the
Muslim lands before the arrival of Islam, resulting in a more straightforward
adaptation process than the contradictions in Christianity.510 Apparently,
this peaceful and respectful attitude towards Sufism and heterodox
branches of Islam continued in Anatolia after the Islamization of the land. It
conceivably peaked in the 13th Century under Seljuk rule with notable
names such as Ibn ‘Arabī and Sadreddin Konevi, who were presumably
driven by the Neoplatonic impact.511 This theological and social
atmosphere of the Seljuks in the 13th Century arguably had a significant
impact on architecture in terms of meaning and form.
4.2. Formation of a New Culture and Its Architecture in Anatolia
under the Seljuks
Before discussing the significance of the 13th Century Seljuk architecture
in Anatolia in terms of its architectural characteristics and how Neoplatonic
concepts were possibly instrumental in forming these, it is also essential to
understand the social and theological atmosphere of the era. How the
Neoplatonic concepts possibly nurtured Islam esoterically is discussed
previously. However, the reasons for the arguable uniqueness of the
architecture in the 13th Century Anatolia regarding the Neoplatonic
concepts should be first searched in the Seljuks’ approach to these
heterodox branches and their connection to art and architecture. It is
509 Ibid., 249.
510 Sedgwick, Western Sufism, no page number.
511 Ibid., no page number.
172
significant because, under the Seljuks, a new culture and understanding of
architecture were created. In other words, it is possible to consider the
Seljuk architecture in Anatolia as a new branch in the oeuvre of Islamic
architecture. Thus, the social, cultural, and political environment in the
background of this new architecture is needed to be discussed before the
characteristics and uniqueness of the mosques and madrasahs of this era.
First, the initial penetration of the heterodox ideas of Islam to Anatolia
probably started with the initial migrations of the nomadic tribes from
Central Asia to Anatolia.512 These tribes were presumably under the heavy
influence of theologies generated in multi-cultural centers such as
Baghdad, Khorasan, Samarkand, and other significant Islamic cities.513
Neoplatonism's possible impact on the studies generated in such centers
is already discussed in this study. Scholars indicate that up to the 13th
Century, the cities of Seljuk Anatolia enhanced.514 Also, by this time, the
official religion of the Seljuk state has become an established Sunni
branch of Islam.515 However, the Sunni state's relationship with the
heterodox approaches to Islam was apparently unique in the Islamic World
in terms of inclusivity.516 The love and respect that most of the society had
512 Metin Bozkuş, "Anadolu Selçuklularında Sosyal, Dini ve Mezhebi Yapı,” 251.
513 Ibid., 251.
514 Ibid., 251.
515 Ibid., 251.
516 Ibid., 251-252.
173
for the sheiks and dervishes of heterodox approaches were probably the
main reason for the state's policy.517 This peaceful approach of the state
presumably created the stage for the penetration of mystical and esoteric
elements into the culture and contributed to the country's image as a
desirable destination for the important names of the era. Many visits not
only by sheikhs and dervishes but also by influential philosophers,
including Ibn ‘Arabī, from different lands to Seljuk Anatolia happened
throughout the 13th Century.518 Resul Ay indicates that visits of these
philosophers, especially Ibn ‘Arabī, resulted in the rapid spread of their
esoteric ideas in Anatolia, and the doctrines carried through these visits
affected Anatolian Sufism deeply in the 13th Century.519 Thus, a balanced
and inclusive social and cultural atmosphere was sustained in Anatolia
during the 13th Century.520
Furthermore, it is possible to interpret art and architecture as highly
affected by this atmosphere, and unique works were produced in this
era.521 The inclusive attitude of society impacted not only philosophy and
517 Resul Ay, “Bizanstan Osmanlıya Anadoluda Heterodoks İnanışlar: ‘Öteki’ Dindarlığın
Ortak Doğası Üzerine (650–1600),” Ankara Üniversitesi Osmanlı Tarihi Araştırma ve
Uygulama Merkezi Dergisi, 31 (2013), 31.
518 Ibid., 20.
519 Ibid., 20.
520 Nusret Algan, “Anadolu Selçuklu Dönemi Mimarisi Taş Yüzey Süslemelerinin
İncelenmesi ve Seramik Yorumları,” PhD Diss. Dokuz Eylül Üniversitesi, 2008, 12.
521 Ibid., 16.
174
theology but also art and architecture.522 Neither the state nor the society
confronted with the openness in art and architectural design, especially in
their symbolism and decorative programs.523 As discussed later in more
detail, the reception of artisans and artists from neighboring lands as a
part of Seljuks' inclusivity arguably had a significant role in the uniqueness
of artistic production.524 Besides, it is crucial to indicate that the state did
not impose any ideological agenda on the producers and patrons of art
and architecture, conceivably strengthening uniqueness.525
One of the reasons for this approach was likely to be the political and
economic power of the lodges, mainly formed under religious orders.526 It
is possible to state that these functioned as institutes and syndicates for
merchants, artisans, and artists.527 Their power and position within society
are traceable due to the Seljuk state's policy to let the foundations and
lodges regulate different branches of production and trade and provide
facilities and education in both the realms of crafts and religion.528 In
522 Ibid., 16.
523 Ibid., 16.
524 Ibid., 16.
525 Ibid., 16.
526 İrfan Aladağ, “Anadolu Selçukluları ve Beylikler Devrinde Dini Yapıların Toplum
Hayatına Etkileri,” Akademik MATBUAT, Vol. 2 Issue 2 (2018), 11.
527 Ibid., 11.
175
addition, this system apparently has been crucial to sustain and maintain
the high welfare of the 13th Century. Based on these, it is possible to
suggest that the economic and religious power of the lodges enabled them
to have a certain degree of autonomy and self-determination.529 Under the
Seljuks, this autonomy possibly enabled artists and artisans to produce
more freely without any religious or political agenda.
Moreover, the migrated artisans and artists congregated in these lodges
with the locals.530 As a result of this, a creative atmosphere was
presumably created, in which the artisans from various lands in a wide
range interacted artistically and influenced each other. Since the
migrations and the power of lodges are discussed to be culminated in the
13th Century, it is likely to claim that these contributed to creating unique
architectural production and style as a possible combination of a wide
range of influences, possibly including the Neoplatonic one. In addition,
since the lodges were religious institutions formed around sheikhs and
dervishes, Sufism probably dominated the artistic production in Anatolia
under Seljuk's rule, as Semra Ögel indicates.531
528Algan, “Anadolu Selçuklu Dönemi Mimarisi Taş Yüzey Süslemelerinin İncelenmesi ve
Seramik Yorumları,” 12.
529 Aladağ, “Anadolu Selçukluları ve Beylikler Devrinde Dini Yapıların Toplum Hayatına
Etkileri,” 11-12.
530 Ibid., 11-12.
531 Semra Ögel, Anadolu’nun Selçuklu Çehresi, (İstanbul: Akbank Yayınları Kültür Sanat
Kitapları, 1994), 63.
176
Furthermore, it is possible to indicate that the architectural production,
predominantly han, caravanserai, bath, madrasa, and mosque building,
was under the lodges and foundations' responsibility mostly since they
were the regulators as well as the institutions of the artisans.532 Thus, the
lodge members were respected individuals and probably significant for
society's arts and crafts education.533 It is possible to point out the
mosques as the urban setting for most of these interactions between
dervishes from lodges and society.534
For the further significance of the mosques, the prayer to God, especially
the ritual of Salât, is considered crucial by scholars for the Seljuk society in
Anatolia.535 The collective performance of Salât in mosques was probably
a significant part of daily life for the Anatolian Seljuks, especially in the
cities.536 The prayer was likely to be the main reason for the mosques'
important place in the Seljuk society, yet the reasons are not limited to the
praying function of the mosque only. The mosques were also cultural and
532 Aladağ, “Anadolu Selçukluları ve Beylikler Devrinde Dini Yapıların Toplum Hayatına
Etkileri,” 11-13.
533 Ibid., 11-13.
534 Ibid., 11-13.
535 Some heterodox groups who are pointed out as “marginalized” ones refused the
canonical ritual practices of Islam including the Salât due to the belief that they had
corrupted formalist approaches to Islam. Yet, even these groups were tolerated by the
dominantly Sunnid rule of Seljuks. See Bozkuş, "Anadolu Selçuklularında Sosyal, Dini ve
Mezhebi Yapı.”
536 Aladağ, “Anadolu Selçukluları ve Beylikler Devrinde Dini Yapıların Toplum Hayatına
Etkileri,” 1-2.
177
social centers for the Seljuks.537 İrfan Aladağ states that the religious
buildings, mainly mosques and madrasahs, were significant for the daily
life of Seljuks.538 Among these typologies, mosques were significant since
they conceivably worked as a connection point for the sheiks and
dervishes to meet with the rest of the society and interact with them.539
Even though this social and educational purpose of the mosque space has
been an Islamic tradition starting with Prophet Muhammed's tradition, it
was apparently significant for the Seljuks since these interactions in the
mosque space were one of the main penetration points of the esoteric
ideas to the society. The 13th Century was probably the period in which
these interactions have reached their peak. Thus the reflections of the
esoteric ideas transferred by these interactions are traceable in the
mosque architecture of the 13th Century. For the generation and teaching
of these ideas, madrasahs were conceivably essential. It is possible to
define madrasahs, a significant architectural typology invented by Seljuks,
as the architectural setting for higher education, including education in
various areas such as theology, philosophy, medicine, mathematics,
astronomy.540 Also, madrasahs were closely related to mosques and
dervish lodges. These relationships were probably not only physical and
architectural but also social and educational. Madrasahs probably
537 Ibid., 1-2.
538 Ibid., 2.
539 Ibid., 3.
540 Öngül, “Selçuklularda Eğitim Faaliyetleri ve Yetişen İlim Adamlarına Genel Bir Bakış.”
67.
178
provided accommodation for the dervishes, whether permanent, traveling,
or immigrant, as it is observable from the student cells and guest
quarters.541 They apparently had importance in terms of the policy as
well.542 When madrasahs in urban centers such as Sivas and Kayseri are
taken together with the urban fabric and city planning, it is possible to
claim that these buildings were located at strategically significant points.543
These points had close relations with urban typologies such as hospitals,
bazaars, mosques while not losing their connections with the countryside,
where the dervishes mostly cloistered and secluded themselves in their
lodges.544 As a result of this, it is possible to claim that madrasahs
conceivably provided architectural connections with the mainly heterodox
rural areas and dominantly Sunni urban centers, very similar to the
connections that mosques probably provided.
Aside from the social, religious, and educational aspects, the 13th Century
Seljuk mosques and madrasahs in Anatolia conceivably produced
prominent examples of technical and formal characteristics compared to
previous or later ones. Before discussing these characteristics, it is
essential to state that the buildings of the 13th Century are arguably unique
541 Ethel Sara Wolper, Cities and Saints: Sufism and the Transformation of Urban Space
in Medieval Anatolia, (Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania State University Press. 2003), 42-
44.
542 Ibid., 42-44.
543 Ibid., 42-44.
544 Ibid., 42-44.
179
in terms of the extent and quality of the craftsmanship.545 The main reason
for this was possibly the prosperity and welfare of the Seljuk state and
society during the 13th Century.546 The level of prosperity and welfare
possibly directly links with the increased trade relations of Seljuks since
they have taken the Anatolian branch of the Silk Road under their
control.547 The 13th Century was a more peaceful period in terms of wars
and conflicts with the Crusaders, Byzantines, and other municipalities,
compared to the previous centuries. This atmosphere presumably
contributed to economic prosperity and probably directly affected the
building production of the era. As a result of this prosperity and the politics
of the Seljuk state, as discussed, different groups from Central Asia
started to settle in Anatolia in the 13th Century, including merchants,
artisans, artists, sheikhs, and dervishes, who gathered around lodges.548
Especially the migration of artisans was significant for the Seljuks'
architecture during the 13th Century. As Oya Pancaroğlu’s studies indicate,
most of these artisans traveled in Anatolia.549 These people brought the
architectural tradition of mainly Central Asia and Iran, probably embedded
with theology, and apparently had significant contributions to the Seljuks'
545 Algan, “Anadolu Selçuklu Dönemi Mimarisi Taş Yüzey Süslemelerinin İncelenmesi ve
Seramik Yorumları,” 22-24.
546 Ibid., 22-24.
547 Ibid., 22-24.
548 Bozkuş, "Anadolu Selçuklularında Sosyal, Dini ve Mezhebi Yapı,” 250.
549 Oya Pancaroğlu, “The Mosque-Hospital Complex in Divriği: A History of Relations and
Transitions,” Anadolu ve Çevresinde Ortaçağ, 3 (2009), “ 187-189.
180
architectural tradition in the 13th Century.550 For the mosque and
madrasah architecture of the 13th Century, the impact of these artists and
artisans is observable not only in the quality of the stonework of the
construction but also in the richness of the stone decorations of the
mosques and madrasah.551 Although the structural quality possibly
enabled the theological and philosophical concepts to be reflected in the
plan organizations and volumetric configurations of the buildings, these
artists' impact is arguably much more in the decorative program.552 The
new lore of decorations, or even motif and pattern books, probably brought
to Anatolia through these people and spread in Anatolia, mostly in lodges,
and applied to many monuments, including mosques and madrasahs.553
Thus, these patterns, motifs, and figures with possible connections to
Neoplatonism penetrated the architectural tradition of Anatolia and applied
throughout the land, even though some applications might be unintentional
of this connection. Based on these interactions and the level of prosperity,
the examples produced in the 13th Century were presumably highly unique
and even the peak of the decorative program of the Seljuk mosques and
madrasahs. These patterns, motifs, and figures applied to these buildings
are discussed in the following parts regarding their relationship to the
550 Ibid., 187-189.
551 Algan, “Anadolu Selçuklu Dönemi Mimarisi Taş Yüzey Süslemelerinin İncelenmesi ve
Seramik Yorumları,” 30.
552 Ibid., 30.
553 Pancaroğlu, “The Mosque-Hospital Complex in Divriği: A History of Relations and
Transitions,” 187-189.
181
Neoplatonic concepts. Furthermore, Doğan Kuban's statement indicating
that the Seljuk examples in Anatolia before the 13th Century were mainly
built for daily function and did not contain much symbolism strengthens
our view that the 13th Century cases are manifestations of concepts
enhanced by means of mysticism in its culmination period in Anatolia.554
In addition to the impact of the traditions from foreign lands, the
architectural traditions that existed in Anatolia by the Seljuks arrived were
apparently highly influential. The Byzantine basilical tradition was likely to
be the most influential pre-Seljuk Anatolian impact on the mosque
architecture in 13th Century Anatolia.555 In earlier centuries, the Seljuks
built mosques on the ruins of churches or sacred lands of Byzantine
cities.556 Although the use of spolia from such sites or buildings continued
in the 13th Century, mainly in column capitals, column pedestals, or
construction stones, it is possible to indicate that the cases from the 13th
Century mainly were ex nihilo.557 This situation presumably enabled the
Seljuks to continue to be influenced by the Byzantine basilicas' formal
characteristics. They adapted the basilica scheme to their religion's needs
554 Doğan Kuban, Selçuklu Çağında Anadolu Sanatı, (İstanbul: Yapı Kredi Yayınları,
2002), 95.
555 For further information on the impact of Byzantine basilicas on Peker, “Anadolu
Bazilika Geleneği ve Selçuklu Anıtsal Mimarisine Etkisi.”
556 Scott Redford, "The Seljuqs of Rum and the Antique," Muqarnas 10 (1993), 148-149.
Accessed March 29, 2021. doi:10.2307/1523181.
557 Ibid., 148-149.
182
while not restricted by the existing ruins and produced original examples of
their traditions during the 13th Century.
Moreover, for the formation of the madrasah scheme and typology in
Anatolia, it is possible to claim that the plan organization of the cross-insquare
Byzantine churches was influential.558 When the madrasah plans
are examined, it is possible to observe a similar centralization of the plan
with a dome in the third dimension, in the enclosed courtyard type
madrasahs, which is the main characteristic of cross-in-square churches.
Yet, the uniqueness of the madrasah typology is observable in the way
Seljuks combined the cross-in-square scheme with the four iwan
courtyard, which they mainly employed in Iran.559 As a result of this
possible synthesis, a new typology has emerged for the Seljuks' highly
valued sheiks, dervishes, and religious education and production. With the
increase in prosperity, migration of dervishes, and the empowerment of
lodges, and so on in the 13th Century, it is possible to claim that the
madrasah typology matured enough to reach its architectural peak with
numerous buildings being produced in the century.
Therefore, it is possible to suggest that the 13th Century was a period of
prosperity and production for the Anatolian Seljuks. While the control of
the Seljuks over The Silk Road enabled them to sustain welfare in the
country, this welfare, as well as the characteristic inclusive policy of the
state and society, possibly made the migration of not only the merchant
558 Ali Uzay Peker, "The Monumental Iwan: A Symbolic Space or A Functional Device?,"
Journal of the METU Faculty of Architecture, XI/1-2 (1991), 7-10.
559 Ibid., 7-10.
183
but also sheiks, artists, and artisans mainly from the cultural centers of
Central Asia possible. In addition to these migrations, the atmosphere of
Muslim Anatolia in the 13th Century apparently made it a center of
attention for important philosophers such as Ibn ‘Arabī. These people,
especially the sheiks and philosophers, possibly contributed to the
religious and philosophical atmosphere of Anatolia with their heterodox
Islamic belief systems, which were possibly under Neoplatonic influence.
Moreover, the artists and craftsmen probably carried their architectural
traditions with them to the Seljuk lands.
Furthermore, it is possible to indicate that the sheiks and dervishes were
respected by the society of Seljuks and tolerated to great degrees by the
state. Simultaneously, the system of lodges under the protection of the
ruling body arguably enabled the artists and artisans to shelter and
produce freely without any political or religious agenda dictated by the
state. The fact that the lodges were also nourished by the esoteric views
and practices possibly indicates that the artistic production needs to be
dealt together with the impact of Sufism. Besides, the broad-mindedness
of the society and state made it possible for local traditions, mainly the
Byzantine one, to nurture and influence the architectural style. As a result
of these cultural interactions as well as the open-minded approach to
artistic production, it is possible to define the architectural tradition of the
Seljuks in the 13th Century as a synthesis of various influences, and it
produced examples that were at a higher level of uniqueness compared to
the previous and later ones in terms of both formal and decorative
characteristics. Mosques and madrasah of the period were likely to be
significant examples of this unique architectural style of synthesis, which
184
this study claims one of the prime manifestations of the Neoplatonic
impact on Islamic theology and its repercussions in architecture.560
4.3. Reflections of the Neoplatonic Concepts in the Spatial
Characteristics of the 13th Century Seljuk Architecture in Relation to
Liturgy
In a similar approach to the one in the Byzantine part, this part of the study
adopts a methodology combining the symbolic meaning provided by liturgy
with the examination of the architectural space regarding geometry to
trace the Neoplatonic concepts in the 13th Century Seljuk architecture.
Although this relationship with the liturgy is a specific one to mosques, and
it is not possible to claim a similar one for the madrasahs, the chapter
traces the reflections of Neoplatonic concepts in madrasahs without
liturgical aspects.
Moreover, it is difficult to suggest a relationship between Muslim liturgy
and the mosque space similar to the Byzantine one. The main reason for
this is the fundamental differences between The Byzantine Rite, a
continuation and adaptation of the pagan rituals, and the Muslim prayer of
Salât. Although it would be difficult and out of our focus to trace the pagan
roots of Salât, the thesis discusses the conceptual similarities between the
Neoplatonic doctrines and the Muslim prayer before moving on to the
examination of the case studies. Furthermore, it is possible to state that
geometry's importance as the regulator of the universe in Neoplatonic
understanding possibly impacted Muslims, particularly the Seljuks. Hence,
this chapter also includes the geometrical analyses of the selected case
studies. The selected case studies for this part of the study are Alaeddin
560 Ögel, Anadolu’nun Selçuklu Çehresi, 46-48.
185
Mosque (1223) in Niğde, Divriği Great Mosque (1228) in Sivas, Burmalı
Minare Mosque (1237) and Gökmedrese Mosque (1266) in Amasya,
Hunad Hatun Mosque (1237), and Hacı Kılıç Mosque (1249) in Kayseri,
Arslanhane Mosque (1289) in Ankara and Eşrefoğlu Mosque (1296) in
Beyşehir among the 13th Century Seljuk mosques. The case studies for
the madrasahs are Karatay Madrasah (1251) and İnce Minareli Madrasah
(1279) in Konya and Cacabey Madrasah (1272) in Kırşehir among the
madrasahs with enclosed courtyards and Çifte Minareli Madrasah (1265)
in Erzurum, Gökmedrese (1271) and Çifte Minareli Medrese (1271) in
Sivas, Sahabiye Madrasah (1276) in Kayseri among the madrasahs with
open courtyard.
Moreover, Hacı Kılıç Mosque and Hunad Hatun Mosque have madrasah
attached to them as well as the madrasah of Divriği Great Mosque which
functions as a Dār al-Shifā. In related points, these madrasahs are
referred to as well. The cases are analyzed to trace the reflections of the
three Neoplatonic concepts with their reinterpretations in the Seljuks'
theology. It is possible to consider the repercussions of unity, duality, and
hierarchy in plan organizations and volumetric arrangements of the
mosques to be supported by their similarities to the prayer of Salât and the
Islamic worldview. Even though the impact of Salât is not observable in
the plan organizations and volumetric configurations of madrasahs, they
are also referred to for particular aspects they contain with possibly similar
symbolism.
For this reason, in addition to the discussion of Salât before the analyses
of the case, the doctrines of the Islamic philosophers, especially the ones
from Al-Fārābī and Ibn ‘Arabī, are referred to during the architectural and
geometrical analyses. Furthermore, it is vital to indicate that the
186
dominancy of one or two of the concepts over the others is a natural
outcome of the different interpretations and adaptations within the Seljuk
theology and community. As a result of this, it is possible to observe traces
of concepts in liturgy and architecture to different degrees. Thus, the order
of the concepts followed in the Byzantine part is changed for the Seljuk
one.
4.3.1. Meaning in the Background of the Muslim Prayer and Its
Relation to Neoplatonic Doctrines
Before discussing how it is possible to find similarities between the
meaning in the background of the Muslim Prayer of Salât and the
Neoplatonic understanding of reunion, it is essential to provide basic
information about Salât and its place and importance in Islam. Salât is a
ritual prayer performed by Muslims individually or as a community in
mosques.561 Although there are other special occasions for Salât, it is
indicated as a principle of Islam and performed five times a day.562 Even
though the discussion of the physical practice of Salât is not necessary for
this study, some of the rules are important in terms of the effect of the
liturgy on the mosque space. One of the most important rules that possibly
affected the formation of the mosque space was its orientation. Since it is
ordered for Muslims to face towards the Ka’ba while performing the ritual
of Salât to follow the tradition of Prophet Muhammed, Sunna, the qibla
axis has been an instrumental factor for the formation of the mosque
space in later periods.563 Another critical factor is the advice to Muslims to
561 The Encyclopaedia of Islam, Vol. VIII, s.v. “salât.” (Leiden: Brill, 1986), 925-934.
562 Ibid., 925-934.
187
perform the ritual as a community and in the format of rows lined to face
the qibla equally.564 The effects of physical manuals of the Muslim prayer
on the formation of the plan organization and volumetric configuration of
13th Century Seljuk Mosques in reference to the Neoplatonic concepts are
discussed in the following parts. In addition to the effects of the physical
practice of the Salât on forming the Seljuk mosques, it is possible to argue
that the symbolic meaning of it excessively contributed to the symbolism of
the mosque space as well. To demonstrate this contribution and the traces
of Neoplatonic concepts in the 13th Century Seljuk Mosques, this study
adopts an approach of drawing parallelism between the esoteric meaning
of the Muslim prayer and the Neoplatonic doctrines. However, it is crucial
to indicate that there is a drastic difference here compared to
Neoplatonism's influence on the formation of the Byzantine Rite.
Suggesting a similar influence for the Muslim Prayer would be a
groundless claim and out of this study's framework and purpose.
Although there is not a direct reference to the prayer of Salât in the
Qur’an, praying daily to God is an emphasized topic in the book of
Islam.565 Most of the information in the canonical Islamic belief about the
symbolic meaning or the practice of Salât was likely to be gathered by the
563 Mahya Ghouchani, Mohammad Taji and Fatemeh Kordafshari, “The Effect of Qibla
Direction on the Hierarchy of Movement in Mosque: A Case Study of Mosques in Yazd,
Iran,” Frontiers of Architectural Research Vol. 8 Issue 3 (2019), 399.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.foar.2019.01.002
564 M. M. Dheen Mohamed, “Muslim Prayer in Practice,” in Prayer: Christian and Muslim
Perspectives, ed. David Marshall and Lucinda Mosher (Washington: Georgetown
University Press, 2013), 33.
565 See Qur’an 2:3, 2:238, 4:43, 4:103
188
hadiths of the Prophet Muhammed.566 Prophet Muhammed's teaching
displays that the meaning of Salât is praising God and its supremacy and
demonstrating Muslims’ devotion and submission to God.567 Asides from
the Qur’anic verses that are read during the practice of Salât, the phrases
repeated also demonstrate this understanding, especially with the phrase
of subhana Rabbi al-Azim (Glory be to my Lord, the Great), subhana
Rabbi al-Ala (Glory be to my Lord, the Most High) and Rabbana wa laka
al-hamd (Our Lord, for You is all the Praise).
In addition to the canonical meaning of Salât, there are more layers to its
meaning, especially more esoteric and mystical ones which Sufis mostly
reinterpret. Sufis presumably considered the ritual of Salât as a symbolic
reunion with God or, in other words, their own spiritual ascension.568 “Sufis
generally called this phenomenon (the level that reached through the
practice of Salât) wasl, or spiritual reunion, with God.”569 They named this
stage “station of annihilation (maqam al-fana),” in which one reaches in
the climax of Salât and is “totally immersed in the presence of his Lord.”570
It is possible to discuss this understanding as showing similarities to
vahdet-i vücud understanding of Ibn ‘Arabī suggesting the unity of all
566 Mohamed, “Muslim Prayer in Practice,” 27-28.
567 Ibid., 27-28.
568 Ibid., 31-32.
569 Ibid., 32.
570 Ibid., 32.
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beings with God and possibly formulated under the influence of the
reinterpretations of Neoplatonic doctrines. Based on this, there has
probably been a corresponding relationship between different Sufi
doctrines and the mystical symbolism of Salât. Furthermore, the mysticism
of Salât conceivably demonstrates close resemblances with the spiritual
journey of philosophers discussed in the Neoplatonic texts in terms of their
symbolic meaning. It is likely to consider the stage of maqam al-fana
parallel to the metaphysical stage of adyton at the climax of the pagan
ritual since, in both, the one who is practicing the liturgy becomes united
with God.571 Moreover, Dheen Mohamed explains this stage in the Sufi
understanding as:
…true and complete submission to the Lord is only
possible when Lord’s will and desire is voluntarily
acquired as one’s own will and desire; in other words one
does not pass a will or desire of one’s own and hence
stands unified with God.572
This passage about the Sufi understanding arguably displays similarities
to the original ideas of Plotinus. Especially his ideas about the lack of free
will and the misguided meaning of desire in the material universe were
presumably influential for this Sufis’ conception of Salât.573 The unification
understanding is also very similar to the reversion of the emanation
571 The concept of adyton in the Neoplatonic rituals is discussed in 3.3.1. Byzantine Rite
as a Liturgy under Neoplatonic Influence. For further information on the concept see
Tissi, “Sanctuary Doors, Vestibules and Adyta in the Works of Neoplatonic Philosophers.”
572 Mohamed, “Muslim Prayer in Practice,” 31-32.
573 For Plotinus’ ideas on will power see Gregory, The Neoplatonists, 81.
190
process, ekstasis, discussed not only by Plotinus but also by Proclus.574
Although these resemblances are not enough on their own to suggest any
kind of Neoplatonic influence on the formation of the meaning of Salât, the
fact that Sufis knew the Neoplatonic doctrines, in general, enables the
possibility of these doctrines’ impact on how Sufis perceived the Muslim
liturgy esoterically.
Furthermore, Quranic verses and hadiths were possibly influential for this
mystical understanding and consolidated it for the canon and mainstream
Islamic belief. Although the origin of Salât dates earlier, or even pre-
Islamic periods, the regular “five times a day prayer is authorized after the
Mir’aj of Prophet Muhammed” in the eleventh year of his Prophecy.575
Thus, the practice of Salât is apparently a symbolic reprising of the Mi'raj
of Prophet Muhammed by the Muslims themselves. The Prophet’s hadith
of “prayer is the ascension of the believer” extremely strengthens this
reinterpretation.576
While the similarity between the esoteric meaning of Salât and the
Neoplatonic concept of unity is an arguable one, it is possible to discuss
the similarities with the other two. The Mi'raj of Prophet Muhammed is
explained as arisen “through the seven heavens” in the Quranic verses
53:1-18.577 Under the possible influence of this passage from the Qur’an,
574 See Gregory, The Neoplatonists, 124-125.
575 Mohamed, “Muslim Prayer in Practice,” 26.
576 Ibid., 33.
577 Ibid., 33.
191
many Muslim philosophers, including Ibn ‘Arabī, have dealt with the Mi’raj
as a journey between the celestial stages in a hierarchical order.578 Based
on this, it is possible to claim that the ascension has been accepted as a
hierarchical journey in Islamic understanding, and therefore, the symbolic
meaning of Salât most probably contains a hierarchical lifting. Finally, for
the concept of duality, the physical practice of Salât, accompanied by
spiritual lifting, conceivably accepts and reflects the twofold nature of the
universe and human beings as microcosmic models. When considered
with the mosque space, the ascension meaning of Salât was probably a
significant factor for the symbolism of the mosque interiors, as it is
discussed in the following part about the traces of duality.
Therefore, the parallelism between the Neoplatonic concepts and the
meaning of the Muslim prayer, Salât, is difficult to overlook. In addition to
the corresponding relationship of the liturgy and the architectural space, it
is essential to discuss further the architecture of the Seljuks' mosques in
the 13th Century, considering the liturgy's symbolic and formal effects.
4.3.2. Traces of Unity in the Plan Organizations and Volumetric
Configurations of the 13th Century Seljuk Architecture
It is possible to observe the dominancy of the concept of unity both in the
Islamic doctrines that discussed to be shaped under Neoplatonic impact
as well as the culture of the Seljuks. Similar to the domination of the
concept of hierarchy in Byzantine theology and community, the domination
of unity is not observable in the social, political, and religious life of the
Seljuks. Embedded with the esoteric and Quranic doctrines, the Seljuk
578 For further information on Ibn ‘Arabī’s personal Mir’aj see Morris, “The Spiritual
Ascension: Ibn 'Arabî and the Mi'râj.”
192
theology and society were formed with an inclusive understanding of
union, as discussed. Their political system apparently “rejects every form
of absolute control other than the domination of Allah.” 579 Even the ruling
elite or Sultan, for the Seljuks' case, are merely considered the shadow of
God on Earth.580 On the contrary to the Byzantine political and social
system based on the hierarchy of classes, “in the Islamic political system,
the highest power is the power of God, not the power of some people over
others.”581
Furthermore, for the esoteric Sufi studies, the unity of human beings with
God was considered a pervasive concept, and the vahdet-i vücud doctrine
of Ibn ‘Arabī is apparently the most formulated version of this
understanding. For the Qur’anic doctrines, the unity among humans is
emphasized several times in Qur’an, the clearest one being the verse
3:103: “…and hold fast all together by the rope which Allah (stretches out
for you) and be not divided among yourselves, and remember with
gratitude Allah’s favor on you..”582 This understanding of unity and equality
579 Nani Widiawati, “Epistemology of Islamic Political Leadership in the Al-Fārābī’s
Emanation System,” International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences, Vol. 8
Issue 5 (2019), 26. ISSN(P): 2319–393X; ISSN(E): 2319–3948. (Accessed August, 18
2020).
580 Ali Uzay Peker, "“İsfahan Cuma Câmii'nin Maksûre Kubbesi ve Üzerindeki Bânî
Kitâbesinde Yer Alan “Sultan” Unvanı Üzerine”," in Bilge Vezir Nizâmülmülk (Konya:
Konya BB, 2019), 558.
581 Widiawati, “Epistemology of Islamic Political Leadership in the Al-Fārābī’s Emanation
System,” 26.
582 Qur’an 3:103
193
among people is reflected in the practice of Salât as well. Therefore, it is
possible to claim that the concept of unity was highly significant in different
aspects of the social life and political system of 13th Century Anatolia.
This study claims that this multi-layered understanding of the unity is
traceable in the Anatolian Seljuk architecture in terms of the plan
organizations and the volumetric configurations.
To analyze the plan organization of the case studies in terms of geometry,
it is essential to state that scholars like Nasr and Crichlow claim that the
use of geometry for design “is essentially Islamic because it expresses the
unity and diversity of the Divinity (tawhid).”583 On the other hand, Gülru
Necipoğlu, in her study based on The Topkapı Scroll, a historic
geometrical pattern manual, states that Islamic design is organized and
controlled by “girih,” the term referring to a network of lines, originated
from the Persian word meaning knot and the origin of this system is
older.584 Moreover, in her review of Necipoğlu’s work, Ann Powell draws a
historical line from Islamic geometry to Euclid, the ancient Greek
mathematician.585 According to her argument, Euclidian geometry was
effective in forming Neoplatonic doctrines, and therefore the studies on
these concepts in Muslim Baghdad included the influence of Euclidian
geometry.586 In other words, geometric sensibility and expertise
583 Powell, “Neoplatonism and Geometry in Islamic Art,” 135.
584 Gülru Necipoğlu, The Topkapı Scroll - Geometry and Ornament in Islamic
Architecture, (Santa Monica: The Getty Center for the History of Art and the Humanities,
1995), 9.
585 Powell, “Neoplatonism and Geometry in Islamic Art,” 137-138.
194
penetrated Islamic culture and art dominantly through Neoplatonism.
Rather than defending one opinion over the other, a middle path, between
the ideas of scholars like Nasr and Crichlow and Necipoğlu, suggesting
that the use of geometry, especially in the form of grids, generated from
the Neoplatonic approach in Islamic philosophy as a medium to express
the understanding of tawhid could be employed.
Furthermore, as Necipoğlu indicates, it is possible to encounter different
geometrical grid patterns in varying complexities in Islamic design.587
When the 13th Century Seljuk mosques' plan organizations are examined,
it is possible to observe that the grid system was the main tool to produce
the plans. When these grids, organizing the single prayer space, are
analyzed, it is observable that the geometrical form regulated the grid is
quadrilateral and sometimes even square. As demonstrated in the figures,
the column axes of the Seljuk mosques in the 13th Century were based on
quadrilateral grid systems. (Fig. 55) This geometric approach enabled the
Seljuks to create mosques generated from an underlying grid system that
organizes the space with the column axes extending in both east-west and
north-south directions. In addition, the grid planning also allowed the
Seljuks to threaten the space equally in the two-dimensional level and the
third dimension. In other words, it is not possible to observe significant
differences in the dimensions of each grid unit. Even though it is possible
to observe an emphasis on the qibla axis, as discussed among the traces
of hierarchy in the following parts, this emphasis is arguably not drastic
586 Ibid., 137-138.
587 Necipoğlu, The Topkapı Scroll, 10.
195
enough to distort the sense of unity in the mosque space. With this sense
of unity mainly provided with the grid that governs the whole interior
design of the mosque space, it is probable that the connotation of a space
that implies unity and equality was also created in the community's minds
who came to pray in these mosques.
Moreover, considering the symbolic meaning of the square in terms of
Neoplatonic cosmology, it only makes sense for the single quadrilateral
prayer space of the Seljuk mosque to be organized again by a
quadrilateral shape.588 This organization possibly emphasizes that the
mosque manifests God's unity with his creations since the grid system is
basically a single quadrilateral space consisting of quadrilateral units on a
smaller scale. In other words, the grid organization possibly symbolizes
the plurality that does not challenge the oneness in the Sufi understanding
of unity. Moreover, when considered with the physical practice of the
Muslim prayer Salât, this world view of unity was likely to be why the
single-spaced prayer area of the mosques regulated by grids. On the
contrary to the axial and hierarchically organized spaces of the Byzantine
church, the prayer space of the Seljuk mosques does not consist of
separated sections but a single space extending from the entrance to
mihrab yet elongated in the east-west axis to be suitable to the prayer of
Salât since it is performed by facing the south, towards the Ka’ba, as
mentioned.589 Another reason for the unity in the interior space is
588 The square is considered as the two-dimensional representation of the cube by means
of abstraction. The cube is one of the polyhedra and the symbol of Earth. For further
information on Platonic Solids see Opsomer, “In defence of geometric atomism.”
589 Peker, “Anadolu Bazilika Geleneği ve Selçuklu Anıtsal Mimarisine Etkisi,” 60.
196
apparently the necessity of facing the qibla direction while praying.590 The
formation of the Muslim prayer probably resulted as the plan organization
generating from the qibla axis, which “bring equality among the
mosque.”591 This equality is also traceable in the symmetric plan
organization as well. When the case study plans are analyzed, it is
observable that the qibla axis also functioned as a symmetry axis in the
middle of the mosques. In other words, the qibla axis runs through the
middle of the mosques. In every example, on both sides of the qibla axis
(east and west), the corridors are equal in number. (Fig. 56) As a matter of
fact, the whole space configuration (placement of exterior walls of the
mosques, placement of the opening) is almost equal on both sides of the
qibla axis, except for minor changes probably due to the topographical or
tectonic considerations such as side entrances or shifts on the column and
opening axes. Thus, it is possible to indicate that the qibla axis divides the
mosque space into two symmetrical halves in the Seljuk mosques from the
13th Century. In addition to the symmetrical floor plan of the mosques, it is
possible to observe the employment of symmetry in the design of the
particular architectural elements of the Seljuks, such as portals, mihrabs,
domes, in a similar manner. (Fig. 57 - 72)
As discussed in the Byzantine part of the study, symmetry was possibly
considered as an outcome of the beauty and order in God’s creation and
geometrically implied the concept of unity. In addition to the qibla axis and
the symmetrical organization, the grid system in the mosque design also
590 Ghouchani, Taji, Kordafshari, “The Effect of Qibla Direction on the Hierarchy of
Movement in Mosque,” 397.
591 Ibid., 397.
197
arguably emphasizes equality among the community, which is parallel with
the Sufi doctrines on unity in Islam, mainly the vahdet-i vücud doctrine of
Arabī. As discussed earlier, it is possible to trace the Neoplatonic impact
on these Islamic doctrines and, therefore, on the Seljuks' mindset
regarding equality. Besides, the quadrilateral mosque space, which
consists of smaller scaled quadrilaterals due to the grid plan, conceivably
reflects the Neoplatonic idea of each human being is a microcosm on
his/her own consisting of the three concepts. (Fig. 55)
Furthermore, although the underlying organization of the plans of the
Seljuk madrasahs is not determined by the qibla axis and the equal unit
grid system as the mosques due to the more centralized space
organization related to the function of the building, the existence of an axis
starting from the main portal and leading towards the main iwan across the
entrance is observable.592 (Fig. 73) When the plan organizations of the
madrasah cases are examined, it is possible to indicate that this axis also
works as a symmetry axis whether it has an enclosed courtyard like
Karatay and İnce Minareli Madrasahs or an open one. (Fig. 73) Thus, a
similar tendency is traceable in the madrasah design, possibly related to
the concept of unity.
Moreover, it is also possible to observe the effects of the two-dimensional
grid system as the underlying organization in the three-dimensional
592 Even though in some examples, mainly Karatay Madrasah in Konya, the main portal is
shifted, the traces of a central axis is observable. See Figure 87. In addition, it is possible
to find madrasah cases in which the axis does not central such as Hacı Kılıç Madrasah.
The possible reason for this situation is the fact that mosque and madrasah parts of the
complex is built as a single building. Despite the non-centrality of it, the role of the axis
running from main portal towards the main iwan is observable in the creation of the
space. See Figure 93.
198
configuration of the mosques. While the formal origin of the mosque
prayer area was a single space, the Seljuks created a hybrid formal
configuration for the mosques as an adaptation of Byzantine basilica
architecture.593 When the formal and technical continuation between these
two architectural traditions is analyzed, it would be more convincing to
demonstrate how the Seljuks symbolically perceived the prayer space by
explaining how they transformed the Byzantine basilica to adapt it into
their religion. Ali Uzay Peker indicates that mosque architecture before the
Seljuks was also influenced by basilica architecture, particularly in
Damascus and Jerusalem.594 However, the Anatolian cases include some
unique ones in experimenting with and adapting the basilica form and are
studied by many notable scholars, including Kuban and Perreira.595 Also,
the adaptations of the basilical form vary in the Anatolian examples.596
Despite these variations, one common point and a critical feature is
probably eliminating the hierarchical interior of the church space mainly
based on height differences while adapting the typology into mosque
architecture.597 Some examples which Perreira categorizes as
“longitudinal rectangular” are likely to be specifically important since they
593 Peker, “Anadolu Bazilika Geleneği ve Selçuklu Anıtsal Mimarisine Etkisi,” 60.
594 Ibid., 60.
595 Ibid., 60.
596 Ibid., 60.
597 Ibid., 60-62.
199
preserve the side aisles with the central nave.598 Yet, unlike the
hierarchical organizations of these volumes in the Byzantine churches, as
discussed previously, the mosque adaptations have similar height
arrangements with the possible aim of creating a unified interior by
eliminating hierarchy.599 (Fig. 74 - 76) Furthermore, as an outcome of the
quadrilateral-based grid, in the third dimension, the rectangular prayer
space of the mosque consists of equal units, except for the central corridor
leading to mihrab and minor shifts in the column axis in some of the case.
As an outcome of this space organization, the rectangular prisms between
the columns were created in the third dimension. Whether intentional or
not, Seljuks conceivably contributed this with the ceiling design, too, by
covering each unit's ceiling with similar vaulting systems except for the
lantern dome(s).600 In addition, in terms of volumes, these spaces are
created by using stereometric geometric shapes of sphere and square
based prism. This geometrical tendency is also significant when
considered with the Neoplatonic mind-set. (Fig. 77) Based on these
geometrical analyses, it is possible to claim that Seljuks created
microcosmic models regulated side by side in lines within a bigger
microcosm representation, the mosque itself. They arguably achieved this
by utilizing the Neoplatonic understanding of the use of geometry. The
598 Ibid., 60.
599 Ibid., 62.
600 For the main covering systems employed in the Seljuk mosques see Ayşıl Yavuz,
“Selçuklu Döneminde Malzeme ve Mimarlık İlişkisi.” in Anadolu’da Malzeme ve Mimarlık
(Geçmişten Geleceğe), (İstanbul: Mimarlar Odası, 2006), 98-99, 113-116, 118-120 and
131-136.
200
underlying geometric grid resemblances the community praying in lines,
with each of the people being a microcosm himself/herself. It would be
right to defend that this understanding of mosque architecture in terms of
the concept of “oneness in plurality” in Sufism is related to the
reinterpretations of the Neoplatonic concepts discussed earlier. Thus,
while it is possible to find hierarchy in the vertical order, possibly
representing the layers of cosmos, the ground level dwells upon the
concept of unity in relation to the practice of Salât and the understanding
of tawhid.
Therefore, when transforming the Byzantine church based on the basilica
scheme highlighting the hierarchy, there was a possible intention of the
Seljuks to eliminate this hierarchy and unify the interior. This urge's
motivation was probably the different reinterpretations and inferences of
the Neoplatonic concepts, which were most likely to be formative in
Seljuks' worldview and philosophy. As the two and three-dimensional
analyses of the case studies arguably demonstrate, the concept of unity
was manifested in the 13th century architecture of the Seljuks by using
geometry as the design tool. It is possible to argue that the motivation
behind creating such a unified architectural space employing precise use
of geometry was the urge to replicate the Divine work based on the
universe.601 Thus, it is possible to consider the architectural space again
as a microcosmic design. Another aspect that possibly contributes to this
601 This claim is first made by Ali Uzay Peker. For further information see Ali Uzay Peker,
“Imprisoned Pearls: The Long-Forgotten Symbolism of the Great Mosque and Dār al-
Shifā’ at Divriği,” in Archaeology, Anthropology and Heritage in the Balkans and Anatolia:
The Life and Times of F. W. Hasluck, 1878-1920 Vol. III, ed. David Shankland (İstanbul:
The Isis Press, 2013), 315-345.
201
understanding is to trace the repercussions of duality, another concept of
the universe in the Neoplatonic cosmology, in Seljuks' architectural design.
4.3.3. Traces of Duality in the Plan Organizations and Volumetric
Configurations of the 13th Century Seljuk Architecture
Ali Uzay Peker suggests that the repercussions of duality are traceable in
various aspects of the Seljuk architecture in general, such as the dualities
of “local/universal, openness/closeness, traditional patterns/plurality,
vertical/horizontal,…”602 Among these aspects, the most significant ones,
which are traceable in the spatial configuration and decoration, are
probably the dualities of openness/closeness and esoteric/exoteric
(batini/zahiri), symbolizing the twofold nature of the universe in the Islamic
cosmology.603 As a probable architectural reflection of the duality of
esoteric/exoteric, vertical/horizontal duality is also observable in Seljuk
architecture.604 For the duality of openness/closeness, when the regular
grid systems of the plans of the Seljuk mosques are considered again, it is
possible to state that they create a contrast with the exterior of the
mosque. While it is possible to think of the exterior as less organized, the
mosque interior is well organized and precise using geometric
arrangements. Even though it is not possible to suggest a gridal
organization with the same tendency for the madrasah architecture, it is
still arguable that the madrasah interior is more organized with lines of
student cells, iwans, and the big central courtyards organizing the space;
602 Peker, “Anadolu Selçuklu Mimarisi – I,” 2-3.
603 Ibid., 2-3.
604 Ibid., 2-3.
202
when compared to the exterior setting. This duality of the exterior and
interior is presumably a symbolic reference to the doctrine of tarkib
(combination) in the Islamic understanding of creation. Furthermore, the
duality that differentiates the exterior from the interior is also observable in
the thick exterior walls of the Seljuk mosques, with limited openings.605
(Fig. 78 - 85) To support this further, the mosque portal, the main entrance
gate to the mosque interior, is also differentiated from the rest of the
exterior façades both in scale and decoration.606 (Fig. 78 - 85) These
tendencies are traceable in the portals of the madrasahs as well. (Fig. 86 -
94) Then, it is possible to understand the importance given to these
architectural spaces by the Seljuks from the emphasis given to the gate by
the scale difference and the precise work of their portals. Contrary to the
plain façades, the portals are highly decorated with figures and
geometrical patterns since they are the gates to the sacred and esoteric,
as discussed in 4.4. Reflections of the Neoplatonic Concepts in the
Decorative Program of the 13th Century Seljuk Architecture. The meaning
attached to the gate leading to the interior space presumably contributes
to the duality between the interior and the exterior of the mosques and
madrasahs.
Moreover, for the symbolic meaning of the interior space of mosques, it is
possible to generate ideas by focusing on the doctrines of alam al ghayb
605 Ali Uzay Peker, “Anadolu Selçuklu Mimarisi – I,” in İnci Aslanoğlu için Bir Mimarlık
Tarihi Dizimi, ed. T. Elvan Altan, Sevil Enginsoy Ekinci (Ankara: Kalkan Matbaacılık,
2019), 3-4.
606 Ömür Bakırer and Çağla Caner, “Anadolu Selçuklu Dönemi Yapılarından Medrese ve
Camilerde Portal,” Hacettepe Üniversitesi Türkiyat Araştırmaları (2009), 23-25.
203
and alam al mulk as well as the Sufi understanding of reunion and the
prayer of Salât. In the Byzantine part, it is discussed that the church
spaces contained the two realms symbolically. Contrary to this symbolism,
it is arguable that the approach to two realms and the reflections of this
approach in the mosque design fundamentally differ in Islam. In the
Islamic belief, it is not possible for any mortal from the material universe,
or as it is referred to in the Sufi texts from alam al mulk, to know about
alam al ghayb.607 Even Prophet Muhammed, in his spiritual ascension,
could not go beyond the celestial heavens, which were considered as the
limit of the alam al mulk to alam al ghayb, the dwelling realm of God.608 In
addition to his studies on the Mi'raj of the Prophet Muhammed, which
ended at the tree at the gates of heaven, Ibn ‘Arabī’s own spiritual
ascension also ends at the tree as it is located at the furthest point for any
mortal.609 Based on these reasons, it would not be possible to claim that
the architectural space, particularly the mosque interior, symbolizes the
domain of God.
As another supporting argument, contrary to the Byzantine perception of
the church as the Earthly dwelling of God, in Islamic theology, God is
everywhere and in every being, which was likely to be an outcome of
607 The Encyclopaedia of Islam, Vol. I, s.v. “alam al ghayb.” (Leiden: Brill, 1986), 349.
608 Qur’an 17:1 : “Holy is He Who carried His servant by night from the Holy Mosque (in
Makka) to the farther Mosque (in Jerusalem) - whose surroundings We have blessed -
that We might show him some of Our signs 1. Indeed He alone is All-Hearing, All-
Seeing.” See James W. Morris, “The Spiritual Ascension: Ibn 'Arabî and the Mi'râj.”
Journal of the American Oriental Society Vol. 107 (1987): 629-652
609 For further information see Morris, “The Spiritual Ascension: Ibn 'Arabî and the Mi'râj.”
204
doctrines like sudûr, zuhûr, and vahdet-i vücud and also supported by
Qur’an.610 Thus God does not need any space on Earth to dwell or be
present. As a result of this understanding of Islam, it would be misleading
to argue that the mosque interior represented alam al ghayb. If it was the
case, it would be possible for Muslims to know what alam al ghayb looks
like to replicate it and it is not only forbidden but also beyond perception
for the human mind according to Islamic theology. However, despite this
understanding, the traces of duality in the Seljuk architecture are hard to
overlook. Furthermore, as discussed previously, the prayer of Islam, Salât,
is considered a symbolic connection of the mortals with God through
prayer. The importance of reuniting the human soul with God is discussed
with various aspects of this study in esoteric Islam as well as the Quranic
verses and hadiths.611
When these are considered with the previous discussion on the
unknowability of the alam al ghayb, it is likely to conclude that the mosque
interior was perceived as a connection space for the mortals with God.612
In other words, it is possible to consider the mosque space as a
representation of a symbolic intermediary zone between alam al mulk and
alam al ghayb, which is parallel to Arabī’s doctrine of barzakh.613 As
610 For further information see Coşkun, “Muhyiddin İbn Arabi’nin Felsefesinde “Allah”
Mefhumu,” and Aygün, “İslam Düşüncesinde Tanrı-Alem (Birlik-Çokluk) İlişkisine Yönelik
Temel Teoriler: Hudus, Sudur, Zuhur,”.
611 Qur an 4:103:” …And when you have completed the prayer, remember Allah standing,
sitting, or [lying] on your sides. But when you become secure, re-establish [regular]
prayer. Indeed, prayer has been decreed upon the believers a decree of specified times”
612 Peker, “Imprisoned Pearls,” 334.
205
discussed, Arabī’s barzakh understanding was based on separation and
connection, which was probably influenced by the Neoplatonic concept of
duality, even though it is not likely to find an intermediary realm similar to
barzakh in Neoplatonism. Similarly, it is possible to consider the mosque
space as a zone or setting that symbolically divides and unites the two
realms and connects humans with their God through prayer.
Besides, even though the madrasahs are not buildings specifically
functioned for praying, it is still possible to argue them as connection
points for mortal with God through science and education. Education and
practice of the sciences have been accepted as an example of high virtue
in Islam in general.614 It has been believed that the study of science is a
symbolic way of getting closer to God by obtaining a higher degree of
virtue through these studies.615 It is possible to consider this tendency
parallel to the importance of studying sciences in Neoplatonism. Besides,
even in the Qur’an, education and the power of knowledge are
emphasized several times, including the verse of “…Allah will raise up, to
(suitable) ranks (and degrees), those of you who believe and who have
been granted Knowledge.”616 In this aspect, it is possible to draw a
parallelism between the Neoplatonic understanding and the Islamic one.
613 Ibid., 334-336.
614 Todd Lawson, “Muhammed as Educator, Islam as Englightenment, and the Quran as
Sacred Epic,” in Knowledge and Education in Classical Islam: Religious Learning
between Continuity and Change, ed. Sebastian Günther, (Leiden: Brill, 2020), 81-82.
615 Ibid., 81-82.
616 Qur’an 58:11
206
As discussed in the first chapter, studying sciences, especially philosophy
and geometry, was accepted as a path to understanding the universe and
God and reaching higher levels of virtue, and preparing for the ultimate
reunion. This tradition started with the Academy of Plato continued with
Neoplatonists in the later centuries. It is possible to count the University of
Constantinople, mentioned in the previous chapter, and the Seljuk
madrasahs as a continuation of this tradition, yet no further discussions on
this topic are needed. Besides, education was also emphasized in Qur’an,
similar to knowledge: “…they could devote themselves to studies in
religion and admonish the people when they return to them.”617 Thus, as
the centers of education and religious knowledge, it is possible to claim
that the madrasahs were also symbolic barzakh spaces where Muslims
connect with their God through prayer and religious studies and
knowledge.
Furthermore, vertical and horizontal axes together within the architectural
design conceivably reflect the duality of esoteric/exoteric in the Islamic
understanding. Due to the necessity of facing Ka’ba during the prayer of
Salât, horizontal axes within the mosque space are likely to be created.
These horizontal axes are possibly accepted as earthly or related to the
alam al mulk. In addition to the horizontal ones, vertical axes are also
created with volumetric organizations, covering square bases with star
vaults of domes, which are discussed as a part of the repercussions of
hierarchy. Bowing (rukuh) and prostrating (sajda) during Salât, with the
horizontal axis being created by the human body, a microcosm, facing the
mihrab wall and the vertical axis being created by the symbolic ascension
617 Qur’an 9:122
207
during standing (qiyam), contributes to the creation of these two axes.
(Fig. 95 & 96) In addition to the idea that these two axes exist together
within the mosques, it is possible to discuss that they symbolically
intersect only only in the praying individuals, who are also microcosms,
and each gird unit but alos on the central corridor. (Fig. 97) It is possible to
trace the same symbolism in madrasah architecture as well. In enclosed
courtyard types such as Karatay and İnce Minareli Madrasahs in Konya or
Dār al-Shifā in Divriği, a vertical axis is created with the dome covering the
central space. This vertical axis intersects with the horizontal one,
extending from the entrance gate towards the main iwan across the
building. In the cases with open courtyards, the same horizontal axis is
also traceable, and the open-air central courtyard arguably creates a
similar vertical axis. The two symbolic axes running across the buildings
presumably intersect at the central space in both types. (Fig. 98) Thus,
these intersections conceivably add to the idea of these architectural
spaces as a microcosm as well as the idea of them as symbolic barzakh
where mortals from alam al mulk and God from alam al ghayb connects.
Therefore, it is possible to claim that the architectural reflections of the
metaphysical duality in the twofold nature of the universe are traceable in
Seljuk architecture. However, it would not be suitable for the architectural
space, the mosque interior, to represent God's domain, alam al ghayb.
The doctrine of tawhid is crucial for the Islamic belief, and in order not to
challenge God's supremacy, the interior space should be considered an
intermediary connection zone, barzakh, for Muslims to unite with their God
through the prayer of Salât. Thus, it is possible to argue that the duality in
Islamic understanding as a concept does not challenge the ultimate
208
unity.618 In addition to these, this approach to duality possibly
demonstrates the concept of hierarchy in Islamic understanding.
4.3.4. Traces of Hierarchy in the Plan Organizations and Volumetric
Configurations of the 13th Century Seljuk Architecture
It is previously discussed that unity among humans and their unity with
God is emphasized both with Quranic doctrines and Sufi studies. Yet, it is
possible to observe the concept of hierarchy in Islamic doctrines between
God and the created beings, as indicated previously. It is also possible to
state that alam al ghayb has been considered prior and superior to the
alam al mulk, as discussed mainly with the studies of Al-Fārābī. As
arguable microcosmic models of the universe, the reflections of the
concept of the hierarchy are also observable in the buildings of the Seljuks
as well.
To trace the repercussions of this concept, it is possible to point out the
portals of the buildings as the first architectural element that implies
hierarchy. Considering the portals as a threshold within the framework of
the Theory of Doorway Effect mentioned in the Byzantine part of the study,
they are possible triggers for the Muslim community's minds, creating a
new event model by stepping through the interior space.619 For the
mosque cases, even though there has been an understanding that any
618 Ali Uzay Peker, "Ortaçağ Anadolu Mimarisinde Anlam," Arkeoloji ve Sanat XX/85
(1998), 37.
619 For further information on the Theory of The Doorway Effect see Radvansky, “Across
the Event Horizon.” Current Directions in Psychological Science. 21 (2012), 269–272.
and Radvansky, Krawietz and Tamplin, “Walking through Doorways Causes Forgetting.
Further Explorations.” The Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology. 64 (2011),
1632–1645.
209
place on the face of Earth could be a mosque for Muslims to pray, the
mosque space has been accepted as a sacred one and hierarchically
more elevated, possibly with the barzakh symbolism. Since “the
architecture of the mosques can be involved in the connection of the
human soul with the highest level of existence and facilities both spiritual
and mystical perceptions,” the mosque space was presumably considered
as a higher level symbolically, compared to the outside of it.620 While the
portal is the connection and separation point between the two symbolically
hierarchical levels represented by the mosque's interior and exterior, it is
also the starting point for the qibla axis that leads to mihrab on the plan
organizations of the mosques.621 Because the portals are mostly placed in
the northern wall, as seen in the plans of the case studies, the qibla axis is
usually a straight line in the Seljuk mosques. However, in some examples,
the portal is not located on the northern wall of the mosque, at the
opposite side of the mihrab, but rather on the side walls. Although this
resulted in the axis not being a linear one but one that turns its direction at
one or several points, the qibla axis leading to mihrab still exists in these
examples, too. (Fig. 56) Similarly, it is possible to observe the placement
of the portals right across the main iwan in madrasah cases, probably to
highlight the horizontal central axis. (Fig. 73)
Furthermore, when the mosques from the early Islamic period in centers
like Jerusalem, Damascus, Baghdad are examined, it is found that the
620 Ghouchani, Taji, Kordafshari, “The Effect of Qibla Direction on the Hierarchy of
Movement in Mosque,” 397.
621 Ibid., 397.
210
corridor on the qibla axis is usually emphasized.622 This emphasis is
mainly provided by heightening and widening the central corridor, such as
the example of Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem.623 The influence of this formal
tendency was probably basilical church architecture. However, the
adaptations made from basilical churches in the mosque examples of the
13th Century differ from this tendency, which arguably makes them unique
cases. As explained while discussing the traces of unity, Seljuks tried to
eliminate the height difference while adapting the basilica scheme to
mosque architecture with the possible aim of creating a more unified
interior. Yet, a hierarchical emphasis on the central qibla axis presumably
remained. It is possible to discuss that the central corridor on the qibla axis
is wider than the side ones, as it is observable in the plans, to reflect the
concept of hierarchy in the plan organizations of the mosques. (Fig. 99)
Even in the cases with the main portal located on the east-west axis, it is
possible to observe the central nave-like corridor wider than the side ones.
Based on this consistent tendency, Seljuks possibly wanted to organize
their mosque plans, considering the concept of hierarchy.
Moreover, the reflections of the hierarchy are also traceable in the third
dimension. Even though a height difference is not created in the
volumetric configuration, the central corridor was likely to be emphasized
622 Peker, “Anadolu Bazilika Geleneği ve Selçuklu Anıtsal Mimarisine Etkisi,” 59-60.
623 For further information on the architecture of Al Aqsa Mosque and the drawings of the
building see Ra'ef Najm, "Islamic Architectural Character of Jerusalem: With Special
Description of the Al-Aqṣā and the Dome of the Rock," Islamic Studies 40, no. 3/4 (2001):
721-34. Accessed April 26, 2021. http://www.jstor.org/stable/20837154 and Rafi Grafman
and Rosen-Ayalon Myriam, "The Two Great Syrian Umayyad Mosques: Jerusalem and
Damascus," Muqarnas 16 (1999): 1-15. Accessed April 26, 2021. doi:10.2307/1523262.
211
by the domes placed along the qibla axis. When the covering systems of
the case studies are analyzed, it is possible to find lantern domes placed
almost at the center of the central corridor on the qibla axis, except for the
wooden mosques. In wooden cases such as Eşrefoğlu Mosque in
Beyşehir, the domes are replaced by square openings. Whether the
lantern dome or the opening, these parts of the covering system are
slightly higher than the rest, even though the difference is not drastic. (Fig.
100 - 105) While it is possible to discuss the technical functions of these
architectural elements, such as illuminating the interior of the mosque or
removing the snow from the roof and so on, they arguably reflect the
celestial hierarchy in Islamic mysticism and also contributing to the
emphasis of the qibla axis. When most cases contained lantern domes are
considered with the symbolic meaning of the sphere, the use of dome, and
the symbolism of light, this interpretation possibly gets more convincing.
Besides, the dome is conceivably a crucial architectural element for the
madrasahs. As it is observable in the case studies, madrasahs' inner
courtyards are covered with lantern domes in the closed courtyard type.
(Fig. 106 & 107) These lantern domes provide verticality to the space
while also highlighting the centrality. Thus it is possible to claim that the
lantern domes of madrasahs contribute to the traces of hierarchy with
these two symbolic functions. Moreover, very similar to the cross-in-square
churches, the volumetric configuration of the central space of the
madrasahs with closed courtyards basically consists of a semi-spherical
dome placed on a rectangular or square base space. (Fig. 108) When
considered with the connotations of cube and sphere in the Neoplatonic
understanding, placement of the ontologically higher one, sphere, on the
lower one, cube, possibly replicates the hierarchy of the universe
symbolically.
212
Furthermore, the employment of another type of dome on the qibla axis,
which is the maqsura dome, is observable in mosques. (Fig. 109 - 111) As
explained by Ali Uzay Peker, the original purpose of the maqsura dome is
to cover the place where the Sultan prayed in the mosque in front of the
mihrab niche.624 Later, maqsura dome is given as a general name to the
dome in front of the mosques' mihrab area, mainly in the Anatolian
examples.625 In his study, Peker indicates that it is possible to observe the
example of maqsura dome in the Isfahan Great Mosque with the
inscription of “Sultan.”626 He claims that a symbolic relationship between
the Sultan’s power as the shadow of God’s power on Earth and the
maqsura dome was present.627 By taking Peker’s claim into account, it is
possible to interpret that the maqsura dome is an architectural element
that highlights God's supremacy and ultimate power by means of praising
the servant of God, the Sultan. Thus, the maqsura domes of the 13th
Century Seljuk mosques were presumably the traces of the ultimate
hierarchy in the Islamic understanding, the domination of God. In addition
to the domes placed on the qibla axis, which apparently strengthens the
hierarchy in the volumetric configuration of the mosques, the rest of the
mosque units are usually covered by vaults, particularly the star vaults
invented by Anatolian Seljuks, except for the repeating domes in a few
624 Peker, "“İsfahan Cuma Câmii'nin Maksûre Kubbesi,” 547-548.
625 Ibid., 547.
626 Ibid., 550.
627 For further on this claim of Peker, see Peker, "“İsfahan Cuma Câmii'nin Maksûre
Kubbesi.”
213
examples like Gökmedrese Mosque in Amasya.628 (Fig. 55 & 95) It is
possible to interpret this covering system as creating vertical axes in each
of the equal units symbolically, and the vertical axis is discussed to be in
accordance with celestial hierarchy and ascension mostly. The use of
streometic volumes of sphere on top of square based prism implies
hierarchy regarding the symbolic meaning of these shapes in the
Platonic/Euclidian geometry. (Fig. 77) Therefore, with the domes on the
qibla axis and the star vaults in the rest of the mosque units, a vertical
hierarchy is probably represented in the 13th Century Seljuk mosques
possibly under esoteric understandings such as Al-Fārābī’s and its
reinterpretations by the latter Muslim philosophers. When the facts that
ascension is a frequently employed theme in the Sufi texts and a
mentioned one in the Qur’an, as well as the meaning of Salât as the
symbolic connection with God, are considered, this interpretation of the
reflections of hierarchy in the vertical volumetric configuration of the
mosques possibly gets even stronger. In addition to the mosque, whether
open courtyard or enclosed courtyard type, madrasahs of the 13th Century
Seljuks conceivably consisted of the same hierarchical symbolism created
employing the vertical axis in the central courtyard.
A final architectural element related to the hierarchy is possibly the minbar
placed in the mosques concerning the ascension again. Minbar is not an
architectural element specific to the Seljuk mosques but instead found
starting from the earliest mosque examples.629 Nevertheless, it is still
628 Yavuz, “Selçuklu Döneminde Malzeme ve Mimarlık İlişkisi,” 98-99, 113-116 and 118-
120.
214
possible to consider it an important element of the Seljuk mosque tradition.
It is possible to indicate that minbars of the Seljuk mosques are the
continuation of the standardized minbars of the Emevid period, which have
their roots going back to the first minbar used by Prophet Muhammed
himself.630 Besides its practical use due to acoustic purposes, the minbar
is an elevated platform that arguably contributes to the Seljuk mosques'
vertical hierarchy. (Fig. 112 - 118) It is possible to support this
interpretation by the meaning of the word “minbar,” which is the “platform
climbed stage by stage,” similar to the metaphysical ascension.631
Furthermore, the Seljuk minbars' precise decoration, which is discussed in
4.4. Reflections of the Neoplatonic Concepts in the Decorative Program of
the 13th Century Seljuk Architecture, possibly indicates the importance
paid to it by the Seljuks, yet any further reinterpretation would be
groundless due to the lack of explanations about the symbolism of minbar
in Seljuk mosques.
4.4. Reflections of the Neoplatonic Concepts in the Decorative
Program of the 13th Century Seljuk Architecture
The richness of the ornamentation applied to the 13th Century Seljuk
architecture in Anatolia is probably one of its kind. This claim mainly
comprises the high number of monuments built in this period, the
importance paid to the decorative program of these monuments, and the
629 Andrew Petersen, “Minbar.” in Dictionary of Islamic Architecture, (New York:
Routledge, 1996), 191-192.
630 Ibid., 191-192.
631 Ibid., 191-192.
215
unique combination of decorative elements primarily due to the free
improvisations by the artists.632 In addition to the wide variety of geometric
motifs and vegetal ornaments, it is possible to find surprising decorative
figures such as animals or even humans, which are heterodox approaches
against the aniconism of orthodox Islam.633 One of the main reasons for
this richness is most possibly the inclusive and open-minded policy and
community of the Seljuks, which enabled many artists and artisans from
different cultures and traditions to move to Anatolia and work there under
Seljuk rule, as discussed previously.634 Similar to the argument in the
Byzantine part, it would be a bold claim to suggest that the artisans or the
patrons acknowledged the possible Neoplatonic interpretations of the
ornaments they use. The community's unintentional acceptance of some
motifs and figures as important elements is possible. However, in
particular cases, the decorative program supports the Neoplatonic
concepts traced in the plan organizations and volumetric configurations to
such a high degree that one might even question the unconsciousness of
these applications. Moreover, most of the ornaments from the 13th Century
architecture survive until this date enabled the interpretations of these
according to the Neoplatonic concepts in this study.
632 Algan, “Anadolu Selçuklu Dönemi Mimarisi Taş Yüzey Süslemelerinin İncelenmesi ve
Seramik Yorumları,”
633 For further information on aniconism in Islam see Ismail Ozgur Soganci, "Islamic
Aniconism: Making Sense of a Messy Literature," Marilyn Zurmuehlen Working Papers in
Art Education, Vol. 2004 Article 4 (2004), 1-8. https://doi.org/10.17077/2326-7070.1376
634 See 4.2. Formation of a New Architecture and Its Culture in Anatolia under the Seljuks
216
To start with the concept of unity, as an example of the decorative
elements that support the understanding of this concept, it is possible to
point out the inscriptions. The inscription that praises God and his ultimate
power and dominancy and humbling the humans is observable, especially
on the portals. These inscriptions on the buildings about the patronage
arguably display that Sultans or the ruling elite who ordered the building
acknowledge that the glory only belongs to Allah and they are just
servants of his glory on Earth.635 The placement of such statements right
above the entrance gate probably offers a reminder for the Muslim
community members who enter the buildings that they are all equals under
God's supremacy, and they pray as equals without distinction among them
based on any class system.636 As an example to these inscriptions, it is
possible to point out the common phrases such as “the humble servant of
God, religion and his people,” “the premises and the power only belongs to
God,” or “the servant who in need of God’s mercy” from various cases
including Alaeddin Mosque in Niğde, Hunad Hatun Mosque and Hacı Kılıç
Mosque in Kayseri and Divriği Great Mosque in Sivas and İnce Minareli
Madrasah in Konya.637
635 Arel Hilmi. “Divriği Ulu Camii Kuzey Portalinin Mimari Kuruluşu,” Vakıflar Dergisi 5
(1962), 103.
636 The Encyclopaedia of Islam, Vol. VIII, s.v. “salât.” (Leiden: Brill, 1986), 925-934.
637 For the inscriptions see Nermin Şaman Doğan, “Niğde’deki Türk Dönemi (13-15.
Yüzyıl) Yapılarında Taç Kapı-Mihrap Tasarımı ve Bezeme İlişkisi,” Hacettepe Üniversitesi
Edebiyat Faükltesi Dergisi, Vol. 30 Issue 1 (2013), 155-140., Kifayet Özkül “Sivas Divriği
Ulu Cami ve Darüşşifası Bezemeleri,” International Journal of Volga-Ural and Turkestan
Studies (IJVUTS), Vol. 2 Issue 3 (2020), 56-81., Hamdi Uzunharman,“İnce Minareli
Medrese’nin Taç Kapısındaki Kitabelerin Hat Sanatı Açısından Değerlendirilmesi,” Master
217
In addition, the use of grids for the geometrical decoration is likely to be
another supporting element for the reflections of unity in Seljuk's
architectural design, similar to the plan organization. Necipoğlu indicates
that in the same manner as the grid controlling the plan organization,
different variations of gridal organizations generate motifs for the
decoration in Islamic architecture.638 This tendency is observable in 13th
Century Seljuk buildings in Anatolia. As mentioned earlier, it is possible to
find decoration on the portals of the building as well as the vaults, minbar,
mihrab niche, and capitals inside. The geometric decorations in these
elements are generally geometric patterns, following Necipoğlu’s
suggestions of using the grid system.
In addition, geometry in decoration has another possible symbolic
meaning related to abstraction. Critchlow argues that “the effort to trace
origin in creation, the direction is not backwards but inwards” in Islamic
philosophy.639 When vahdet-i vücud is considered, since the creations and
God is one, in essence, it only makes sense for the created ones to
reunite with God through their inner selves, as discussed in the first
chapter too. Critchlow also indicates that “in Islamic understanding, the
created world is represented by the three dimensions.”640 This claim
Thesis. Hitit Üniversitesi, İslam Tarihi ve Sanatları Anabilim Dalı, 2015., “Hunat Hatun
Külliyesi.” Kayseri.gov.tr. Accessed March 21, 2021. http://www.kayseri.gov.tr/hunathatun-
kulliyesi and “Hacı Kılıç Cami ve Medresesi.” Kayseri.gov.tr. Accessed March 21,
2021. http://www.kayseri.gov.tr/haci-kilic-cami-ve-medresesi.
638 Necipoğlu, The Topkapı Scroll, 13.
639 Keith Critchlow, Islamic Patterns An Analytical and Cosmological Approach, (London:
Thames and Hudson, 1976), 8.
218
suggests that the two dimensions presumably represent God's domain
since it was accepted as prior and essential to the material universe.641
Then, it becomes possible to argue that the two-dimensional grid
decorations of the Seljuk buildings are a trace towards inwards, adding up
to the possible meaning of the architectural space not only as a space that
demonstrates the unity of beings with God but also as the intermediary
zone, barzakh, as it symbolically reimages the creation process in reverse
with abstraction.
Moreover, as a result of the in situ examination of the case studies as a
part of this thesis, it is possible to observe a repeating geometrical pattern
applied mainly on the portals. It is arguably striking to find similar
underlying patterns with minor variations used in the decorative programs
of buildings from different cities. Furthermore, many studies on the
geometrical patterns used on the Seljuk monuments consist of geometric
analyses of the patterns.642 Most of these studies do not go beyond
indicating that geometric shapes represent the understanding of eternity or
the Islamic understanding of Tawhid.643 On the other hand, scholars like
640 Ibid., 8.
641 Ibid., 8-9.
642 See Ögel, Anadolu’nun Selçuklu Çehresi, Mustafa Kemal Şahin, “Anadolu’da Selçuklu
Döneminde Niğde ve Kayseri Çevresinde Bulunan Taçkapılar Üzerine Bazı Düşünceler,”
The Journal of International Social Research, Vol. 6 Issue 25 (2013), 473-503. and Algan,
“Anadolu Selçuklu Dönemi Mimarisi Taş Yüzey Süslemelerinin İncelenmesi ve Seramik
Yorumları.”
643 Şahin, “Anadolu’da Selçuklu Döneminde Niğde ve Kayseri Çevresinde Bulunan
Taçkapılar Üzerine Bazı Düşünceler,” 479.
219
Semra Ögel and Ali Uzay Peker are among the ones who study further
aspects of geometric patterns in terms of symbolism and cosmology. This
study aims to continue their approach and provide a branch of it
embedded with the Neoplatonic doctrines and concepts with the geometric
analyses of the decorative patterns.
To return to the geometric pattern mentioned, it is possible to observe
specific examples of this pattern on the portals of Hunad Hatun Mosque,
Hacı Kılıç Mosque and Sahabiye Madrasah in Kayseri as well as Dār al-
Shifā in Divriği, Allaeddin Mosque in Niğde, Burmalı Minare Mosque and
Gökmedrese Mosque in Amasya and Eşrefoğlu Mosque in Beyşehir. This
situation conceivably contributes to the claim of geometric patterns,
together with their symbolic meanings, spread in the community
anonymously. Nevertheless, the geometric and symbolic analyses of this
pattern are more striking in terms of its possible connection to the sacred
geometry of Platonism and Neoplatonism. The pattern basically consists
of a pentagon at the center and five tilted hexagons around it. Yet, it is
possible to observe the pentagon's replacement with the star shapes
generated from inclined cubes and the examples where the two are
applied together as part of more extensive patterns. The excessive use of
pentagon and hexagon probably has its roots going back to Neoplatonism,
to the Platonic solids. As Bertol argues, it is possible to observe the use of
two-dimensional abstractions of polyhedra in various aspects of
architectural design.644 From this perspective, both the pentagon and
hexagon are presumably the abstraction of two polyhedra, namely the
dodecahedron and the cube. (Fig. 119 - 129)
644 Bertol, “The Parametric Making of Geometry: The Platonic Solids,” 33-35.
220
While each face of the dodecahedron consists of a pentagon, it is possible
to create a hexagon simply from the combination of the cube's outer
edges. Thus, it is possible to suggest that the dodecahedron and the cube
are applied to the mosque portals in an abstract form. Based on the
symbolic meaning of these shapes discussed in the first chapter, it is
possible to suggest that the idea of union, with the cube symbolizing the
earth and the dodecahedron symbolizing the celestials, incorporates the
concept of ascension from the earth to hierarchically higher celestials.
With the meaning of abstraction as a process inwards to strive for the
ultimate reunion, this suggestion would be more comprehensive. Besides,
Kotrč indicates that a geometrical relation between the dodecahedron and
cube based on the generation from inwards is present.645 According to
him, “the cube can easily be inscribed in the dodecahedron” by “drowning
the pentagrams upon the pentagonal faces of the dodecahedron, the cube
could be generated.”646 This geometrical relationship is another possible
support for inwardness as well. As a final remark on this pattern, it is
possible to observe a bigger pentagon surrounding the central pentagon
and the cubes in some of the applications, which presumably represents
the macrocosm-microcosm relationship. Even though this is a difficult one
to support further interpretations, the emphasis on the shape of cube and
pentagon on the decorative program of the 13th Century Seljuk buildings is
hard to overlook. While it is discussed to have the symbolism of
connection and unity, it is also possible to argue that these geometric
shapes also contributes to the understanding of barzakh based on the
645Kotrč, "The Dodecahedron in Plato’s "Timaeus"," 222.
646 Ibid., 222.
221
argument of the dodecahedron holding an intermediate position between
the polyhedra, corresponding the basic elements, and the sphere, the
intelligible existence with its perfection.647 In Seljuk ornaments, the
pentagon and hexagon possibly contribute to understanding the
architectural space as an intermediary zone between the earth and God's
domain. (Fig. 119 - 129)
Like these geometric analyses of the decorative patterns, Ali Uzay Peker’s
examination of the geometric pattern applied on the northern portal of
Divriği Great Mosque demonstrates that different patterns with complex
geometric organizations and possible symbolic meanings were used.648
His article titled Anadolu Selçuklu Mimari Tasarımını Etkileyen Evren ve
Estetik Anlayışı reveals that the star-like peace placed right above the
northern entrance gate is possibly generated by using the hexagon
shapes as the two-dimensional abstracted form of the three-dimensional
cube.649 (Fig. 130 & 131) Based on this examination, it is possible to
develop that the organization of cubes in the third dimension is abstracted
on the two-dimensional surface, and from the intersections and gaps in
between, the star shapes are created.650 Furthermore, besides the
647 For the discussions regarding the relationship between the polyhedra and the sphere
see Kotrč, "The Dodecahedron in Plato’s "Timaeus"," 215.
648 Ali Uzay Peker, “Anadolu Selçuklu Mimari Tasarımını Etkileyen Evren ve Estetik
Anlayışı,” in Anadolu Selçuklu Şehirleri ve Uygarlığı Sempozyumu 7-8 Ekim 2008, ed. A.
Esen, Haşim Karpuz, O. Eravşar, (Konya: Selçuklu Belediyesi Basın Yayın Müdürlüğü,
2009), 92.
649 Ibid., 92.
650 Ibid., 92.
222
hexagon’s relationship to the cube found in both patterns, the hexagon
shape itself has a possible symbolic meaning, too. It conceivably
symbolizes the six directions, four cardinal ones, and the two from the
vertical axis, which was probably accepted to represent the material
universe.651 Thus, it is possible to suggest that the use of hexagon was
another decorative repercussion of understanding architectural space as a
microcosm.
Moreover, it is possible to find the pattern which is on the northern portal
of Divriği Great Mosque, also in the wooden work of the Eşrefoğlu Mosque
in Beyşehir. (Fig. 132) Based on this, it is possible to assume that this
pattern was widely known since its variations in the stone and wooden
works are observable. Also, it is possible to make the same arguments for
this pattern, like the previous one, in terms of the cube's symbolic meaning
and the employment of abstraction as a tool for geometric decoration.
In addition to these two-dimensional abstracted decorations based on the
grid system, Gülru Necipoğlu also claims that muqarnas decoration is also
generated using a grid system.652 Although it is not possible to suggest the
symbolism of abstraction to two dimensions for the muqarnas decoration
since it is a three-dimensional one, the use of a three-dimensional grid
system, as Necipoğlu indicates, also represents the idea of unity as well
as a plurality, or duality, that does not challenge the unity as a part of the
tawhid understanding in Islam.653 Moreover, the muqarnas decoration is
651 Ibid., 90-93.
652 Necipoğlu, The Topkapı Scroll, 350.
223
found in the mihrab niches of the mosques as well as the portals of both
mosques and madrasahs. (Fig. 133 - 140) Mustafa Kemal Şahin, in his
study on the portals of the Seljuk monuments in Central Anatolia, claims
that the 13th Century examples are also important and partly unique in
terms of the way they use muqarnas decorations in portal niches.654 While
his approach is more of numerical analysis, his study also demonstrates
another aspect of the muqarnas decorations in the portal niches in terms
of symbolism.
The application of muqarnas decoration is observable in all case studies,
whether mosque or madrasah. Also, affirmed with the in situ observation
made for this study, Şahin demonstrates how various silhouettes are
created on muqarnas parts of the portals with light and shadow.655 It is
also possible to observe these mainly in the portals of Alaeddin Mosque in
Niğde, Hunad Hatun Mosque and Hacı Kılıç Mosque in Kayseri and Divriği
Great Mosque in Sivas.656 In terms of the figures of these silhouettes, it is
possible to state that they are usually in the form of humans or human
heads, birds, and lions.657 Even though the way that these muqarnas
decorations are applied probably might not be more than a coincidence
653 Ibid., 164.
654 Şahin, “Anadolu’da Selçuklu Döneminde Niğde ve Kayseri Çevresinde Bulunan
Taçkapılar Üzerine Bazı Düşünceler,” 480-481.
655 Ibid., 480-481.
656 Ibid., 480-481.
657 Ibid., 480-481.
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that creates these silhouettes, these figures were also found in the stone
relief decorations of the buildings from this period. Therefore, it is possible
to suggest a connection between the decorative figures used, especially
on portals of the Seljuk monuments and Sufi texts. As examples of this
decorative tendency, bird and tree symbols are frequently used as
possible metaphors for threshold, principles of creation, and reunion in
Sufi texts.658 Ibn Sīnā, Suhrawardī, Ferīdüddin Attār, and Ibn ‘Arabī are
among the Muslim philosophers who used these metaphors in their
treatises.659 For the reflections of these in the mosque decoration in the
13th Century, Arabī’s work titled Risaletu’l Ittihâd al Kawnî (Epistle of
Comic Unification, Universal Tree, and the Four Birds) might be the
possible influence.660 In this treatise, Arabī explains the creation with the
metaphor of birds on the sacred, Lote-tree.
To explain the work's content very briefly, Arabī places Royal Eagle, which
symbolizes First Intellect (al-Akl al-Awwal), on the most elevated place of
the tree of life.661 From Royal Eagle, the Dove, which symbolizes the soul,
is created.662 Remarkably similar to the understanding of the Soul in the
Neoplatonic system, “Dove has nothing but dualities.”663 Then, from the
658 Peker, “Imprisoned Pearls,”330.
659 Ibid., 323-330.
660 Ibid., 327.
661 Ibid., 328.
662 Ibid., 328.
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love of Royal Eagle and Dove, their daughter Anka is created, and she
symbolizes the prime matter.664 Furthermore, finally, Black Crow is created
as the son of Anka, and “from him arises the world of bodies.”665
According to Ibn ‘Arabī, these are the principles of beings in the
universe.666 The parallelism of this metaphor with the principles of Plotinus
and casuality system of Proclus is hard to overlook.
Moreover, Jaffray claims that “the fantastic creatures are the imaginatively
conceived representations of the Perfect Human Being’s own faculties.”667
Thus, it is also possible to draw a parallelism between these metaphors
and the Neoplatonic idea of human beings as microcosms. It is also
possible to point out this parallelism as the reason for using human figures
and silhouettes as part of the buildings' decorative program.
Under the possible influence of this work and many others, birds, trees,
and even human figures are found predominantly on the portals of the
monuments. Even though the portals of the Divriği Great Mosque and Dār
al-Shifā are probably the prime example of a decorative program including
these figures, it is possible to observe their use in other examples in lesser
degrees. (Fig. 141 & 142) Bird reliefs are found on the portal of Alaeddin
663 Ibid., 329.
664 Ibid., 329.
665 Ibid., 329.
666 Ibid., 329.
667 Quoted in Peker, “Imprisoned Pearls,” 329.
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Mosque in Niğde, right above the gate and in the middle.668 It is also
possible to find tree figures in Gök Madrasah in Sivas and Çifte Minareli
Madrasah in Erzurum in addition to the various vegetal decorations
employed in all cases. (Fig. 143 & 144) When considered together with the
silhouettes, the examples of the employment of figures are enriched.
Furthermore, it is possible to point out the vegetal decoration as another
critical aspect of the decorative program of 13th Century Seljuk
architecture. Although the examples and the application areas of the
vegetal decoration vary, some repeating patterns similar to the geometric
ones are observable. These are usually applied on the portals as bands
surrounding the gate or on the capitals of plasters, as observed in situ
examinations. It is also possible to find applications where the vegetal
motifs are connected with geometric patterns or even examples that
consist of the juxtaposition of the two.669 However, the various applications
demonstrate that there was possibly a standardization of the vegetal
decorations. These motifs were possibly transported among the artists,
similar to geometric patterns. This transportation might have resulted in
their symbolic meaning disremembered. From this study’s perspective, it is
possible to consider the standardization of vegetal decorations as an
abstraction of nature. Thus, similar to the geometric patterns, the vegetal
motifs in the decorative program of the buildings possibly represented
divine perfection in the order of nature and cherished God's supremacy
668 Şahin, “Anadolu’da Selçuklu Döneminde Niğde ve Kayseri Çevresinde Bulunan
Taçkapılar Üzerine Bazı Düşünceler,” 474.
669 Algan, “Anadolu Selçuklu Dönemi Mimarisi Taş Yüzey Süslemelerinin İncelenmesi ve
Seramik Yorumları,” 37-38.
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through abstraction. The arguments of Wilhelm Worringer regarding the
role of abstraction both for geometric ornaments and vegetal ones
discussed in the first chapter support this meaning.670 Moreover, the
symbol of the tree is discussed as an important one used in the Sufi texts
and found in Quranic verses. Possibly related to this emphasis on the
symbol of the tree, tree relieves on the portals are observable, such as the
example of cosmic tree relief on the portal of Divriği Great Mosque and
Dār al-Shifā as well as other tree motifs mentioned previously.671 (Fig.
143)
Therefore, applying these figures and vegetal decoration presumably
symbolize the creation of the universe through emanation and cherish
God's work in the Seljuks' architectural space. These ornaments also
signify the portal's symbolism as a threshold and the architectural space
as barzakh, which is discussed as the traces of the concept of duality.
In addition to the decorative figures and vegetal decoration, the
inscriptions conceivably support the idea of architectural space being the
symbol of barzakh. The Throne Verse of the Qur’an is often applied to
different components of the Seljuk buildings, such as the northern portal of
670He claims that “both ornamental styles are actually devoid of a natural model,
notwithstanding the fact that their elements are to be found in nature” by suggesting that
similar to the vegetal ornament which gives “not the plant itself but the regularity of its
outwards structure”, “the geometric style gives the structural law of inanimate matter, but
not the matter itself in its outward appearance.” (Worringer, Abstraction and Empathy: A
Contribution to the Psychology of Style, 59-60.) Also see 2.4. Significance of Geometry
and Geometry as a Tool for the Application of Hierarchy, Duality and Unity in
Architectural Design
671 Algan, “Anadolu Selçuklu Dönemi Mimarisi Taş Yüzey Süslemelerinin İncelenmesi ve
Seramik Yorumları,” 113.
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Divriği Great Mosque or the interior surface of the dome of Karatay
Madrasah. In the verse it is written: “...Allah! There is no god but He - the
Living, The Self-subsisting, Eternal. No slumber can seize Him Nor Sleep.
His are all things In the heavens and on earth. Who is there can intercede
In His presence except As he permitteth?”672
Based on this Qur’anic inscription, since the domain of God could not be
known by any mortal, it is possible to understand that it is placed beyond
the macrocosm, and therefore the mosque space is not the symbol of his
realm but differentiated from the earthly spaces to be an intermediary
zone. Thus, this differentiation is a possible repercussion of the
Neoplatonic concept of duality. Moreover, another inscription, particularly
from Eşrefoğlu Mosque in Beyşehir and Karatay Madrasah in Konya, is
likely to reflect the barzakh symbolism. On the interior surface of the dome
of Eşrefoğlu Mosque and the pendentives of Karatay Madrasah, the name
of Prophet Muhammed and the four caliphs are written. (Fig. 106 & 107)
Peker claims that, based on the Prophet's role in the Islamic
understanding as the messenger and communicator between God and
humans, these inscriptions contribute to understanding these spaces as
an intermediary connection zone barzakh.673
As discussed earlier, the concepts or their reflections are not easily
distinguishable from each other since they compose the universe's
fundamental ontology. From this point of view, it is possible to interpret an
672 Qur’an 2:255
673 Ali Uzay Peker, "Anadolu Selçuklu Mimari Tarihinde Anlam Araştırmaları," Türkiye
Araştırmaları Literatür Dergisi (2009), 77.
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architectural reflection of a particular concept as the trace of another. The
examples of this situation are discussed in the Byzantine part of the study,
especially about the roles of the thresholds in the church space.674
Similarly, the inscriptions and the Qur’anic verses that applied on the
Seljuk buildings arguably indicate the hierarchy as well, even though they
are discussed within the concepts of unity and duality. Whether they are
about the patron of the building or a Quranic verse, the inscriptions of the
13th Century Seljuk buildings generally highlight the ultimate hierarchy in
Islam: the absolute dominancy of God over its creations. It is possible to
interpret the placement of these inscriptions, usually on portals or lantern
domes, as if they are at critical points to support the meaning of the
inscription and reminding the community about the supremacy of God.675
The fact that the mosque portals, in general, are referred to as “the divine
mercy door” in some texts and studies possibly supports this
interpretation, too.676 Similarly, the placement of the other types of
ornaments, geometric or vegetal, is likely to emphasize the hierarchy
reflected in the architectural design. Based on the observations on the
case studies, it is possible to indicate that the decorated elements of the
mosques are mostly placed on the qibla axis, usually starting with the
674 Thresholds are discussed as indicating both separation and connection. On this issue
Mircea Eliade states that “…Between the sacred and the profane there is a threshold that
represents a boundary, a frontier that distinguishes and opposes these two worlds but, at
the same time paradoxically is the place where the two worlds communicate.” Quoted in
Patricios, The Sacred Architecture of Byzantium, 399.
675 Ghouchani, Taji, Kordafshari, “The Effect of Qibla Direction on the Hierarchy of
Movement in Mosque,” 398.
676 Ibid., 398.
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portal and extending towards the south, where it ends with the mihrab
wall. Even though there are examples that the portals are not placed on
the northern wall, and the entrance axis is parallel to the mihrab wall such
as Alaeddin Mosque, Hunad Hatun Mosque, Hacı Kılıç Mosque, and
Eşrefoğlu Mosque, the points for the use of excessive decoration is
identical in all cases: the portal, the mihrab, and the minbar. It is possible
to consider this axis as the first part of the symbolic axis extending towards
the Ka’ba due to the mosque's orientation and from Ka’ba to the heavens.
Thus, the decoration along the axis, starting with the portal and ending
with the mihrab, presumably highlights the hierarchical journey towards
God for the symbolic reunion. (Fig. 65 - 72) Similarly, the main
architectural elements on the horizontal axis of the madrasahs, namely the
portal and the central dome, are generally the most decorated
components that highlight the two axes within the building. (Fig. 86 - 94 &
107 - 108) Furthermore, the minbars' decoration, which again symbolically
represents the ascension, probably contributes to this discussion as well.
The in situ examinations of the cases demonstrate that geometrical
ornament is mainly employed for the minbars' decoration. (Fig. 113-119)
Thus, a relationship between the minbar symbolizing ascension and the
geometric abstraction symbolizing tracing inwards towards a higher level is
likely to be claimed. However, other than these interpretations, it is not
easy to trace the possible reflections of the concept of hierarchy in the
13th Century Seljuk monuments' decorative program.
Therefore, the extreme richness of the decorative program of the 13th
Century Seljuk mosques and madrasahs, consisting of geometric patterns,
muqarnas, animal and human figures, and vegetal motifs, is a highly
significant aspect of these monuments, which not only supports and
elevates the meaning of the architectural space and reflects the Seljuk
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culture of the era under various influences including the influence of
Neoplatonism.
As concluding remarks, this chapter provided a general tracing of the
Neoplatonic impact on the theology and community of the Anatolian
Seljuks and how the reflections of this probable impact have shaped the
culture and newly established architectural style. After this, the chapter
continued analyzing the case studies conducted regarding the three
Neoplatonic concepts: unity, duality, and hierarchy. Concerning these
examinations and discussion, it is possible to state that the apparent
impact of Neoplatonism on the theology of the Seljuks is an esoterically
nurturing element that is traceable in the 13th Century examples of
mosques and madrasahs as complete, rich, and significant cases as
microcosmic models based on the Neoplatonic concepts of the universe. It
would be difficult to claim that these traces are directly linked with the
Neoplatonic doctrines, yet their reinterpretations in the form of basic
concepts in the Islamic theology in general and Anatolia under the Seljuk
rule is hard to overlook. Thus, these repercussions are probably
reflections of the reinterpretations and adaptations in the Seljuks' multicultural
and theological atmosphere. Based on this, it is possible to trace
different reflections in 13th Century Seljuk monuments in Anatolia
compared to the 11th and 12th Century Middle Byzantine churches,
conceivably due to the different reinterpretations and adaptations of the
same Neoplatonic concepts within the two religious domains.
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CHAPTER 5
CONCLUSION
By analyzing several case studies, selected from the Byzantine and
Anatolian Seljuk architectures, within the framework of Neoplatonic
concepts of hierarchy, unity, and duality, this thesis has shown that it is
possible to suggest Neoplatonism, which has been a nurturing element for
both Christianity and Islam, as a shared design instrument that was
formative for the two architectural traditions. Several examinations,
predominantly geometry in the plan organizations, volumetric
configurations, and decorative programs of these case studies displayed
that the three concepts of Neoplatonic ontology were possibly employed
as design tools in Byzantine and Seljuk architectural traditions. Even
though the number of the case studies makes it possible to come up with
generalizations in their respected periods, our knowledge of the practice of
these concepts in particular architectural cases is not sufficient to support
any claim regarding the awareness of the Neoplatonic origin in the
application of the concepts into architecture. Thus, as mentioned
throughout the study, this certainty is neither the aim nor the motive of this
study. Contrary, the uncertainty about the conscious adaptation of
Neoplatonic concepts in different medieval architecture traditions in
Anatolia is the factor that led to this study.
Approaching the past architecture with today’s mindset and worldview is
possibly a methodology that falls short in providing a full depiction of the
traditions, monuments, and architects together with various social and
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cultural aspects and in their accurate contexts. When the framework is
narrowed down to the ancient and medieval ages, the certainty in the
contextualization of architectural traditions and monuments becomes more
challenging to achieve. It is even impossible for most situations. Moreover,
though it is possible to make analyses and produce outcomes based on
examining the surviving monuments employing geometry to understand
symbolism, meaning, and motives in the background of the monuments,
this work conceivably requires the involvement of different disciplines. To
be specific in this study, the search for meaning in the background of the
Byzantine churches and the Seljuk mosques and madrasahs required the
involvement of not only philosophy and theology predominantly but also
political and sociological studies. It is only possible to contextualize these
monuments and produce ideas about what they meant for their societies
and which motives were influential in their formation by understanding the
patrons, architects, and users of these monuments. As a reference to
John Onians’ study on the anatomy of the brain mentioned in the
introduction chapter, understanding how Byzantine and Anatolian Seljuks
thought and lived is the key to getting as close as possible to how they
perceived the architectural monuments. Based on this reason, theology's
involvement is arguably necessary for an architectural history study
conducted on these medieval societies, which was embedded in every
layer of their social, political, economic, and cultural structures.
Furthermore, discussing only their particular religions, Christianity and
Islam, and overshadowing the potentially shared influencer that nurtured
both would have been insufficient to provide the links of theological and
cultural influences. Also, it would not have provided the evolution of ideas
that led to these monuments' creation. Thus, Neoplatonism is pointed out
as a common nurturing element for both societies and religions and a
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possible formative creative tool in the background of architectural
traditions. As the study argues, it provided links of influences and historical
contextualization. In this effort to empahsize Neoplatonism’s role, the
heavy involvement of philosophy in this study was necessary.
Moreover, structured by this multidisciplinary methodology, the study first
discussed the philosophical aspects of the topic before moving on with the
possible reflections of these philosophical doctrines in the architectural
field. This logical structure is observable not only in the general outline but
also in the particular order of each chapter. This approach provided an
outline that is easier to follow for the reader regarding how philosophical
concepts are adapted in each monotheistic religion, how these
adaptations transformed and shaped their societies, and how these
reinterpretations are reflected in the architectural traditions. However, it is
possible to argue that this order of architectural discussions following the
philosophical and theological background information creates gaps
between the two and insufficient to provide the links. To prevent such
disconnection, all architectural analyses, whether on plan organization,
volumetric configuration, or decorative program, are classified based on
the three concepts, hierarchy, unity, and duality, generated from the
ontology of the Neoplatonic universe. This method, which is probably a
significant contribution of this study to the field, enabled the display of
architectural traces more in relation to the philosophical doctrines by
keeping track of the three concepts. It also arguably increased the
coherency and persuasiveness of the study's arguments, which at the
bottom suggest the architectural works as microcosms based on their
Neoplatonic repercussions. In addition to this categorization, the
adaptations of the Neoplatonic ontological concepts in Byzantine and
Seljuk theologies are frequently referenced while examining the case
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studies concerning each concept. By doing so, it is achieved to
demonstrate the transformation of philosophical doctrines into architectural
repercussions and again help the reader to keep track of these
transformations. Moreover, it is essential to briefly summarize the three
main chapters before proceeding with the study's primary outcomes,
including a comparative discussion regarding the two architectural
traditions.
The second chapter of the study, titled Basics of Neoplatonism and Use of
Neoplatonism as a Tool for Searching Meaning in Architecture, is the
chapter that provided the predominantly philosophical background
regarding the Neoplatonic doctrines and introduced the three concepts of
hierarchy, duality, and unity. Neoplatonism is a school of philosophy
established in the 3rd Century AD in Alexandria by Plotinus. As the final
major revival of the antique philosophical heritage, Neoplatonism mainly
consisted of Plato’s and Aristotle's doctrines. It is possible to define it as
harmonizing Plato’s and Aristotle’s ideas and their reinterpretations. The
school of thought's primary focus is the issues regarding God, the creation
of the universe, the structure of the universe, and human beings' position
in this universe. Plotinus was possibly inspired by Plato’s ideas, such as
the two-fold nature of the universe, The Good and Demiurge. In his
system of explanations regarding the universe, he conceptualizes a
descending universe model, in which all creation is based on three main
principles: The One, the Intellect, and the Soul. In this creation and
universe model, the universe consists of different stages that, in
descending order, get further away from The One as an ontological
outcome of existence.
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Nevertheless, the order is not the chronological order but the logical order
of the creation. The term emanation explains this creation model, and
Plotinus’ ideas are formulated as The Theory of Emanation. In this sense,
The One is absolute, perfect, self-sustaining, and beautiful. It is possible to
indicate that Plotinus attributed God with the title of The One. Without a
conscious decision or moment of creating, the Intellect emerges through
emanation from The One’s self-apprehension. To define the Intellect,
Plotinus employs the two-fold model of Plato. According to this, the
material universe and the beings are images and replicas of the intelligible
archetypes in a higher stage. It is possible to separate the universe into
two as the intelligible universe and the material universe.
The Intellect of Plotinus consists of the intelligible beings, and by being the
total of intelligible beings, it is indeed the intelligible universe itself. It is the
first created and the closest to perfection due to its closeness to The One.
It contains the archetype of every being within the material universe, and it
is the archetype of the material universe by itself. Due to the ontological
necessity of existence, the third principle, the Soul, emanates from the
Intellect. It is possible to consider the Soul as the mediator between the
Intellect and the material universe. In other words, it is the source of life in
the material universe and the principle that emanates as the images within
the material universe, made from matter and based on the intelligible
archetypes. The material universe is the lowest level of existence with the
least perfection and good. It consists of dualities, mainly the duality
between the soul and the body. It is possible to observe this duality best in
human beings consisting of the body and the soul. Since this duality is
similar to the duality of the two realms, humans are considered the
microcosmic models in the Neoplatonic understanding. Moreover,
according to Plotinus, the human's purpose should be to free himself from
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the material universe and its imperfections and strive for union with The
One’s absolute perfection. Based on the model of creation and the
structure of the universe in Neoplatonism, this study generated three
concepts: hierarchy, duality, and unity based on the observation of the
Neoplatonic universe's nature.
Firstly, based on the relationship of archetype-image, it is possible to
suggest a hierarchy between each of the stages, including the principles.
This hierarchy is suggestable since perfection and beauty decrease with
every level of reality. Besides, The One has the ultimate hierarchy over
everything else that emanated from it. Secondly, duality is also observable
mainly in the relationship of archetype-image. While the ultimate duality is
conceivably between the intelligible universe and the material universe, it
is also possible to observe the increase of duality in the lower levels of
reality related to the decrease in perfection. The duality of soul and body in
human beings is probably a suitable example. Finally, the ontological
system of emanation also points out unity in the universe. Whether
intelligible or material, everything is created from The One, and The One is
in each one of them in various degrees. This unity also presumably
suggests that every principle or created being is connected since they all
contain The One in themselves. It is significant to indicate that these
concepts do not challenge each other but are embedded. They should not
be considered separate from each other, and they are observable in every
stage of the universe as their general characteristics. This generalization
includes the microcosmic models such as human beings, as this study
claimed the perception of architecture as a microcosm. One reason for this
claim is the urge of human beings to replicate the Divine work of creation
in their products to get closer to God. Although Neoplatonic texts do not
specifically mention architectural works, Plato discusses this urge to
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produce microcosm, as discussed in The Literary Theory. Later it is also
discussed with the metaphor of friendship in Neoplatonic texts. This study
suggested examining possible microcosmic models, including the
architectural works, concerning the three concepts to discuss their
resemblance to the macrocosm. In this manner, geometry is considered
significant for the Neoplatonic ontology and should be considered a tool
for applying the three concepts in architectural design. Neoplatonic
understanding inspired by Plato’s ideas considers creation as regulating
and ordering the pre-universe mass.
The creation process is explained as a series of geometrical combination
that starts with elementary triangles, which called tetractys. Tetractys were
considered as the key that unlocks information about reality encoded in
sacred geometry. Thus, Plato explains the further stages by unlocking the
code of creation by the elementary triangles. In the following stages, the
complex surfaces of triangles, squares, and pentagons are created with
various elementary triangles. Later, the surfaces combine with identical
ones to create five three-dimensional shapes called polyhedra, or Platonic
Solids. These stereo metric solids are associated with the four elements
and the matter of celestials. In the order, tetrahedron represents the fire,
octahedron represents the air, icosahedron represents the water, and
hexahedron represents the earth, while the fifth polyhedron, the
dodecahedron, is generally accepted as being related to the matter of
celestials. As the final stage of creation, the matter is created by mixing
the four elements constructed by polyhedra. Therefore, in Neoplatonic
understanding and most cultures that it influenced, geometry was seen as
the creation tool and the manifestation of the perfection, beauty, harmony,
and order of the universe provided by The One. The creation based on
geometry also probably led to the identification of geometry and
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abstraction with ascension. In other words, geometry and mathematical
objects were considered intermediaries between the two realms. Based on
this approach to geometry, the chapter displayed that it is possible to
examine architectural works, which are claimed as microcosms, with the
tool of geometry to trace the repercussions of ontological concepts of
hierarchy, duality, and unity.
The third chapter of the study, titled Repercussion of Neoplatonism in
Byzantine Architecture, focused on Neoplatonism's impact on the culture,
theology, and society of the Byzantine Empire, particularly in the 11th and
12th Centuries before proceeding to the architectural examination of
Middle Byzantine churches from this era. It is difficult to define a direct
relationship between Neoplatonism and Orthodox Christianity of the
Byzantine Empire. Although it is possible to discuss the impact of the
pagan school of philosophy in any given era, there have been periods in
which the reflections of this impact are arguably more traceable. The
fluctuations in this relationship probably occurred mainly due to the
political, economic, and social atmosphere of distinct realms. It is possible
to trace these reflections in Byzantine theology and social structure much
more in particular periods. One of these particular periods is apparently
the 11th and 12th centuries due to the revival of the Hellenistic impact on
the culture and artistic production. After the censorship period against the
pagan and Hellenistic heritage named iconoclasm, this period witnessed a
revival of the Hellenistic culture, especially Neoplatonism in the Byzantine
Empire. Mainly with the studies of Michael Psellos (1018-1078) and John
Italos (1025-1085) from the University of Constantinople, the Neoplatonic
impact in Byzantine theology presumably increased in this period. These
are the possible significant names in carrying the past heritage, including
pagan philosophers like Plotinus and Proclus and Christian ones like
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Pseudo-Dionysius and Maximus the Confessor. Although it is difficult to
state that these centuries had peaceful and stable circumstances
economically and politically, it is possible to observe togetherness in terms
of art and architecture. Based on these reasons, the case studies from the
11th and 12th centuries are conceivably suitable examples to trace
Neoplatonic reflections in Orthodox Christian theology and design
concepts in Byzantine sacred architecture.
Moreover, it is vital to examine the cases with references to liturgy, the
Byzantine Rite, which possibly had heavy Neoplatonic influences, too,
since it was presumably a space-making tool of the Byzantine churches. It
is possible to trace the reflections of the three Neoplatonic concepts in the
plan organizations and volumetric configurations of the cases selected
from the 11th and 12th century Middle Byzantine churches. For the
concept of hierarchy, it is possible to state that the Rite's hierarchical
practice and the social classes affected the organization of the interior
spaces of the church. Also, it is possible to observe that the quadrature
scheme, a geometric organization created by hierarchically arranged
squares, is employed in these examples as an underlying system for the
plans and sections of the cases. Furthermore, the vertical configuration of
the stereo metric forms is likely to be a trace of hierarchy in the church
space. To continue with the concept of duality, it is possible to discuss the
church itself as a space of threshold between profane and sacred.
Nevertheless, since it is considered a microcosmic model with hierarchy, it
consists of a series of thresholds that provide separation between profane
and sacred or, in some cases, between less and more holy spaces. Three
of these symbolic and physical thresholds arguably stand out as more
sharp and significant points. These are the atrium walls that separate the
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sinful daily life from the sacredness of the church, the church doors which
separate the profane outside from the sacred microcosm of the church
interior, and finally, the iconostasis wall, which separates the nave and
apse section and symbolically the material universe from the Divine realm.
In terms of the volumes, the duality is discussable to reflect on the contrast
between the spatial characteristics of the central and the periphery
spaces. As to the final concept of unity, all these reflections are probably
its repercussions as well. The squares are generated from a single point In
the quadrature as a possible geometric manifestation of the universe's
emanation from The One. Therefore, it possibly implies unity among them.
Also, this plan organization results in the symmetric nave space at the
center of the church. It is possible to point out symmetry as implying unity
on its own. In terms of Neoplatonic understanding, it connects with the
characteristics of Platonic Solids, which have been accepted as the
particles and regulators of the universe through geometry. Furthermore,
the thresholds, discussed as symbols of separation and duality, are
connection points that provide unity with different spaces and between
their symbolic meanings.
In addition to the traces in the plan organizations and the volumetric
configurations of the churches, it is possible to trace reflections of
Neoplatonic concepts in various aspects of the decorative program of the
churches. The architectural decorations incorporating icons are possibly
supporting elements of the hierarchical organization of pure geometric
forms. It is also possible to observe that the decoration contributes to the
separation between the central and periphery spaces with the richness
and the sacredness of the icons used. Moreover, the precise geometric
work of the floor mosaics and exterior brickwork is likely to reflect
geometry's importance. It is possible to point out the stone carving
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decoration of the marble furniture to support this claim about the precise
craftsmanship of geometric patterns. Moreover, the holy icons on the
canonical configuration of the iconostasis wall are probable contributors to
the idea of connection and unity with the belief that these holy people are
the community's helpers in their journey of virtue towards God.
Finally, the fourth chapter of the study, titled Repercussions of
Neoplatonism in the Architecture of Anatolian Seljuks, focused on how the
impact of Neoplatonism shaped the culture, theology, and society of the
Anatolian Seljuks, particular in the 13th Century before proceeding to the
architectural examination of mosques and madrasahs of this new
architecture. It is essential to examine the interactions between Islam and
Neoplatonism to understand the impact of Neoplatonic concepts in
Anatolian Seljuk theology and philosophy. The relationship between Islam
and Neoplatonism is a more peaceful compared to the case of Christianity.
The possible reason is that the Neoplatonic doctrines were already known
in Muslim lands before Islam's establishment. Other possible reasons are
Islam's inclusivity regarding the previous religions and philosophies and
the parallelism between Neoplatonic doctrines and the Quranic conception
of God, the universe, and creation. The impact of Neoplatonism is mostly
traceable in the esoteric branch of Islam, Sufism, and the works of many
significant Sufi schools of thought and philosophers such as Muʿtazila
school of thought, Al-Kindī, Ikhwān al-Safā, Al-Fārābī, Ibn Sīnā,
Suhrawardī, Ibn ‘Arabī and Sadreddin Konevi and many others. Although
most of their studies display a continuation in main aspects, each could be
regarded as a different reinterpretation and combination of canonic Islamic
beliefs and Neoplatonic doctrines. Among them, the system generated by
Ibn ‘Arabī in the 13th Century is probably the most complete one and the
most influential one in the theology and community of the Seljuks and
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continued in Anatolia by his successors. The social, economic, and
political prosperity and welfare in Anatolia during the 13th Century
probably enabled the heterodox influences of Sufis like Arabī and Konevi
as well as the sheiks and dervishes, and the artistic influences of artists
and artisans migrated from Central Asia to be welcomed, accepted and
even respected among the society and Neoplatonism was possibly one of
the most significant nurturing factors. As a synthesis of the local traditions
and foreign influences, a unique cultural atmosphere conceivably emerged
in Anatolia under the Seljuk rule during the 13th Century.
Furthermore, the cultural and economic richness among the society and
the ruling elite apparently affected the building production in terms of the
quantity and the uniqueness of the formal, decorative and symbolic
aspects. Two of the most significant examples from this era's architecture
are the mosques and madrasahs as the synthesis of various impacts,
whether architectural or philosophical. Based on these reasons, the case
studies from among the mosques and madrasahs dated to the 13th
Century are suitable to trace the Neoplatonic impact.
It is crucial to examine the mosques among these cases with references to
liturgy, the Muslim prayer of Salât, which conceivably displays parallelism
with the Neoplatonic doctrines. It is possible to point it out as instrumental
for the generation of the mosque space. Thus, when the plan
organizations and volumetric configurations of the cases selected from the
13th Century Seljuk mosques in Anatolia, it is possible to trace the
reflections of three Neoplatonic concepts. For the concept of unity, it is
possible to state that the unity among humans in Islamic belief and the
practice of Salât affected the organization of the interior spaces of the
mosques to create unified interiors. Besides, it is possible to observe that
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the grid system, which is likely to reflect the understanding of tawhid and
vahdet-i vücud, is employed in these examples as an underlying system
for the plans.
Furthermore, the volumetric configuration of the 13th Century Seljuk
mosques is also a possible trace of unity since the height is uniform and
aisles are almost equal with the central qibla lane. The level difference on
the ceiling is eliminated in the adaptation process of the form from
Byzantine basilicas. Also, connected with the practice of Salât, the
existence of the qibla axis as a design instrument for the mosques
apparently brought symmetry and unity to the mosque space. Even though
the madrasah space lacks a grid organization, it is still possible to find a
similar horizontal axis that unifies the space and acts as a symmetry axis.
To continue with the concept of duality, it is possible to discuss the
buildings themselves as connection points between the mortals and God.
Both mosque and madrasah interiors differentiate and separate from the
outside in terms of their symbolic meanings. However, this separation and
the duality resulted from it fundamentally different from the Byzantine
churches, since it is forbidden for any Muslim from material universe, alam
al mulk, to learn or know about God's domain, alam al ghayb. Thus, these
spaces are presumably intermediary zones, connection points, or in other
words, symbols of barzakh. The symbolic meaning of the prayer in the
mosque strengthens this interpretation. The barzakh symbolism is also
applicable for madrasahs since studying sciences has been accepted to
get closer to God, again with a Neoplatonic and even Platonic root.
Moreover, for the architectural reflections of the concept, it is possible to
point out the dualities of local/universal, openness/closeness, traditional
patterns/plurality, vertical/horizontal. The most significant ones for the 13th
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Century buildings architecture are arguably the openness/closeness and
vertical/horizontal, mostly related to esoteric/exoteric duality. The solid,
plain fortress-like exterior walls, heightened and decorative portals, and
the interactions of the vertical and horizontal axes are possible
Neoplatonic traces in plan organizations and volumetric configurations.
Finally, for the concept of hierarchy, the effects of the vertical hierarchy
within these architectural spaces is a probable reflection of the celestial
hierarchical system in esoteric Islam, suggested by Al-Fārābī and
influenced the works of many, including Ibn ‘Arabī. The vertical
organization of each mosque unit consists of a square base and a star
vault covering. This arrangement possibly demonstrates the celestial
hierarchy. Also, the qibla axis' domination on the plan organization as a
wider and more central corridor is a possible repercussion of hierarchy. In
terms of the volumetric organization, even though this corridor is not
heightened significantly, the placement of the lantern and maqsura domes
along this axis conceivably contributes to its emphasis and hierarchically
highlights it within the mosque interior. For madrasahs, the spacedominating
central dome presumably represents the vertical hierarchy with
a semi-sphere placed on a cube-like space.
In addition to the repercussions in plan organizations and volumetric
configurations of the buildings, it is possible to trace reflections of
Neoplatonic concepts in various aspects of their decorative program. One
of its rare kind in richness the 13th Century Seljuk monuments in Anatolia
contain geometric, vegetal, and figurative decorations. While the
geometric patterns generated from grid systems probably demonstrate
unity, they presumably reflect the concept of duality as well by contributing
to the symbolism of the architectural space as barzakh zone through
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abstraction. According to Neoplatonism, shapes such as squares, circles,
and pentagons found in ornaments are suitable to symbolize creation.
Furthermore, it is possible to consider vegetal ornaments as an
abstraction of nature, similar to geometric ones. For the concept of
hierarchy, the placement of the ornaments on architectural elements such
as portal, mihrab niche, minbar, lantern domes, muqarnas domes, and
vaults arguably contributes to the reflection of the concept in the
architectural space by means of highlighting the horizontal and vertical
axes. Also, the fact that the most decorated elements generally function as
thresholds in mosque architecture is discussed to reflect hierarchical
ascension. Moreover, it is possible to point out the figures used as a part
of the decorations in the 13th Century, such as plants, stars, birds, human
heads, as significant symbols frequently found in Sufi texts, possibly
generated under Neoplatonic impact. When considered with their
symbolism, they are most likely the repercussion of all three Neoplatonic
concepts in different aspects.
As the summaries of the chapters reminded, with the methodology and the
general structure of the study, the topic is taken in the grandest scale, the
created universe in the Neoplatonic doctrines, and narrowed down to a
single church, mosque or madrasah in medieval Anatolia while keeping
the same ontological concepts of the universe preserved as the design
concepts in the background of these buildings. The architectural analyses
conducted are arguably generous in two aspects: the quality, the
demonstration of the possible Neoplatonic repercussions, and the number
of the case studies. Thus, it is possible to state that both of these aspects
in this thesis are sufficient enough to achieve the aim of suggesting
Neoplatonism as a shared creative instrument in the background of
Byzantine and Anatolian Seljuk architectures.
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Furthermore, there are several outcomes of these architectural analyses,
and this study, in general, makes this claim possible and increases the
significance of this study. By following the outline of the thesis, the first
one of these outcomes is the consideration of architectural works as
microcosmic models of the macrocosm, the created universe. As part of
The Literary Theory of Plato and the continuation of this theory in
Neoplatonism, literary work of humans are considered microcosmic
models. Nevertheless, except for the Christian understanding of the
church as the image of God and his universe apparently started with
Maximus the Confessor's doctrines, it is probably not possible to find any
ancient or medieval sources that attribute the symbolism of microcosm to
architectural monuments. This study has shown that the Byzantine and
Anatolian Seljuk monuments are probably designed predominantly by the
three design concepts of hierarchy, unity, and duality in their twodimensional
and three-dimensional organizations, as well as their
decorative program. Besides, as the philosophical discussions of this
study regarding the Neoplatonic conception and perception of the universe
demonstrate, these three concepts are the ontological themes of the
universe created through emanation from The One. Based on these
discussions in philosophical and architectural fields, this study traces the
architectural repercussions of this philosophical perception of the universe,
the macrocosm, in the Neoplatonic school of thought and provides the
outcome that Byzantine and Anatolian Seljuk monuments are considerable
as microcosms.
The second outcome is claiming Neoplatonism as a transmitter that
metaphorically functions as a bridge between the ancient period's heritage
and the medieval age in three particular aspects. One of these aspects is
that the ancient geometric knowledge, particularly the Euclidian/Platonic
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doctrines of geometry, transferred to the medieval age through
Neoplatonism. While discussing the content of the Neoplatonic doctrines,
it is mentioned that their primary focus was to explain God, its creations,
and the relationship in between. Although this topic is open to be
considered metaphysical and abstract, the harmonization of metaphysics
with arithmetic and geometry, masterfully achieved by Plato, explains the
basis of creation and the structure of the universe in the Neoplatonic
tradition. It is possible to observe this tendency in medieval philosophical
traditions, predominantly generated under Christianity and Islam in
Anatolia, under the presumably excessive Neoplatonic influence. This
study starts the discussions regarding geometry from the theory of
Platonic Solids, heavily embedded with metaphysics. It proceeds with the
geometrical analyses of the medieval Anatolian monuments from the 11th
to 13th Centuries, which are claimed to be formed under Neoplatonic
impact in their particular religions. By doing so, this study has shown that a
philosophical school of thought, which is possibly considered abstract,
metaphysical, and unrelated to the practice of designing and building, is
arguably related to the practice of architecture by means of being the
transmitter and edifier of geometry. The other aspect of this outcome is
that Neoplatonism transferred the ancients' geometric knowledge to the
medieval religions of Christianity and Islam and nurtured both esoterically.
As explained in the related parts, many Christian and Muslim philosophers
and theologians studied Neoplatonic texts and generated reinterpretations
to adapt them to their religion. The lore created with the studies of many
different philosophers in both Christianity and Islam regarding the
harmonization of Neoplatonic perception of God, universe, and humans
with their orthodox religions created heterodox branches. In the 11th and
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12th Centuries, it is possible to observe the effects of these heterodox
branches at most in the society and culture of the Byzantine Empire.
Similarly, this situation is observable for Anatolian Seljuks in the 13th
Century. This study has displayed that in these periods, the Neoplatonic
impact played a significant role in the formation and constitution of the
symbolic meaning in the background of the architectural works, under a
unique political and cultural atmosphere that enabled the dominancy of
heterodox approaches. In other words, it is possible to trace the
esotericism and mysticism of the heterodox beliefs in architectural works in
many different aspects, mainly including but not limited to esoteric and
metaphysical figures employed in the decorative program. The impact is
traceable in the new layers of meaning attributed to the interior spaces.
Also, mysticism affected the orthodox beliefs in these religions and, most
significantly, the symbolism in the background of the liturgies. As the third
aspect, concerning the symbolism of liturgy, this study has shown that the
Byzantine Rite and the Salât were significant factors for forming the
sacred architecture of the Byzantines and Seljuks. It is demonstrated with
the detailed surveys of each liturgy in terms of historical evolution, physical
practice, symbolic meaning, and the parallelism with Neoplatonism that
these liturgies were presumably space creating tools for Byzantine
churches and Seljuk mosques.
To continue with the third outcome, the discussions reserved regarding the
penetration of the Neoplatonic doctrines into Byzantine and Seljuk
theologies and societies are believed to be sufficient to demonstrate how
deeply these doctrines penetrated their cultures. In more than several
points, it is mentioned that whether geometrical or esoteric and mystic
repercussions of Neoplatonism in Byzantine and Seljuk buildings were
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most probably applied without being aware of the Neoplatonic roots. The
historical survey of the Neoplatonic ideas within the Byzantine culture has
shown that these ideas were adapted into Christianity. They are not only
embedded with its heterodox branches but also orthodoxy. A similar
situation is observable in the Seljuk culture based on the historical survey
of the relationship between Neoplatonism and Islam. Although these
esoteric approaches were not always welcomed and accepted peacefully
by orthodox powers in the two religions, the particular centuries focused
on in this study were unique in terms of the inclusivity level that both
societies displayed towards heterodox beliefs. This inclusivity apparently
increased the Neoplatonic impact in the two cultures since Neoplatonism's
heavy impact in heterodox systems of belief added to the existing traces of
Neoplatonism in orthodox Christianity and Islam. This study correlates the
peaceful, inclusive, and philosophically prosperous atmospheres of the
two societies with the quality and quantity of the architectural productions
in these particular time frames. As displayed with the symbolic, liturgical,
and geometric analyses of the case studies selected from the 11th and 12th
Century Constantinople, it is displayed that the churches of this period
were geometrically precise, symbolically layered, rich in terms of the
repercussion of hierarchy, unity, and duality and followed the same set of
principles in most of the examples. Similarly, the analyses of the 13th
Century Anatolian Seljuk mosques and madrasahs display that these
buildings contained the same qualitative characteristics mentioned for the
Byzantine cases in their own architectural traditions. By examining these
periods architecturally, culturally, and philosophically, this study has
shown that the parallelism between the increase of the Neoplatonic
influence and the qualitatively and quantitatively rich architectural
production is apparently not a coincidence but highly related to each other.
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However, despite this common narrative of Byzantine and Seljuk parts of
the study, they differ from each other drastically in several aspects. This
thesis has shown different cultural influence paths between the two
medieval traditions and the Neoplatonic doctrines in philosophy and
theology. More direct interactions between Neoplatonist philosophers and
Byzantine Empire in the earlier periods led to the rise of the tradition of
combining Christianity and Neoplatonism in the 11th and 12th Centuries
Constantinople. Contrary, the more indirect journey of the Neoplatonic
doctrines in Islamic lore led to the peak of the harmonization of Islam and
Neoplatonism in Anatolia during the 13th Century Seljuk rule. In addition to
the differences in the historical evolution of ideas, a more drastic and
significant difference is that the Neoplatonic doctrines reinterpreted
differently in two domains to adapt them into their religions. The study
discusses these differentiations again under the three generated concepts,
hierarchy, unity, and duality, and structures the analyses of Byzantine and
Seljuk case studies according to how dominantly these concepts are
reinterpreted. Also, these different reinterpretations are pointed out as one
of the main factors in the background of the two different architectural
typologies: cross-in-square plan Middle Byzantine Churches and Anatolian
Seljuk mosques and madrasahs from the 13th Century.
To display this study's contributions to the field more profoundly, it is
essential to provide a comparative discussion based on these two
architectural traditions. The set of analyses and examinations made on
various case studies from Byzantine and Seljuk architectures arguably
demonstrate that the ontologically apparent concepts in the Neoplatonic
perception of the universe are traceable as design concepts in the
background of these monuments. Based on these repercussions, it is
possible to define the Middle Byzantine churches, Seljuk mosques, and
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Seljuk madrasahs as microcosmic models created with the same set of
concepts. Despite this common ground in a broader sense, these
typologies were approached and perceived with different symbolic
connotations by their societies. The churches were considered the
microcosmic representations of the whole created universe, the Earth, and
the Divine Realm. On the other hand, Seljuks' mosques and madrasahs
were probably considered intermediary zones, barzakh, containing the
basic concepts of the universe. Although it is possible to observe the
influence of transcendental Neoplatonic ontology and the idea of
replicating the Divine work in both of these approaches to architectural
space, the difference in their symbolic meaning is conceivably shaped
under the adaptations of Neoplatonism into Christianity and Islam.
Intending to replicate the descending structure of the universe, the church
space consists of a series of sections lined up on a horizontal axis, starting
from the outside and extending towards the apse. The role of the liturgy,
The Byzantine Rite, was also crucial for the formation of this order of
interior sections. The Rite is also discussed to be formed under
Neoplatonic influence since it symbolizes the soul's ascension to reunite
with Christ, employing a series of passages performed within the interior
sections of the church. The relationship between the liturgy and the church
space is possibly corresponding. It is likely to claim that the longitudinal
architecture of early basilica churches, with an elongated nave in the eastwest
axis, reflected this corresponding relationship and the liturgy’s
movements more openly.
Nevertheless, the cross-in-square churches were still based on the same
order as the interior divisions. Based on the configuration of the narthex,
nave, and apse spaces, symbolizing the earth, celestials, and the Divine
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realm, the domination of the concept of hierarchy is observable in the
church space. While the dominancy of one concept over the others is
conceivably not apparent in the Neoplatonic understanding, the process of
fusion and adaptation of this understanding into Christianity is the possible
reason in the background of the domination of hierarchy in the Byzantine
culture. Even though the theological discussion of this situation is out of
topic for this stage of the study, the concept is strongly apparent in
architecture and society. Narthex, nave, and apse are interior spaces with
drastic differences between their architectural characteristics and their
symbolic connotations. While the role of duality and unity should not be
overshadowed in the formation of the church space, and their
repercussions are discussed in detail, the concept of hierarchy is arguably
the main instrument.
Furthermore, even in the transformation process of the church space from
basilica scheme to cross-in-square, it is possible to trace the impact of
hierarchy, this time in the form of the class-based society of the Byzantine
Empire. The transformation from elongated nave space of the basilica
form, which allows the laymen's movement towards the apse section
during the liturgy, to square-based nave spaces of Middle Byzantine
churches is discussed to be related with the change in the role of the
laymen. The evolution of The Rite reached the stage in which the laymen
are passive after their entrance to the nave during the Middle Byzantine
period. In this version of The Rite, the laymen did not perform any
passage after a certain point of the liturgy, and the only active participants
are the clergy, and more specifically, the archbishop. Only he, reprising
the role of Christ, was able to perform the passage from the door of
iconostasis into the apse section, or the other way according to the
different commentaries, while the laymen were not more than just
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spectators. As a result of this new role, the nave space presumably
transformed into a square one that is more suitable for passive
spectatorship than the elongated naves of basilicas. Thus, in the form of
the social classes within the Byzantine society, the hierarchy was effective
in this transformation and the architectural space of cross-in-square
churches as well. Furthermore, with the centralization of the plan and the
dome's addition, the vertical axis, symbolizing the ascension in the
hierarchical universe, is also added to the symbolism of the Byzantine
churches.
Contrary to the church space, which consists of a series of symbolically,
functionally, and architecturally hierarchical interior sections, the mosques
of Anatolian Seljuks consist of a single-space prayer hall. As a
combination of early Islamic hypostyle mosques and Byzantine basilicas in
Anatolia, the Seljuk mosques carry traces of hierarchy as a formal heritage
of the Byzantine basilicas. However, the hierarchy is not maintained by a
series of spaces lined on a horizontal axis, but rather through the
domination of a central axis running through the middle of the prayer hall
space. Although the preservation of this axis implies hierarchy, when how
it organizes the space is analyzed, it is possible to indicate that its function
of creating a unified architectural space is much more crucial in mosque
cases. In relation to the physical practice of Salât, the horizontal axis
running towards the mihrab wall located on the mosque's southern face
practically works like a guideline for creating the gridal mosque space.
Similar to the corresponding relationship between The Byzantine Rite and
the spatial organization of the church space, the necessity of facing the
Ka’ba during the prayer of Salât was presumably an instrument that
affected the formation of the mosque space. While each Muslim facing
Ka’ba during the prayer creates an axis in the north-south direction,
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parallel to the central qibla axis, the rows of Muslims lined side by side
creates axes in the opposite direction. Thus, a metaphorical grid is created
from the physical practice of Salât that implies unity without separation
between the praying Muslims who are equals in the presence of God. It is
possible to claim that this metaphorical grid is transformed into an actual
geometric organization with the mosques' unified, single-spaced interior.
Based on this approach to creating the mosque space, the dominancy of
unity in the Seljuks' architectural design is defendable. The reason for this
is searchable in the process of the fusion of Neoplatonism with the religion
of Islam. While duality and hierarchy are also present both as architectural
and philosophical concepts in the Anatolian Seljuk culture, unity is
emphasized both by philosophical doctrines, such as tawhid and vahdet-i
vücud, and the architectural repercussions. This emphasis on a particular
aspect of the universal ontology is probably due to its closeness to the
Islamic worldview and understanding discussed around both Sufi and
Quranic doctrines. The dominancy of unity is observable in different
aspects of the Islamic world, varying from the meaning in the background
of Salât, which is considered like connecting or communicating with God,
to the social structure of different Islamic states, including the inclusive
atmosphere of Anatolian Seljuks. It is possible to define these various
reflections of unity under a general understanding of a plurality that does
not challenge the oneness in Islamic understanding. This understanding is
traceable in the practice of Salât as well. Although Salât is a liturgy that is
mostly performed as a community in mosques, each Muslim prays
individually. Based on this, it is possible to claim that mosque space is
filled with people, microcosmic models during the prayers. As an outcome
of the unified and grid arrangement, the mosque space, an arguable
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microcosm, consists of smaller microcosms, the quadrilateral spaces
between the columns with their coverings and vertical axes.
Thus, despite the possible main motive of replicating the Divine work in
the background of the Byzantine churches and Anatolian Seljuk mosques,
their approach to the architectural space is fundamentally different,
probably related to the conception of God and the universe in their own
religions. It is possible to claim that these conceptions were formulated by
the fusion of Neoplatonic ontological doctrines with the two religions'
orthodoxy. Observing the Neoplatonic universe with the Christian
epistemology resulted in the emphasis of hierarchy in the structure of the
universe and God's relationship and its creations. On the other hand,
observing the same universe with the Muslim epistemology conceivably
resulted in the emphasis on unity. The repercussions of these two different
approaches are traceable in their perception of the microcosmic spaces
and their design tools as well as the end products with two drastically
different space arrangements. Moreover, comparing the underlying
geometric arrangement of the plan scheme of the cross-in-square
churches and Seljuk mosque also displays these emphases on two
different concepts. Although both quadrature and gird arguably reflect all
three concepts in their geometry, it is possible to state that quadrature is
more based on a hierarchy with different square sizes and rotation, while
the grid is based more on unity with equal divisions.
The horizontal axis present in both architectural spaces also functions
differently in relation to their dominant concepts. In Byzantine churches, it
is the axis that the hierarchical spaces are line upon. In Seljuk mosques, it
is the axis that generated the unified grid. Furthermore, the function of the
horizontal axis is presumably related to the liturgies as well, in which the
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dominancy of the concepts is also observable. The Byzantine Rite is
reprising the ascension between the hierarchical levels of the universe,
and thus it involves movement directed by the horizontal axis.
On the other hand, Salât is a journey inwards, so it does not involve
physical movement in the sense of walking or passing. Thus, the
horizontal axis' role is only pointing to the direction faced during prayer. As
a result of these, it is possible to indicate that Byzantine churches are
spaces arranged for movement from one space to another during the
liturgy, while Anatolian Seljuk mosques are spaces arranged for standing
side by side in the form of rows during the liturgy. As a final remark, the
difference in the two cultures' approaches to the microcosmic architectural
space is also reflected in the decorative program. While the content of the
decorative programs in terms of patterns, motifs, icons, and figures are
related to the culture of the two domains and discussed in detail in this
study, the placement of the ornaments in the two typologies are arguably
crucial to read their understanding of microcosm in architectural works.
The interior surfaces and elements of the Byzantine churches are more
decorated when compared to their exterior. In addition, the distribution of
the decoration is not equal in the interior sections as well. As the symbolic
meaning of each section hierarchically increases from narthex to nave and
apse, the amount of decoration increases as well as other characteristics
such as ceiling height and illumination. These differences are probably
related to the church's perception as a microcosmic model that involves
different levels of descending universe from Earth to the Divine realm. For
the Anatolian Seljuk mosque cases, it is discussed that they were probably
considered intermediary zones, barzakh, which imitates the characteristics
of the universe (barzakh explanation belongs to Peker as above
referenced). In this sense, the mosques were metaphorical connection
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spaces for Muslims with their God. As a potential decorative repercussion
of this understanding, only the architectural elements which provide
physical and metaphorical connections are heavily decorated. The first
one of these elements is the portals. They are the thresholds that connect
the exterior of the mosque to the interior, and they are heavily decorated
with various patterns, motifs, and figures compared to the plain façades. In
the mosque interior, while the surfaces are left as plain, the elements such
as the mihrab niche, the mimbar, and even the lantern dome provide
metaphorical connections either in terms of extension Ka’ba or ascension
to higher levels are heavily decorated.
Before concluding the comparative part, it should be indicated that the
madrasahs of Anatolian Seljuks are not involved in this part since they are
not generated in relation to the liturgy like churches and mosques. Since
liturgy and prayer are not their primary program, the creation and evolution
of their spatial arrangement are different. Nevertheless, it is discussed in
the related parts of the study that Seljuks probably considered madrasahs
as microcosmic models as well. It is possible to trace the repercussions of
Neoplatonic concepts in their plan organizations, volumetric
configurations, and decorative program. Besides, as discussed, Seljuk
understanding of multifunctional architectural spaces enabled them to
consider both mosque and madrasah typologies in the same symbolic
manner (an explanation from Peker). Therefore, it is possible to claim that
Anatolian Seljuk madrasahs display the same fundamental differences
that the mosques have in terms of their symbolic conception compared to
the Byzantine churches, despite the formal resemblances that the
madrasahs have to the cross-in-square Byzantine churches.
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Based on the philosophical and architectural analyses as well as the
comparative discussion, this thesis has suggested a common influential
source in the background of the symbolism, design ideas, and motives of
these two traditions that have been mostly considered as very distinct and
separate in terms of the symbolic aspects. This claim, derived from the
architectural analyses, not only increases the dependability and accuracy
of the study's hypothesis but also marks the final one of its significant
outcomes. Furthermore, with this outcome, the study has also shown that
with the necessary interdisciplinary approach and effort, it is possible to
provide links and associations in terms of symbolism between these two
distinct traditions that have generally not been considered having these
common backgrounds. The main motive of this effort is that the studies
that ignore or overshadow these links are usually insufficient to provide a
complete understanding of the design mentality in medieval Anatolia. They
usually remain insufficient to explain the symbolism and meaning of the
buildings as well as the worldview of the societies that made them.
Moreover, despite this set of outcomes which enable answering the
research question, support the hypothesis of the study, and make
contributions to the field in order to fill the gap of studies that investigates
the symbolism in Byzantine and Seljuk architectures together in an
architectural history narrative, there are several aspects of this study that
requires further research or raises questions. One of these aspects is why
and how Neoplatonism became the prime source for esotericism in
Byzantine and Seljuk cultures. With the harmonization of Neoplatonic
esotericism and mysticism with Christianity and Islam over the centuries,
the Neoplatonic ideas penetrated different layers of Byzantine and
Anatolian Seljuk cultures, including artistic production. As this study
displays, Neoplatonism is apparently more than just a source of inspiration
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for these monuments but rather a creative design tool that governs their
plans, volumes, and ornamentations. It is possible to describe these
monuments as the architectural products of the theologies and cultures
created by the syntheses of each monotheistic religion with Neoplatonic
philosophy. However, in such an inclusive approach, it should be indicated
that there were other influential factors in nurturing the religions and in the
background of the architectural symbolism. For example, the impact and
influence of Judaism and Buddhism on Neoplatonism, Christianity and
Islam are discussable. Significantly, the influence of these two beliefs is
observable in spiritual, esoteric, and mystic depth. When the idea that
Judaism and Buddhism probably affected Neoplatonism in this manner is
considered, it is likely to assume that their impact has contributed to the
symbolism of architectural monuments produced under Christianity and
Islam, such as the Byzantine churches and Anatolian Seljuk mosques and
madrasahs. However, this study does not discuss these other possible
influencers in the background of the Byzantine and Anatolian Seljuk
architectures. One reason for this is the necessity to structure the study
according to the extent of a master’s thesis. To cover each and every one
of the presumed factors of influence of these traditions or their particular
religions would be too broad of a topic to cover in such a study. Another
reason is that the most dominant influencing factor for the Byzantine and
Anatolian Seljuk theologies, societies, and architectures is probably
Neoplatonism. Besides, whether Judaism, Buddhism or another one,
these other sources of influence arguably either add depth to what
Neoplatonism already brought to these religions or prepared these
monotheistic religions esoterically to the penetration or acceptance of
Neoplatonic ideas. In other words, when the framework of the study is set
as the Neoplatonic impact and its repercussions, it mainly covers the
261
effects of other sources due to the parallelism of them with Neoplatonism.
This is presumably because the pre-Islamic or even pre-Christian
interactions between mainly Judaism and Buddhism with the ancient
philosophical heritage of Plato and Aristotle possibly led to Neoplatonism's
emergence. Thus, it is possible to claim that the study raises the question
of what other philosophical schools of thought or religions were influential
in forming the Byzantine and Anatolian Seljuk architectures in particular
and even Christian and Islamic architectures in general.
Another enquiry raised by this study is what other branches of Islamic and
Christian architectures other than Byzantine and Anatolian Seljuk have
Neoplatonic repercussions. The 11th and 12th Century cross-in-square type
Byzantine churches and the 13th Century Seljuk mosques and madrasahs
in Anatolia are pointed out as the two solid and complete manifestations of
Neoplatonic concepts within their architectural traditions. However, it is
frequently mentioned throughout the study and particularly discussed in
the historical survey that Neoplatonism nurtured Christianity and Islam in
general. The impact of the pagan school of thought in the two religious
domains is too deep-rooted for attributing mysticism and esotericism
exclusively to Byzantine and Anatolian Seljuk civilizations. This study
demonstrated these civilizations' uniqueness in terms of their approach
towards heterodox beliefs in the focused periods and the architectural
production shaped by these theological atmospheres. However, the role of
the general Neoplatonic impact on Christianity and Islam points out the
necessity to study other architectural traditions formed under the
Neoplatonic impact. Although the Neoplatonic impact on the formation of
Gothic architecture in Europe is a topic that studied in architectural history,
the medieval age is a long period that contains many different traditions in
Europe and across the globe. Within the broad framework of
262
repercussions of Neoplatonism in architecture, the Middle East and
Central Asia are probably significant places to study the architectural
traditions that emerged in these regions to search for the repercussions of
Neoplatonism.
Moreover, in terms of the period, this study also raises the question that
what other cultures and architectural traditions from later periods, after the
medieval age, were possibly inspired by Neoplatonic philosophy. When
how deeply rooted the relationship of Neoplatonism and monotheistic
religions of Christianity and Islam is considered, it would be expectable to
observe its impact in later traditions as well. While it is possible to observe
the architectural revival of the ancient formal and tectonic heritage in
different periods and different forms, the Neoplatonic impact is discussed
chiefly for the design theories and understanding of the Renaissance.
Nevertheless, the possible reflections of Neoplatonic concepts and
doctrines are conceivably worth tracing in other traditions as well.
To sum up the main points, this study analyses a set of selected Byzantine
churches from the 11th and 12th Centuries as well as a set of 13th Century
mosques and madrasah of Anatolian Seljuks in terms of their plan
organizations, volumetric configurations, and decorative programs. While
geometric examinations are the greater portion of these analyses, other
aspects, namely motifs and figures of ornament and inscriptions are also
included. The case studies are examined to trace the Neoplatonic
repercussions in different aspects of their design in respect to three
concepts, “hierarchy, unity, and duality”, generated from the Neoplatonic
ontology of the universe. These architectural analyses are harmonized
with the philosophical, theological, social, and cultural aspects of both the
Byzantine Empire and Anatolian Seljuks. This interdisciplinary
263
methodology aimed to provide a more complete insight into the symbolism
and motives in the background of these architectural traditions. As
discussed in the concluding chapter, this study fulfills its initial aim by
providing several outcomes. It arguably achieves to reply to the search
question of “whether it is possible to suggest Neoplatonism, which has
been a nurturing element of both Christianity and Islam, was also a
common design instrument that was formative in both Byzantine and
Seljuk architectures.” In addition to the number of outcomes, the study
also raises a series of questions, again discussed in the conclusion
chapter, which points out the gaps in the field which are possible to be
filled by investigating the further effects of Neoplatonism in different
architectural traditions or different schools of philosophy in a similar
manner.
As the concluding remark, it is hoped that this thesis also inspires further
studies that blend the boundaries of architectural history with other social
sciences. This study is fashioned with a mindset and passion for
investigating the influences, interactions, commonalities and separations
in Byzantine and Seljuk architectural traditions, which have mostly been
overlooked by scholars from both fields. It is valuable to study the links
between Christian and non-Christian architectures and cultures, the latter
of which mostly considered “other” from Eurocentric viewpoint. Intercultural
and interdisciplinary approaches are suitable and efficient to understand
the mind-sets in medieval era and reveal possible interactions that are
difficult to observe by means of merely taxonomical architectural studies.
Thus, it is sincerely hoped that this study inspires future researchers to
investigate and study the questions raised by this study and many further
ones that are not included here. It is genuinely believed that this inclusivity
264
and versatility will contribute to our tailoring of a new “glocal” architectural
scenery.
265
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APPENDICES
A. FIGURES
Figure 1: Diagram showing the basic ontological structure of the universe
according to The Theory of Emanation (Drawn by the author)
282
Figure. 2: Examples of the Porphyrian Tree from 11th Century (From
Dardağan)
Figure. 3: Shematical Porphyrian Tree in English (From Dardağan)
283
Figure. 4: The world map from around 11th Century (From Whitfield, British
Library, Public Domain)
284
Figure. 5: The world map from 13th Century (From Whitfield, British
Library, Public Domain)
285
Figure 6: Three-dimensional drawings of polyhedral (From Hill and
Rowlands)
Figure 7: Table showing the process of the creation of polyhedra (From
Opsomer)
286
Figure 8: Three-dimensional drawings showing the relationship between
polyhedra and sphere (From Tavakoli and Gisin)
Figure 9: Plan of St. John the Forerunner Stoudiou indicating the interior
sections of early basilica churches (From
http://projects.mcah.columbia.edu/medievalarchitecture/
htm/related/ma_st_john_stoudios_01.htm)
287
Figure 10: Parametric drawing showing the separation of the side spaces
from the heightened central part in Middle Byzantine Churches (From
Potamianos, Turner and Jabi)
Figure 11: Three-dimensional diagram showing the simple stereometric
forms of cross-in-square church scheme (Drawn by the author)
288
Figure 12: Plan of Temple of Hera in Paestum indicating the interior
spaces as a precursor of interior sections of the Byzantine church (From
http://www.paestum.org.uk/temples/basilica/)
289
Figure 13: Church plan diagrams indicating the horizontal axis from the
entrance to the apse with yellow (From Marinis, diagrams drawn by the
author)
290
Figure 13 (continued): Church plan diagrams indicating the horizontal axis
from the entrance to the apse with yellow (From Marinis, diagrams drawn
by the author)
291
Figure 13 (continued): Church plan diagrams indicating the horizontal axis
from the entrance to the apse with yellow (From Marinis, diagrams drawn
by the author)
292
Figure 14: Church plan diagrams indicating the passages during the
Byzantine Rite (From Marinis, diagrams drawn the author)
293
Figure 14 (continued): Church plan diagrams indicating the passages
during the Byzantine Rite (From Marinis, diagrams drawn the author)
294
Figure 14 (continued): Church plan diagrams indicating the passages
during the Byzantine Rite (From Marinis, diagrams drawn the author)
295
Figure 15: Church section diagrams indicating the height difference
between the narthex and the nave (Redrawn by the author with diagrams,
based on drawings from Birer Kurultay Mimarlık, Buchwald, van Millingen
and Sağdıç)
296
Figure 15 (continued): Church section diagrams indicating the height
difference between the narthex and the nave (Redrawn by the author with
diagrams, based on drawings from Birer Kurultay Mimarlık, Buchwald, van
Millingen and Sağdıç)
297
Figure 16: Diagram showing the underlying circles in quadrature (From El-
Said and Parman)
Figure 17: Diagram of quadrature (From El-Said and Parman)
298
Figure 18: Church plan diagrams showing the juxtaposition of quadrature
(From Marinis, diagram drawn by the author)
299
Figure 18 (continued): Church plan diagrams showing the juxtaposition of
quadrature (From Marinis, diagram drawn by the author)
300
Figure 18 (continued): Church plan diagrams showing the juxtaposition of
quadrature (From Marinis, diagram drawn by the author)
301
Figure 19: Church section diagrams showing the juxtaposition of
quadrature (From Buchwald and Sağdıç, diagrams drawn by the author)
302
Figure 19 (continued): Church section diagrams showing the juxtaposition
of quadrature (From Birer Kurultay Mimarlık and van Millingen, diagrams
drawn by the author)
303
Figure 20: Three-dimensional diagram showing the relationship of cube,
clynder, sphere in the nave of Middle Byzantine Churches. Vertical axis is
indicated by blue. (Drawn by the author)
Figure 21: Drawing of a typical bema from Middle Byzantine Churches
(From Patricios)
304
Figure 22: Church plan diagrams showing the three thresholds on the
central axis. The first threshold, the gates of the atrium are not shown
since they are not included in the existing plans. (From Marinis, diagrams
drawn by the author)
305
Figure 22 (continued): Church plan diagrams showing the three thresholds
on the central axis. The first threshold, the gates of the atrium are not
shown since they are not included in the existing plans. (From Marinis,
diagrams drawn by the author)
306
Figure 22 (continued): Church plan diagrams showing the three thresholds
on the central axis. The first threshold, the gates of the atrium are not
shown since they are not included in the existing plans. (From Marinis,
diagrams drawn by the author)
307
Figure 23: The atrium and exterior walls of Myrelaion Church (Bodrum
Cami) (From Marinis)
Figure 24: The atrium and exterior walls of The Church of St. Theodosia
(Gül Cami) (From Marinis)
308
Figure 25: The atrium and exterior walls of The Church of the Monastery of
Christ Pantepoptes (Eski İmaret Cami) (From Marinis and Paspates)
Figure 26: The atrium and exterior walls of Pammakaristos Church
(Fethiye Cami) (From Marinis)
309
Figure 27: The atrium and exterior walls of the church of the Monastery of
Pantocrator (Zeyrek Cami) (From Marinis and Paspates)
Figure 28: The atrium and exterior walls of The Church of Theotokos
Kyriotissa (Kalenderhane Cami) (From Marinis and Paspates)
Figure 29: The atrium and exterior walls of Hagios Ioannes (Hırami Ahmet
Paşa Cami) (From Marinis and Paspates)
310
Figure 30: The atrium and exterior walls of Church of Theodore (Vefa
Kilise Cami) (From Marinis and Paspates)
Figure 31: Drawing of the typical wooden railing, templon, as the precursor
of iconostasis wall (From Patricios)
311
Figure 32: Church plan diagrams showing the symmetry in the central
nave. The red lines indicates the symmetry axes of the central area of the
church, rendered with blue. In some examples, the side spaces are
arranged symmetrically in accordance with the nave such as Myrelaion
Church (Bodrum Cami) and the church of Monastery of Christ
Pantepoptes (Eski İmaret Cami). (From Marinis, diagrams drawn by the
author)
312
Figure 32 (continued): Church plan diagrams showing the symmetry in the
central nave. The red lines indicates the symmetry axes of the central area
of the church, rendered with blue. In some examples, the side spaces are
arranged symmetrically in accordance with the nave such as the church of
Monastery of Pantocrator (Zeyrek Cami). (From Marinis, diagrams drawn
by the author)
313
Figure 32 (continued): Church plan diagrams showing the symmetry in the
central nave. The red lines indicates the symmetry axes of the central area
of the church, rendered with blue. In some examples, the side spaces are
arranged symmetrically in accordance with the nave such as the Church of
Theotokos (Kalenderhane Cami), Hagios Ioannes (Hırami Ahmet Paşa
Cami) and Church of Theodore (Vefa Kilise Cami). (From Marinis,
diagrams drawn by the author)
314
Figure 33: Three-dimensional church diagram showing the vertical axis in
the central nave. The vertical axis is indicated by blue (Drawn by the
author)
Figure 34: Three-dimensional church diagram showing the intersection of
the horizontal axis and the vertical axis. The vertical axis is indicated by
blue and the horizontal axis is indicated by orange (Drawn by the author)
315
Figure 35: The mosaic work on the central dome of the Church of
Theodore (Vefa Kilise Cami) (From Nicholas V. Artamonoff Collection
https://www.thebyzantinelegacy.com/vefa)
Figure 36: The archangel mosaic from the Church of Theotokos Kyriotissa
(Kalenderhane Cami) (From
https://www.thebyzantinelegacy.com/kyriotissa)
316
Figure 37: The dome mosaic work from the parecclesion of
Pammakaristos Church (Fethiye Cami) (From Patricios)
Figure 38: The mosaic work from Pammakaristos Church (Fethiye Cami)
(From Patricios)
317
Figure 39: The mosaic work from Pammakaristos Church (Fethiye Cami)
(From Patricios)
Figure 40: The mosaic work from Pammakaristos Church (Fethiye Cami)
(From Patricios)
318
Figure 41: Church section diagrams showing the placement of the figures
in the domes of cross-in-square type churches (Original diagram from
Potamianos, Turner and Jabi. Redrawn by the author with diagrams,
based on drawings from Birer Kurultay Mimarlık, Buchwald, van Millingen
and Sağdıç)
319
Figure 41 (continued): Church section diagrams showing the placement of
the figures in the domes of cross-in-square type churches (Original
diagram from Potamianos, Turner and Jabi. Sections redrawn by the
author with diagrams, based on drawings from Birer Kurultay Mimarlık,
Buchwald, van Millingen and Sağdıç)
320
Figure 42: The floor mosaic from the church of the Monastery of
Pantocrator (Zeyrek Cami) (From IBB Restoration
https://www.thebyzantinelegacy.com/pantokrator-monastery)
Figure 43: The floor mosaic from the Church of Theotokos Kyriotissa
(Kalenderhane Cami) (From Nicholas V. Artamonoff Collection
https://www.thebyzantinelegacy.com/kyriotissa)
321
Figure 44: The exterior brick ornament from the Church of the Monastery
of Christ Pantepoptes (Eski İmaret Cami) (From
https://www.thebyzantinelegacy.com/pantepoptes)
Figure 45: The exterior brick ornament from the Church of the Monastery
of Christ Pantepoptes (Eski İmaret Cami) (From
https://www.thebyzantinelegacy.com/pantepoptes)
322
Figure 46: The closure slab from Pergamum (From Buchwald)
Figure 47: The lintel from Manisa (From Buchwald)
323
Figure 48: The alter from Manisa (From Buchwald)
Figure 49: The column capital from the Church of Theotokos Kyriotissa
(Kalenderhane Cami) (From
https://www.thebyzantinelegacy.com/kyriotissa)
324
Figure 50: The column capital from Hagios Ioannes (Hırami Ahmet Paşa
Cami) (From https://www.thebyzantinelegacy.com/prodromosconstantinople)
Figure 51: The column capital from the Church of Theodore (Vefa Kilise
Cami) (From https://www.thebyzantinelegacy.com/vefa)
325
Figure 52: The cornice piece from the Church of the Monastery of
Pantocrator (Zeyrek Cami) (From
https://www.thebyzantinelegacy.com/pantokrator-monastery)
Figure 53: The spolia stone from the Church of the Monastery of
Pantocrator (Zeyrek Cami) (From
https://www.thebyzantinelegacy.com/pantokrator-monastery)
326
Figure 54: Drawing of the iconostasis wall showing the placement of the
figures in the common composition in the Eastern Orthodox Churches
(From Misijuk)
327
Figure 55: Mosque plan diagrams showing the underlying grid system
(From https://okuryazarim.com/anadolu-selcuklu-donemi-mimari-planlari/,
diagrams drawn by the author)
328
Figure 55 (continued): Mosque plan diagrams showing the underlying grid
system (From https://okuryazarim.com/anadolu-selcuklu-donemi-mimariplanlari/,
diagrams drawn by the author)
329
Figure 55 (continued): Mosque plan diagrams showing the underlying grid
system (From https://okuryazarim.com/anadolu-selcuklu-donemi-mimariplanlari/,
diagrams drawn by the author)
330
Figure 55 (continued): Mosque plan diagrams showing the underlying grid
system (From https://okuryazarim.com/anadolu-selcuklu-donemi-mimariplanlari/,
diagrams drawn by the author)
331
Figure 56: Mosque plan diagrams indicating the qibla axis and the
symmetrical corridors (From https://okuryazarim.com/anadolu-selcukludonemi-
mimari-planlari/, diagrams drawn by the author)
332
Figure 56 (continued): Mosque plan diagrams indicating the qibla axis and
the symmetrical corridors (From https://okuryazarim.com/anadoluselcuklu-
donemi-mimari-planlari/, diagrams drawn by the author)
333
Figure 56: Mosque plan diagrams indicating the qibla axis and the
symmetrical corridors (From https://okuryazarim.com/anadolu-selcukludonemi-
mimari-planlari/, diagrams drawn by the author)
334
Figure 56: Mosque plan diagrams indicating the qibla axis and the
symmetrical corridors (From https://okuryazarim.com/anadolu-selcukludonemi-
mimari-planlari/, diagrams drawn by the author)
335
Figure 57: The portal of Alaeddin Mosque (Photograph taken by the
author)
Figure 58: The portal of Divriği Great Mosque (Photograph taken by the
author)
336
Figure 59: The portal of Burmalı Minare Mosque (From
http://www.selcuklumirasi.com/architecture-detail/burmali-minare-camii-veturbesi)
Figure 60: The portal of Hunad Hatun Mosque (Photograph taken by the
author)
337
Figure 61: The portal of Hacı Kılıç Mosque (Photograph taken by the
author)
Figure 62: The portal of Gökmedrese Mosque (Photograph taken by the
author)
338
Figure 63: The portal of Arslanhane Mosque (Photograph taken by the
author)
Figure 64: The portal of Eşrefoğlu Mosque (Photograph taken by the
author)
339
Figure 65: The mihrab of Alaeddin Mosque (From Doğan)
Figure 66: The mihrab of Divriği Great Mosque (From
http://www.divrigiulucamii.com/tr/Mihrap_10.html)
340
Figure 67: The mihrab of Burmalı Minare Mosque (From
http://www.selcuklumirasi.com/architecture-detail/burmali-minare-camii-veturbesi)
Figure 68: The mihrab of Hunad Hatun Mosque (Photograph taken by the
author)
341
Figure 69: The mihrab of Hacı Kılıç Mosque (Photograph taken by the
author)
Figure 70: The mihrab of Gökmedrese Mosque (Photograph taken by the
author)
342
Figure 71: The mihrab of Arslanhane Mosque (Photograph taken by the
author)
Figure 72: The mihrab of Eşrefoğlu Mosque (Photograph taken by the
author)
343
Figure 73: Madrasah plan diagrams showing the central axis (From
https://okuryazarim.com/anadolu-selcuklu-donemi-mimari-planlari/,
diagrams drawn by the author)
344
Figure 73 (continued): Madrasah plan diagrams showing the central axis
(From https://okuryazarim.com/anadolu-selcuklu-donemi-mimari-planlari/,
diagrams drawn by the author)
345
Figure 73 (continued): Madrasah plan diagrams showing the central axis
(From https://okuryazarim.com/anadolu-selcuklu-donemi-mimari-planlari/,
diagrams drawn by the author)
346
Figure 73 (continued): Madrasah plan diagrams showing the central axis
(From https://okuryazarim.com/anadolu-selcuklu-donemi-mimari-planlari/,
diagrams drawn by the author)
347
Figure 74: Section of Divriği Great Mosque showing the height
arrangement (From İpekoğlu and Hamamcıoğlu)
Figure 75: Section of Gökmedrese Mosque showing the height
arrangement (From İpekoğlu and Hamamcıoğlu)
Figure 76: Section of Eşrefoğlu Mosque showing the height arrangement
(From İpekoğlu and Hamamcıoğlu)
348
Figure 77: Three-dimensional diagrams showing the vertical arrangement
of the mosque units (Drawn by the author)
Figure 78: The exterior walls and portal of Alaeddin Mosque (Photograph
taken by the author)
349
Figure 79: The exterior walls and portal of Divriği Great Mosque (From
Sivas İl Kültür Turizm Müdürlüğü)
Figure 80: The exterior walls of Burmalı Minare Mosque (Photograph
taken by the author)
350
Figure 81: The exterior walls and portal of Hunad Hatun Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)
Figure 82: The exterior walls and portal of Hacı Kılıç Mosque (Photograph
taken by the author)
351
Figure 83: The exterior walls and portal of Gökmedrese Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)
Figure 84: The exterior walls and portal of Arslanhane Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)
352
Figure 85: The exterior walls and portal of Eşrefoğlu Mosque (Photograph
taken by the author)
Figure 86: The exterior walls and portal of Karatay Madrasah (From The
Municipality Archive)
353
Figure 87: The exterior walls and portal of Cacabey Madrasah (From
Kırşehir İl Kültür Turizm Müdürlüğü)
Figure 88: The exterior walls and portal of Çifte Minareli Madrasah in
Erzurum (From https://archnet.org/sites/1947/media_contents/128020)
354
Figure 89: The exterior walls and portal of Çifte Minareli Madrasah in Sivas
(From https://archnet.org/sites/2083)
Figure 90: The exterior walls and portal of Gökmedrese in Sivas (From
https://archnet.org/sites/2084/)
355
Figure 91: The exterior walls of Sahabiye Madrasah (Photograph taken by
the author)
Figure 92: The exterior walls and portal of Hacı Kılıç Madrasah
(Photograph taken by the author)
356
Figure 93: The exterior walls and portal of Hunad Hatun Madrasah
(Photograph taken by the author)
Figure 94: The portal of Dār al-Shifā of Divriği Great Mosque (Photograph
taken by the author)
357
Figure 95: Diagram showing the vertical axis in quadrilateral mosque units.
Vertical axis are emphasized by the volumetric arrangement (Drawn by the
author)
Figure 96: Diagram showing the intersection horizontal and vertical axes
during the performing of Salât (Drawn by the author)
358
Figure 97: Three-dimensional mosque diagrams indicating the intersection
of two axes in the central corridor (Drawn by the author)
Figure 98: Three-dimensional madrasah diagrams indicating the
intersection of two axes in the courtyard. Closed courtyard type is
employed. (Drawn by the author)
359
Figure 99: Mosque plan diagrams indicating the hierarchy of central
corridor (From https://okuryazarim.com/anadolu-selcuklu-donemi-mimariplanlari/,
diagrams drawn by the author)
360
Figure 99 (continued): Mosque plan diagrams indicating the hierarchy of
central corridor (From https://okuryazarim.com/anadolu-selcuklu-donemimimari-
planlari/, diagrams drawn by the author)
361
Figure 99 (continued): Mosque plan diagrams indicating the hierarchy of
central corridor (From https://okuryazarim.com/anadolu-selcuklu-donemimimari-
planlari/, diagrams drawn by the author)
362
Figure 99 (continued): Mosque plan diagrams indicating the hierarchy of
central corridor (From https://okuryazarim.com/anadolu-selcuklu-donemimimari-
planlari/, diagrams drawn by the author)
363
Figure 100: The lantern opening of Alaeddin Mosque (Photograph taken
by the author)
Figure 101: The central dome of Burmalı Minare Mosque (Photograph
taken by the author)
364
Figure 102: The lantern dome of Hunad Hatun Mosque (Photograph taken
by the author)
Figure 103: The central dome of Hacı Kılıç Mosque (Photograph taken by
the author)
365
Figure 104: The lantern dome of Gökmedrese Mosque (Photograph taken
by the author)
Figure 105: The lantern dome of Eşrefoğlu Mosque (Photograph taken by
the author)
366
Figure 106: The central dome of Karatay Madrasah (Photograph taken by
the author)
Figure 107: The central dome of İnce Minareli Madrasah (From The
Municipality Archive)
367
Figure 108: Three-dimensional diagram of stereometric forms of the
central courtyard of closed courtyard type madrasahs. Vertical axis is
indicated by blue (Diagram drawn by the author)
Figure 109: The maqsura dome of Alaeddin Mosque (Photograph taken by
the author)
368
Figure 110: The maqsura dome of Hunad Hatun Mosque (Photograph
taken by the author)
Figure 111: The maqsura dome of Gökmedrese Mosque (Photograph
taken by the author)
369
Figure 112: The minbar of Alaeddin Mosque (Photograph taken by the
author)
Figure 113: The minbar of Divriği Great Mosque (From
http://www.divrigiulucamii.com/tr/Minber_9.html)
370
Figure 114: The minbar of Burma Minareli Mosque (From
http://www.selcuklumirasi.com/architecture-detail/burmali-minare-camii-veturbesi)
Figure 115: The minbar of Hunad Hatun Mosque (Photograph taken by the
author)
371
Figure 116: The minbar of Hacı Kılıç Mosque (From Mustafa Cambaz’s
archive)
Figure 117: The minbar of Arslanhane Mosque (Photograph taken by the
author)
372
Figure 118: The minbar of Eşrefoğlu Mosque (Photograph taken by the
author)
373
Figure 119: The geometric pattern on the portal of Hunad Hatun Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)
374
Figure 120: The geometric pattern on the mihrab niche of Hunad Hatun
Mosque (Photograph taken by the author)
375
Figure 121: Drawing and examination of the geometric pattern on the
portal and mihrab niche of Hunad Hatun Mosque (Drawn by the author)
376
Figure 122: The geometric patterns on the second portal of Hunad Hatun
Mosque (Photograph taken by the author)
377
Figure 123: Drawing and examination of the first geometric pattern on the
second portal of Hunad Hatun Mosque (Drawn by the author)
Figure 124: Drawing and examination of the second geometric pattern on
the second portal of Hunad Hatun Mosque (Drawn by the author)
378
Figure 125: The geometric patterns on the portal of Alaeddin Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)
379
Figure 126: Drawing and examination of the geometric pattern on the
portal of Alaeddin Mosque (Drawn by the author)
380
Figure 127: The geometric patterns on the mihrab niche of Alaeddin
Mosque (Photograph taken by the author)
381
Figure 128: Drawing and examination of the geometric pattern on the
mihrab niche of Alaeddin Mosque (Drawn by the author)
382
Figure 129: The geometric patterns on the façade decoration of
Gökmedrese Mosque (Photograph taken by the author)
383
Figure 130: The geometric pattern on the portal of Divriği Great Mosque in
Sivas (Photograph taken by the author)
Figure 131: Drawing and examination of the geometric pattern on the
portal of Divriği Great Mosque in Sivas (From Peker)
384
Figure 132: The geometric pattern on the wooden work of Eşrefoğlu
Mosque (Photograph taken by the author)
385
Figure 133: The muqarnas decoration from Alaeddin Mosque (Photograph
taken by the author)
Figure 134: The muqarnas decoration from Burma Minareli Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)
386
Figure 135: The muqarnas decoration from Hunad Hatun Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)
Figure 136: The muqarnas decoration from Hacı Kılıç Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)
387
Figure 137: The muqarnas decoration from Gökmedrese Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)
Figure 138: The muqarnas decoration from Arslanhane Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)
388
Figure 139: The muqarnas decoration from Eşrefoğlu Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)
Figure 140: The muqarnas decoration from Karatay Madrasah
(Photograph taken by the author)
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Figure 141: The bird figures on the portal of Divriği Great Mosque (From
Özkul)
Figure 142: The tree figure on the portal of Divriği Great Mosque
(Photograph taken by the author)
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Figure 143: The tree figures from Gökmedrese in Sivas (From Özkul)
Figure 144: The tree figures from Çifte Minareli Madrasah in Erzurum
(From SALT Archive)
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B. TURKISH SUMMARY / TÜRKÇE ÖZET
Özellikle antik dönem ve ortaçağ mimarileri üzerine yapılan çalışmaların
belirsizliğe dayanan belli bir zorluğu beraberinde getirdikleri söylenebilir.
Sembolizme odaklanan çalışmalarda bu belirsizliğin ve dolayısıyla
zorluğun daha da arttığını söylemek mümkündür. Bunun arkasında, hem
yapıların arkasındaki tasarım yaklaşımlarını hem de bu yapıların
kullanıcılar tarafından nasıl algılandığını kesin olarak bilmemek
yatmaktadır. Ortaçağ gibi günümüze uzak sayılabilecek bir geçmişe ait
yapılara atfedilen anlamları araştırmak sadece mimari analizlere dayanan
çalışmalardan daha fazlasını gerektirmektedir. Bu tarz araştırmalar için
disiplinler arası yaklaşımların gerekliliği savunulabilir. Mimari yaklaşımın
başka beşeri bilimler ile harmanlandığı çalışmalar, geçmişe ait tasarım
anlayışları hakkında daha yüksek olasılıklı çıkarımlar yapmayı mümkün
kılmaktadır.
Ayrıca ortaçağın genel bir özelliği olarak toplumların politika, ekonomi ve
kültürleri din ile iç içe geçmiş durumdadır. Bu dönemde Hristiyanlık ve
İslam, özellikle Orta Doğu ve Doğu Akdeniz’de, egemen inançlar
konumundadır. Çoğunlukla birbirinden ayrı olarak düşünülen bu iki dine
etki etmiş ortak etmenlerin izi sürülebilir. Bunlar arasında Yeni Eflâtunculuk
akımı ön plana çıkmaktadır. Yeni Eflâtuncu etkinin yoğunluğu özellikle 11
ve 12. Yüzyıllarda Bizans İmparatorluğunda; 13. Yüzyıl başıyla ise
Anadolu Selçuklularında artmıştır. Bu üç yüzyıl boyunca mimari yapılar da
dâhil olmak üzere her iki kültürün sanatsal üretimleri, yüzyıllar boyunca
Yeni Eflâtuncu düşünce ile beslenmiş dinlerinin birer yansıması olarak
görülebilir. Buna dayanarak iki kültürün bu dönemde üretmiş oldukları
yapılardaki Yeni Eflâtuncu yansımaların araştırılması, Ortodoks
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Hristiyanlık ve İslam’daki Yeni Eflâtuncu etkiyi göstermenin bir yöntemidir.
Aynı şekilde bu iki kültürde ve dinde Yeni Eflâtuncu etkilerin araştırılması
da dönemin yapılarındaki sembolik anlam ve dönemin tasarım anlayışı
üzerine açıklamalar getirmek için önemlidir. Bu çalışma, Hristiyanlık ve
İslam dinlerini besleyen önemli bir unsur olarak Yeni Eflâtunculuk’un
Bizans ve Selçuk mimarilerinde ortak bir tasarım aracı olarak kullanılıp
kullanılmadığı sorunsalı üzerine kurulmuştur. Bu sorunun cevabını aramak
için yapı örneklerinin planları, hacimsel ve mekânsal karakterleri ve
bezemeleri üzerinde yapılan çoğunlukla geometrik inceleme ve analizlere
ek olarak hem Yeni Eflâtuncu düşüncenin temelleri hem de bu düşüncenin
her iki dindeki yansımaları üzerine felsefi, kültürel ve tarihsel tartışmalara
yer verilmiştir. Bu yaklaşımın temeli olarak Yeni Eflâtuncu ontolojiden
türetilmiş olan üç kavram, “hiyerarşi, ikilik ve birlik,” kullanılmıştır.
Çalışmada bu üç kavramın ontolojik temelden mimari tasarıma dönüşümü
tartışılmış ve yine bu üç kavram üzerinden mimari incelemeler yapılmıştır.
Seçilmiş olan yapı örneklerinde bu üç kavramın yansımaları aranmıştır.
Ayrıca bu yansımalar üzerinden iki mimari geleneğin tasarım anlayışları ve
yapıları karşılaştırılarak ortak ve farklı yönler gösterilmiştir. Burada hedef,
etkileşimleri ve ortak temelleri çoğunlukla yok sayan tek yönlü ve doğrusal
tarih anlatımlarının aksine kültürel ve mimari etkileşimleri ön plana çıkaran
bir anlatı oluşturmaktır. Ek olarak, gerek Orta Doğu ve Doğu Akdeniz’in bir
parçası olarak Anadolu kültürünün gerekse de hem Bizans hem de
Selçuklu mimarilerinin Avrupa merkezli ana akım anlatı içinde
ötekileştirilmesi ve marjinalize edilmesine karşılık daha kapsayıcı ve
bütünleyici bir anlatı amaçlanmıştır.
Felsefe, teoloji, kültürel çalışmalar ve mimarinin harmanlandığı bu
çalışmada önce Yeni Eflâtuncu düşüncenin temel özellikleri, türetilen üç
kavram ve bu ontolojik kavramların mikro evren anlayışı ve geometri ile
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mimari tasarım kavramlarına dönüşümü tartışılmıştır. Daha sonra Yeni
Eflâtunculuk’un Bizans ve Selçuklu mimarilerindeki yansımalarını araştıran
mimari analizler; felsefi, kültürel ve tarihsel bağlamları ve dini ayin ve
ibadetlerle olan ilişkileri ile ele alınmıştır. Çalışmanın sonuç kısmında ise
bu iki mimari geleneğin ürünleri olan kilise ve cami yapı tipleri; mekân
oluşumları ve sembolik anlamları üzerinden karşılaştırılmıştır.
Yeni Eflâtunculuk’u Antik Yunan filozofları Platon (Eflâtun) ve Aristoteles’in
düşüncelerinin harmanlanması ile milattan sonra 3. Yüzyılda
İskenderiye’de oluşturulmuş bir felsefi düşünce sistemi olarak tanımlamak
mümkündür. Temelde Tanrı, yaratılış, doğa ve insan gibi konular üzerine
düşüncelerden ve doktrinlerden oluşan Yeni Eflâtunculuk, fizik ve metafizik
alanlarını harmanlayarak evreni anlamaya çalışmak üzerine kurulmuştur
denilebilir. Uzmanlar bu düşünce sisteminin Plotinus’un çalışmaları ile
kurulduğu konusunda çoğunlukla hemfikirdir. Plotinus’un en önemli eseri
olan Enneads’ın, yukarıda belirtilen konularda Yeni Eflâtuncu düşüncenin
temellerini oluşturduğu kabul edilmektedir. Ek olarak uzmanlar başka
önemli Yeni Eflâtuncu düşünürler de olduğunu işaret eder. Bu isimlerin
başında Enneads’ın derleyicisi olarak kabul edilen Porphyry ve eserlerinin
Hristiyan ve İslam dünyalarında çok daha fazla etkiye sahip olduğu kabul
edilen Proclus gösterilebilir.
Genel olarak Yeni Eflâtunculuk, her iki dini de batıni açıdan beslemiş
olarak kabul edilmektedir. Konunun uzmanlarına göre bu etki o kadar
derindir ki ilerleyen yüzyıllarda, örneğin bu çalışmada konu edilen 11,12 ve
13. Yüzyıllar gibi, bu etkinin izleri günlük yaşamda, kültürde ve sanatsal ve
mimari üretimde çoğunlukla Yeni Eflâtuncu kökenlerinden habersiz olarak
devam etmiştir. Yeni Eflâtunculuk’un Tanrı-doğa-insan üçgeninde her iki
dinde de önemli etkilerinin bulunması, insanın önemli sanatsal
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üretimlerinden olan mimari yapıların üretilmesi ve anlamlandırılmasında da
yüksek ihtimalle rol oynamıştır. Bu sebeple mimari analizlerden önce Yeni
Eflâtuncu düşünce hakkında gerekli bilginin sağlanması bu çalışma için
kritiktir.
Yeni Eflâtunculuk’un temelini oluşturan ontolojik sisteme göre yaratılış,
Tanrı’nın bilinçli ve anlık bir kararı ile gerçekleşen bir eylem olarak değil;
onun varoluşu ve bu varoluşun farkında oluşu gereği istemsiz ve sonsuz
bir süreç olarak kabul edilmektedir. Bu sistemde tüm yaratılış üç temel
ilkeye bağlanmıştır. Bu ilkelerin ilki Plotinus’un Tanrı’ya vermiş olduğu isim
ile “Bir” dir. Bir, tüm evrendeki yaratılışın temelidir. Platon’un “İyi İdeası”nın
muhtemel etkisi altında, Bir’i mutlak iyi, güzel ve kusursuz olarak
tanımlamak mümkündür. Bir’in kendi varlık ve kudretinin farkında oluşu ile
ikinci ilke olan “Akıl” tezahür etmiştir. Platoncu “idealar” teorisinin
muhtemel etkisi altında, Yeni Eflâtuncular Akıl’ı ideaların bütünü olarak
tanımlamışlardır. Bu anlayışa göre maddesel evrendeki her varlık, Akıl
içerisinde bulunan ideaların birer kopyasıdır. Varlıkların gerçek ve en
mükemmel versiyonları bu idealardır. Son olarak, üçüncü ilke olan “Nefis”,
Akıl’dan var olagelmiş olup, maddesel evren ile Akıl arasındaki geçişi
sağlar. Nefis’i Akıl içinde bulunan ideaları maddesel formlara büründüren
araç olarak tanımlamak mümkündür. Bir’in mükemmelliğinden
uzaklaşılması sonucu Nefis içerisinde başlamış olan çelişkiler varoluşun
son basamağı olan maddesel evren ile daha da artar. Yeni Eflâtuncu
evren anlayışının bu kısa özetinden anlaşılabileceği üzere gerçekliğin,
güzelliğin, iyiliğin ve mükemmelliğin giderek azaldığı; bununla beraber
çelişkilerin de giderek arttığı mantıksal sıraya dayalı bir evren modelinden
bahsetmek mümkündür. Yeni Eflâtunculara göre maddesel evrenin bir
parçası olan insanın yaratılıştan gelen görevi ve içgüdüsü bu giderek
azalan evren düzenini tersine takip etmektir. Bu anlayışa göre insan,
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erdemini arttıran eylemler yaparak ruhsal olarak yükselmeli ve varoluşun
basamaklarını tırmanarak Bir ile yeniden bütün olmalıdır.
İlk ilke olan Bir’den başlayarak insana kadar tüm evrene bakıldığında,
evrenin tamamında karakteristik olarak gözlemlenebilecek üç kavram
türetmek mümkündür. Bu kavramlar hiyerarşi, ikilik ve birliktir. Hiyerarşi, bu
evren modelinde birbirini takip eden her seviye arasında, varoluşun doğal
bir sonucu olarak gözlemlenebilir. Ayrıca Bir ile geri kalan tüm ilke ve
varlıklar arasında mutlak bir hiyerarşi bulunduğu savunulabilir. İkilik ise
yine her bir hiyerarşik seviye arasında görülebildiği gibi evrenin tamamına
yansımış şekilde idealar evreni ve maddesel evren arasında da
gözlemlenebilir. Son olarak Birlik, evrenin tamamında düzeni sağlamakta
ve kaynağını Bir’in mutlaklığından almaktadır. Tüm varlıklar, idea veya
maddesel, Bir’in mutlak varoluşundan tezahür etmiştir. Bu yayılmacı
modelin bir sonucu olarak tüm yaratılmış varlıkların özünde Bir’i farklı
miktarlarda bulmak mümkündür. Bu kavramların evrenin tamamında
egemen olarak görünüyor olması durumu, Yeni Eflâtuncu metinlerde de
geçen mikro evren anlayışı ile de ilişkilendirilebilir. Bu anlayışa göre
evrenin özelliklerini daha düşük bir mükemmellik seviyesinde taklit eden
varlıklardan söz edilebilir. İnsanlar kendileri bir mikro evren olarak kabul
edilmekle beraber insanların üretimleri konusunda da bu anlam
tartışılmıştır. Yeni Eflâtuncu düşünceye göre insan hem doğanın
mükemmel yapısından etkilenmesi sonucu Bir’in yüceliğini kutlama hem
de bu mükemmelliği kendi üretimlerinde taklit ederek erdemini artırma ve
Bir’e yaklaşma eğilimindedir. Bu konu Yeni Eflâtuncu metinlerde özellikle
edebi eserler için tartışılmış olsa da birçok uzman farklı kökenler ile mikro
evren anlayışını mimari yapılarla da ilişkilendirmiştir. Bu çalışma bu ilişkiyi
savunmakta olup, Yeni Eflâtuncu etki altında üretildiği varsayılan yapı
örneklerinde üç ontolojik kavramın yansımalarını inceleyerek bu savı
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araştırmaktadır. Ontolojik kavramların mimari tasarımdaki yansımalarının
incelenmesi için geometri bir araç olarak kullanılmaktadır. Bu yaklaşım
yine Yeni Eflâtuncu düşünceler ile temellendirilebilir.
Ortaçağda geometrinin evreni anlamak için mutlak bir gereklilik olarak
görüldüğü gözlemlenmektedir. Bu sebeple, metafizik ve astroloji gibi farklı
çalışma alanları ile ilişkili olarak geometrik çalışmalara oldukça önem
verilmiştir. Geometriye soyutlama üzerinden bir aracı rol biçildiği
söylenebilir. Ortaçağda geometriye olan bakış ve bu dönemdeki geometrik
çalışmalar çoğunlukla Öklid-Platoncu Antik Yunan geometrisini temel
almaktadır. Uzmanlar, bu antik geometrik bilginin büyük ölçüde Yeni
Elfâtunculuk aracılığıyla ortaçağa taşındığında hemfikirdir. Bu sebeple
ortaçağın geometriye yaklaşımını anlamak için Yeni Eflâtuncu düşüncede
geometrinin yerine bakmak önemlidir. Platon’un Öklid geometrisini
muhtemel Kabala etkisiyle yaratılış sürecini açıklamaya uyarlamasının,
Yeni Eflâtunculuk’ta da belli ölçülerde yeniden yorumlanarak devam ettiği
söylenebilir. Bu anlayışa göre yaratılış süreci, yaratılış-öncesi dağınıklığın
geometrik birleşim ve ayarlamalar ile düzene sokulmasından ibarettir.
Üçgenler üretilmesi ile başlayan bu süreç, üçgenlerden yüzeyler elde
edilmesi ve bu yüzeylerin birbirleriyle birleşmesi sonucu oluşan üç boyutlu
cisimler ile devam eder. Bu cisimleri Platonik Cisimler olarak adlandırmak
mümkündür. Birbirlerine eş yüzeylerden oluşan ve simetriye sahip bu üç
boyutlu cisimlerden dördü temel elementler (ateş, su, toprak, hava) ile
ilişkilendirilmiş olup, bu cisimlerin elementlerin hem sembolü hem de en
küçük yapı taşı olduğu savunulmuştur. Buna ek olarak, Platon tarafından
göksel madde olarak adlandırılabilecek bir başka madde ile ilişkilendirilmiş
beşinci bir cisim de bulunmaktadır. Basitçe açıklanan bu anlayışa göre
yaratılışın ikinci boyuttan üçüncü boyuta geometrik birleşimler ile geçilen
bir süreç olduğu savunulabilir. Bu yaklaşım, insanın evreni taklit etmek
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istediği varsayılan mimari yapılarda da geometrinin büyük öneme sahip
olmasını sağlamıştır denilebilir. Yapıları evrenin bir soyutlaması olarak
kabul etmek ve geometriyi de bu soyutlamanın aracı olarak göstermek
mümkündür. Başka bir değişle, yukarıda bahsedilmiş olan ontolojik
kavramlar çoğunlukla geometrik uygulamalar aracılığıyla yapılarda tasarım
kavramlarına dönüştürülmüştür ve uygulanmıştır denilebilir. Buna
dayanarak, bu çalışmadaki incelemelerinin çoğu geometrik analizlerden
oluşmaktadır. Geometrik hassasiyetin ortak olduğunu söylemek mümkün
olsa da Bizans ve Selçuklu mimarilerinde yüksek ihtimalle her iki kültürdeki
uyarlamalarının farklılığına dayanarak ayrışmalar gözlemlenmektedir.
Mimari analizlerden önce bu uyarlamalar ve dönemin bağlamından kısaca
bahsetmek önemlidir.
Bizans-Yeni Eflâtunculuk ilişkisine tarihsel olarak bakıldığında, özellikle
11. ve 12. Yüzyıllara kadar olan süreçte pagan düşüncelerin imparatorluk
merkezinde çoğunlukla kabul görmediğini söylemek mümkündür. Bunun
sebebi olarak imparatorluk tarafından uygulanan katı Ortodoks Hristiyanlık
propagandası gösterilebilir. Buna rağmen erken dönemlerden muhtemel
Yeni Eflâtuncu etki altında üretim yapmış iki isim, Pseudo-Dionysius ve
Maximus the Confessor, özellikle dini ayinler ve kilisenin sembolik anlamı
üzerine yazmış oldukları metinler ile ön plana çıkmaktadır. Uzmanlar,
İkonoklastik Dönem ile zirve yapan ve bir süre daha devam eden düşünce
ve sanatsal üretim sansürünün Bizans’ta alternatiflerin aranmasına sebep
olduğunu savunmaktadır. Bu arayışın sonucu olarak da antik kültürün
düşünsel ve sanatsal mirasına bir yönelişten söz edilebilir. Özellikle
Konstantinopolis Üniversitesi’nin yeniden açılması ve bu üniversitede
görevli önemli isimlerden Michael Psellos ve John Italos’un çalışmalarıyla
11. Yüzyıldan başlayarak Yeni Eflâtuncu düşüncenin etkileri kültürel,
felsefi ve sanatsal üretimde gözlemlenebilir. Uzmanlar, 11. Yüzyıl ile
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başlayan 12. Yüzyıl ile devam eden ve 13. Yüzyıl başında Haçlı Seferleri
ile son bulan bir refah dönemini işaret etmektedir. Bu iki yüzyıl, öncesi ve
sonrasına göre, hem politik hem de ekonomik olarak daha az kargaşaya
sahne olmuştur. Bu durumla muhtemelen ilişkili olarak, dönemin sanat
ortamı da üretim miktarı ve kalitesi açısından zengindir. Kilise mimarisinin
bu dönemlere kadar olan gelişiminin de Yeni Eflâtunculuk’un etkilerinin
artması ile paralellik gösterdiği önerilebilir.
Maximus’un yorumlarına göre, kilise dünyevi/günahkâr (profane) ve kutsal
(sacred) arasındaki ayrım üzerine kurulmuştur. Kilise tipolojisinin bazilika
şemasından kare-içinde-haç şemasına dönüşümü ile bu ayrımın iç
mekâna doğru uzamaya başladığı söylenebilir. Böylece iç mekân
bölümlerinin sembolik anlamları da gelişmiş ve narteks dünyayı, nef
göksel cisimleri ve aps da Tanrı’nın diyarını sembolize etmeye başlamıştır.
Kilise planlarında merkezileşmenin sebebi olarak kubbenin bazilikaya
eklenmesinin strüktürel gereklilikleri ve dini ayinlerdeki rol değişikleri
gösterilebilir. Böylece merkezi ve çevre mekânlar arasındaki ayrım daha
da keskinleşmiştir. Bu değişimlerle ilişkili olarak kilise daha temel
geometrik şekillerden oluşan hacimlere sahip olmaya başlamıştır. Yeni
Eflâtuncu anlayışla beraber düşünüldüğünde, temel geometrilerin
kullanımı önemli bir unsur olarak değerlendirilebilir. Sonuç olarak, daha
erken dönemlerde görülmeye başlansa da 11. ve 12. Yüzyılın hâkim
şeması olarak kabul edilebilecek olan kare-içinde-haç plan ile kilisenin
sembolik anlamlarına daha fazla katman eklendiği savunulabilir. Bu anlam
dini ayinlerle de bir bütün olarak sağlandığı için, yine muhtemel Yeni
Eflâtuncu izler barındıran Bizans ayininin de incelenmesi önemlidir.
Birçok uzman Bizans ayinlerinin, Yeni Eflâtuncu pagan ayinleri ile Roma
geçiş törenlerinin bir karışımı olarak oluştuğunu ileri sürmektedir. Temel
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olarak Bizans ayini, cemaatin toplu olarak kilise mekânları arasında
gerçekleştirdiği bir dizi geçiş hareketi olarak tanımlanabilir. Yeni Eflâtuncu
metinlerde ruhun Bir’e doğru yükselişinin bir ayin olarak tapınaklarda
uygulandığı geçmektedir. Dionysius ve Maximus’un Bizans ayini
açıklamalarına bakıldığında hem anlam hem de uygulama olarak
paralellikler görmek mümkündür. Bizans ayinin amacının cemaatin
erdemini artırmak ve onları günahlarından arındırarak ölümden sonra
Tanrı ile olan buluşmalarına hazırlamak olduğu söylenebilir. Uzmanlar,
Yeni Eflâtuncu metinlerde geçen ayinlerin tapınak mekânının oluşumu ve
gelişimi ile iki taraflı bir ilişkisi olduğunu ve aynı ilişkinin varlığından Bizans
kilisesi ve ayini için de söz edilebileceğini savunmaktadır. Buna
dayanarak, bu çalışmanın devamındaki mimari analizler dini ayin ile
ilişkilendirilerek açıklanmıştır.
Üç kavram arasında yansımaları kilisede en yoğun bulunabilecek kavram
olarak hiyerarşi gösterilebilir. Cemaatteki sınıfsal ayrıma göre ayindeki
roller değişmekte ve buna bağlı olarak her grup mekânla farklı ilişkiler
geliştirmektedir. Yani kilise mekânının algılanmasının, toplumdaki sınıf
ayrımlarına göre değiştiği söylenebilir. Ayrıca kilisenin iç mekânları,
evrenin hiyerarşik basamaklarını sembolize etmektedir. Bu sembolizmi
mekânların yükseklik ve aydınlatma gibi karakteristik özelliklerindeki
çarpıcı farklar ile ilişkilendirmek mümkündür. Ek olarak kare-içinde-haç tipi
kilise planlarının organizasyonu “dördün (quadrature)” denen bir geometrik
kompozisyon ile sağlanmaktadır. Bu organizasyonu tek bir noktadan
gelişen ve her karenin bir sonrakini oluşturduğu hiyerarşik bir düzen olarak
tanımlamak mümkündür. Böyle bakıldığında evrenin yapısının bu
geometrik sistemde soyutlandığı düşünülebilir. Dördün organizasyonunun
kilise planları üzerine yerleştirilmesi ile oluşan diyagramlar, mimari
elemanların ve yapı sınırlarını oluşturan duvarların bu organizasyondaki
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karelere göre konumlandığını göstermektedir. Ayrıca aynı diyagramlar
kesitler ile oluşturulduğunda da benzer bir durum gözlemlenmektedir. Son
olarak nefteki temel geometrik hacimler arasındaki dikey ilişki, Yeni
Eflâtuncu geometrik anlayış ile bakıldığında, hiyerarşinin bir göstergesi
olarak düşünülebilir. Bu dikey ilişkiye göre kubbeden kasnağa ve oradan
da alt hacme doğru gidildikçe küreden küpe bir geçiş izlenmektedir.
İkilik kavramının kilisedeki yansımalarına bakıldığında, ilk olarak ayin ile
oluşan yatay aks üzerinde konumlanmış üç eşik noktası göstermek
mümkündür. Avlu duvarları ve kapısı, kilisenin ana giriş kapıları ve
ikonostasis kapıları olarak listelenen bu üç eşik noktası, uzmanlara göre
ayin sırasında yapılan geçişlerde cemaatin aklında önceki mekâna ait
tecrübenin unutulup yeni bir tecrübe modeli oluşmasını sağlamaktadır.
Buna dayanarak bu noktaların, günahkâr ve kutsal arasındaki ikiliği
vurgulayan ögeler olduğunu söylemek mümkündür. Ayrıca ana giriş
kapılarının ve ikonostasis kapılarının boyutları karşılaştırıldığında büyük
bir fark olduğu gözlemlenebilir. İşlevsel gerekliliğin yanı sıra, bu fark yine
günahkâr-kutsal ikilemi üzerinden değerlendirilebilir. Bunlara ek olarak,
merkezi ve çevresel mekânlar arasında da hacimsel bir ikilemden söz
edilebilir. Bu ikilemlik mekânların yüksekliklerine yansımıştır. Son olarak,
güçlü ve sağlam görünümlü avlu ve kilise dış duvarları da ikilik kavramının
bir başka yansıması olarak değerlendirilebilir.
Son kavram olan birliğin yansımalarını ise şu ana kadar bahsedilmiş olan
farklı plan, hacim ve mekân özelliklerinde okumak mümkündür. Buna
göre, kilise planını oluşturan dördün organizasyonunun, evrendeki yapının
bir soyutlaması olduğundan birlik kavramına da işaret ettiği söylenebilir.
Organizasyonun tek bir noktadan doğması ve uyum içinde yayılarak
genişlemesi bunu desteklemektedir. Ek olarak, yine bu organizasyon ile
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plan kurulmasının bir sonucu olarak çoğunlukla nefte, bazı durumlarda da
tüm kilisede, simetrik bir organizasyon olduğu gözlemlenebilir. Yeni
Eflâtuncu ve Platoncu metinlerde simetriye sık olarak yer verilmiş ve
evrendeki Bir’den kaynaklanan uyumun ve güzelliğin bir göstergesi olarak
işaret edilmiştir. Ayrıca, eşik noktalarının aynı zamanda farklı mekânları
bağladığını savunmak mümkündür. Mimari sembolizm uzmanları arasında
bu tarz ögelerin paradoksal durumu sıkça ele alınan bir konudur. Yeni
Eflâtuncu düşüncede de Nefis, benzer bir şekilde hem ayıran hem de
birleştiren özelliklerde tartışılmıştır. Son olarak, dikey ve yatay aksların
kilisede sembolik olarak beraber bulunması ve nefte bu iki aksın kesişmesi
birlik kavramının yansıması olarak gösterilebilir. Bu durumu dünyevi ve
ruhani sembolizmin mekânda birlikte yansıtılması olarak yorumlamak
mümkündür.
Plan ve hacimlerde yapılan incelemelere ek olarak Bizans kiliselerinin
bezemelerinde de Yeni Eflâtuncu yansımalar olduğu savunulabilir. Bunun
ilk örneği olarak ikonların yerleştirilmesi ile hacimlerin geometrisi arasında
sağlanan hassasiyet gösterilebilir. İkondaki kişilerin Hristiyan kültüründeki
önemi ile üzerine işlendikleri mimari elemanın geometrik olarak tamlığı
ilişkilidir. Buna göre İsa genellikle kubbe üzerinde işlenirken, Meryem
genellikle yarım kubbede gösterilmiş ve baş melekler de eğrisel
pandantifler üzerinde konumlandırılmıştır. Ayrıca oranların ve yerleşimlerin
ayinde yapılan geçişler ile bu ikonların görülebilmesi için özellikle
ayarlandığı uzmanlar tarafından ortaya konmuştur. Bunlara ek olarak, yer
mozaiklerinde, dış yüzey tuğla kaplamalarında ve mobilyalarda kullanılan
geometrik bezemelerdeki hassasiyet de önemli bir yansıma olarak kabul
edilebilir. Son olarak, ikonostasis duvarı üzerinde bulunan Hristiyan
kültüründeki önemli kişilere ait ikonlar, duvarın göksel cennet kapıları
sembolizmini kuvvetlendirmektedir. Göksel cennet kapıları düşüncesi,
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Platoncu ve Yeni Eflâtuncu metinlerde astroloji ile beraber sıkça işlenmiş
ve uzmanlar tarafından ikonostasis duvarının sembolizmine katkıda
bulunduğu tartışılmıştır.
Yapılan bu incelemeler üzerinden Ortodoks Hristiyanlıktaki Yeni Eflâtuncu
etkinin yansımalarının Bizans kilisesinin gerek plan ve hacimsel
organizasyonu gerekse de bezemelerinde farklı şekillerde
gözlemlenebileceği savunulabilir.
İkinci kısım olarak, Selçuklular-Yeni Eflâtunculuk ilişkisinin dinamikleri
Bizans’ta olduğundan farklı ilerlemiştir. Buna göre İslam kültürünün önemli
merkezlerinde düşünürler tarafından farklı yüzyıllarda yapılan çalışmaların
Selçuklular altında Anadolu’ya geldiği savunulabilir. Bu düşüncelerin
Anadolu Selçuklu kültürünün şekillenmesinde büyük etkisi olduğu da
söylenebilir. O yüzden muhtemel Yeni Eflâtuncu etki altında üretim yapmış
düşünürlere ve çalışmalarına kısaca bakmak, Anadolu Selçuklularını
anlamak için gereklidir. Antik felsefenin etkilerini ilk olarak 8. Yüzyıl
civarında kurulan Mu’tazila teoloji okulunda gözlemlemek mümkündür.
Fakat uzmanlara göre Yeni Eflâtuncu düşüncelerin İslam kültürüne ilk
büyük girişi Al-Kindī’nin Enneads’ı Arapçaya çevirmesi ile olmuştur. Bu
eserin sonraki yüzyıllarda birçok düşünür tarafından kullanıldığı ileri
sürülmektedir. Daha sonraki yüzyıllardaki düşünür ve okullar arasında
başlıca Ikhwān al-Safā, Al-Fārābī ve Ibn Sina’yı göstermek mümkündür.
Bu isimlerin çalışmaları tasavvufun temelini oluşturmuş nitelikte olup, ana
olarak Tanrı’yı ve evreni anlamak, yaratılışı açıklamak ve insanı evrende
konumlandırmak üzerine düşünceler içermektedir. Konunun uzmanları,
tüm bu düşüncelerin etkisi altında 13. Yüzyılda çalışmış olan Ibn ‘Arabī’nin
en kapsamlı tasavvuf sistemini kurduğunu işaret etmektedir. Arabī’nin
özellikle tüm yaratılanların birbirleriyle ve Tanrı’yla arasındaki birliği
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savunan vahdet-i vücud ve maddesel evren (alam al mulk) ile Tanrı’nın
diyarı (alam al ghayb) arasındaki mekân olarak tanımladığı Barzakh
düşünceleri ön plana çıkmaktadır. Bu düşünceleri oluşturmasına ön ayak
olan çalışmalar Anadolu Selçukluları tarafından da bilindiği için paralel
düşüncelerin Anadolu’da da üretilmiş olması ihtimali yüksektir. Ayrıca
Arabī’nin 13. Yüzyılda Anadolu’da bulunmuş olması da önemli bir
husustur.
Selçukluların heterodoks düşüncelere karşı içlemci ve hoşgörülü
yaklaşımı, özellikle 13. Yüzyılda örneğine az rastlanabilecek bir düşünsel
ve sanatsal üretim atmosferi oluşturmalarını sağlamıştır. Bu atmosfer
sayesinde büyük miktarda felsefi ve sanatsal kültür Anadolu’ya taşınmıştır.
Bunlar arasında Yeni Eflâtuncu etkileri de fazlaca gözlemlemek
mümkündür. Ayrıca, devlet tarafından dayatılan bir ideolojinin olmaması
özgür bir sanatsal üretim ortamına sebep olduğundan dönemin
mimarisinin de özel bir yerde olduğu savunulabilir. Bu dönemde üretilen
cami ve medreseler; felsefe, din ve evrenbilim ile iç içe olan toplumsal,
kültürel ve sanatsal atmosferin yansımaları olarak gösterilebilir. Camiler,
halkın dervişler ve şeyhler ile etkileşimi için önemli ortamlar olmuşlardır.
Ayrıca, Anadolu bazilika ve Anadolu öncesi Selçuklu formlarını
harmanlayan yapıları ile de biricik bir forma sahiplerdir. Benzer şekilde,
medreseler de dönemi yansıtan önemli yapılardır. Medreselerin
formlarında ise kare-içinde-haç kilise şeması ile dört eyvanlı şemanın
harmanlanmasını gözlemlemek mümkündür. Ayrıca medreseler dini eğitim
ve üretim merkezleri olarak, muhtemel Yeni Eflâtuncu etki altında
düşünsel üretim yapılan mekânlardır. Bu çalışmada bu iki yapı tipine ait
analizler yapılacak olsa da, dini ibadet ile ilişkisinden dolayı camiler daha
fazla ele alınmıştır.
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Temel İslam ibadetlerinden biri olan namaz, camilerde toplu veya bireysel
olarak yapılabilecek bir dizi fiziksel harekete dayalı bir ibadettir. Yukarıda
Bizans ayini için yapıldığı gibi namaz ve Yeni Eflâtuncu ayinler arasında
direkt bir ilişki savunmak mümkün değildir. Fakat Yeni Eflâtunculuk’un
muhtemel etkisi ile gelişen İslam’daki batıni derinleşmenin, namaza bakış
açısına ve atfedilen anlama da yansımış olması mümkündür. Temel olarak
namaz, Müslümanların Tanrı’nın kudretine olan teslim oluşlarını
yineledikleri bir ibadet olarak tanımlanabilir. Buna ek olarak Sûfî’lerin
namazı Tanrı ile içsel bir buluşma olarak gördükleri de söylenebilir. Bu
mistik yaklaşımda Yeni Eflâtuncu etkiden söz etmek mümkündür. Ayrıca
bu etki muhtemelen caminin bu buluşmanın mekânı olduğu
yorumlanmasına sebep olmuştur. Ek olarak, Kâbe’ye yönelmenin olası bir
getirisi olarak namazın caminin mimari gelişiminde de etkili olduğu kabul
edilmektedir. Bu sebeple bu çalışmadaki cami analizleri namazın etkileri
göz önünde bulundurularak yapılmıştır.
Üç kavram arasında yansımaları Selçuklu mimarisinde en ağırlıklı olarak
bulunabilecek kavram olarak birlik gösterilebilir. Cami planları
incelendiğinde, mekânı organize eden bir grid sistemi gözlemlenmektedir.
Kolon aksları ve dış duvarları belirleyen bu grid sistemi, ikinci ve üçüncü
boyutta mekâna homojen ve eşitliği ön plana çıkaran bir yaklaşımı
mümkün kılmıştır. Bu grid organizasyonu eşitlik üzerinden birliği
vurgulayan bir soyutlama olarak tanımlanabilir. Selçuk camilerindeki gridal
organizasyonun mikro evren anlayışını da desteklediği düşünülebilir.
Ayrıca namazın toplu olarak kılınması ile bağlantılı olarak, caminin iç
mekânı, farklı bölümlere ayrılmadan tek bir mekân olarak bırakılmıştır. Bu
tek mekân, çoğu zaman kıble aksının getirdiği bir simetriye de sahiptir.
Camilerin hacimsel ve üç boyutlu organizasyonları içinse, Ali Uzay
Peker’in öne sürdüğü üzere bazilikadan camiye evirilme sürecinde
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yükseklik farklılıklarının ortadan kaldırılması ile hiyerarşinin elimine edildiği
ve üçüncü boyutta da eşitlikçi ve bütüncül bir mekân oluşturmaya
çalışıldığı anlaşılabilir. Son olarak medreseler için bir grid organizasyonu
veya kıble aksından söz etmek mümkün olmasa da, taç kapıdan ana
eyvana uzanan bir temel aks ve bunun bir getirisi olan simetriden söz
etmek mümkündür.
İkilik kavramının yansımalarına bakıldığında, hem cami hem de
medreselerin iç mekânlarındaki nizam ile dışarıdaki dağınık yapılaşmaya
bir tezat oluşturdukları gözlemlenebilir. Bunu, İslam’daki yaratılış
anlayışında var olan tarkib (birleşim/düzen) ile ilişkilendirmek mümkündür.
Ayrıca bu tezatın, Selçuklu yapılarının kalın ve az açıklıklı duvarları ile de
vurgulandığı düşünülebilir. Ayrıca taç kapılar da hem boyut hem de
bezeme miktarı olarak cephelerin geri kalanı ile bir tezat oluşturmaktadır.
Ek olarak, İslam anlayışına göre maddesel evrenin bir ögesi olan insanın
alam al ghayb hakkında bilgisi olması veya bu metafiziksel mekânı tasvir
etmesi mümkün değildir. Bu anlayış, namazın mistik anlamı ile birlikte
düşünüldüğünde cami mekânının kullar ve Tanrı arasında bir buluşma
mekânı, bir orta bölge veya barzakh olarak görüldüğünü
düşündürmektedir. Bu fikir ilk olarak Ali Uzay Peker tarafından ileri
sürülmüştür. Medreseler içinse namazın getirdiği anlam olmasa da,
İslam’da yüksek erdem olarak kabul edilen ilim ve eğitim ile benzer bir
sembolik anlam sağlandığı söylenebilir. Son olarak, ikilik kavramının bir
yansıması olarak kabul edilebilecek yatay ve dikey akslar cami mekânında
kesişmektedir. Bu kesişmeyi her bir birimde tekrar gözlemlemek mümkün
olduğu gibi merkezi koridorda gözlemlemek mümkündür. Bu kesişim
medreselerin avlularında da gerçekleşmektedir.
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Son kavram olan hiyerarşinin yansımaları ise ilk olarak taç kapılarda
gözlemlenebilir. Taç kapıların boyutları, bezemeleri ve çoğunlukla kıble
aksını başlatan eleman olmaları ile yapılardaki diğer mimari elemanlar
üzerinde bir hiyerarşi kurdukları söylenebilir. Ek olarak, yükseklik farkları
elimine edilmiş olsa da kıble aksına denk gelen merkezi koridorun genişlik
olarak ön plana çıkarıldığını gözlemlemek mümkündür. Merkezi koridor
ayrıca ışıklık kubbesi veya açıklıkları ve maksure kubbeleri ile de
vurgulanmıştır. Kubbe ve ışıklıklar, dikey akslar yaratarak göksel
hiyerarşiye de referans veriyor olarak düşünülebilir. Son olarak, kapalı avlu
tipi medreselerde de dikey aksın getirdiği hiyerarşiyi gözlemlemek
mümkündür. Ayrıca hacimlerin bir araya gelişi, Bizans kiliselerinde
tartışılan küp üzeri kare ilişkisi ile, hiyerarşinin olası bir yansımasıdır. Aynı
hacimsel ilişkiyi ve sembolizmi her bir cami biriminde de gözlemlemek
mümkündür.
Plan ve hacimlerde yapılan incelemelere ek olarak Selçuklu yapılarındaki
bezemelerde de Yeni Eflâtuncu yansımalar olduğu savunulabilir. Bunların
ilk örneği olarak Tanrı’nın kudretini ve insanlar arasındaki eşitlik ve birliği
ön plana çıkaran kitabeler gösterilebilir. Bu kitabelerin hem birlik hem de
hiyerarşiyi vurguladıklarını düşünmek mümkündür. Ayrıca bir soyutlama
ürünü olarak tartışılan geometrik bezemelerin de hem birlik hem de ikilik
kavramlarını yansıttığı savunulabilir. Bu çalışmanın önemli bir katkısı
olarak, birçok yapıda karşımıza çıkan bir geometrik bezeme
organizasyonu Platonik Cisimler üzerinden incelenmiştir. Bu bezemenin
farklı varyasyonlarında dodecahedron ve küpün soyutlanmış iki boyutlu
halleri olarak kabul edilebilecek olan beşgen ve altıgen beraber
kullanılmıştır. Dünya ve toprağın simgesi olan küp ve göksel maddenin
simgesi olan dodecahedron ile bu bezemede ruhani yükseliş ve birleşme
temalarının yansıtıldığı savunulabilir. Bu çalışmada, fotoğraflar ve çizimler
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üzerinden bu bezemenin farklı yapılardaki farklı varyasyonları
incelenmiştir. Son olarak ruhani yükseliş, evren, yaratılış vb. konularını
işleyen ve Yeni Eflâtuncu etki altında üretildiği varsayılan birçok tasavvuf
metninde yer verilen ağaç ve kuş figürlerini Selçuklu yapılarındaki
bezemeler arasında gözlemlemek mümkündür.
Yapılan bu incelemeler üzerinden İslam’daki Yeni Eflâtuncu etkinin
yansımalarının Anadolu Selçuklu yapılarının gerek plan ve hacimsel
organizasyonu gerekse de bezemelerinde birçok farklı şekilde
gözlemlenebileceği savunulabilir.
Her iki mimari gelenekten seçilmiş örneklerin Yeni Eflâtuncu kavramlar
üzerinden incelenmesi sonucunda bu çalışma, her iki dinde de etkileri
gözlemlenebilen Yeni Eflâtunculuk’u Bizans ve Selçuk mimarilerinin ortak
bir tasarım aracı olarak göstermiştir. Ayrıca bu çalışmadan ulaşılabilecek
birkaç çıkarım vardır.
Bunlardan ilki incelenen mimari geleneklere ait yapıları mikro evren
modelleri olarak düşünmenin mümkün olduğudur. Yapılan analizler bu
yapılarda üç kavramın tasarımsal olarak bulunabileceği göstermiştir.
İkinci çıkarım olarak, Yeni Eflâtunculuk’un antik dönem ile ortaçağ
arasında bir köprü görevi gördüğüdür. Buna göre Yeni Eflâtunculuk
üzerinden, Öklid/Platon geometrisinin ortaçağa taşındığı savunulabilir.
Ayrıca Yeni Eflâtunculuk’ta ağırlıkta olan metafizik düşüncelerin ortaçağda
Hristiyanlık ve İslam’ı batıni anlamda derinleştirdiği ve bunun sonucu
olarak her iki dinde gelişen mistik yaklaşımların dini ayin ve ibadetler
üzerinde de etkisi olduğu düşünülebilir.
Buna dayanarak yapılabilecek son çıkarım da, Yeni Eflâtunculuk etkisi
altında gelişen gerek bu batıni derinliğin gerekse de dini ayin ve
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ibadetlerdeki anlamın her iki kültürün sanatsal üretimde büyük etkisi
olduğu düşüncesidir. İki kültürdeki farklı yorumlar da bu üretimlerdeki
farklılaşmaların sebebi olarak okunabilir. Bununla ilişkili olarak, Bizans
kare-içinde-haç şemalı kiliselerinin evrendeki hiyerarşik düzenin bir dizi iç
mekân ile simgelendiği mikro evren modelleri olduğu söylenebilir. Ayinin
bu mekân organizasyonundaki etkisi de kritiktir. Bu mekânlar arasındaki
keskin karakteristik farklılıklar da sembolizmle paralel olup hiyerarşi
üzerindeki vurguyu kuvvetlendirir niteliktedir. Ek olarak, bazilika
şemasından kare-içinde-haç şemasına geçiş sürecinde de hiyerarşiye
olan vurgu muhtemelen önemli bir etmendir. Bu vurguya rağmen kilise
mimarisinin oluşumunda ikilik ve birlik kavramlarının da etkili olduğu
belirtilebilir. Diğer tarafta, Selçuklu yapıları sembolik birer orta bölge olarak
işlev görev mikro evren modelleri olarak düşünülebilir. Bazilikadan gelen
hiyerarşi Selçuklu camilerinde birlik ve eşitliğin önüne geçmeyecek şekilde
kısıtlanmıştır demek mümkündür. Tek mekândan oluşan camilerde, kıble
aksından üretilen grid organizasyonu ile bütüncül ve eşitlikçi bir iç mekân
oluşturulduğu savunulabilir. Bu grid organizasyonun, namaz için Kâbe’ye
yönelmiş ve kıble aksine dik olarak sıralanmış Müslümanların oluşturduğu
varsayımsal grid sistemine bir referans olduğu düşünülebilir.
Toparlamak adına, disiplinler arası yaklaşımıyla bu çalışmanın sembolik
anlam açısından birbirlerinden bağımsız kabul edilebilecek olan bu iki
mimari gelenek arasında Yeni Eflâtunculuk üzerinden bir ortak zemin
kurduğu ve böylelikle ortaçağda Anadolu ve Doğu Akdeniz’deki tasarım
anlayışına daha fazla ışık tuttuğu savunulabilir.
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