512

 Educating Citizens for “Sexual Manners”: Politics of
Sexuality between 1945-1965 in Turkey



Declaration of Originality
The intellectual content of this dissertation, which has been written by me
and for which I take full responsibility, is my own, original work, and it has
not been previously or concurrently submitted elsewhere for any other
examination or degree of higher education. The sources of all paraphrased
and quoted materials, concepts, and ideas are fully cited, and the admissible
contributions and assistance of others with respect to the conception of the
work as well as to linguistic expression are explicitly acknowledged herein.

Educating Citizens for “Sexual Manners”: Politics of Sexuality between
1945-1965 in Turkey


This study aims to examine the discourse on "sexual manners" that has
become visible in the public sphere in Turkey between 1945 and 1965, a
period marked by political, economic, and social changes. On the one hand,
"sexual manners" turned into a constructive and regulative discourse for
concepts such as femininity, masculinity, marriage, family, reproduction,
and birth control, based on the legitimacy of "scientification," when the
sexuality of the citizens was considered invisible and muted in the public
sphere. The sexual manners discourse, produced by the authors gathered
around Seksoloji magazine and similar publishing houses, developed
discussions in line with the global literature for the well-being of the
individual and collective body. On the other hand, sexual manners
contributed to the circulation of new norms for “desired” citizenship by
aiming to regulate intimate relations between individuals. This dissertation
aims to discuss the transformation regarding the "appropriate sexuality" of
the period by focusing on the tensions between discourse and practice
through subjects such as virginity, sexual pleasure, divorce, and extramarital
affairs.
108.278 words
vii
Özet
Yurttaşların “Cinsi Terbiyesi”: Türkiye’de 1945-1965 Arası Cinselliğin

Bu çalışma, siyasi, ekonomik ve toplumsal dönüşümlerin damgasını
vurduğu 1945 ve 1965 yılları arasında Türkiye’de kamusal alanda görünür
olan “cinsi terbiye” söylemini incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Kamusal alanda
öznelerin cinselliğinin görünmez olduğu düşünülen bu dönemde, “cinsi
terbiye”, bir yandan, “bilimsellik” meşruiyetine dayanarak cinsellik ve
cinselliği çevreleyen kadınlık, erkeklik, evlilik, aile, üreme, doğum kontrolü
gibi kavramlar için kurucu ve düzenleyici bir söylem olmuştur. Seksoloji
dergisi ve benzer yayınevleri çevresinde buluşan yazarlar tarafından üretilen
cinsi terbiye söylemi, bireysel ve toplumsal bedenin iyi hali için dünyadaki
literatüre ile eşgüdüm tartışmalar üretmişlerdir. Diğer yandan, cinsi terbiye
söylemi, bireylerin arasındaki mahrem ilişkileri düzenlemeyi amaçlayarak,
makbul yurttaşlık hali için yeni normların dolaşımına girmesine katkıda
bulunmuştur. Bu tez, bekaret, cinsi haz, boşanma, evlilik dışı ilişki gibi
konular üzerinden söylemle pratik arasındaki gerilimlere odaklanarak
dönem içinde “olumlanan ve uygun bulunan cinselliğin” dönüşümünü
tartışmaya açmayı amaçlamaktadır.
108.278 kelime
viii
ix
Curriculum Vitæ
L A D E N Y U RT TA G Ü L E R A K K U Ş
15/05/1976
in Istanbul, Turkey
EDUCATION
Ph.D. Atatürk Institute for Modern Turkish History
Boğaziçi University
2022
M.A. Atatürk Institute for Modern Turkish History
Boğaziçi University
2004
B.A. Educational Sciences Department
Boğaziçi University
2001
PROFESSIONAL APPOINTMENTS/EMPLOYMENT
■ Coordinator for Youth Studies Unit, Istanbul Bilgi University (2015 –
present)
■ Coordinator for Center for Civil Society Studies (CCSS), Istanbul Bilgi
University (2005 – present)
■ Lecturer Istanbul Bilgi University (2005 – present)
■ “Promoting Human Rights in School Textbooks” Project Coordinator,
History Foundation (2002-2003)
PUBLICATIONS
■ “Gençlik, Gönüllülük ve Katılım.” In Türkiye’de Gönüllülük: Deneyimler,
Sınırlılıklar ve Yeni Açılımlar, edited by Emre Erdoğan, Pınar Uyan-
Semerci, Nurhan Yentürk and Laden Yurttagüler. İstanbul: Istanbul Bilgi
Üniversitesi Yayınları, 2020.
x
■ Partnership between the European Commission and the Council of Europe
in the field of Youth, Shrinking Democratic Civic Space for Youth, Tomaž
Deželan and Laden Yurttagüler, Youth Partnership Policy Paper,
Strasbourg: EU-CoE Youth Partnership, 2020.
■ “The Impact of Youth Policies in Turkey.” Power2Youth Horizon Working
Paper No. 10, May 2016.
■ “Gençlerin Özerkliği Var Mı?” In Özerklikler ve Özgürlükler açısından
Türkiye’de Gençlik Politikası, edited by Laden Yurttagüler, Burcu Oy and
Yörük Kurtaran. İstanbul: İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları, 2014.
■ 1930-1990 Meclisin Gençlik Söylemi. İstanbul: İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi
Yayınları, 2014.
■ Gençlik Çalışmaları Tarihi, edited by Yörük Kurtaran and Laden
Yurttagüler. İstanbul: İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları, 2014.
“Yoksullukla Mücadelede STK’ların Rolü: Hizmet Verme ve Sosyal Hak
Anlayışı Arasındaki Gerilim.” In İnsan Hakları İhlali Olarak Yoksulluk,
edited by Pınar Uyan. İstanbul: İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları, 2010.
■ “Savunuculuk, Yurttaşlık ve Katılım.” In Savunuculuk ve Politikaları
Etkileme (with Nurhan Yentürk, Yiğit Aksakoğlu, İrfan Neziroğlu, Habip
Kocaman, Ebru Ağduk). İstanbul: İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları,
2010.
■ “Civil Society Dialogue in Action: A Review of Civil Society Workshop
Series.” In Civil Society Dialogue Between Turkey and France:
Transcending Stereotypes, edited by Senem Aydın-Düzgit and Ayhan Kaya.
İstanbul: İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları, 2009.
■ “Gençlik ve Sosyal Dışlanma.” in Türkiye’de Gençlik Çalışması ve Gençlik
Politikaları, edited by Nurhan Yentürk, Yörük Kurtaran and Gülesin
Nemutlu. İstanbul: İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları, 2008
■ Gönüllülerle İşbirliği. (with Alper Akyüz), İstanbul: İstanbul Bilgi
Üniversitesi Yayınları, 2006.
TEACHING EXPERIENCE
■ Lecturer at Istanbul Bilgi University
Courses taught: Civil Society Theory (2015-present); Global Civil Society
(2019-present); Advocacy and Lobbying for CSOs (2014-2020); Active
xi
Citizenship and Participation (2016-2019); Volunteering and Human
Resources for CSOs (2015-2016); Social Movements and Social Policies
(2015-2016); Civil Society, NGOs and Participation (2010-2016); Gender
and Everyday Practices (2014-2016); Social Responsibility Course (2006-
2014); NGO Capacity Building and Management (2012-2013); NGOs and
Capacity Development (2009-2012); Youth and Europe (2010-2011); NGO
Management and Capacity Building (2009-2010); Social Responsibility,
Civil Society and Istanbul (2009-2010).
LANGUAGES
■ Turkish –Native Speaker
■ English – Fluent
■ German –Advanced
PROFESSIONAL MEMBERSHIPS/AFFILIATIONS
■ Member of the Pool of European Youth Researchers – Youth Partnership of
European Commission and Council of Europe
xii
xiii
to my mother, Güveyre
and
to my father, Sezar
xiv
xv
Table of Contents
Acknowledgements xviii
1 INTRODUCTION 1
1.1 From Democracy Manners to Sexual Manners during Changing
Times 3
1.2 Formation of Sexual Manners discourse between 1945 and 1965
10
1.3 Periodization, Sources and Outline of the Study 25
2 EDUCATING CITIZENS F O R “SEXUAL MANNERS ” 33
2.1 Increasing Visibility of Sexuality in the 1950s 38
2.2 Tools for Sexuality 72
2.3 Why Sexual Manners ? 84
2.4 Presentation, Content, and Forms of Sexual Manners 124
2.5 Who to Teach – Whom To Teach 167
2.6 Appropriate Sexuality 201
3 CONSTRUCTION OF MARRIAGE AND FAMILY 237
3.1 Family as the Core Unit 245
3.2 Marriage as a Process in the Making 260
3.3 W hat Kind of Marriage is Imagined? 270
3.4 Divorce as a Possible, but Un-wanted Practice 278
4 CONCLUSION 293
Bibliography 299
xvi
Abbreviations and Acronyms
DP Democrat Party (Demokrat Parti)
LPP The Law on Population Planning (Nüfus Planlaması
Hakkında Kanun)
NDP National Development Party (Milli Kalkınma Partisi)
PHL The Public Hygiene Law (Umumi Hıfzısıhha Kanunu)
RPP Republican People’s Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi)
SPA State Planning Agency (Devlet Planlama Teşkilatı)
xvii
Acknowledgements
It will be a rather long acknowledgement since it took a long time to
research and write this thesis. This dissertation was interrupted by my
personal and political engagements. Wonderful people have supported and
encouraged me during the process. Without them, I would probably have
given up. This part of my studies came to an end, and for that I’m relieved
and pleased.
First of all, I’d like to express my thanks to the supervisor of this
dissertation Nadir Özbek, who encouraged me to continue my studies and
complete this dissertation. As a lifelong advisor to my studies, I’m deeply
grateful for his support. I also thank my committee members, Berna Yazıcı,
Gülhan Balsoy, and Cengiz Kırlı for accepting to be a part of this journey
and for their insightful feedback. I'd like to express my gratitude to Pınar
Uyan specially, for being an academic mentor, an encouraging friend, and
an enthusiastic fellow traveler on my journey.
I want to send my best greetings to Necla Turunç, our deceased
secretary at the Ataturk Institute, who was always supportive to all of us.
Leyla Kılıç deserves my thanks. Kadriye Tamtekin, who has always been so
helpful and friendly from my very first contact with the Ataturk Institute till
today, and Dilek Tecirli earn my special gratitude.
In my academic journey as a bachelor, master, and doctorate student, I
was lucky to be a part of Boğaziçi University. I met extraordinary people
along the way, from whom I learned a lot. I’m deeply grateful for having
such an empowering opportunity. I hope that Boğaziçi University can
conserve its mind-opening and critical environment also for its prospective
students.
In my life, I met wonderful women who did not only intrigue me with
intellectual discussions. But they also became a source of inspiration for me.
Ferhunde Özbay, who passed away in 2015, has not only been my professor.
She was also a dear friend to me. I wish that she could see the end of this
study. Ayşe Buğra became an inspiration for my intellectual discussions.
Nurhan Yentürk became an enforcing support to finish this dissertation. You
stood by younger women like me in many areas of life. I’m deeply thankful
to you all.
xviii
I've been engaged with civil society organizations working on rightsbased
issues in Turkey for the last twenty years. I had the chance to meet
and work with very courageous and inspiring people. In the name of them,
I'd like to thank all of my colleagues at Istanbul Bilgi University's Center for
Civil Society Studies.
I have dear friends who support me even in extraordinary situations.
Particularly, I want to give my thanks to Işıl, Adis and Eren, who gave their
time, read the versions, made suggestions, and saved me from my digitalproblems.
You all are precious.
Last but not least, I want to thank my family. I would have given up
without the encouragement and support of my dear mother Güveyre and
father Sezar. Thank you for believing me. My grandmother Nebahat
inspired me to look at the 1950s with her stories. Without her, I would not
be interested in the 1950s. My dear Toprak accompanied me patiently
during long hours when I was writing. A heartfelt thanks goes to my
husband, Volkan. From cooking delicious meals to increasing my spirit, he
supported me through this journey.
xix
xx
“It may be in our sexuality that we are most
easily enslaved, both men and women. It maybe
there, even as free men and women, that we find
freedom hardest to keep. The politics of the flesh
are the roots of power.”
– Ursula K. Le Guin, Four Ways to Forgiveness
1
1
Introduction
In the social science literature, the 1950s are frequently associated with
the aftermath of the Second World War, the dipole world, and the beginning
of the Cold War. In tandem with developments in political life and political
structure, the decade witnessed transformations in economic structure with
mass production and mass consumption, in international relations, in
popular culture, and even in social life and the everyday practices of
individuals.1 World-wide developments coincided with the discussions and
changes in Turkey’s political regime, economic developments, and social
life. Turkey's political regime shifted to a multi-party system in the mid-
1940s, resulting in a radical transformation in the political structure.
1 For a discussion on the transformation process of the world during the 1950s, see: Eric
Hobsbawm, Age of Extremes: the Short Twentieth Century 1914-1991 (London: Abacus,
1995). Mark Mazower, Dark Continent: Europe’s Twentieth Century (New York: Penguin,
1999). For Turkey, see: Feroz Ahmad, The Making of the Modern Turkey (London, New
York: Routledge, 1993).
2
Simultaneously, this transformation has dramatically changed citizens'
participation in political processes.2 Furthermore, it has sparked fresh
discussions regarding the boundaries and limits of citizens' freedom, as well
as their ability to participate in decision-making processes. Economically,
Turkey began to link with the rest of the world and assess its population in
the light of the "development" debate.3 Paralel to the efforts about the
“development of the country,” Turkey was influenced by the global
discussions over the necessity for "expertise" in managing social issues (and
its population). The quest for expertise brought Turkey closer to the
academic and popular discussions produced by the United States’
academia.4 The decision makers of the country sought expertise in many
areas regarding social5 including migration, health, housing, poverty, and
child mortality, all of which could have a significant impact on the
population's well-being.6 The transformations in the political, economic, and
managerial structures generated changes in society, ranging from the
consumption habits of the citizens to the use of communication mediums
such as the rise of popular press.7
The contours of citizenship have been re-defined as a result of a
combination of political, economic, social, and management-level
developments, in line with the construction of democratic processes, new
2 Cemil Koçak, İktidar ve Demokratlar Türkiye’de İki Partili Siyasi Sistemin Kuruluş Yılları
(1945-1950), Cilt 2, second edition (İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2018). Tanel Demirel,
Türkiye’nin Uzun On Yılı: Demokrat Parti İktidarı ve 27 Mayıs Darbesi (İstanbul: İstanbul
Bilgi Yayınları, 2011).
3 Çağlar Keyder, Türkiye'de Devlet ve Sınıflar, trans. Sabri Tekay, fifth edition (İstanbul:
İletisim Yayınları, 1999). Roger Owen and Şevket Pamuk, A History of Middle East
Economies in the Twentieth Century (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999).
4 Cangül Örnek, “1950’li yıllarda ABD ile buluşma: Anti-komünizm, Modernleşmecilik ve
Maneviyatçilik” (Ph.D. Dissertation, Marmara University, 2010).
5 David G. Horn, Social Bodies: Science, Reproduction, and Italian Modernity (Princeton,
New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1995), 99, 127.
6 Pat O’Malley, “Governmentality and Risk,” in Social Theories of Risk and Uncertainity, an
Introduction, ed. Jens O. Zinn (Malden, Oxford, and Victoria: Blackwell Publishing, 2008),
52-75. Mitchell Dean, “The Malthus Effect: Population and the Liberal Government of
Life,” Economy and Society 44, 1 (2015): 18-39.
7 Selda Bulut, “Hürriyet Gazetesi: 1948-1953 Döneminin Yayın Politikası” (PhD
Dissertation, Ankara University, 2007), 4.
3
co-existence practices in the public sphere, and the creation of new
institutional structures, respectively. Consequently, the introduction of new
norms in various areas of life became necessary. Attributes of citizenship,
engagement in the public sphere, and formation of new norms and behaviors
addressing individuals’ daily practices were discussed under the notion of
terbiye (manners). Terbiye as a concept became visible in public debate that
determines the limits and norms of citizens' behavior, ranging from etiquette
in the public sphere to how to participate in a democratic regime.
Furthermore, terbiye extended its influence to the regulation of the private
sphere, the private (mahrem) and sexuality of individuals, giving rise to the
concept of cinsi terbiye (sexual manners).
This study intends to analyze the discursive and practical construction of
“sexual manners” in Turkey between 1945-1965, its influencing actors, and
its impact on the discussions and practices of the citizens regarding sexual
matters.
1.1. From Democracy Manners to Sexual Manners
during Changing Times
Sexual manners (cinsi terbiye), which is a joint concept in reference to
sexuality (cinsellik) and manners (terbiye) increased its visibility and was
discussed in the public sphere in the second half of the 1940s. Since the
establishment of the Republic, both the manners (terbiye) and sexuality of
the citizens have been concerning topics for the decision-makers. Manners
(terbiye) has been associated with efforts to educate and form citizens. In
the 1930s, terbiye was mostly used as a concept that covered pedagogy,
education, and discipline of children and young people.8 Füsun Üstel points
out the importance of adding citizenship education courses to the school
curriculum to enhance national education (milli terbiye) in the early years of
8 Bedi Ziya Egemen, Terbiye İlminin Problemleri ve Terbiye Felsefesi (Ankara: Ankara
Üniversitesi Basımevi, 1965). For an interchangeable use of education (eğitim) and
discipline (terbiye), see: John Dewey, Demokrasi ve Terbiye, trans. Avni Başman (Ankara:
Devlet Matbaası, 1928).
4
the Republic.9 Yiğit Akın analyzes the physical education (beden terbiyesi)
courses for children and young people during the 1930s.10 In the second half
of the 1940s, the outreach of terbiye as a regulatory concept expanded to
areas where noticeable changes had occurred, such as the new ways of
democracy.
On July 7, 1945, ten days before the Potsdam Conference, Nuri Demirağ
applied to the Ministry of Interior Affairs to establish a party, Milli
Kalkınma Partisi (National Development Party- NDP), which historians
considered a milestone from a single-party regime to a multi-party regime in
Turkey. Other political parties followed the NDP in a newly increasing
democratic wave, which also entailed the establishment of the Demokrat
Parti (Democrat Party-DP). DP was established by a group of Cumhuriyet
Halk Partisi (Republican People’s Party–RPP) members who were opposed
to, particularly, the economic policies of the current government. After
intense discussions at the assembly, four representatives resigned from the
RPP in 1945 and established the DP in 1946.11 The formation of political
parties was the turning moment in the change of the political regime. The
first multi-party election of the Turkish Republic was held on July 21, 1946,
which ended with a controversial win for the RPP. In the second half of the
1940s, the political life of Turkey started to experience critical changes in
the political system, such as the formation of new political parties, multiparty
elections, changing laws regarding the political structure and the
political culture, such as the emergence of oppositional voices, demanding
more space for freedom of speech, and discussions about “democracy
culture.”12
9 Füsun Üstel, “Makbul Vatandaş”ın Peşinde, II. Meşruiyet’ten Bugüne Vatandaşlık Eğitimi
(İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2004).
10 Yiğit Akın, Gürbüz ve Yavuz Evlatlar: Erken Cumhuriyet’te Beden Terbiyesi ve Spor
(İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2004).
11 Koçak, İktidar ve Demokratlar, 15-75.
12 Cemil Koçak, CHP İktidarının Sonu Türkiye’de İki Partili Siyâsî Sistemin Kuruluş Yılları
(1945-1950), Cilt 6 (İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2017), for the formation of political
structure, 355-401; for radio discussions, 163-172. Koçak, İktidar ve Demokratlar, for the
1946 elections, 455-532. Tanel Demirel, Türkiye’nin Uzun On Yılı: Demokrat Parti İktidarı
ve 27 Mayıs Darbesi (İstanbul: İstanbul Bilgi Yayınları, 2011).
5
After the 1946 election, the parliamentary turned into a “real” discussion
platform, which hosted heated debates between the RPP, the ruling party,
and the “main” opposition party, the DP. Along with parliamentarian
debates, political discussions in the public sphere escalated and found a
place in the pages of various types of publications. In the second half of the
1940s, daily and weekly publications started to flourish in parallel with the
developments in publishing technology that catered to visual material.13
Their numbers and their circulation increased noticeably, in particular,
between 1948 and 1954,14 which was a sign of the attempts to reach a wider
public. Moreover, the newspapers were associated with political parties or
ideas in the embodiment of the editor-in-chief, who engaged in polemics
through the pages of their newspapers.15 During the 1945-1955 period,
Zafer, Vatan, and Milliyet were considered to be associated with the DP.
Ulus was considered the mouthpiece of the RPP. Hürriyet was considered
the defender of pro-America and democratization.16 In parallel to the
technical developments in the press sector, distribution opportunities had
been developed for the published materials. The circulation of printed
material had increased significantly compared to the previous decade, with
the second half of the 1940s and, increasingly, during the 1950s. The
availability of the media provided a broader space for public political
discussions. In addition to the press, the radio was also instrumentalized for
political propaganda.17 With the help of the written media, the discourse on
13 Levent Cantek, Cumhuriyetin Büluğ Çağı: Gündelik Yaşama Dair Tartışmalar (1945-1950)
(İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2008). Bulut, Hürriyet Gazetesi: 1948-1953 Döneminin Yayın
Politikası, 4. Nazife Güngör, “Türkiye’de Popüler Kültür ve Çizgi Roman,” Gazi
University Journal of Economics and Administrative Sciences 12, 1-2 (1996): 337-354.
14 Bulut, “Hürriyet Gazetesi: 1948-1953 Döneminin Yayın Politikası,” 4. Cantek,
Cumhuriyetin Büluğ Çağı.
15 Bulut, “Hürriyet Gazetesi: 1948-1953 Döneminin Yayın Politikası,” 3. Cantek,
Cumhuriyetin Büluğ Çağı. Funda Şenol-Cantek, “Ellili Yıllar Türkiye’sinde Basın,” in
Türkiye’nin 1950’li Yılları, ed. Mete Kaan Kaynar (İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2015), 423-
427.
16 Bulut, “Hürriyet Gazetesi: 1948-1953 Döneminin Yayın Politikası,” 1.
17 Cem Pekman, İstanbul Radyosu: Anılar, Yaşantılar (İstanbul: Yapı Kredi Publishing,
2000). Cem Pekman discussed how radio makes the dissemination of popular discourse
possible.
6
democratization and freedom was promoted and distributed at the end of the
1940s and throughout the 1950s.
The discussions regarding democracy did not only focus on the
structures and processes of the representative democratic system. The
political system was changing towards a multi-party structure, echoing
through the discussions about the norms, culture, and structures of
democracy in the public sphere. Behice Boran stated that a habit and a
tradition of criticism and opposition started to be established during this
period.18 The rules and regulations of the multi-party system, critics of the
opposition against the political power, the right of monitoring and resistance
of the opposition were thoroughly discussed.19 At the 1950 election, citizens
of the Republic used voting as a way of expressing their political struggle
and, also, as a result of their new “democracy manners.”20
Meanwhile, the adequacy and capability of the citizens regarding the
democratic culture were causing severe concerns among the decision
makers and opinion leaders in society. Hence, leading figures of society
(from different political circles) attempted to install the “culture of
democracy”21 in the attitudes and behaviors of the citizens through different
channels. Terbiye as an approach was used to define, standardize, and
distribute the norms of a newly constructed or changing situation.22
Regarding democracy, terbiye aimed to create proper and desirable citizens
for the Republic, who would have sufficient information and attitude to act
in a newly changing democratic system. While the structures of the political
18 Behice Boran, Türkiye ve Sosyalizmin Sorunları (İstanbul: GünYayınları, 1968), 43–44.
“Bir tenkit ve muhalefet alışkanlığı, geleneği oluşmaya başladı.”
19 Boran, Türkiye ve Sosyalizmin Sorunları, 43–44. “…çok partili demokratik rejimin politik
ve parlamenter kuralları, muhalefetin iktidarı tenkit, denetleme ve ona karşı koyma hakları
bu devrede enine boyuna tartışıldı, savunuldu.”
20 Sinan Yıldırmaz “Demokrat Parti ve Dönemi: Sol Tarihyazımında “Kayıp” Zamanın
İzinde,” Praksis, 18 (2009), 36–37.
21 Whether it was as a result of these attempts or not, according to Yıldırmaz, the initial
attempts of getting organized and establishing associations have roots in the 1950s, which
were also real cause of the social movements of the 1960s. Sinan Yıldırmaz, “Demokrat
Parti ve Dönemi: Sol Tarihyazımında “Kayıp” Zamanın İzinde,” 40.
22 Norbert Elias, Uygarlık Süreci, Cilt 1, trans. Ender Ateşman, eleventh edition (İstanbul:
İletişim Yayınları, 2021).
7
system were changing, members of the new Republic aimed to be prepared
for the changes in order to “deserve citizenship status” and act according to
the needs of the new regime.23 Within the terbiye framework, it was aimed
to encourage citizens to have appropriate etiquette (manners) regarding
democracy, which invited citizens to find balance and harmony, and avoid
excessive behaviors in a democratic system.24 The changes in the structures
and legislation of the political system coincided with the promotion of
“democracy manners” among the citizens in the second half of the 1940s
and the beginning of the 1950s.25 After his resignation from RPP due to his
appointment as the new governor of Istanbul, Fahrettin Kerim Gökay
launched a meeting with journalists. While he was answering questions, he
stated that he saw “democracy schools” in foreign countries to teach
democracy manners to the citizens. He stressed the importance of
democracy manners and said that “We have to walk this way.”26
Discussions about citizens' manners did not begin and end with
complying with democratic values. Due to the changes in various platforms
of society, decision-makers of the country stressed the need for citizens to
be educated in various areas, such as public etiquette,27 which refered to
appropriate behaviors in public as a result of new ways of life. Following
“democracy manners” and “public etiquette,” a similar invitation regarding
23 Tanıl Bora, “Cumhuriyet, Demokrasi ve Muhafazakar Türk Cumhuriyetçiliği,” in Medeniyet
Kaybı Milliyetçilik ve Faşizm Üzerine Yazılar (İstanbul: Birikim Yayınları, 2006), 31.
24 Nusret Köymen, Demokrasiyi Kurtaralim: Demokrasiyi Kurtaracak Halk Eğitimidir
(İstanbul: Türkiye Basimevi, 1952).
25 One of the symbolic attempts of the period was launching “democracy education” in
schools such as “Okullarda Demokrasi Terbiyesi,” Cumhuriyet, 26.09.1949. “Fahir Ersen,
Tetkikler: Muhtelif gayeli okullar açılırken,” Milliyet, 15.12.1953. “... orta öğrenim çağında
çocuklarımızı da demokratik terbiye anlayışına uygun ve mevcut imkanlardan faydalanarak
yeni bir tip okulun kurulması kararlaştırılmıştır.” (italic mine)
26 “Vali Kanuna Uyarak CHP’den istifa etti,” Cumhuriyet, 23.10.1949.
27 Gottfried Andreas, Görgü: 1. En Yeni ve İleri Muaşeret Usulleri, trans. Turan Aziz Beler
(İstanbul: İnkılâp Kitabevi, 1943). Süheyla Muzaffer, 2. Subay, Asker, Memur, Mektepli ve
Umumiyetle Herkes için Modern Adabı Muaşeret (İstanbul: İnkılâp Kitabevi, 1940). For the
public etiquette, see: Serpil Sancar, Türk Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyeti (İstanbul: İletişim
Yayınları, 2012), 236.
8
sexuality was articulated by the opinion leaders under the title of “sexual
manners” (cinsi terbiye).
Concerns regarding regulating sexuality and sexuality-related issues did
not arise suddenly in the 1950s. Since the establishment of the Republic,
sexual matters, which were considered as potential threats to the well-being
of the social (population) have been on the agenda of the decision-makers.
The laws and policies of the early Republican period, which were related to
sexuality, aimed to ensure healthy reproduction and, consequently, a healthy
population. The population of Turkey in the 1927 census was 13,648,270,
which was considered highly insufficient for the developmental (economic)
goals and protection of the country (military power).28 In the first decade of
the Republic, measures regarding the population focused on two subjects.
The first one was ensuring the increase of the population both by taking
preventive measures and by promoting pro-natal policies. The second one
was preventing deaths through combating infectious diseases.29 To support
the agenda of “promoting births and protecting health,” sexuality-related
laws and policies were enacted in four main areas: venereal diseases,
prostitution and obscenity, and practices related to birth control such as
miscarriage and abortion.
Umumi Hıfzısıhha Kanunu (The Public Hygiene Law-PHL) of 1930 was
the crystallized version of the legislative framework that addressed early
Republican concerns. Similar to the “social hygiene laws” in other countries
during the 1930s, the PHL aimed to protect the health of the population and
future generations. The PHL covered regulations regarding sexuality-related
issues to protect the population’s health such as the prevention of venereal
diseases, and to promote reproduction, such as the prohibition of
contraception. Among the topics, the PHL prioritized the prevention of
venereal diseases such as syphilis. In conjuction with the PHL, the Ministry
of Health organized campaigns to raise public awareness and educate the
28 For a critical discussion of the 1927 census and its calculations, see: Frederic C. Shorter,
“The Population of Turkey after the War of Independence,” International Journal of
Middle East Studies 17, 4 (1985): 417-441.
29 The third one is related to migration movements. However, the effect of migration
movements on the formation of population policies should be studied separately.
9
citizens about the harmful effects of venereal diseases.30 Public education
about sexuality was limited to disease control and had a “negative”
reference regarding informing the public. The narrative of the educational
material aimed mainly to warn the public about the destructive
consequences of sexuality. Like the legislation on venereal diseases,
regulations and policies about contraception were based on restrictions,
which reinforced the "negative" tone about sexuality.31
Other than prohibitions and warnings, which were loaded with negating
connotations, discussions on sexuality were limited with few marriage
manuals in the 1930s. Marriage manuals emerged as a new genre around the
turn of the century, aimed at informing engaged and married couples about
conjugal relations such as wedding night or mechanism of sexual
intercourse.32 As Müge Koçaklar demostrated, few authentic or translated
marriage manuals were published in Turkey during the 1930s, which had
limited circulation and remained at the margins of public discussion.33
Except for promoting reproduction (birth giving), the sexuality of
individuals was invisible in the public narrative. Consequently, a laissez
faire approach was dominated public discourse in terms of educating
citizens about sexual subjects such as functions of sexual organs, sexual
conduct or pleasure.
With the end of the Second World War came a wave of democratization
and liberation discussion in the public press, which thrusted forward
concepts such as “free society,” “free citizen,” and “free mind.” This
tendency was strengthened and articulated during and after the discussions
regarding the revisions to the 1931 Press Law. “Matbuat Kanunu’nun Bazı
30 Murat Arpacı, “Hastalık, ulus ve felaket: Türkiye’de frengi ile mücadele (1920-1950),”
Toplum ve Bilim, 130 (2014): 59-86.
31 Jonathan Zimmerman, “A Family of Man? Sex Education in a Cold War World, 1940-
1964,” in Too Hot to Handle: A Global History of Sex Education, ed. Jonathan Zimmerman
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015).
32 Roy Porter and Lesley Hall, The Facts of Life: the Creation of Sexual Knowledge in
Britain, 1650-1950 (New Haven and London: Yale University, 1995).
33 Müge Işıklar Koçak, “Problematizing Translated Popular Texts on Women’s Sexuality: A
New Perspective on the Modernization Project in Turkey from 1931 to 1959” (PhD.
Dissertation, Boğaziçi University, 2007).
10
Maddelerinin Değiştirilmesi Hakkında Kanun” (Law on Amending Some
Articles of the Press Law) was enacted in September 1946 after the heated
debates in parliament about freedom of speech, a free society, free citizens,
and a free press. According to Levent Cantek, with the new law, popular
publications started to include various subjects-including sexuality related
topics-in its pages with the abolition of the censorship in the press.34 The
second part of the 1940s witnessed the rise of the popular press with the
introduction of two newspapers, Hürriyet in 1948 and Milliyet in 1950. Both
newspapers adopted a new approach that aimed to appeal to a larger public
by using easy-to-consume content. The new atmosphere of the day enabled
the press to deal with easy subjects such as magazine news about the lives
of artists or subjects from the lives of ordinary people, such as crime news.
As a result of combination of freedom and magazines, subjects related to
sexuality started to emerge in the pages of newspapers and journals. While
newspapers reserved their content, relatively, for informative news (such as
“how to educate children about sexuality”35), journals and popular manuals
provided information and discussions about various subjects, including
appropriate sexual behaviors, sexuality in marriage, virginity,
homosexuality, legal advice on marriage, divorce, and health advice on
sexuality.
1.2. Formation of “Sexual Manners” Discourse between 1945
and 1965
“Cinsi terbiye” (sexual manners) appeared as a general topic in the
published press, which covered all the sexuality-related subjects. In addition
to subjects directly sexuality-related, sexual manners aimed to provide
information about gender roles, marriage, the division of labor in marriage,
conception, and contraception. The forthcoming figures of the era tried to
draw the lines between the appropriate and the unacceptable and between
34 Cantek, Cumhuriyetin Büluğ Çağı. Ayşegül Şentürk, “1931 Matbuat Kanunu’ndaki
Değişiklikler Üzerine Kronolojik Bir Değerlendirme: Basın Hürriyeti Bağlamında Meclis
Tartışmaları ve Basındaki Yankılar,” Tarih İncelemeleri Dergisi 30, 1 (2015): 199-230.
35 Dr. Recep Ferdi, “Cinsi Terbiye,” Milliyet, 12.11.1954.
11
the healthy and the abnormal by using “sexual manners” as an informative
and educative tool for the citizens of the young Republic. Sexual manners
was instrumentalized as a discourse to regulate the sexuality of individuals
while constructing roles such as womanhood and manhood, institutions such
as marriage, concepts such as virginity, homosexuality, and processes such
as reproduction, birth control, and abstinence. More clearly, “sexual
manners” became the constructing discourse for the new sexuality and,
particularly, for the new womanhood in the 1950s.
The Seksoloji journal became a symbol and flagship for the usage and
dissemination of the concept. Seksoloji was first published in April 1949
and continued until May 1954. As can be seen from the years, the subject
started to be discussed under the RPP government and continued after the
1950 election under the DP period. Although the journal ended its annual
publication in 1954, the publishing house continued to prepare annual
almanacs about sexuality and sexual manners. Moreover, other published
materials covered sexuality-related subjects and discussions about sexual
manners throughout the 1950s.36 In other words, sexual manners as a
concept continued to exist and spread throughout the decade through the
mainstream press, such as daily newspapers, monthly journals from
different genres, and popular manuals. Cinsi terbiye has become a popular
topic for presenting appropriate sexual norms and informing citizens for
self-education.
36 In the literature, the 1950s in Turkey are frequently associated with conservatism.
Therefore, even the existence of a journal named Seksoloji is quite interesting and
controversial. However, in this study, I prefer not to focus on the “conservatism paradigm”
to mainstream the discussions. In this study, I try to display the visibility of sexuality and
“sexual manners” in the popular press, and their relations with reproduction during the
period. For future studies, it could be interesting to examine the symbols of the
“conservatist” journals to understand their reactions and their handling of “appearing”
sexuality. For a couple of the “conservatism” discussions of the period, see: H. Bayram
Kaçmazoğlu, Demokrat Parti Dönemi Toplumsal Tartışmaları (İstanbul: Doğu Kitabevi,
2012), 63-123. Bayram Koca, “Ellili Yıllarda Merkez Sağ: Demokrat Parti’nin Özgürlük ile
İstismar Arasındaki Dini Politikaları,” in Türkiye’nin 1950’li yılları, ed. Mete Kaan Kaynar
(İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2015): 293-319. Tanıl Bora and Necmi Erdoğan,
“Muhafazakar Populizm,” in Modern Türkiye’de Siyasi Düşünce: Muhafazakarlık, Cilt 5,
ed. Tanıl Bora and Murat Gültekingil (İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2003): 632-644.
12
The sexual manners discourse was constructed as a layered, scientific,
and self-regulative discourse by the writers of the period. Sexual manners
attempted to inform the audience about various parts and processes of
sexuality through a multi-layered discourse. In marriage manuals and
articles on sexual manners, some writers focused on giving detailed
descriptive information about sexual organs, their functions, and possible
abnormalities and venereal diseases with (so-called) neutral and scientific
language. Furthermore, they supported their narratives with illustrations or
photographs to elaborate their explanations by displaying the “unseen” parts
of the body.37 With advances in printing technology, magazines began to
publish even colored images of sexual organs, both with an anatomical and
an aesthetic gaze.38
In parallel to the descriptive and explicative articles on sexual organs,
texts on sexual manners discussed the mechanism of sexuality. The authors
of sexual manners explained the process of sexual intercourse, the limits and
ways of sexual pleasure, “exceptional” situations such as virginity, the
necessities of “wedding night,” the reasons for infertility and impotence.
The authors combined anatomical descriptions with the mechanical process
of sexual intercourse to demonstrate the physical components. Yet, the
content of the texts did not end with medical, biological, or anatomical
knowledge on sexuality.
Some authors, such as Marie Stopes in Married Love, which was
translated into Turkish and published several times during the 1940s and
1950s, addressed intimacy, engagement, love, marriage and marital roles of
the spouses alongside providing information on how to achieve sexual
pleasure for woman and man together. Some writers, such as Heinrich
Kisch, whose books on women’s role in marriage were translated into
Turkish as “Kadın ve Evlilik Sanatı” (Woman and Art of Marriage) by
Seksoloji Publishing in 1951, were particularly focused on listing the duties
and responsibilities of a woman in marriage, and portraying the “desired”
37 Michel Foucault, The Birth of the Clinic: An Archaeology of Medical Perception (London:
Routledge, 2003), 146.
38 Aslı Yapar Gönenç, “Türkiye’de Dergiciliğin Tarihsel Gelişimi,” İletişim Fakültesi Dergisi,
29 (2007), 71.
13
wife. Thus, writers of sexual manners considered sexuality as a process that
was constructed by a set of ideas influenced by cultural, religious, and
scientific discourses and practices performed by an individual and collective
body. While they narrated sexuality as a process, they did not only focus on
the sexual conduct in their texts. Rather, they defined relational processes
from the “art of love” to the “science of procreation,” such as the limits of
flirting under “good girl,” conjugal relations under “good wife,” and
mother-child relations under “good motherhood.” Consequently, sexual
manners as a discourse penetrated to various layers of daily life while
attempting to regulate human relations in accordance with the demands of
“appropriate sexuality.”
In the 1950s, sexuality related texts did not bring the attention on the
possible and potential harmful effects of sexual conduct. Rather, writers
used an “affirming” tone for “good sex” for the wellbeing of individuals and
the public. Sexuality-related issues, particularly venereal diseases, were on
the agenda of the decision-makers for the good of the public during the
1930s. In the 1950s, the focus on venereal diseases was widened and
covered other sexuality-related areas to enlighten the ignorant public by
equipping them with sexual manners. The same period also witnessed
changes in the information’s narrative regarding the goals of providing
sexual knowledge. While the narrative of the 1930s stressed “protecting the
population from harmful effects,” in the 1950s, writers underlined the
importance of the psychological well-being of society as well as the
physical. Interestingly, they personified society as a collective body, whose
well-being should be protected and, therefore, managed by the decisionmakers.
Simultaneously, individual well-being became a discussion topic
regarding and related to her or his sexuality, which was handled in conjugal
relations. A “good sexual life” was presented as one the main elements for a
person’s physical and psychological well-being. Since sexuality was only
consented in a marital relation, norms of “good marriage” became also a
subject to be included in the sexual manners literature. Unlike previous
decades, sexuality and sexual pleasure in a marriage were regarded as a
natural, normal, and even necessary aspect of a good and sustainable
marriage. The writer’s emphasis on the naturalness of sexuality pointed out
14
mutual sexual pleasure for spouses. In other words, the literature of sexual
manners normalized woman’s sexual conduct and pleasure in the public
discussion, which had previously not been openly discussed or recognized
by the social scientists. In other words, sexual manners’ writers of the
period did not confine female sexuality to reproduction. Rather, they
articulated openly and publicly that sexual pleasure is possible, normal and
even necessary for women. When authors published articles on sexual
manners in the newspapers and journals, they did more than just help to
communicate and disseminate sexual knowledge. However, they recreated a
new sexuality, with its own norms and limits.
While sexual matters turned into articles about appropriate sexuality,
venereal diseases, reproduction, and even birth giving in the pages of
newspapers and magazines under the title "sexual manners," the publicness
of sexuality became a controversial discussion topic due to its potentially
harmful and corrupting effects on the morals of individuals and society. The
sexual manners writers' response was not limited to explaining the benefits
of educating an ignorant public. They did, however, highlight the scientific
origins and content of sexual manners.39 The leading magazine of the period
about sexual manners, Seksoloji argued in its first volume and throughout its
publishing life that the articles they produced, translated, and published are
based on contemporary scientific knowledge.40 Scientific knowledge
became one of the regulative discourses as a medium for defining the
“truth” of things.41 In other words, scientific discourse became the
dominant narrative, which defines appropriate sexuality, the roles and
dynamics of (marital) relations, and the desired physiological and
39 Muzaffer Aşkın, “Anketimizin Bilançosu,” Seksoloji, 13 (1950), 4-8. Muzaffer Aşkın,
“Anketimizin Bilançosu,” Seksoloji, 14 (1950), 4-8.
40 “Çıkarken,” Seksoloji, 1 (1949), 1.
41 Michel Foucault, “Truth and Power,” in Power/Knowledge Selected Interviews and Other
Writings 1972-1977, ed. Colin Gordon, trans. Colin Gordon, Leo Marshall, John Mepham,
Kate Soper (New York: Pantheon Books, 1980), 109-133. Foucault names it as “Politics of
Truth.” Patrice Maniglier, “The Order of Things,” in A Companion to Foucault, ed.
Christopher Falzon, Timothy O’Leary, and Jana Sawicki (Malden, Oxford, West Sussex:
Wiley-Blackwell Publishing, 2013), 104.
15
psychological conditions for sexual conduct according to the rules of
science (truth).
Along with the rise of scientific discourse, experts’ voice came to the
forefront in the formation of sexual manners. The group of experts came
from different disciplines, including law, anthropology, psychology,
sociology, and medicine. Their contributions to constructing sexual manners
have appeared in the written media in the form of articles and books, as well
as speeches in seminars or radio programs. Medicine as a discipline and
doctors as its main actors, had the remarkable influence on the development
of sexual manners discourse.42 The health of the population has been a
governing concern for collective well-being since the establishment of the
Republic. Particularly infectious diseases, including venereal diseases such
as syphilis and gonorrhea were considered harmful threats against the health
of the population. As a result, the early Republican period invested heavily
in fighting infectious diseases to ensure a healthy population, which was led
by doctors on both the policy and practice levels. In the 1950s, the medicalscientific
discourse was infused into everyday discussions through
translated texts and experts’ views, which were popularized and
disseminated in newspapers and magazines in various forms, such as health
advice columns.43 Sexual manners took its place in the health columns,
which provided guidelines for appropriate sexuality.
Parallel to its political and cultural proximity to the United States, the
writings on sexual manners in Turkey were conceptually and
methodologically influenced by the global and, in particular, American
approach. During the 1940s and 1950s in Turkey, authors who produced
42 Hera Cook, The Long Sexual Revolution: English Women, Sex, and Contraception 1800-
1975 (Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 2004). Hera Cook argues that power
medicine slightly decreased in England in the 1950s compared to previous period.
However, in Turkey, medicine had still significant power on the regulation of life and also
sexuality during the 1950s.
43 Recep Doksat, “Sağlık Ansiklopedisi: Frengi,” Milliyet, 17.04.1958. Recep Doksat, “Sağlık
Ansiklopedisi: Frengi,” Milliyet, 18.04.1958. Recep Doksat, “Sağlık Ansiklopedisi:
Frengi,” Milliyet, 19.04.1958. For the Republican health policies, see: Asena Günal,
“Health and Citizenship in Republican Turkey: An Analysis of the Socialization of Health
Services in Republican Historical Context” (Ph.D Diss., Boğaziçi University, 2008).
16
authentic texts about sexual manners were distinguished by their
involvement with international scientific (and academic) circles. The
authors' works prominently featured science-related references and a
predominance of scientific vocabulary. Translations from foreign languages,
in addition to the original texts, were a source of sexual manners literature
in Turkey during the 1940s and 1950s. Newspapers and magazines
published pieces such as informative articles, self-assessment
questionnaires, news, and interviews translated from foreign languages. The
translated texts were typically selected from internationally renowned
sexology texts, which primarily consisted of marriage manuals and sexual
education books.44 In terms of publication quantity, circulation and
dissemination range, the publications of American sexology circles
dominated the period's literature on sexual manners. Thus, American
authors and their texts occupied a greater portion of the translations globally
and in Turkey.45
Seksoloji publishing translated texts periodically from the American
Sexology magazine for its montly volumes. In addition to the periodic
articles, the publishing house translated well-knowm and contemporary
studies (books) on sexual subjects into Turkish. One of the symbolic names
of the literature on sexual matters, Alfred Kinsey’s “Kadınların Cinsi
Hayatı Hakkında Kinsey Raporu” (Sexual Behavior in the Human Female),
which was published in 1953 in the United States, was translated into
Turkish in 1955 by Seksoloji Publishing.46
Furthermore, authors of sexual manners formed in-person relationships
with their counterparts. In 1952, the editorial board of Seksoloji approached
to build a relationship to Margaret Sanger. Due to preparation work of the
population conference, Sanger was in India and could not meet with the
representative of Seksoloji, Necdet Erder, a doctor who was completing his
neurology specialization in the United States. However, Sanger replied with
44 Books such as Marie Stopes, İzdivaçta Aşk or Theodor Hendrik van de Velde, Cinsi
Münasebetler.
45 Such as, Hannah and Abraham Stone, Evlilik Rehberi (Seksoloji Yayınları, Yeni Seri, 2),
trans. N.P. (Istanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları, 1955).
46 Alfred C. Kinsey, Kadınların Cinsi Hayatı Hakkında Kinsey Raporu (Seksoloji Yayınları
Yeni Seri, 1), trans. N.P. (Istanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları, 1955).
17
an appreciative letter and brought the Seksoloji team and Abraham Stone
together to discuss and start a collaboration between the Sanger Institute and
Seksoloji magazine. As a part of this collaboration, Seksoloji did not only
translate the texts of the Institute’s writers into Turkish. The editorial board
also hosted Abraham Stone in Turkey in 1952. During his one-week visit,
he met with expert doctors on sexual and reproductive issues, such as Naşid
Erez and Kazım Arısan from Guraba Hospital, gave three public
conferences in Eminönü Halkevi (Public House) and Öğrenci Lokali
(Student Locale) and met with public authorities such as Fahrettin Kerim
Gökay, a psychiatrist, and also, the governor of Istanbul.47 Sexual manners
authors in Turkey did not only follow current sexual literature through
publications. They also tried to develop in-person relationships with the
circles working on sexuality. In other words, they tried to connect with the
groups that were developing the contemporary literature on sexual
knowledge.48
While the authors working on sexual manners were bringing the
contemporary narrative on sexual matters to Turkey, remarkable differences
emerged in term of the “producers” of the sexual knowledge with their
foreign counterparts. Subjects related to sexual matters were debated and
presented under the auspices of associations or institutes all across the
world. Beginning in the 1930s, associations or institutes such as in the
United States and in Germany - conducted studies, organized conferences
and published manuals and journals to examine sexuality and to inform
public about sexuality starting from the 1930s.49 In Turkey, writers of sexual
manners gathered around Seksoloji publishing, which will be named as “the
Seksoloji circle” in this study, instead of establishing a formal body. The
Seksoloji circle was composed of experts such as doctors, public figures,
publishers, and translators. Individuals from or related to this circles wrote
47 Orhan Karaveli, “Dr. Abraham Stone ile Bir Hafta,” Seksoloji, 46 (1952): 1-7.
48 Veronika Fuechtner, Douglas E. Haynes, and Ryan M. Jones, “Introduction: Toward a
Global History of Sexual Science: Movements, Networks, and Deployments,” in A Global
History of Sexual Science, 1880–1960, ed. Veronika Fuechtner, Douglas E. Haynes, and
Ryan M. Jones (Oakland, California: University of California Press, 2018), 4-5.
49 Atina Grossman, Reforming Sex: The German Movement for Birth Control and Abortion
Reform, 1920-1950 (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995).
18
periodically and consistently on sexual manners. After the Seksoloji
publication ended its activities, members or related individuals of the circle
continued to produce texts on sexual manners throughout the 1950s and the
early 1960s. This study underlines the initial emergence of sexual manners
in the public sphere and its influence on the formation of marriage, marital
relations, sexual and reproductive practices. Consequently, the voice of the
writers and publishers, the Seksoloji circle, were heard dominantly in this
study.
The Seksoloji circle (and related writers) were composed of mainly male
writers. The number of female writers, publishers, public figures, or
translators who worked on sexual manners, was extremely limited in the
1950s. Hence, women’s voice could not be heard or easily extracted from
the texts, which caused two interrelated problematic issues. First of all,
women’s sexual experiences were hidden between the lines, those required
an archaeological excavation to bring to light. Second, sexual manners
could not reflect experiences of women since it was mainly produced by
male writers. In other words, female sexuality was described by men, who
had no idea how women experienced sexuality. As a result, sexual manners
was produced as a gendered form of sexual knowledge. Therefore, this
study particularly focused on the construction of female sexuality from a
critical perspective, which was described as the fundamental factor in
shaping the norms of “appropriate sexuality” and “desired reproduction” by
the writers of sexual manners.
In Turkey, authors and groups working on sexual manners took a
hesitant approach to form an organized movement that would advocate
teaching sexual knowledge in classrooms. They did not act in an organized
way to change the education curriculum and participate in education policymaking
processes. Although a few authors such as Faruk Akbeğ developed
individual suggestions, which appeared in the pages of newspapers,
magazines, and manuals, for introducing sexuality information into the
school curriculum,50 their suggestions did not find place in the official
curriculum or in the classrooms. Some also suggested educating teachers
50 Faruk Akbeğ, “Okullarda cinsiyet eğitimi: Maarif şurası üyelerinin dikkatine sunulur,”
Seksoloji, 42 (1952), 1
19
rather than adding to the school textbooks or curricula, which was
implemented through seminars or conferences conducted by well-known
gynecologists such as Kazancıgil.51 However, these informative sessions
stood out as exceptional efforts to educate teachers. As a result, popular
publishing became a venue for reaching out to and educating the public
about sexual manners. Moreover, the role of popular publishing in sexual
education was praised by the prominent figures of the monitoring
generation.52
The significance of educating the public about sexual manners was
underlined in many areas, starting from the health columns of the
newspapers to the special publishing houses in Turkey. On the one hand,
supporters of “sexual manners” emphasized the personal and social benefits
of teaching the “correct” knowledge about sexual manners to the ignorant
public. On the other hand, they discussed the pedagogical dimension of
transferring sexual knowledge to the public, in particular to children and
young people. At the end, as Peyami Safa stated, the supporters aimed to
provide correct knowledge on sexual manners with proper methods to the
public.53 According to Safa, with this information, individuals would be
informed about their sexual conduct and learn how to manage themselves
and their sexualities.
Similar to health advice, individuals were asked to use “sexual manners”
to monitor and protect themselves from unwanted consequences, starting
from psychological problems to venereal diseases.54 On the one hand,
51 Tevfik Remzi Kazancıgil gave a speech on “sexual manners in school” in the 1949 dated
Education Council. “Muallimler Birliğinin terbiye toplantıları,” Cumhuriyet, 16.07.1949.
52 According to Levent Cantek, the monitoring generation is consisted of peopled who were
born at the end of the nineteenth century and at the beginning of the twentieth century.
Cantek claims that the legitimacy of the monitoring generation is based on their active
involvement in the foundation process of the Republic. Cantek listed names such as Peyami
Safa, Mithat Cemal Kuntay, Refik Halid Karay, Vedat Nedim Tör, Yusuf Ziya Ortaç and
Selim Sırrı Tarcan as a part of monitoring generation. Cantek, Cumhuriyetin Büluğ Çağı,
25-33.
53 “Anketimiz - Peyami Safa,” Seksoloji, 9 (1949), 5.
54 Patrich H. Hutton, “Foucault, Freud, and the Technologies of Self,” in Technologies of the
Self, A Seminar with Michel Foucault, ed. Luther H. Martin, Huck Gutman and Patrich H.
Hutton (London: Tavistock Publications, 1988), 132.
20
writers asked individuals to learn about appropriate sexuality. On the other
hand, individuals were encouraged to seek knowledge about their
sexualities. Consequently, individuals were expected to regulate their sexual
behaviors according to the appropriate norms, which were determined by
scientific knowledge. Foucault defines these self-monitoring and selfregulative
practices as technologies of self. With the technologies of self, he
referred to “practices whereby individuals, by their own means or with the
help of others, acted on their own bodies, souls, thoughts, conduct, and way
of being in order to transform themselves and attain a certain state of
perfection or happiness.”55 Sexual manners, which is considered as a
technology of self in this study, was introduced as an informative discourse
with the goal of assisting individuals in regulating and conducting
themselves appropriately.
According to Foucault with the technologies of self, the self constitutes
itself as a subject.56 The individual turns him or herself into a subject,57 by
operating on her or his own body, her or his own soul, her or his own
thoughts.58 The subjectification process works in cooperation with
“objectifization through science,”59 and “dividing practices."60 However,
Foucault underlines the agency position of the subject with subjectification.
In subjectification, the subject is not only a passive recipient who is
objectified by scientific knowledge, or excluded by regulative or corrective
55 “Introduction,” in Technologies of the Self, A Seminar with Michel Foucault, ed. Luther H.
Martin, Huck Gutman and Patrich H. Hutton (London: Tavistock Publications, 1988), 4.
Micheal Foucault, The History of Sexuality, Vol. 3: The Care of the Self, trans. Robert
Hurley (New York: Pantheon, 1986), 37-68.
56 Micheal Foucault, The History of Sexuality, Vol. 2: The Use of Pleasure, trans. Robert
Hurley (New York: Pantheon 1985), 11.
57 Michael Foucault, “The Subject and the Power,” in Michael Foucault: Beyond
Structuralism and Hermeneutics, ed. Hupert Dreyfus and Paul Rabinow (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1982), 208.
58 Paul Rabinow, “Introduction,” in The Foucault Reader, ed. Paul Rabinow (London:
Penguin Books, 1991), 11.
59 Michel Foucault, “The Subject and Power,” Critical Inquiry 8, 4 (1982), 777.
60 Michel Foucault, "The Subject and Power, Afterword to Hubert L. Dreyfus and Paul
Rabinow,” in Michel Foucault: Beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics, ed. Hubert L.
Dreyfus and Paul Rabinow (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 208.
21
practices. Sexual manners discourse has not only offered to diagnose and
categorize individuals based on their physical beings, psychological
situation or sexual conduct. However, authors and supporters of sexual
manners asked individuals to compose their actions according to social
norms, scientific knowledge, and legislative framework about sexuality. 61
Alan D. Shrift interprets this process as “a regime of perpetual selfsurveillance
that results in the internalization” of norms.62 The subject
“takes all the disciplinary tasks of society upon itself and forces itself to
conform to social norms without any external authority imposing those
norms.”63 Norms such as etiquette or manners become a code for the subject
to regulate herself or himself accordingly.64 Hence, conforming to norms
was not only a coerced process that was led by external actors. Rather, the
subject works on her or his attitude and actions based on her or his will.65
The subject regulates itself across multiple platforms, beginning with
corporeal actions such as her or his sexuality and her or his gestures, to her
or his role in households and public space. Hence, subjectification presents
itself in diverse forms, from sexual orientation to gender roles.
As discussed, the writers of sexual manners touched on various subjects
to define, inform, and explain sexuality-related issues, from sexual organs to
gender roles. They produced a set of interlinked narratives about sexual
illnesses, abnormalities, womanhood, virginity, and motherhood, which
were affected by different disciplines, norms, and value systems.
Furthermore, they repeated their discourse on diverse platforms to reinforce
the message about desired sexuality and desired sexual citizens. Last but not
61 Micheal Foucault, Discipline and Punish the Birth of Prison, trans. Alan Sheridan (New
York: Vintage Books, 1995 [1979]).
62 Alan D. Schrift, “Discipline and Punish,” in A Companion to Foucault, ed. Christopher
Falzon, Timothy O’Leary, and Jana Sawicki, first edition (Malden, Oxford, West Sussex:
Wiley-Blackwell Publishing, 2013), 141. Foucault, Discipline and Punish, 146.
63 Schrift, “Discipline and Punish,” 141. Foucault, Discipline and Punish, 146. Here, Focault
discusses, in detail, the function of Panopticon as a symbolic self-regulatory mechanism.
64 Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality, Vol. 1: An Introduction, trans. Robert Hurley
(New York: Pantheon Books, 1978), 1, 71-80, 91, 120-31, 155-59.
65 Hutton, Foucault, Freud, and the Technologies of Self, 131.
22
least, they invited citizens, particularly women, to conform to the
boundaries of natural, normal, and appropriate sexuality.
The discussions on “sexual manners” kept their presence in the popular
press throughout the 1950s and the beginning of the 1960s. Throughout the
1950s, contraception and birth control became a part of the sexual manners
despite the fact that propaganda of contraception was legally prohibited by
the Public Hygiene Law and the Criminal Code. In the late 1950s and the
early 1960s, contraception and birth control took an increasingly prominent
place in sexuality-related discussions. Meanwhile, the prohibitions
regarding contraception and birth control were growingly criticized,
particularly, by doctors. In 1958, Zekai Tahir Burak, the chief physician of
the Ankara Hospital, sent a report to the Ministry of Health that was based
on his observations regarding miscarriages in the hospital. In his report,
Burak stated that more than 500.000 women died due to the intended
miscarriages in a year. Burak brought "intended miscarriages" to the
government’s attention with the framework of the mother and child
mortality, and population health. The Ministry formed a committee to work
on mother and child mortality and intended miscarriages based on the
outcomes and suggestions of the Burak’s report.
After the 1960 military coup, the discussions on birth control and natal
policies escalated with the establishment of the State Planning Agency
(SPA) in 1960. The SPA's perspective linked population and reproduction
policies to development discussions. Nusret Fişek, a public health expert
who became a symbol of the 1960’s efforts to design new population and
natal policies, collaborated closely with the SPA experts and brought
together the concerns from the fields of health and development. By the
hand of the SPA, population policies and reproduction policies were
discussed and structured to foster the development of the country, which
was materialized in the 1962 First Five-Year Development Plan. From the
1958 report (taken as a symbolic date) to 1962, the concerns regarding the
“quality of the population” were juxtaposed to the discourse that prioritized
“a healthy population” in forming population and reproduction policies. The
discussions on the “quality of the population” covered conditions such as
health, education, and skills of the individuals for the development of the
country. Accordingly, the first Five-Year Development Plan underlined the
23
importance of “quality of population” for the development of the country.
To achieve this goal, the plan proposed a shift in natal policies and
implementing birth control programs. Based on the Development Plan,
preparations for a family planning law began in 1963. After three coalition
governments of the RPP, one general election, and one Justice Party (Adalet
Partisi) government, the Law on Population Planning (LPP) came before
the parliament in 1964 and was enacted in 1965.
Throughout the changing process of natal policies, some figures like
Naşit Erez, a well-known gynecologist and academic from Istanbul
University, took part in the front lines of both subjects – sexual manners and
pro-BC activities. On the one hand, they kept publishing articles and books
about sexual etiquette. On the other hand, they advocated actively for birth
control through establishing associations, giving speeches, and participating
in the committees formed by Nusret Fişek. Even though in numerous
countries like Austria, the United States, Hungary, England, and Germany,
sex education was inextricably linked to reproduction and, consequently,
birth control discussions, in Turkey, the line between sex education (sexual
manners) and reproduction-birth control was rather faint.66 The shift of the
discourse from a comprehensive sexual manners to a birth-control focused
family planning was overshadowed by the natal policy debates. The
discussions on regulating sexuality with the discourse of “sexual manners”
in the second half of the 1940s were replaced by the attempts and policies of
regulating births through “family planning education” in the mid-1960s. In
the second part of the 1960s, the term “sexual manners” changed and was
turned into “sexual education” (cinsellik eğitimi). Moreover, it focused more
66 For the link between sex education and reproduction-birth control in different countries,
see: Eszter Varsa, “Sex Advice East and West: Sex Education and Family Planning in Cold
War Austria and Hungary,” The History of the Family 25, 4 (2020): 649-670. Valerie J.
Huber and Michael W. Firmin, “A History of Sex Education in the United States since
1900,” International Journal of Educational Reform 23, 1 (2014): 25-51. Jane Pilcher,
“School Sex Education: Policy and Practice in England 1870 to 2000,” Sex Education 5, 2
(2005), 153-170. Atina Grossman, Reforming Sex: The German Movement for Birth
Control and Abortion Reform, 1920-1950 (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1995).
24
on the abnormalities instead of the appropriateness of sexuality. Hence, it
moved to the margins while “family planning education” took center stage.
This study aims to display and analyze the transformation of a regulative
discourse, sexual manners, in the political, economic, and social changing
times of the Turkish Republic. The writers of sexual manners did not
confine themselves to the mechanics of sexuality or functions of sexual
organs. Rather, they wrote on various subjects that they associated to sexual
conduct, including gender roles, virtue, reproduction, immorality, and
marital relations. In short, they produced articles on human relations. Their
emphasis on talking and writing about sexuality turned sexual manners into
a frontier of the policing process.67 Moreover, they contributed to the
construction process of new citizens, who were asked to behave according
to the changing needs of time from democracy to sexuality. Hence, this
thesis examines their responses to particular topics and practices, which
changed based on contemporary developments such as pre-marital sexuality,
virginity, divorce, or birth control. In a broader sense, this study aims to
examine how the discourse of sexual manners penetrated different areas of
life, such as sexuality, femininity, marriage, reproduction, social good,
individual happiness, and virginity, between the years 1945 and 1965.
Before presenting the periodization, sources, and outline of the study, I
want to point out three areas that were insufficiently mentioned or not
covered in my thesis. The first one is related to the individuals’ daily
experiences of sexuality. The goal of this study is to demonstrate the
existence of sexuality and sexual manners discourse in the public sphere in
Turkey between 1945 and 1965 that was either not seen or not recognized in
the social sciences literature. Hence, the voice of sexual manners writers
was heard more in the study, while the reflection of individuals’ experiences
was limited to the “third-page” court news, case decisions of Adalet Dergisi
(Justice Journal), and reader’s letters. My future research will concentrate
on how individuals, particularly women, perceive sexual manners and
experience sexuality.
67 Hutton, Foucault, Freud, and the Technologies of Self, 136. Foucault, History of Sexuality
I, 23-25, 69-70.
25
The second one is related to the medical developments during the
period. Although I tried to examine and touch upon the medical discussions
regarding sexuality, technical developments, policy transformation, the
changing education system, the changing health structure of the
government, and the interconnectedness of medical experts (particularly in
the fields of obstetrics and reproductive health) to the world were not
discussed sufficiently in this study. The developments and transformations
in reproductive health clearly impacted the practices of women regarding
their sexuality and fertility, as well as the change in natal policies. Hence,
there is a need for further research about the effects of these changes on the
perception of sexuality, and, accordingly, on the changes of natal policies.
The third missing part is related to a more comprehensive discussion. In
the academic literature, the DP period is often associated with conservatism
and the significant role of religion in politics. Interestingly, assessments
regarding sexual manners and natal policies in the name of religion were
very limited in the popular published media, except for some concerns about
“openness” (that I mentioned in chapter 3). However, this study did not
examine the published material that was produced by the (so-called)
conservative writers. Although the views of some writers, such as Peyami
Safa, and some magazines, such as Büyük Doğu, who are associated with
conservative circles in the current literature were reflected in the study,
conservative publishing was not analyzed in detail. This study focused on
daily or monthly popular publishing with high circulation due to the search
for “public visibility” of sexuality in mainstream media. Even though I tried
to include some critics and objections from conservative circles, this study
did not analyze how conservative-called discourse handles topics such as
sexuality, female sexuality, family, and reproduction. As a result, more
research into how different publics perceive sexuality and sexual manners is
required.
1.3. Periodization, Sources amd Outline of the Study
The period examined in this study needs further explanation regarding
its unconventional timeframe compared to political and economic history.
The period from the late 1940s to the early 1960s was portrayed as the
26
"post-Second World War" period in the social science literature. The history
of the 1950s was written by taking the Second World War as a milestone
and was assessed under the influence of the consequences of the war. As
Hobsbawm stated, social scientists use the "post" prefix when they cannot
fully define or understand future happenings. Yet, they were also assured of
the importance of a single event or concept. In this case, the Second World
War that left the 1950s under its shadow was the "big" event that
transformed the lives of millions drastically, dramatically, and rapidly all
around the world.68 The history writing of the 1950s was mostly driven by
the impacts and consequences of the war on the nation-states, which either
turned into finding a way of being "discharged of all liabilities" or became a
process of "waiting for the groundbreaking 1960s.”69
Similar tendencies were seen in the social sciences, particularly in the
1950s Turkish Republic historiography. Even though groundbreaking
developments occurred between 1945 and 1960, the period was commonly
described as a "transition period.”70 The concept of transition was used for
political structures such as "transition to a multi-party system”71 and
68 Hobsbawm, Age of Extremes: the Short Twentieth Century 1914-1991, 288. In his wellknown
study, Hobsbawm reserved a special chapter for the developments of the post-war
period and named the chapter "The Social Revolution 1945-1990" to stress the change in
the mentality of everyday practices universally. Also, see Ann Douglas for a critical
reading of the "post" prefix (particularly for the "post-modern" and "post-colonial") in
history writing and cultural studies: Ann Douglas, "Periodizing the American Century:
Modernism, Postmodernism, and Postcolonialism in the Cold War Context,"
Modernism/Modernity 5, 3 (1998), 71-98.
69 For a critical analysis and comparison of the history writing on the Second World War, see:
Richard Bosworth, "Nations Examine Their Past: A Comparative Analysis of the
Historiography of the "Long" Second World War," The History Teacher 29, 4 (1996): 499-
523. In his article, Bosworth analyzes the history writing of the 1930s after the Second
World War and how current political developments influenced history writing in Germany.
70 Thanks to Sinan Yıldırmaz's study, I can enrich my discussions regarding the periodization
of my study. For a detailed discussion about the historiography of the Turkish Republic –
particularly the 1950s - and peasantry in Turkey, see: Sinan Yıldırmaz, “From "Imaginary"
to "Real": A Social History of the Peasantry in Turkey” (PhD. Diss., Boğaziçi University,
2009), 1-4.
71 The following studies can be given as examples: Feroz Ahmad, Demokrasi Sürecinde
Türkiye 1945-1980, trans. Ahmet Fethi, second edition (İstanbul: Hil Yayınları, 1996).
27
economic structures such as "transition to a liberal economic system.”72
Describing the period as a "transition period" implied that the period was
not wholesome. Rather, it was considered a "bridge" with a narrative of
"forward-going" that connected two "interesting" periods of the Turkish
Republic: the 1930s and the 1960s.73 However, seeing the period as a bridge
would be a teleological assessment that evaluates the period from today's
perspective. Moreover, it leads to neglecting the critical developments of the
period by focusing on the events that led to the transition. Another problem
with the "transition period" is related to its emphasis on political and
economic history. The periodization of Turkey's post-Second World War
history was dominated, specifically, by the highlighted events of political
history, such as the transition to the multi-party system, the 1950 elections,
and the 1960 military coup. Changes in other areas (particularly
reproduction for this study) were overshadowed by the transformations in,
mainly, political and economic areas. This study discusses the period as a
"transformation era" (change era) for subjects such as sexuality, marriage,
marital relations, reproduction, and birth control.
The analysis in this study starts with the increasing visibility of sexual
matters and sexual manners in the public sphere in the second half of the
Nihal Karaincioğlu, "Türkiye'de Çok Partili Sisteme Geçis ve Demokrasi Sorunları," in
Tarih ve Demokrasi: Tarık Zafer Tunaya'ya Armagan, ed. Üniversite Ögretim Üyeleri
Derneği (İstanbul: Cem Yayınevi, 1992). Asım Karaömerlioğlu, "Turkey's 'Return' to
Multi-Party Politics: A Social Interpretation," East European Quarterly 40, 1 (2006).
Kemal H. Karpat, Turkey's Politics: The Transition to a Multi-Party System (New Jersey:
Princeton University Press, 1959)
72 The period was also diagnosed as the decade where the Turkish Republic integrated to
liberal economic system, particularly, from the perspective of economic history. For the
discussions on “economic transition”, see: Çağlar Keyder, "Türkiye Demokrasisinin
Ekonomi Politiği," in Geçis Sürecinde Türkiye, ed. Irvin Cemil Schick and Ertugrul Ahmet
Tonak (İstanbul Belge Yayınları, 1990). Keyder, Türkiye'de Devlet ve Sınıflar.
73 Studies on Turkish history have focused mostly whether on the formation of the Republic –
on the "one-party" period, on its mechanisms, the leading actors, and the mentality, in short,
on the 1930s - or on the 1960s – on the "new" institutions such as state planning agency, on
the formation of the new parties, on the new constitution, on the youth movements, on the
economic debates; in short on the "after the military coup period."- The in-between period
was found interesting only for particular events such as 1946 elections, Korean War, the 6-
7 September events of 1955 and the 27 May coup by the historians.
28
1940s. As a result of a change in Press Law in 1946, sexuality and the new
woman with her sexual role emerged discursively through channels such as
popular magazines, popular books, visual images, and even movies. Unlike
the conventional periodization of the historiography of the Turkish
Republic, the study ends with a symbolic date, the Population Planning Law
(PPL) in 1965. After the enactment of the PPL, family planning education
took over mainstream discussions regarding sexuality.
1.3.1 Sources
The layered construction of sexuality requires the examination of
sources produced by different actors, including state actors, popular and
academic publications. As Cantek stated, newspapers that are transferring,
interpreting, or narrating recent events become “natural” reference sources
while studying history. Because newspapers aimed to cover all aspects of
daily life, they became important sources for understanding, observing, and
analyzing what kinds of topics were important to the people who lived at the
time.74 Fundamental events of individuals’ life cycles such as sexuality,
marriage, and reproduction have found their place in the pages of the
newspapers as news, stories, feuilletons (tefrika), opinion columns,
illustrations, photographs, or advertisements. Hence, this study uses two
main newspapers, Milliyet and Cumhuriyet, to follow the discussions
regarding sexuality in the popular press. Milliyet and Cumhuriyet were
chosen due to their high sales numbers, their impact on popular
discussions75 and their symbolic meanings.76 Additional news from other
newspapers such as Hürriyet and Vatan were also used as complementary
sources to display the commonality of the discussions and the spirit of that
74 Cantek, Cumhuriyetin Büluğ Çağı, 7.
75 Ali Naci Karacan, “Bir de demokratları deneyelim.” Milliyet, 10.05.1950.
76 Bulut, “Hürriyet Gazetesi: 1948-1953 Döneminin Yayın Politikası,” 2. Selda Bulut stated
that Milliyet started its life right before the win of the Democrat Party and received the
support of the Democrat Party. Bulut also added that the core team that established the
Milliyet were Ali Naci Karacan, Peyami Safa and Cemil Cahid. For the relationship
between Milliyet and DP, see: Nuran Yıldız, “Demokrat Parti İktidarı (1950-1960) ve
Basın,” Ankara Üniversitesi SBF Dergisi 51, 1 (1996), 489-490.
29
period. The newspapers helped to analyze the appropriate as well as the
excluded sexual practices through courthouse and police reports, advisory
columns on health, sexuality, and law, opinion pieces, and informative
articles.
The second category of sources for this study is comprised of popular
journals. The articles in the popular journals could be assessed as opinion
builders since they were focused on particular subjects and more elaborated
than newspaper articles with “user-friendly” language. Due to its unique and
relevant subject area, Seksoloji, a popular monthly journal, became the
primary source for this study. Apart from Seksoloji, Hayat, Sağlığımız and
Aile turned into supporting sources, which covered topics such as marriage,
sexuality, child care, home decoration, and fashion. Columns,
recommendations, suggestions, health-related serials, and information on
the anatomical knowledge provided by the doctors took an important place
in the popular journals. The writers of the health columns turned into
professional experts, the doctors, who were also asking for the recognition
of medicine as the source of power. The language of the columns carried the
tone of expertise and knowledge, which were disseminated and
“popularized” by the magazines.
In this study, the narrative on sexuality is not followed solely
through newspapers and popular magazines. Laws and regulations about
sexuality were used to display the state’s approach and efforts to regulate
sexuality. As a part of the state’s documents, Supreme Court (Yargıtay)
decisions are also included to examine life stories through Adalet Dergisi
(Justice Journal). Adalet Dergisi provided precious exemplary cases
regarding sexuality.
Last but not least, the academic literature of the era became an important
source for this study. The academic journals of Istanbul University and
Ankara University had started to include articles on areas such as law,77
anthropology,78 and sociology during the 1950s and early 1960s.79 In
77 Law journal of the Ankara University Law Faculty and law journal of the İstanbul
University Law Faculty.
78 Anthropology Journal of the Ankara University Language and History-Geography Faculty,
Faculty Journal of the Ankara University Language and History-Geography Faculty
79 Örnek, “1950’li yıllarda ABD ile buluşma,” 144-156
30
parallel to the academic writings, which were produced by the local
academia, international academics also started to conduct research and
produce articles on Turkey in different fields of the social sciences. During
the 1960s, especially with the establishment of demography as a social
science, the number of surveys on Turkish society increased significantly.
The demographers of the period did not only provide knowledge about the
quantity of the population. They have also worked on the composition of the
families, power dynamics in the households, and spousal roles in the
marriage to understand natal patterns.
The number of articles on Turkey’s society and population increased
significantly due to partnerships with foreign universities. Therefore, this
study uses academic research and articles that were produced by foreign,
mostly American, academics during the era. Given the significant influence
of American empirical social sciences on Turkish academia during the
1950s,80 these academic studies provided valuable data on subjects such as
marriage age, marriage patterns, and birth control attitudes of individuals,
where data from official state institutions such as the State Statistics
Institute was lacking until the mid-1960s. Secondly, these articles enabled
the display and analysis of the paradigms of the social sciences during the
period where discussions on modernism had particular importance in
analyzing Turkey.
1.3.2. Outline of the Thesis
In the 1950s, sexual manners played a regulative role in the
construction of new citizenship. The authors did not only provide
information about sexuality to the citizens. However, they also discussed
subjects related to and affecting sexuality. Hence, this study is composed of
two main chapters, which focus on the reasoning, content, and impact of
sexual manners. The first chapter, which is a rather long discussion, aims to
reveal the visibility of sexuality and sexuality-related discussions in the
1950s in Turkey. Sexuality, particularly female sexuality, was considered
invisible in public space untill the 1980s in the literature on sexuality.
80 Örnek, “1950’li yıllarda ABD ile buluşma,” 144-156.
31
However, this study argues that the 1950s witnessed the visibility and
construction of sexuality in public spaces. Hence, this chapter intends to
display the visibility and discursive construction of sexuality in the
framework of “sexual manners.” This part examines the actors –
“producers” – along with the “targeted” audience of sexual manners. Last
but not least, the first section analyzes the limits of appropriate sexuality in
the 1950s, pointing out how the authors dealt with subjects such as virginity,
homosexuality, and extramarital affairs.
The second chapter centered on the narratives and practices of marriage.
Marriage was portrayed as the main and only institution through which one
could experience sexuality. This chapter focuses on the discourses that
describe "desired marriage" for the sake of the individual and society. Also,
marriage discussions served the purpose of describing conjugal relations,
spousal roles, and the effects of “undesired” spousal behaviors on society.
Therefore, the second chapter examines the attitudes of the era’s authors on
everyday life events such as flirting, love, companionship, and divorce. In
this research, I narrate the story of how shifting values and the influence of
popular culture, modernization, and development discussions contributed to
a new way of thinking about sexuality.
32
33
2
EDUCATING CITIZENS FOR “SEXUAL MANNERS”
Policies of reproduction aim to regulate, on the one hand, the
reproductive practices of individuals. The daily practices of individuals are
affected by reproduction-related choices, whether directly or indirectly.
Reproduction contains episodes throughout the human life cycle, especially
the female life cycle. The episodes of reproduction are generally formed
around the discussions on birth, birth control, birth attendants (from
midwives to gynecologists), and childcare. Also, reproductive practices are
mostly considered within institutional contexts such as family and marriage.
In these institutions, reproductive practices are woven with cultural,
religious, and scientific discourses and practices. The woman, whom these
institutions surround, stays at the center of the reproduction-related
discussions as the main agent of the process. On the other hand, the policies
related to reproduction are associated with the concerns of population
control, social policies (including the politics of care), market trends, social
34
movements, and developments in technological and medical knowledge.1
Although all these discussions are highly related to and essential elements of
reproduction, sexuality, as the profound element, is either neglected or
discussed separately from human reproductive practices in the literature.
Attempts to regulate reproduction are examined separately from practices to
discipline sexuality.
Academics focus on the reproduction around a variety of subjects in the
literature.2 The forthcoming one is related to population and population
management, including the procreative tendencies of minority and/or
disadvantageous groups,3 but also more detailed issues such as birth rate and
its consequences.4 Another cluster came together around medicalization of
1 Faye Ginsburg and Rayna Rapp, “The Politics of Reproduction,” Annual Review of
Anthropology, 20 (1991): 311. For a detailed edition of the reproduction policies: Faye
Ginsburg and Rayna Rapp ed., Conceiving the New World Order: The Global Politics of
Reproduction (London: University of California Press, 1995).
2 Besides a general literature search, for this part, I have studied the content of two academic
journals with a particular focus on women in the last ten years. One of the journals
published by Sage publications is called Feminist Theory. The other journal was Signs,
which was published by the University of Chicago Press. Both journals follow the general
conceptual and academic trends in feminist and women's studies. As for the references, I
avoid giving recurrences that could be found in the conventional literature regarding
reproduction. I tried to refer to the sources with a feminist or gender-sensitive perspective.
3 Regarding the reproduction of minorities or immigrants, the literature focused on the
subject due to the concerns related to nationalism or discussions about sharing the resources
of the (social welfare) state. Leo R. Chavez, "A Glass Half Empty: Latina Reproduction
and Public Discourse," Human Organization 63, 2 (2004): 173-188. For bookreview, see:
Ivonne Szasz, "Fertile Matters: The Politics of Mexican‐ Origin Women’s Reproduction by
Elena R. Gutiérrez," Signs 34, 4 (2009): 1008-1010. Leith Mullings, " Resistance and
Resilience: the Sojourner Syndrome and the Social Context of Reproduction in Central
Harlem," Transforming Anthropology 13, 2 (2005): 79–91. Michele Rivkin-Fish,
"Conceptualizing Feminist Strategies for Russian Reproductive Politics: Abortion,
Surrogate Motherhood, and Family Support after Socialism," Signs 38, 3 (2013): 569-593.
Carole H. Browner, "The Politics of Reproduction in a Mexican Village," Signs 11, 4
(1986): 710-724.
4 John F. Martin, E. A. Hammel, Marvin Harris, William H. James, John H. Moore, P.
Govinda Reddy, Francisco M. Salzano, Russell Thornton, John W. M., “Changing Sex
Ratios: The History of Havasupai Fertility and Its Implications for Human Sex Ratio
Variation [and Comments and Reply],” Current Anthropology 35, 3 (1994): 255-280.
35
reproduction5 and medicine related issues such as pregnancy,6 (sex)
hormones,7 medical metaphors,8 reproductive technologies,9 and
reproductive autonomy of women.10 The third cluster is around birth control
mechanisms11 and abortion.12 Another cluster is about the politics of care13
5 Eugenia Georges, Bodies of Knowledge: The Medicalization of Reproduction in Greece
(Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 2008).
6 Victoria Browne, "Feminist Philosophy and Prenatal Death: Relationality and the Ethics of
Intimacy," Signs 41, 2 (2016): 385-407.
7 Sari Irni, "Steroid Provocations: On the Materiality of Politics in the History of Sex
Hormones," Signs 41, 3 (2016): 507-529.
8 About medical metaphors, female body and reproduction, see, Anita Wohlmann, "Of
Termites and Ovaries on Strike: Rethinking Medical Metaphors of the Female Body," Signs
43, 1 (2017): 127-150. Maria Fannin, “Placental Relations,” Feminist Theory 15, 3 (2014):
289 – 306.
9 Brian P. Bloomfield and Theo Vurdubakis, “Re-Engineering the Human: New
Reproductive Technologies and the Specter of Frankenstein,” International Journal of
Social Sciences 1, 1 (2006): 19-24. Jenny Gunnarsson Payne, "Grammars of Kinship:
Biological Motherhood and Assisted Reproduction in the Age of Epigenetics," Signs 41, 3
(2016): 483-506. Cynthia R. Daniels and Erin Heidt-Forsythe, "Gendered Eugenics and the
Problematic of Free Market Reproductive Technologies: Sperm and Egg Donation in the
United States," Signs 37, 3 (2012): 719-747. Lisa C. Ikemoto, "Eggs as Capital: Human
Egg Procurement in the Fertility Industry and the Stem Cell Research Enterprise," Signs 34,
4 (2009): 763-781. Maura A. Ryan, "The Introduction of Assisted Reproductive
Technologies in the “Developing World”: A Test Case for Evolving Methodologies in
Feminist Bioethics," Signs 34, 4 (2009): 805-825. Sven Bergmann, "Fertility Tourism:
Circumventive Routes That Enable Access to Reproductive Technologies and Substances,"
Signs 36, 2 (2011): 280-289. Mary Lyndon Shanley and Adrienne Asch, "Involuntary
Childlessness, Reproductive Technology, and Social Justice: The Medical Mask on Social
Illness," Signs 34, 4 (2009): 851-874. Susan Markens, Surrogate Motherhood and the
Politics of Reproduction (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007). Sarah
Jane Toledano and Kristin Zeiler, “Hosting the Others’ Child? Relational Work and
Embodied Responsibility in Altruistic Surrogate Motherhood,” Feminist Theory 18, 2
(2017): 159 – 175.
10 About the legislative, judicial, and medical intervention into the individual's "choices":
Anne Donchin, "Toward a Gender-sensitive Assisted Reproduction Policy," Bioethics 23, 1
(2009): 28–38.
11 Margaret Boulos, “The global biopolitics of the IUD: How science constructs contraceptive
users and women’s bodies Chikako Takeshita,” Feminist Theory 16, 1 (2015): 113 – 116.
12 Kelly Suzanne O’Donnell, "Reproducing Jane: Abortion Stories and Women’s Political
Histories," Signs 43, 1 (2017): 77-96. Jennifer M. Denbow, "Abortion as Genocide: Race,
36
such as maternal care,14 motherhood,15 legislative and administrative
mechanisms of adoption.16 Where the concern was the sexuality of women,
the literature focused on the scientification of sex,17 marriage and marital
relations,18 coupling processes of the spouses,19 legislative mechanisms
regarding marital affairs,20 sexuality or non-sexuality of women.21 The
Agency, and Nation in Prenatal Nondiscrimination Bans," Signs 41, 3 (2016): 603-626.
Mary Gilmartin and Allen White, "Interrogating Medical Tourism: Ireland, Abortion, and
Mobility Rights," Signs 36, 2 (2011): 275-280. Kimberly Kelly, "In the Name of the
Mother: Renegotiating Conservative Women’s Authority in the Crisis Pregnancy Center
Movement," Signs 38, 1 (2012): 203-230.
13 Daniel Engster, The Heart of Justice: Care Ethics and Political Theory (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2007)
14 Joan B. Wolf, "Framing Mothers: Childcare Research and the Normalization of Maternal
Care," Signs 41, 3 (2016): 627-651.
15 Kate Boyer, “‘Neoliberal Motherhood’: Workplace Lactation and Changing Conceptions of
Working Motherhood in the Contemporary US,” Feminist Theory 15, 3 (2014): 269 – 288.
Orna Donath, "Regretting Motherhood: A Sociopolitical Analysis," Signs 40, 2 (2015):
343-367. Jessaca B. Leinaweaver, "Practice Mothers," Signs 38, 2 (2013): 405-430. Jill S.
Greenlee, The Political Consequences of Motherhood (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan
Press, 2014).
16 Margaret F. Gibson, "Adopting Difference: Thinking through Adoption by Gay Men in
Ontario, Canada," Signs 39, 2 (2014): 407-432. Laura Briggs, Somebody’s Children: The
Politics of Transracial and Transnational Adoption (Durham, NC: Duke University Press,
2012).
17 Veronica Sanz, "No Way Out of the Binary: A Critical History of the Scientific Production
of Sex," Signs 43, 1 (2017): 1-27. For a comparative bookreview, David A. Rubin, "The
Classification of Sex: Alfred Kinsey and the Organization of Knowledge by Donna J.
Drucker, Gentlemen’s Disagreement: Alfred Kinsey, Lewis Terman, and the Sexual
Politics of Smart Men by Peter Hegarty, Fuckology: Critical Essays on John Money’s
Diagnostic Concepts by Lisa Downing, Iain Morland, and Nikki Sullivan," Signs 41, 2
(2016): 464-471.
18 Alasia Nuti, “How should marriage be theorised?” Feminist Theory 17, 3 (2016): 285 –
302.
19 Monica Liu, “Surrogate Dating and the Translation of Gendered Meanings across Borders:
The Case of China’s E-mail-Order Brides” Signs 41, 1 (2015): 29-53.
20 Srimati Basu, "Judges of Normality: Mediating Marriage in the Family Courts of Kolkata,
India," Signs 37, 2 (2012): 469-492. Lois Harder, "The State and the Friendships of the
Nation: The Case of Nonconjugal Relationships in the United States and Canada," Signs 34,
3 (2009): 633-658.
37
LGBTI+ and Queer studies introduced more out-of-box area in the
literature. The critical perspective brought by these studies has enabled
scholars to question the established (dichotomic) categories of sex, sex
roles, and sexual tendencies, which are closely related to reproductive
practices. The parental and reproductive demands of the movement could be
followed in academic writings, with a particular focus on individual (civil)
rights.22
In all these studies, which should be considered valuable contributions
to the literature, reproduction or reproductive practices are not presented as
linked to sexuality or sexual practices. Although sexuality is an integrated
part that conditions the roles, practices, attitudes, and processes surrounding
reproduction, it has only been investigated as a complementary or invisible
subject in reproduction studies. Its relationship with reproduction was
hidden under other discussions, such as population policy, legislative
mechanisms, and medical concerns, or taken as a "side-effect." However,
the relationship between sexuality and reproduction is symbiotic. Every
policing attempt that aims to regulate reproduction, directly or indirectly,
shapes the sexual practices of individuals. Mutually, every attempt to limit
or control sexuality also intervenes and influences the reproductive practices
of the individuals. Therefore, analyzing and contextualizing the sexual
practices of individuals becomes a crucial step to understanding the
construction of reproductive policies. In other words, it is difficult to follow
the development, justification, and impact of reproductive policies without
understanding the conceptualization of sexuality and the sexual practices of
individuals.23
21 Kristina Gupta, “Compulsory Sexuality: Evaluating an Emerging Concept,” Signs 41, 1
(2015): 131-154. Jocelyn Bosley, "From Monkey Facts to Human Ideologies: Theorizing
Female Orgasm in Human and Nonhuman Primates, 1967–1983," Signs 35, 3 (2010): 647-
671.
22 Saskia E. Wieringa, "Portrait of a Women’s Marriage: Navigating between Lesbophobia
and Islamophobia," Signs 36, 4 (2011): 785-793. Anna Marie Smith, "Reproductive
Technology, Family Law, and the Postwelfare State: The California Same‐ Sex Parents’
Rights “Victories” of 2005," Signs 34, 4 (2009): 827-850.
23 There are also differentiating studies in the literature that take reproduction as a process and
develop an analysis that includes sexuality. For an analysis of two “anti-maternal” German
feminist women from the beginning of the 20th century, see: Kirsten Leng, "Permutations
38
The social policies of the Turkish Republic were influenced by the
"change" process of the 1950s. The effects of change have influenced every
aspect of life, starting from social policies and everyday practices to gender
roles. Hence, the reproduction policies, which spread in every layer of life,
were transformed due to the changing norms and perceptions of the 1950s,
both at the policy level and in the everyday practices of individuals.
Sexuality, as a part of the reproduction process, was not excluded from
these changes on the conceptual and practice level. This chapter analyzes
the construction of the "new sexuality" in the 1950s in Turkey. The first part
of the chapter touches upon the new "visibility" of sexuality in general and
the "first" clear visibility of female sexuality in particular. During the
construction process of sexuality, the citizens of the Republic were informed
regarding the lines between acceptable and condemned sexual practices by
the opinion leaders of the era. The following part of this chapter analyzes
the discussion that produced the discourse and the content about the proper
"sexual manners." The limits of sexual manners also determine the
characteristics of "appropriate" sexuality, sexual practices, and norms. The
last part of this section aims to display the borders of proper sexuality with a
particular focus on female sexual practices.
2.1. Increasing Visibility of Sexuality in the 1950s
The population was considered one of the most critical problems in
the early Republican period. The early Republican elites put great effort into
of the Third Sex: Sexology, Subjectivity, and Antimaternalist Feminism at the Turn of the
Twentieth Century," Signs 40, 1 (2014): 227-254. For the discussions of same-sex
partnership and conception: Petra Nordqvist, “Feminist heterosexual imaginaries of
reproduction:Lesbian conception in feminist studies of reproductive technologies,”
Feminist Theory 9, 3: 273–292. For the studies which assess reproductive practices along
with female sexuality, see: Elaine Tyler May, Homeward Bound: American Families in the
Cold War Era (New York: Basic Books, 2008). Elaine Tyler May, America and the Pill: A
History of Promise, Peril, and Liberation (New York: Basic Books, 2010). Jemima Repo,
The Biopolitics of Gender (New York: Oxford University Press, 2016). Alexander Sanger,
Beyond Reproductive Freedom in the 21st Century Choice (New York: PublicAffairs,
2004).
39
increasing the population. The decision-makers have focused on three
policy areas to increase the population: protecting and improving the
nation’s health, regulating migration for re-population, and, most of all,
promoting reproduction as part of pro-natal policies. Sexuality was seen as a
hidden subject in two areas. The first one was related to the nation’s health.
The early Republican decision-makers focused on fighting against
epidemics such as tuberculosis, cholera, malaria, and sexually transmitted
diseases (STDs), particularly syphilis.24 They aimed to decrease the
mortality rates. Also, they worked for the betterment of the current and
future nation’s health. Regarding the nation’s health, STDs had become a
crucial problem for the reproductive practices of individuals. STDs like
syphilis and gonorrhea were seen as threats to healthy births and the health
of future generations.25 Writers warned the grooms and brides-to-be about
the potential dangers of syphilis and tuberculosis.26 Public education and
campaigns against STDs were used to raise awareness, with a particular
focus on male sexuality.27 In the 1930s in Turkey, sexuality-related
discussions focused on protecting the nation from the dangers of sexual
practices and increasing the number of healthy births.
Reproductive practices were the second area where sexuality was
implicitly linked. Individuals were encouraged to give healthy births and
contribute to the population of the country. Notably, women were asked to
24 Ceren Gülser İlikan, “Tuberculosis, Medicine and Politics: Public Health in the Early
Republican Turkey” (MA Thesis, Boğaziçi University, 2006). Günal, “Health and
Citizenship in Republican Turkey,” 143-277.
25 Arpacı, “Hastalık, ulus ve felaket: Türkiye’de frengi ile mücadele (1920-1950),” 59-86. Gül
Özsan, “Türkiye’de Modernleşme ve Kadın Sağlığı Politikaları” (PhD. Diss., Mimar Sinan
Güzel Sanatlar Üniversitesi, 2007). Pınar Öztamur, “Defining a Population: Women and
Children in Early Republican Turkey, 1923-1950” (MA Thesis, Boğaziçi University, 2004).
26 Naciye Emin Hanım, “Sütninelerin, Ahçılarınızın, Hizmetçilerinizin Kanlarını Mutlak
Muayene Ettiriniz,” in Sıhhat Almanağı, ed. Mazhar Osman (İstanbul: Kader Basımevi,
1933), 698. Kilisli Rıfat, “Vereme Karşı,” Sıhhi Sahifalar, 6 (1930), 161-164.
27 Hulusi Behçet Bey, “Zührevi Hastalıklar Hakkında Halka Mahsus Sıhhi Terbiye,” Sıhhi
Sahifalar, 1 (1930), 26. Ali Eşref Bey, “İçtimai Dertlerimizden Biri,” in Sıhhat Almanağı,
ed. Mazhar Osman (İstanbul: Kader Basımevi, 1933), 232.
40
prioritize “being a mother” as their national duty.28 Although promoting
reproduction was a popular subject, female sexuality, which was bound to
reproduction, was invisible in the public sphere. For the honorable
daughters of the Republic, sexual pleasure was a hidden and strictly
disgraceful subject.29 If sexuality became visible in the press, it was
restrained within the borders of medical subjects.
Meanwhile, social relations and social space were changing
dramatically. As a part of the modernization project of the Turkish
Republic, the concept of citizenship was constructed for men and women.
As Yeşim Arat stated, citizenship was used as a strategic tool by the elites of
the new Republic. When the new decision-makers recognized citizenship
rights, their agenda was to increase social integration (cohesion) and
strengthen the state as an institution.30 On principle, the elites of the
Republic defended equality between men and women. With the 1926-dated
new Civil Code, marital relations, along with the subjects of inheritance and
property, were regulated in line with the principles of the modern state.
When the right to vote for women was legalized in 1934, it provided women
the same rights as men to become parliamentarians formally.31 The modern
and young Republic used and promoted the motto of "equality among
women and men" in the representation of the new regime.32 However, the
28 Aksu Bora, “Türk Modernleşme Sürecinde Annelik Kimliğinin Dönüşümü,” in Yerli Bir
Feminizme Doğru, ed. Aynur İlyasoğlu and Necla Akgökçe (İstanbul: Sel Yayıncılık,
2001): 77-107. Tanıl Bora, “Analar, Bacılar, Orospular: Türk-Milliyetçi Muhafazakar
Söyleminde Kadın,” in Şerif Mardin’e Armağan, ed. Ayşe Öncü and Orhan Tekelioğlu
(İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2005): 241-282. Deniz Kandiyoti, “Cariyeler, Fettan Kadınlar
ve Yoldaşlar: Türk Romanında Kadın İmgeleri,” in Cariyer, Yurttaşlar, Bacılar (İstanbul:
Metis Yayınları, 1997): 133-147. Nükhet Sirman, “Kadınların Milliyeti,” in Milliyetçilik:
Modern Türkiye’de Siyasi Düşünce, cilt 4, ed. Tanıl Bora (İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları,
2002).
29 Laden Yurttagüler, “Social Policies on Female Body in the 1930s in Turkey,” 123.
30 Yeşim Arat, “Türkiye’de Toplumsal Cinsiyet ve Vatandaşlık,” in 75. Yılda Tebaa’dan
Yurttaşa Doğru, ed. Artun Ünsal (İstanbul: Tarih Vakfı Yayınları, 1998), 67-68.
31 Arat, “Türkiye’de Toplumsal Cinsiyet ve Vatandaşlık,” 68.
32 For the equality struggle of the women of the era and the state’s presentation of its role see:
Yaprak Zihnioğlu, Kadınsız Inkilap (Istanbul: Metis Yayınları, 2003). Yeşim Arat, “The
Project of Modernity and Women in Turkey,” in Rethinking Modernity and National
41
"neutral" and "universal" rules of citizenship were based on the norms of
masculinity and male experiences.33 When the new Republic recognized the
"same" rights for women, first of all, some rights were adopted from already
existing rights, which were based on the experiences of men.34 Secondly,
some rights (articles) in the 1926 dated Civil Code were not even arranged
according to principles of equality. For example, although men and women
were entitled to equal rights in the constitution, the husband was identified
as "the head of the family.”35 Moreover, the structural changes necessary for
developing equal opportunities were not even considered by the Republican
elites.
In parallel, the new Republic asked its citizens to participate and
fulfill their duties for the modernization of the country. Women were
assigned to be “daughters of the Republic” and “mothers of the nation” by
the male elites of the Republican project to raise the new generations of
Turkey.36 Fatmagül Berktay argues that the Kemalist male elites of the era
described the Kemalist enlightened (aydın) woman as someone “who
internalized the familial, social, and national duties.”37 The leading female
figures of the era embraced and promoted this role since the Republican
project provided for them an opportunity to be incorporated. They were
expected to fulfill this role, literally, by giving birth. Also, they were held
Identity in Turkey, ed. Sibel Bozdoğan and Reşat Kasaba (Seattle: University of
Washington Press, 1997).
33 Carole Pateman, The Sexual Contract (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988), 2, 8.
34 About the invisibility of women’s movement and women’s struggle for right to vote until
1934, see: Zihnioğlu, Kadınsız Inkilap. Zihnioğlu discusses the struggle of women for
recognition in the decision making processes and the unresponsiveness of the Republican
elite.
35 See the Chapter 3 for a detailed discussion about the Civil Law.
36 Fatmagül Berktay, “Batılılaşma,” in Modern Türkiye'de Siyasi Düşünce, Modernleşme ve
Batıcılık, Cilt 3, ed. Murat Gültekingil and Tanıl Bora (İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2002),
284. Berktay uses the narratives produced by two leading nationalist figures of the period.
She quotes Cemil Meriç, who described the role of a woman as being a mother and loyal
wife in order to serve the “nationalist cause,” 279. Also, she discusses the discourse
produced by Peyami Safa, who classified women into two categories, good woman versus
bad woman. His classification was based on the willingness of women to become mothers
of the nation, 280-283.
37 Berktay, Batılılaşma, 284.
42
responsible for protecting and transferring the “inner values” of the nation.38
Berktay argues that the new role of women in the nationalistic project was
to mobilize “the reproductive resources of women” for the well-being of the
nation in a utilitarian way.39
The duties and roles of women continued with their symbolic
contribution as the modern faces of the Republic. In Republican Turkey, the
public sphere was constructed as an area to display the modernity level of
society. Therefore, the daily practices of the citizens were strictly regulated
and controlled by the state-supported modern behaviors.40 In the 1930s,
women’s physical appearances became an important tool to display the
modernization of society.41 As part of its advertising, “modern” appearances
of women in the public sphere were encouraged by the elites of the new
Republic.42 The Turkish woman's new physicality was regarded as a symbol
of the modern Turkish Republic.43 Besides the symbolic meaning of
appearance, the description of equal citizenship provided the opportunity of
38 Ayşe Durakbaşa, Halide Edib: Türk Modernleşmesi ve Feminizm (Istanbul: İletişim
Yayınları, 2002), 104. Durakbaşa claimed that formal education was a part of the role of the
women as mothers of the future generations. Since they are going to raise the children of
the nation, they should be educated well enough to raise healthy and moral children. Also,
they could contribute to the Turkish society in the development and improvement of the
country by being perfect models for children. Deniz Kandiyoti, “Kimlik Kavramı ve
Yetersizlikleri,” in Cariyer Bacılar Yurttaşlar (İstanbul: Metis Yayınları, 1997), 165-166.
39 Berktay, “Batılılaşma,” 279.
40 Sirman, “Kadınların Milliyeti.”
41 Kandiyoti, “Kimlik Kavramı ve Yetersizlikleri,” 157. Arat, “Türkiye’de Modernleşme
Projesi ve Kadınlar,” 82-99.
42 Ayşe Kadıoğlu, “Cinselliğin İnkârı: Büyük Toplumsal Projelerin Nesnesi Olarak Türk
Kadınları,” in 75. Yılda Kadınlar ve Erkekler, ed. Ayşe B. Hacımirzaoğlu (Istanbul: Türk
Tarih Vakfı Yayınları, 1998), 96.
43 Sancar, Türk Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyeti, 113. She argued that women were active in the
years during national struggle. However, after the foundation of the Republic, women were
excluded from the political arena in the early years of Republic. Sancar brought the case of
the 1924 constitution where women were not given the right to vote. Aykaç, “Kemalist
Utopia, Study of the Propaganda Magazine: La Turquie Kemaliste (1934-1948).” Sibel
Bozdoğan and Reşat Kasaba ed., Rethinking Modernity and National Identity in Turkey
(Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1997).
43
participating in the newly constructed public sphere.44 The modern Turkish
woman was encouraged to participate and perform their new roles and
duties in the public areas regulated by the latest norms and laws.45
The early republican period witnessed changes in the relations between
men and women. Men and women of the Republic started to gather in social
spaces such as schools, stores, balls, and ceremonies. The places where men
and women gathered appeared as sexualized social spaces since those
people were unrelated and started to recognize each other for their sex and
sexuality.46 Women in public spaces became more open to the new
regulative mechanisms since they were also representing the modern.47
However, in societies where social relations between men and women are
limited by kinship and otherwise forbidden, cultural roles for how they are
supposed to interact with each other in sexualized spaces do not exist.48
Besides, the norms of social relations were not set definitively. Therefore,
shared public spaces required new norms for managing these encounters.49
Several tools, including the popular press and formal education, were used
to establish norms and raise awareness among society members.50 Women
44 Ayşe Durakbaşa, “Türk Modernleşmesinin Kamusal Alanı ve “Kadın Yurttaş,” in Birkaç
Arpa Boyu, 21. Yüzyıla Girerken Türkiye’de Feminist Çalışmalar Cilt 1, ed. Serpil Sancar
(İstanbul: Koç Üniversitesi Yayınları, 2011), 461.
45 Dilek Cindoğlu, “Modern Türk Tıbbında Bekaret Testleri ve Suni Bekaret,” in Müslüman
Toplumlarda Kadın ve Cinsellik, ed. Pınar İlkkaracan (İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2003),
119.
46 Nancy Y. Reynolds, “Salesclerks, Sexual Danger, and National Identity in Egypt, 1920s–
1950s,” Journal of Women’s History, 23, 3 (2011), 72. Reynolds suggested that in the
1920s in Egypt retailstores became places where unrelated men and women mixed.
47 Fatmagül Berktay, “Türkiye’de Toplumsal Değişim Sürecinde Kadın,” in 75. Yılda
Kadınlar ve Erkekler, ed. Ayşe B. Hacımirzaoğlu (Istanbul: Türk Tarih Vakfı Yayınları,
1998), 1-12.
48 Shahla Haeri, “İran’da Geçici Evlilik ve Devlet: Kadın Cinselliği üzerine İslami bir
Söylem,” in Müslüman Toplumlarda Kadın ve Cinsellik, ed. Pınar İlkkaracan, (İstanbul:
İletişim Yayınları, 2003), 158.
49 For the Iranian experience in the second part of the 1920s: Haeri, “İran’da Geçici Evlilik ve
Devlet: Kadın Cinselliği üzerine İslami bir Söylem,” 167.
50 Mixed formal education was another tool to bring together opposites sexes together.
Afsaneh Najmabadi, “Contested Veils, Veiled Contestations: Power and the Public
Female,” in Women, Work and Power in the Middle East Conference (University of
44
encountered the values and norms of the new setting through novels,
newspaper articles, and etiquette manuals.51 As a part of this formation
process, women were asked to look modern, act virtuously, share public
space with men, and contribute to the development of the country.
Simultaneously, the same women were warned against the dangers of
modernity by a “male voice.”52 Berktay argues that the rules and norms for
women were shaped by the nation-state instead of religion or tradition.53
The Republican male elite, as the embodied carriers of the nationalist and
modernist project, took the liberty to articulate the norms for women.
Women in the republic were asked to exercise self-control, avoid
inappropriate relationships and places, and enjoy their freedom responsibly.
According to Peyami Safa, beaches or places of entertainment with a lot of
alcohol are examples of inappropriate places.54 Ayşe Durakbaşa claims that
male intellectuals of the era tried to manage the “danger of women’s moral
deterioration” by excluding sexuality from their discussions.55 In one of the
well-known novels, Sözde Kızlar,56 Peyami Safa told stories of fallen young
girls who entertained themselves with men in unacceptable gatherings. He
stated that these young women “do not love their religion, nation; rebel
against their family and neighborhood; sell their honor and chastity.”57 Not
only did the male authors expect properness from women due to the
“national cause.” Even women authors such as Sabiha Sertel warned women
to dress and behave according to the necessities of “national cause.”58 In the
early Republican period, this transformation enabled women to participate
California, Los Angeles, 12-13 April 1991. Quoted from Haeri, “İran’da Geçici Evlilik ve
Devlet: Kadın Cinselliği üzerine İslami bir Söylem,” 167-168.
51 Aslı Güneş, “Kemalist Modernleşmenin Adab-ı Muaşeret Romanları: Popüler Aşk
Anlatıları” (MA Thesis, Bilkent Üniversitesi, 2005).
52 Berktay, “Türkiye’de Toplumsal Değişim Sürecinde Kadın.”
53 Berktay, “Batılılaşma,” 278.
54 Peyami Safa, “Sözde Kızlar ve Çeşitleri,” Seksoloji, 49 (1953), 2.
55 Durakbaşa, Halide Edib: Türk Modernleşmesi ve Feminizm, 68.
56 Published in 1923, but also circulated widely during the 1930s.
57 Fatmagül Berktay, “Yeni kimlik arayışı, eski cinsel düalizm: Peyami Safa’nın romanlarında
toplumsal cinsiyet,” Kadın Araştırmaları Dergisi, 9 (2006), 77-90.
http://www.iudergi.com/tr/index.php/kadin/article/view/337.
58 Sancar, Türk Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyeti, 107.
45
in public gatherings. However, women’s appearance in public spaces also
caused significant anxiety regarding the “protection of their honor and
purity.”59 Women were asked to protect their chastity above all to avoid any
"social deterioration" that could be caused by the participation of women in
mixed public spheres.60
Women of the new Republic were represented as either "welcome"
accompliances or “unwanted” traitors based on their behaviors in the public
space regarding their sexualities.61 As a result of these warnings, middleclass
women started to act modestly, paying special attention to decency and
prudence in public spaces to overcome any accusations about being “easy”
women.62 In other words, women tried to fulfill the role of responsible,
modest, and prudent daughters of the Republic by controlling themselves,
particularly their sexualities.63
The male elites of the 1930s asked women to behave in a worthy manner
toward their motherly duties. They asked women to participate in the
modernist project for the ideological and biological reproduction of the
nation.64 Women were objectified in the service of the “national cause” for
the nationalization and modernization of the country.65 Because women
have been designated as "mothers of the nation,"66 women's first priority
59 Kandiyoti, “Kimlik Kavramı ve Yetersizlikleri,” 149.
60 Sancar, Türk Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyeti, 107.
61 Sancar, Türk Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyeti, 63-64. According to Tanıl Bora, nationalism
defines women in a dualist position whether as passive victims or active traitor. This
perception requires control of women in nation-building projects. Bora, “Analar, Bacılar,
Orospular: Türk-Milliyetçi Muhafazakar Söyleminde Kadın.”
62 Haeri, “İran’da Geçici Evlilik ve Devlet: Kadın Cinselliği üzerine İslami bir Söylem,” 166.
63 Kadıoğlu, “Cinselliğin İnkarı: Büyük Toplumsal Projelerin Nesnesi Olarak Türk
Kadınları.” According to Kadıoğlu, women were imagined as orderly and modest (mazbut)
in nation building process. Sancar, Türk Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyeti, 63-64. Sylvia Walby
interprets this transformation as “... women have entered the public sphere, yet are
subordinated there.” Walby, Theorizing Patriarchy, 180.
64 Kumari Jayawardena, Feminism and Nationalism in the Third World (London, New Jersey:
Zed Book, 1989). Kandiyoti, Cariyer, Yurttaşlar, Bacılar. Nira Yuval Davis and Floya
Anthias, Woman-Nation-State (London: MacMillan, 1989).
65 Kadıoğlu, “Cinselliğin İnkarı: Büyük Toplumsal Projelerin Nesnesi Olarak Türk
Kadınları,” 90-93.
66 Durakbaşa, “Türk Modernleşmesinin Kamusal Alanı ve “Kadın Yurttaş,” 463.
46
should be to protect their purity and honor. As a part of the protection
process, “ideal” women were represented as “asexual and devoid of their
essential femaleness” by the early Republican novelists.67 Women of the
early Republican period were squeezed into being modern and moderate.68
On the one hand, the new women needed to avoid being alaturca. On the
other hand, they needed to display modesty to protect their virtue and
honor.69 The daughters of the new Republic were considered the symbols
and carriers of the inner values of Turkishness. Hence, they should be
protected from the deteriorating effects of the outside world.70
As some feminist writers have argued, the new women preferred
participating in public spaces as asexual beings. Deniz Kandiyoti argued
that de-emphasizing feminity became a symbolic shield for the modern
woman in the management of her sexuality.71 Whether the concealment of
female sexuality was chosen by the women of the era or enforced by the
male elites, this strategy eased the participation of women in the public
sphere. During the process, these rules regarding female sexuality were used
as a mechanism to control and impose self-control over the mobility and
actions of women.72 These discussions on women and female sexuality
67 Kandiyoti, “Cariyeler, Fettan Kadınlar ve Yoldaşlar: Türk Romanında Kadın İmgeleri,”
144-146. Müge Işıklar Koçak, “Problematizing Translated Popular Texts on Women’s
Sexuality: A New Perspective on the Modernization Project in Turkey from 1931 to 1959”
(PhD. Dissertation, Boğaziçi University, 2007).
68 Kandiyoti, “Kimlik Kavramı ve Yetersizlikleri,” 153.
69 Kadıoğlu, “Cinselliğin İnkarı: Büyük Toplumsal Projelerin Nesnesi Olarak Türk
Kadınları,” 90-93.
70 Zihnioğlu, Kadınsız Inkilap, 48-49. For Zihnioğlu, outside influences were mainly
representing the negative parts of “western” culture.
71 Deniz Kandiyoti, “Modernin Cinsiyeti: Türk Modernleşmesi Üzerine Çalışmalarda Gözden
Kaçırılan Yönler,” in Cariyer, Yurttaşlar, Bacılar (İstanbul: Metis Yayınları, 1997): 202-
221. Ayşe Saktanber, “Kemalist Kadın Hakları Söylemi,” in Modern Türkiye’de Siyasi
Düşünce: Kemalizm cilt: 2, ed. Murat Gültekingil and Tanıl Bora (İstanbul: İletişim
Yayınları, 2001), 323-334.
72 İpek İlkkaracan and Gülşah Seral, “Kadının İnsan Hakkı Olarak Cinsel Haz: Türkiye’deki
Bir Taban Eğitimi Programından Deneyimler,” in Müslüman Toplumlarda Kadın ve
Cinsellik, ed. İpek İlkkaracan (İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2003), 198. İlkkaracan ve Seral
stated that advocates of modernity and women’s rights worked on equality of women in the
47
continued throughout the Republican period. Some feminists, such as Ayşe
Kadıoğlu, suggested that women's sexuality was denied until the 1980s in
Turkey. She argued that women in Turkey had been perceived within the
context of the traditional family, which caused the denial of their
sexualities.73 Durakbaşa stated that prior to the 1980s, female sexuality was
a subject not addressed within the public discourse.74 She claimed that after
the 1980s, female sexuality became a popular and appropriate subject for
use in the press, magazines, and women's films.
Unlike the writers mentioned above, Funda Duman proposes that at the
end of the 1930s, the sexual attraction of women was brought to the readers’
attention. In the popular magazines of the day, the beauty of Turkish women
was vocalized and compared with the beauty of western women.75 Again,
Elif Ekin Akşit mentioned that articles on feminity started to emerge in
women’s magazines to give them advice on “making themselves more
beautiful.”76 Although Duman’s and Akşit’s points on the concept of
“beauty” and its relation to sexuality deserve remarkable attention, the
connection with sexuality and the visibility of sexuality in these writings
were formed indirectly in the era’s articles. The writers of the articles on
beauty did not mention the effects of “being beautiful” on sexuality.
Another argument comes from Müge Işıklar Koçak, which was based on
marriage manuals. Based on her research on popular translated texts
between 1931 and 1959, women’s sexuality was visible in the texts.77 The
roles of women in the era’s magazines were not limited “within the family,
family, education, employment and politics. However, they occasionally left out the
inequality of women in sexual life.
73 Kadıoğlu, “Cinselliğin İnkârı: Büyük Toplumsal Projelerin Nesnesi Olarak Türk
Kadınları,” 100. Similar to Kadıoğlu, Serpil Sancar also argues that the women could be in
the public space with their asexual existence. Sancar, Türk Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyeti,
315.
74 Durakbaşa, Halide Edib: Türk Modernleşmesi ve Feminizm, 14.
75 Funda Duman, Modern ve Geleneksel Bağlamında Erken Cumhuriyet Döneminde Kadın
Kimliği: Haftalık Magazin Dergisi 7 Gün ve Aylık Aile Dergisi Ana, unpublished paper,
2001, quoted from Sancar, Türk Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyeti, 245.
76 Elif Ekin Akşit, Kızların Sessizliği: Kız Enstitülerinin Uzun Tarihi İstanbul: İletişim
Yayınları, 2005.
77 Işıklar Koçak, “Problematizing Translated Popular Texts on Women’s Sexuality,” 78.
48
the home, and society, but also within sexual life.”78 She mentioned that the
first translated text on women’s sexuality was published in Latin script in
1931. From 1931 on, both the number and the frequency of female sexuality
in magazines have increased steadily.79 Although her study has contributed
invaluably to the literature, the physical and social difficulties of distributing
and circulating these writings were relatively underestimated since her data
was mainly based on the (translated) published texts. Although female
sexuality started to emerge in the women’s magazines and marriage
manuals at the beginning of the 1930s, the sexual attributes of women were
not seen – directly or indirectly – in the daily newspapers, or the Halkevleri
magazines.80 The writings of the time were primarily concerned with
reproduction, while ignoring (or attempting to ignore) its links to
sexuality.81 However, the invisibility of female sexuality started to change
in the second half of the 1940s. In the late 1940s, female sexuality
transformed into a subject to discuss, publish, research, and distribute
openly in Turkey and globally.
After the Second World War, people’s everyday practices were
considered as "fast," open to change, and controversial. Affected by the
changes, the tendencies of the era were summarized as the elevation of
fashion, the emergence of popular culture (in particular the effects of
American culture), changes in moral understanding, and critics of the new
trends.82 The late 1940s saw the emergence of new trends in the pages of
newspapers. Topics of the newspapers such as consumption habits, luxury,
women, and their changing practices became apparent in the discussions of
the era’s intellectuals.83 Alongside the new changes, subjects surrounding
sexuality, such as marriage, divorce, motherhood, birth-giving, and even
nudity, had become popular topics of discussion. Unlike the former decade,
78 Işıklar Koçak, “Problematizing Translated Popular Texts on Women’s Sexuality,” 2-5.
79 Işıklar Koçak, “Problematizing Translated Popular Texts on Women’s Sexuality,” 2.
80 Yurttagüler, “Social Policies on Female Body in the 1930s in Turkey.”
81 As mentioned before several times, the role of “mothers of the nation” made women visible
when and if they had children. Regarding the sexuality of women, this could be interpreted
as indirect visibility.
82 Cantek, Cumhuriyetin Büluğ Çağı, 16-17.
83 Cantek, Cumhuriyetin Büluğ Çağı, 89-99.
49
sexuality was not discussed only with reproductive or medical concerns in
the late 1940s.
In the 1950s, the physical "togetherness" of unrelated men and
women in social spaces became familiar to the eyes of the public. However,
the recently developed discussions about social and sexual relations between
men and women had become something new and unfamiliar to the general
public. As a symbol of change in the relationship, in newspaper and
magazine articles, individuals frequently discuss what it means for men and
women to be friends.84 The distinctive character of the 1950s lay in the
emergence of the public discussion on sexuality and sexual manners of men
and women, which was no longer covered under blurred narratives. The
explicit and implicit existence and visibility of sexuality in the public space
have grasped the attention of public figures. Before further discussing the
responses and intervention attempts of public figures, it is crucial to mention
the mediums through which sexuality has gained visibility.
Marriage manuals have been one of the most symbolic and value-laden
tools that made female sexuality visible. Marriage manuals have been in
publication and circulation since the nineteenth century.85 According to
Porter, most of the elements of sexual knowledge were already formed in
the 1950s in Britain. However, although the basics of sexual knowledge
remained similar, it was enriched and disseminated widely in the 1950s.86
The first indigenous popular non-literary text on women’s sexuality was in
1878 in the Ottoman Empire, whereas the first translated popular nonliterary
texts appeared in 1914.87 Until the 1930s, there was a silent period
for the publishing of texts on women’s sexuality. The first popular
84 Kazım Kip, “Kadın Erkek Arkadaş Olabilir mi?” Cumhuriyet, 03.05.1953.
85 Roy Porter and Lesley Hall, The Facts of Life: the Creation of Sexual Knowledge in
Britain, 1650-1950 (New Haven and London: Yale University, 1995).
86 Porter and Hall, The Facts of Life, 271.
87 Işıklar Koçak, “Problematizing Translated Popular Texts on Women’s Sexuality,” 79. Her
research is limited with the biographies which have been searched. Koçak uses “the
description of text” for the published materials in the manuel and/or book format. First
translated text: “1914 Marlis Pevaru. Yeni Kadın Mektupları, trans. Ali Kemal (Istanbul:
Muhtar Halit Külliyatı), first indigenous text in 1878, by Mehmed Emin “Risale-i mürşid
üt-talak ven-nikah ve Risale-i nuhbe-i eminiye lihukukiz-zevciye” (Istanbul: Süleyman
Efendi Matbaası).
50
indigenous texts on women’s sexuality published in the republican period
belong to Daniş Remzi Korok, who wrote twenty-three texts on women’s
sexuality between 1935 and 1939.88 Koçak stated that the first translated
text on women’s sexuality was published in 1931. The text was written by
Elinor Glyn, The Philosophy of Love, and translated as Aşk Dersleri:
Evleneceklere ve Evlenenlere (Lessons in Love: For Those Who Will Get
Married and Are Already Married).89 Although the initial marriage manuals
emerged quite early, the distinctive increase in the number and content of
the manuals occurred in the late 1940s and the beginning of the 1950s.90
Koçak stated that the number of translated popular non-literary texts on
women’s sexuality increased steadily until the 1960s.91 Even though the
circulation of the manuals was questionable, their constant visibility through
advertisements in the newspapers could be followed in Milliyet and
Cumhuriyet.92
Female sexuality was not buried only in the marriage manuals. It
also emerged through the pages of periodic publications such as newspapers
and popular magazines. In these periodicals, the presentation of the text
changed recognizably in the 1950s. The development in press technology
enabled publishers to use more visual materials. Also, using more visual
materials became a strategy for the publishers to reach the mass (and with a
high percentage of illiteracy) public.93 On the other hand, the content has
also been affected by the changes during the 1950s. The periodicals started
to include sexuality-related material on their pages in different forms,
including news (reporting), interviews, opinion articles, informative
scientific pieces, or simple “advised to housewife/mother” format. The
periodicals held particular importance since their content occupied public
88 Işıklar Koçak, “Problematizing Translated Popular Texts on Women’s Sexuality,” 79.
89 Işıklar Koçak, “Problematizing Translated Popular Texts on Women’s Sexuality,” 80.
90 Işıklar Koçak, “Problematizing Translated Popular Texts on Women’s Sexuality,” 69, 80.
91 Işıklar Koçak, “Problematizing Translated Popular Texts on Women’s Sexuality,” 80.
92 For the advertisements of Seksoloji in Milliyet and Cumhuriyet, see: Tools of Sexuality
Section.
93 Bulut, “Hürriyet Gazetesi: 1948-1953 Döneminin Yayın Politikası,” 4-5. According to
Bulut, Hürriyet used photograph as the main medium to deliver news instead of using
visual material as a complementary element.
51
discussions regularly and repetitively. As a result, even without intending to
do so, the content of the periodical became visible and a part of daily
discussions.
Beginning in the second half of the 1940s, journalism's approach
shifted from "editorial article" journalism to news and picture-based
journalism.94 During the Second World War, some news, such as murder
and suicide news, that could cause depression among the public was
censored as a matter of state policy. After the war, in the second part of the
1940s, tabloid newspapers such as Cinayet, Hadise, and Kelepçe, composed
of judiciary news, increased their numbers and their sales.95 Beginning with
the publication of Hürriyet and Milliyet in 1950, crime news continued to
take place – so-called “the third page” – in the newspapers. The third-page
news covered subjects from murder to suicide those narrated honor and
jealousy killings,96 girl abduction (kız kaçırma),97 cheating husband/wife,
rape,98 and news on prostitution.99 Majority of the crime news, unavoidably,
carried a reference to sexuality or are woven around sexuality.100 Sexuality
or sexuality-related subjects, as well as visual materials such as
photographs, illustrations, and pictures, became more apparent in the daily
press, popular magazines, academic journals, and manuals/books in the late
1940s and the 1950s. The visual materials of the era contained pictures of
94 Ayşe Elif Emre Kaya, “Demokrat Parti Politikalarının Cumhuriyet Gazetesinde Ele Alınış
Biçimleri 1950-1960” (PhD Diss., Ankara University, 2009), 79-80. Kaya stated that the
change in the journalism occured with the beginning of the 1950s, during the Democrat
Party period.
95 Cantek, Cumhuriyetin Büluğ Çağı, 56.
96 During the first year of Milliyet, the newspaper was consisted of four pages. Therefore
crime news - so called 3. page news – have taken place at the second page of the
newspaper. Such as: “Bir adam karısını 17 yerinden vurdu,” Milliyet, 07.06.1950.
97 “Kız kaçıran aşıklar,” Milliyet, 05.061950. “Bir kızı zorla kaçırıp 3 gün kapatan adam,”
Milliyet, 02.06.1950.
98 “Bir bekçi tevkif edildi,” Milliyet, 04.06.1950.
99 “Genç kızları fuhşa teşvik eden iki kadın tevkif edildi,” Milliyet, 01.06.1950.
100 As an exemplary case: According to Milliyet search engine, even the word “lovemaking –
sexual intercourse” has taken place 1286 times between 3 May 1950 and 1 January 1960
whether in the news, stories or adverts.
52
couples and “beautiful” female figures, even with bikinis, and illustrations
of the female body in different publications.101
The late 1940s and early 1950s witnessed an increase in the popular
periodic magazines. Their specialized subjects differed from the country's
daily politics (like Akis) to the subjects that were (supposedly) interesting to
women (women's popular magazines like Hayat and Aile). In the magazines,
special sections under the title of "women’s column" or "health column"
were reserved for informative purposes, which discussed subjects related to
sexuality and marriage.102 In the magazines where women were the target
group, marriage, wifely duties, relations between men and women, and selfcare
(beauty) became the primary subjects, besides the themes on children’s
care, decoration, and general health advice. Sexuality, in general, and
female sexuality in particular, began to appear in magazines, whether
through marriage advice or subjects related to sexual health or sexual
education.
Apart from including the written material on female sexuality (and
female bodies), the visual material also played an important role in
presenting women in a more "feminine" way. A symbolic and visible area,
which increased the visibility of sexuality in the public space, was formed
by the "celebrity" sections of the newspapers and magazines. During the late
1940s and 1950s, the number of celebrity sections in newspapers and
magazines increased. The celebrity sections had comprehensive content,
varying from famous people’s love affairs to career plans, marriages,
divorces, family lives, and diets to health problems. The celebrities had
diverse backgrounds, "changing from a crown prince to an exotic dancer,
101 See the Appendix: photos with bikinis, see: “Yaz gelince amerikada “plaj güzellik
kıraliçeleri” seçilmeğe başlandı.” Milliyet, 14.06.1950. “Sporcu yıldız : Janis Carter,”
Milliyet, 25.06.1950. “Sinema Haberleri,” Milliyet, 23.07.1950. “Resimli hadiseler,”
Milliyet, 24.10.1951. “Resimli hadiseler,” Milliyet, 31.10.1951. “Resimli hadiseler,”
Milliyet, 30.11.1951. “Resimli hadiseler,” Milliyet, 04.12.1951. “Resimli hadiseler,”
Milliyet, 22.12.1951. Sedat Simavi was known the person who situated female figure in the
media. For a discussion about the influence of Sedat Simavi in the changing character of
Turkish press, see: Orhan Koloğlu, “Sedat Simavi: Kadın Resmini Basına Yerlestiren
Gazeteci,” Tarih ve Toplum, 231 (2003), 34.
102 “Çocuklarımızın Cinsi Terbiyesi,” Akis, 15.01.1955, 29. Dr. N.C., “Terbiye: Size düşen
vazife,” Akis, 22.01.1955, 21-22.
53
bringing a Swedish actress side by side with an Iranian princess."103
Although Koçer claimed that the celebrity news in the women’s magazines
was directly taken from the American world and its counterparts, therefore
focusing on American celebrities, Okur stated that particularly in Hayat
magazine, the celebrity reports covered a more comprehensive range of
territory (including Europe).104
There were special sections for celebrity news in the magazines and
newspapers, predominantly formed by visual material, photographs,
followed by one or two sentences of short descriptions and explanations.
Among the period’s high-circulation newspapers, both Hürriyet and Milliyet
had special sections for celebrity news. Particularly Hürriyet had reserved a
full page out of eight pages of the newspaper for Hollywood news on
Sundays, which was supported by the interviews of Hikmet Feridun Es.105
Although many magazines prepared celebrity reports for their readers,
Hayat took a prominent place among the magazines since almost one-third
of the magazine consisted of celebrity news.106 Koçer suggested that among
the studied women’s magazines of the 1950s, celebrity reports accounted for
6% of all content in the magazines.107 The celebrity section consisted of
photographs including "high society" people, royalty, movie stars from
America and Europe, singers, and even politicians and their families. Their
103 Fatma Berrin Okur, “Conspicuous Consumption in Turkey in the 1950s: an Examination of
Hayat Magazine” (MA. Thesis, Boğaziçi University, 2007), 51.
104 Dilara Nergishan Koçer, “Demokrat Parti Döneminde Kadın: 1950-1960 Arası Kadın
Dergilerinde Kadın İmajı,” (PhD. Diss., Marmara University, 2009), 121-122. Okur,
“Conspicuous Consumption in Turkey,” 51.
105 Bulut, “Hürriyet Gazetesi: 1948-1953 Döneminin Yayın Politikası,” 276.
106 Okur, “Conspicuous Consumption in Turkey,” 51. Yenigün, Yelpaza, İkimiz and Yeni Yıldız
were also the magazines those used celebrity reports as the crucial partof their publishing
strategy.
107 Koçer, “Demokrat Parti Döneminde Kadın,” 120-122, 158. 577 celebrity reports in 17
woman’s magazine published between the years 1950-1960. Among the 17 woman’s
magazines studies, 14 of them have included celebrity report in their pages. The total
number of the news content was 9475 that is counted as a part of the study. Koçer,
“Demokrat Parti Döneminde Kadın,” 162. Koçer stated that she counted related
photographs and texts. Although the percentage looked low, Koçer stated that the place
covered by the celebrity sections was higher.
54
photojournalism especially focused on the "beautiful women" of the period.
However, the photographs of the beautiful women were not limited to their
daily dresses. Women were presented with their balls, ceremonies, party
costumes, and even came close to nudity sometimes. Along with the
photographs of the period’s famous movie stars, like Sophie Lauren,108
"generous" female body exposure was also seen in the pages of the
magazines with reports on exotic dancers,109 striptease clubs110 or
scandals111 of the era. The developments in printing technology and high
usage of the American magazines enabled the publicists to use a high
number of visual materials and celebrity news.112 Yet, the increase in
"female body exposure" was a new strategy used by the publicists of the
period compared to the 1930s. Okur explained the relatively low coverage
of national celebrities in Hayat as the "cautiousness to preserve its [their]
honor, and keeping celebrity faces—and more importantly bodies— out of
sight."113
Seksoloji took a significant place among the magazines due to its
exposure of (female) sexuality in the 1950s. The magazine was first
published in 1949. The content of the magazine will be discussed later.
However, it is important to mention that the sole focus of the magazine was
on sexuality, which was supported by visual materials (photos and
illustrations). Koçer mentioned another magazine, Cennet, alongside
Seksoloji though she defined Cennet as a male magazine with its assertive
108 “Dünün Sophia Loren’i, Ev kadınının ağırlığına ve huzuruna kavuşmuş,” Hayat, 140
(12.06.1959), 4-5.
109 “Hollywood’dan Avrupa’ya Akın,” Hayat, 148 (07.08.1959), 22-23; “Amerika’daki Türk
Sanatkarları,” Hayat, 132 (17.04.1959), 18-19.
110 A serial novel by Halide Edip, “Nude Girl” was published in Hayat.
111 Arif Hanoğlu, “Ders-i İbret,” Yeni Yıldız, 03.04.1957, 3. “Roma Rezaleti: Roma’daki
rezalete bir Türk dansözün de ismi karışmıştır.” Hayat, 111 (21.11.1958), 12. “Roma’da
Son Moda: Mangal ve Nana,” Hayat, 118 (09.01.1959), 6-7.
112 Yusuf Özkır, “Hürriyet Gazetesi’nin Kimliği,” Iğdır University Journal of Social Sciences,
3 (2013), 50. “Türkiye'ye ilk telefoto makinesini Hürriyet getirmiştir. 1952 yılında
gerçekleştirilen yenilikle böylece, sadece yurt içinden değil, yurt dışından fotoğraf almanın
önündeki en büyük engel de aşılmış olur. Bu teknolojinin kullanılması Hürriyet’i bir adım
öne geçirtir.”
113 Okur, “Conspicuous Consumption in Turkey,” 51.
55
visual materials (women in bikinis on all the cover pages and almost nude
female photos inside).114 Cennet was, relatively, a short period magazine
that was first published in August 1953, and its last issue came out in April
1954.115 Besides the increase in the number, the coverage area, and topics of
the periodicals, the magazine's content was also reorganized with the
frequent and differentiated usage of visual materials and touching on
numerous subjects. Sexuality, in particular, female sexuality, has drawn
strong attention during the period. The subject was covered from a range of
topics and perspectives, including anatomy of the sexual organs, norms of
sexual intercourse, spouse relations, and sexual anomalies. In other words,
sexuality was not only discussed in terms of health and reproductive
concerns. However, as a performance, it was brought to the attention of the
audience. In the narratives that contained sexuality and sexuality-related
discussions, the naturalness of the act was stressed with a solid emphasis
that classified sexuality as a part of a natural order. Notably, the writers
highlighted the relationship between marriage and sexuality.116 The concept
of “proper and happy sexuality” within marriage became a tool for “keeping
the family” together. In a translated article published by Seksoloji, the writer
argued that all around the world, people wanted to veil sexuality with a tulle
curtain. He stated that “although people were aware of sexuality's role in
marriage and having children, people ignored sexuality and mentioned only
love." According to Keller, it is necessary to recognize the power of
sexuality. He continued, underlining the importance of understanding and
preparing oneself to conquer "sexuality."117 Keller emphasized the necessity
of a healthy relationship between reproduction, marriage, and sexuality for
happy individuals and society. In other words, the authors repeated the
fundamental, necessary, and natural relationship between sexuality and life
in popular periodicals.
114 Koçer, “Demokrat Parti Döneminde Kadın,” 100. “Yatar vaziyette, köpük banyosu
yaparken, oyuncak hayvanlarla görülür kadınlar. Bazen kadınların üstleri çıplaktır ve bir
şekilde, örneğin bir kürk ya da bir tül ile örtünmeye çalışırlar.”
115 Koçer, “Demokrat Parti Döneminde Kadın,” 98.
116 The relation between marriage and sexuality will be discussed in detailed in the coming
section.
117 David Keller, “Cinsiyetin Kudreti,” Seksoloji, 12 (1950), 33.
56
Literature became another genre that produced discussions on female
sexuality. In the fictive stories of the era, the readers witnessed the love
stories of the hero and heroine with differentiating characters. Love stories
in fiction literature were not new to Turkish readers. Even before the
Republic, innocent, illicit, or eternal love stories were told in literature. In
the early years of the Republic, love stories began to carry more moral and
regulative messages.118 In the early Republican novels, womanhood was
associated with naturalness, honor, virtue, tradition, spirituality, home, and
nation.119 In the literature, modern Turkish women are represented as
modest and serious products of Turkish national culture. She was dedicated
to national ideals instead of personal love, distant from the harmful effects
of western culture and with an obscured sexuality.120 Moreover, according
to Irzık and Parla, the new Turkish woman was considered as an anonymous
object on which male authors produced the narrative. Male writers assigned
the positive or negative characteristics of Turkish women in order to provide
examples for their moral messages.121
Alongside the canonical novels of the early Republican period,
popular love stories emerged with the contributions of, mainly, Kerime
Nadir, Esat Mahmut Karakurt, and Muazzez Tahsin Berkand in the late
1930s.122 The difference and importance of these three writers lied in their
focus on love affairs and their reach to the masses. These novels, according
to Kerem Özkurt, described modern social relations between men and
women in changing times. They have contributed to the construction of new
118 Güneş, “Kemalist Modernleşmenin Adab-ı Muaşeret Romanları: Popüler Aşk Anlatıları.”
119 Sibel Irzık and Jale Parla, “Önsöz,” in Kadınlar Dile Düşünce (İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları,
2004), 7-9.
120 Sancar, Türk Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyeti, 134.
121 Berktay, “Batılılaşma.”
122 Ömer Türkeş was mentioning only Kerime Nadir and Muazzez Tahsin as popular romance
writers. A. Ömer Türkes “Ask Romanlarının Unutulmaz Yazarları Ask Olsun!” Virgül 18
(1999), 53. However, Kerem Özkurt, in his MA thesis, added Mahmut Esat Bozkurt to the
group of popular romance writers. Kerem Özkurt, “Tracing Modernity In The Popular
Romances Of The Early Republican Period (1930-1945): The Novels Of Kerime Nadir,
Esat Mahmut Karakurt and Muazzez Tahsin Berkand” (MA Thesis, Boğaziçi University,
2007), 4.
57
values and norms regarding love, marriage, and domestic life.123 Surely, the
most common theme of these novels was the modest and romantic versions
of love stories. Besides, female sexuality, whether hidden or explicitly, took
place as a part of the love relations between heroes and heroines. Although
some of Karakurt's characters engaged in extramarital affairs, female
sexuality existed with "happily ever after" for both Nadir and Berkand.124
Even though the publishing dates of these romances went back to the end of
the 1930s, their circulation continued during the 1940s and even later until
the 1960s.125 In the 1950s, popular novels widened their range and started to
be published in daily newspapers and periodic magazines as serial novels.
Even the well-known and respected names of the era, like Halide Edip and
Refik Halit Karay published their novels as serials in the periodicals.126
Love stories, not surprisingly, have taken a central place in the series.
Interestingly, the themes of the series were like a reflection of the news. In
other words, the novels told stories of “fallen girls” with excess freedom,
infidelity of spouses, the problem of “losing virginity,” and jealousy issues.
Even in some parts of the series, the sexual interaction between men and
women was touched slightly by the authors.127
123 Özkurt, “Tracing Modernity In The Popular Romances Of The Early Republican Period
(1930-1945),” 109-110.
124 For a detailed discussion and comparison on sexuality and sexual relations of the characters
and novels of three authors, see: Özkurt, “Tracing Modernity In The Popular Romances Of
The Early Republican Period (1930-1945),” 42-69. Özkurt stated that Karakurt was the
most articulated author about (female) sexuality among these writers. He, even, described
some scenes of sexual intercourse.
125 Özkurt mentioned several times that these novels were read during the 1960s and 1970s by,
both, men and women. His chapters in the study begins with tranference of conversations
conducted with the individuals who read the novels during their adolescence and/or
twenties.
126 Okur, “Conspicuous Consumption in Turkey,” 17. Halide Edip has published her three
novels, Akile Hanım Sokağı (Akile Hanım’s Street), Sallan ve Yuvarlan (Rock and Roll)
and Cıbıl Gız (Striptease) in Hayat magazine.
127 For an examplary series, see: Bedii Faik, “Demokrasi Gülleri,” Milliyet. The series began at
03.05.1950 and ended at 23.06.1950. However, the story of the series was not completed.
In the series, Bedii Faik narrated a story of a “fallen girl,” who was carried away with the
new liberated wave of the period.
58
Sexuality was not only an appealing and intriguing subject for popular
publications or a part of the daily conversation. It also fascinated the
academic world. The academics were preoccupied with the discussions on
the sexual practices of individuals. Researchers used empiric methods
(facts) with statistics, charts, and mass data to learn the sexual practices of
individuals.128 Adcock and Bevir stated that as a part of the “behavioral
revolution” of the 1950s and 1960s, social sciences tried to learn from
individuals and have a great interest in public opinion.129 One of the key and
symbolic attempts of the era came from an American scientist, Alfred
Kinsey. The well-known Kinsey reports, “Sexual Behavior in the Human
Male” in 1948 and “Sexual Behavior in the Human Female” in 1953,
became a popular reference point for understanding sexuality. The reports
presented the results of interviews with thousands of American men and
women. The reports contained “information on the age of first intercourse,
number of partners, history of premarital and extramarital sex, the incidence
of homosexuality and lesbianism, and virtually every other imaginable
sexual statistic.”130 Kinsey's research opened the door to discussing the
sexual practices of individuals. The researchers turned the interviews (which
covered the sexual practices and experiences of the individuals) into
statistical data (numbers and percentages). With scientific language
(terminology), the research articulated the discussions on such a private and
shameful subject. Kinsey stated that the goal of researching human sexual
behavior is to understand the realities of sex.131 Kinsey’s efforts to produce
knowledge about sexuality and distribute this knowledge did not only make
sexuality visible among the American public. According to Shannon, “the
128 Christopher Shannon, “Sex, Science, and History,” Journal of Policy History 12, 2 (2000),
270.
129 Robert Adcock and Mark Bevir, “Political Science,” in The History of the Social Sciences
since 1945, ed. Roger E. Backhouse and Phillippe Fontaine (New York: Cambridge
University Press, 2010), 76-79. Adcock and Bevir analyze the new approach in political
science. However, similar approach could be seen in the social sciences and scientific
research about sexuality.
130 Miriam G. Reuman, American Sexual Character: Sex, Gender, and National Identity in the
Kinsey Reports (Berkeley, London, LosAngeles: University of California Press, 2005), 1.
131 Alfred Kinsey et al., Sexual Behavior in the Human Male (Philadelphia: W.B. Saunders,
1948).
59
Kinsey Report sold more than two hundred thousand copies in the first two
months following its release.”132 As proof of its repercussions in the press,
Shannon cited the New York Times, which praised and promoted the 1948-
dated book for its contribution to “tolerance and understanding.”133 Kinsey’s
report provoked a vast number of discussions, countless reviews, symposia,
digests, and articles full of various degrees of approval, concern, and shock
in the academic area and also in popular culture.134 Kinsey’s reports were
also heard and referred to in Turkey. Even the advertisements for Kinsey’s
research have found a place in the pages of daily newspapers, in Milliyet
and Cumhuriyet.135
Besides the research and marriage manuals, medicine has also become
another area of scientific sexual knowledge. Indigenous and translated
medical texts were published as informative resources, such as Wilhelm
Weibel’s Kadın Hastalıkları (Lehrbuch der Frauenheilkunde) translated by
Ziya Üstün, and Münir Hakkı Berkmen’s Jinekoloji (Gynecology).136
Medical knowledge was primarily used to produce, distribute, promote, and
teach "legitimized" and "informative" sexual knowledge. The era’s doctors
wrote or translated articles on the scientific137 and popular sides138 of
sexuality (and sexuality-related subjects) from scientific and popular
magazines. The themes about sexuality were enriched by the involvement of
various experts from different disciplines. Sexuality started to be discussed
regarding its effects on legislative mechanisms such as “illegitimate
children” or “adultery,” medical concerns such as sexually transmitted
diseases or healthy sexual practices, aesthetic discussions such as which
132 Shannon, Sex, Science, and History, 270.
133 Shannon, Sex, Science, and History, 270.
134 Clifford Kirkpatrick, Sheldon Stryker and Philip Buell, “An Experimental Study Of
Attitudes Towards Male Sex Behavior With Reference To Kinsey Findings,” American
Sociological Review 17, 5 (1952), 580.
135 “Kadınların Cinsi Hayatı: Kinsey Raporu,” Cumhuriyet, 17.01.1955.
136 Wilhelm Weibel’s Kadın Hastalıkları (1946), trans. lated by Ziya Üstün, and Münir Hakkı
Berkmen’s Jinekoloji (1945) quoted from: Işıklar Koçak, “Problematizing Translated
Popular Texts on Women’s Sexuality,” 97.
137 Such as: Bowen Partington, “Erkek Menisi ve Tohum Hücreleri,” Seksoloji, 12 (1950), 34-
39.
138 Such as: Mary B. Grossmann, “Niçin Fuhşa Sapıyorlar,” Seksoloji, 15 (1950), 48-51.
60
woman is more beautiful or social problems such as unwed couples. In
parallel to the diversified content, the discussions about sexuality reached a
wider public with easy presentation and dissemination through popular
publishing. One of the magazines satirized the frequent and broad visibility
of sexuality. In the introductory article named Seksoloji Dersleri (Sexology
Lessons), the Gazette Magazin (Gazette Magazine) stated that the readers
have read many articles on various subjects about sexuality in magazines,
books, and even in newspapers. The magazine gave examples of the detailed
nature about sexuality discussion in the published materials with a cynic
tone. The magazine insinuated that the subjects covered under sexology
were supposed to be private and confidential. However, those subjects were
made open to the eyes of the public, which was not very welcome by the
magazine's columnist. The columnist added, "Thanks to publicly speaking,
from children to the elderly, we have learned everything that we did not
know, including wedding night... orgasm, virginity.”139
Surrounded by such information flow, the loss of control over the
exposure of sexuality caused great unease among the decision-makers of the
day. Sexuality left the "private and personal" realm and became a part of the
public discourse.140 Hannah Stone stated that "there are many people in the
contemporary world who are defending the elimination of the restrictions
and prohibitions on sexuality. Those people claim that the sexuality of
adults is a private (hususi) subject; therefore, religion and society should not
139 “Seksoloji Dersleri,” Gazete Magazin, 17.04.1957, 1. “Son yıllarda çeşitli seksoloji
konularına temas eden çeşitli dergiler, kitaplar hatta gazeteler okuduk. Fakat son günlerde
bütün gazetelerin sözleşmişler gibi sütun sütun ele aldıkları tatbikatlı seksoloji konularına
şimdiye kadar rastlamamıştır.....Zülküf Seher’e kaç kere yanaşmış, kaç kere orgazm olmuş,
kocalık vazifesini yapmış mı yapmamış mı...Sonra bekaret zarı üzerinde derin incelemeler,
raporlar, teoriler, mütehassısların çeşitli fikirleri, görüşleri... Elestikisinden tutun da
dokunur dokunmaz ayrılıverilene kadar boy boy açıklamalar, incelemeler, bilgi
vermeler...Ne ise bu vesile ile çoluk çocuk, yediden yetmişe, bilgimizi arttırdık, zifafın da,
zifaf odasının da, orgazmdan, zardan, perdeden de bilmediğimiz ne varsa çok şükür
öğrendik.”
140 Seyla Benhabib, “Models of Public Space: Hannah Arendt, the Liberal Tradition, and
Jürgen Habermas,” in Habermas and the Public Sphere, ed. Craig Calhoun (Cambridge,
Massachusetts, London: MIT Press, 1996), 92.
61
intervene in the choices of adults."141 Stone continued her article with a
counterargument. She argued that although sexual relationships involve two
people, a sexual relationship can cause social implications such as
pregnancy or sexually transmitted diseases (STDs). Consequently, sexual
relations are regulated to some degree in every society.142 The experiences,
concerns, and problems that were regarded as disgraceful, shameful,
pornographic, or deprived started to be discussed publicly. The
transformation of the private and personal (mahrem and hususi) realm
caused sexuality to be talked about, to be torn up, to be researched, to be
uncovered, to be told, to be shared, and to be represented in the public
realm.143 The obscurity of the private realm was fragmented, which enabled
the public to discuss the sexuality of women who used to be—so-called—
secrets. Sexuality had been constructed as a secret by administrative,
religious and even scientific texts that ignored the existence of sexuality to
protect moral codes of society.144 However, as Safa stated, concealing
sexuality caused a deepening of the charm of sexuality, which was supposed
to be only a "natural affair."145 In a translated article by Seksoloji, Keller
141 Hannah Stone, “Evleninceye Kadar Cinsi Perhiz Yapmalı mı?” Seksoloji, 12, (1950), 28.
“…. Zamanımızda cinsi yasaklar ve tahditlerin kaldırılması leyhinde bulunanların sayısı az
değildir. Bunlar, yetişkin kimselerin cinsi alakalarının tamamen hususi bir mesele olduğu,
dinin ve cemiyetin buna karışmaması gerektiği fikrindedirler….”
142 Hannah Stone, “Evleninceye Kadar Cinsi Perhiz Yapmalı mı?” Seksoloji, 12, (1950), 28.
“Fakat cinsi rabıtaların tamamen şahsi bir mesele olmadığını kabul etmek lazımdır. Zira bir
cinsi münasebette iki kişi mevcuttur ve yalnız birinin değil, öbürünün de hakları ve
imtiyazları bahis mevzudur; o şahıs için de tenasüli bir hastalığa yakalanmak veya böyle bir
hastalığı başkasına geçirmek, hamile kalmak ihtimalleri vardır. Yani cinsi münasebet bir
kişi ile başlayıp, bir kişi ile bitmez, dolayısıyla içtimai tesirler ve neticeler doğurur. İşte
hemen her cemiyette, cinsi faaliyetin şu veya bu dereceye kadar cemiyetin kontrolü altına
alınmasının sebepleri bunlardır.”
143 Cenk Özbay, Ayşecan Terzioğlu, Yeşim Yasin, “Türkiye’de Neoliberalleşme ve
Mahremiyetin Dönüşümü,” in Neoliberalizm ve Mahremiyet, ed. Cenk Özbay, Ayşecan
Terzioğlu, Yeşim Yasin (İstanbul: Metis Yayınları, 2011), 10. For the dichotomic relation
between public and private (mahrem) Meltem Ahıska, Radyonun Sihirli Kapısı (İstanbul:
Metis Yayınları, 2005), 283.
144 Anthony Giddens, Mahremiyetin Dönüşümü, second edition (İstanbul: Ayrıntı Yayınları,
2010), 23.
145 “Anketimiz - Peyami Safa,” Seksoloji, 9 (1949), 5.
62
argued that people wanted to veil sexuality with a tulle curtain worldwide.
He stated that although people are aware of sexuality’s role in marriage and
having children, people ignore sexuality and mention only “love.” However,
Keller continued that it is necessary to recognize the power of sexuality. He
added that understanding and preparing [for sexuality] means conquering
sexuality.146 Keller pointed out several subjects in his article. First of all, he
underlined the need to talk openly about sexuality. Second, he mentioned
educating (preparing) individuals for sexuality to have happier lives. Last
but not least, he made the connection between reproduction and sexuality
visible.
On the one hand, the era's experts stressed the importance of sexual
knowledge for individual happiness. On the other hand, they tried to sustain
the population's well-being (Life). Marriage and family were narrated as the
nucleus of society. Hence, sexuality-educated individuals would not only
serve their own happiness. Institutions like marriage and family would
survive with happy individuals' assistance. Sexuality would be discussed for
continuity of marital relations and, therefore, healthy reproductive practices.
In other words, sexuality would be discussed openly for the sake of the
"big" population.147 When the elements of private such as sexuality,
womanhood, and the female body, were discussed in the public space(s),148
it was not portrayed as revealing the secrets and privies of the private.
Instead, it was presented as an act "to strengthen and to heal" the individual
and social well-being.
The visibility of sexuality had given public figures, including the
journalists, researchers, academics, and decision-makers – both bureaucrats
146 David Keller, “Cinsiyetin Kudreti,” Seksoloji, 12 (1950), 33. “Bütün dünyada, cinsiyet bir
tülle örtülmek istenir. Gençler birbirini sever, evlenir ve çoluk çocuğa kavuşurlar. Gerçi
herkes bu rabıtalarda cinsiyetin rol oynadığını bilir, ama bilmemezlikten gelip, sadece
<aşk> kelimesinden bahsederler,… Fakat, mühüm olan nokta, cinsiyetin kudretini
bilmemezlikten gelmemektir. Onu hassasiyetle karşılamalı ve hayatta muvaffak olmak ve
saadet bulabilmek için ona hakim olmalıdır. Hazırlıklı olmak ve anlamak, fethetmektir.”
147 Michel Foucault, “The Confession of the Flesh,” in Michel Foucault: Power/Knowledge,
ed. Colin Gordon (Hemel Hempstead: Harvester, 1980), 215-216.
148 Nancy Fraser, “Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually
Existing Democracy,” in Habermas and the Public Sphere, ed. Craig Calhoun (Cambridge,
Massachusetts, London: MIT Press, 1996), 109-142.
63
and politicians – the opportunity to ask, learn, and, eventually produce
knowledge about sexuality. The process allowed them to intervene in the
private domain in order to seek knowledge about sexuality. In these
attempts, the elements of private (woman, female body, and sexuality) were
fragmented into parts to understand them better and to require detailed
knowledge about sexuality and sexual practices. Within a public narrative,
they have constructed sexuality with new findings and truths.149
One of the fundamental statements about sexuality focused on the
naturalness of its becoming.150 The argument about “the naturalness of
sexuality” provided two justifications for publicly discussing the subject.
One of the justifications was related to the characteristics imputed to nature
and naturalness. Nature (and naturalness) were considered to be timeless
and universal. Since human beings were seen as a part of nature, the rules of
nature were applied to human beings. Sexuality, as a part of nature and
natural, was considered normal to be experienced by human beings. Writers
repeatedly stated that experiencing sexuality is a natural and normal act
since sexuality is a part of (human) nature. Moreover they stated that “it is
not unnatural (gayritabii) to have sexual desires.”151 One of the
characteristics of nature was narrated as pureness and un-touchedness.
However, with a dichotomic narrative, the other side of nature was
portrayed as wild and unpredictable.152 Hence, nature should be restrained
and controlled for the good of human beings. Like in nature, sexuality
required control to avoid unpredictable happenings and possible dangers.
Therefore, sexuality should be controlled and kept within the limits of the
rational mind.153
149 Foucault, The History of Sexuality, Vol. 1, 86.
150 For the construction of sexuality as a “natural” existence, see: Foucault, The History of
Sexuality, Vol. 1, 57.
151 For describing sexuality as natural (and unnatural concept), see: İşte Evlendiniz, Mükemmel
İzdivacın Şartları by Seksoloji Publications
152 For the construction of “nature” as a discourse, see: Donna Harraway, Primate Visions
Gender, Race and Nature in the World of Modern Science (New York, London: Routledge,
1989). Val Plumwood, Feminizm ve Doğaya Hükmetmek, trans. Başak Ertür (İstanbul:
Metis Yayınları, 2004).
153 Dr. Bülent Davran, “Bir Cinsiyet Buhranı İçinde miyiz?” Seksoloji, 19 (1950), 1. “O halde
bizde, … cinsiyet sevkitabiisinin frenlenmesi ön planda yer almaktadır.”
64
The association between rationality and scientific knowledge enabled
the experts to develop elaborative discussions on sexuality.154 Particularly,
medicine dominated the discourse on sexuality in Turkey and in the rest of
the world. Hera Cook suggested that the medicalization of sexuality was an
element of control over sexuality. Cook claimed that the hegemonic forces,
like the state and patriarchy, were extending to sexuality and individual
bodies through medical knowledge.155 The medicalized discourse on
sexuality provided protection against the moral concerns of talking about
sexuality in public. Nevertheless, it also turned the subject into a more
technical and expert topic.156 In short, during the 1950s, public figures tried
to produce strong justifications for publicly discussing and distributing
sexuality related subjects.
However, at the same time, they tried to determine the limits of talking
about sexuality in terms of its content, visibility, medians, and subjects.
Particularly, male elites of the Republican, denetleyici kuşak (monitoring
generation), as Cantek called it,157 were stating boldly that "excess
sexuality" could cause cultural and social deterioration.158 The monitoring
generation, principally, gave attention to the dangers of the increasing
154 Stacy Leigh Pigg and Vincanne Adams, “Introduction: The Moral Object of Sex”, in Sex in
Development: Science, Sexuality, and Morality in Global Perspective, ed. Vincanne Adams
and Stacy Leigh Pigg (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2005), 22-25.
155 Hera Cook, “Sex and the Doctors: the Medicalization of Sexuality as a Two-way Process
in Early to Mid-Twentieth-century Britain,” in Cultural Approaches to the History of
Medicine, ed. Willem de Blécourt, Cornelie Usborne (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004),
192.
156 For Will to truth (about science and scientification) and constructing legitimacy through
science and scientific knowledge, see: Michel Foucault, “Söylemin Düzeni,” in Ders
Özetleri, trans. by Selahattin Hilav, fifth edition (İstanbul: Yapı Kredi Yayınları, 2001),
15.
157 According to Levent Cantek, the monitoring generation is consisted of peopled who were
born at the end of the nineteenth century and at the beginning of the twentieth century.
Cantek claims that the legitimacy of the monitoring generation is based on their active
involvement in the foundation process of the Republic. Cantek listed names such as Peyami
Safa, Mithat Cemal Kuntay, Refik Halid Karay, Vedat Nedim Tör, Yusuf Ziya Ortaç and
Selim Sırrı Tarcan as a part of monitoring generation. Cantek, Cumhuriyetin Büluğ Çağı,
25-33.
158 Cantek, Cumhuriyetin Büluğ Çağı, 89-115.
65
visibility of sexuality and the uncontrollable sexuality of women and
men.159 The male figures of the monitoring generation tried to warn the
public against the possible deteriorating effects of inappropriate sexuality,
which were associated with "excessive sexuality." The
monitoring generation could be considered as the symbol of male anxiety
about the more visible and might-be-more-liberated (female) sexuality.
Apart from them, articles about the unrest of increasing visibility started to
emerge in the magazines and newspapers. In Gazette Magazin, the editor
column stated that in society, people think that the increase in rape and
murder cases was due to the increase in graphic publishing. The magazine
mentioned that the lawyers are building their defense cases based on
this reasoning.160 The discussions on sexuality swayed from "being a
natural, necessary, and normal subject to get information about" to "being a
dangerous subject that can cause moral and social deterioration" in a circular
motion. The decision-makers and intellectuals of the era became concerned
about the limits of sexuality, such as how sexuality is described, what kind
of sexuality is accepted, and what kind of information will be distributed.
As a part of managing efforts, they tried to define the content and limits of
appropriate sexuality.161 Şekip Tunç stated in his Seksoloji article that an
important field of knowledge such as sexuality can not be left unattended.162
"Sexual manners," which was borrowed from the sexology discipline, turned
into a helpful instrument to define the limits of appropriate sexuality and
sexual practices. "Sexual manners" has become a regulative discourse on
not only sexuality. However, it gained particular power over the acts of
159 Cantek, Cumhuriyetin Büluğ Çağı, 92.
160 “Seksüalite Dersleri,” Gazette Magazin, 1, 17.04.1957, 1. “...Toplumda, tecavüz ve cinayet
suçlarındaki artışın ‘açık-saçık neşriyattan’ kaynaklandığı kanaati yaygındır artık. Hatta
mahkemelerde avukatların bu yönde savunma yaptığı görülmektedir.”
161 For the discussion of “managing sexuality,” see: Melissa Tyler, “Managing between the
Sheets: Lifestyle Magazines and the Management ofSexuality in Everyday Life,”
Sexualities 7, 1 (2004), 81-106. Gail Hawkes, A Sociology of Sex and Sexuality (Milton
Keynes: Open University Press, 1996).
162 Ord. Prof. Mustafa Şekip Tunç, “Cinsi Terbiye Kimler Tarafından Verilmelidir?” Seksoloji,
15 (1950), 1. “Görülüyor ki neresinden bakılsa, başı boş bırakılmış çok mühim bir bilgi
sahasının bu halde devam etmesinde uzvi ve ruhi türlü fenalık ve hastalıklara meydan
vermekten başka bir hayır beklenemiyeceği gün gibi aşikardır.”
66
citizens through diagnosing and classifying practices as well as
individuals.163
Sexual manners became popular in the published media, such as
monthly journals and magazines, marriage manuals, and newspapers, in the
late 1940s and the beginning of the 1950s. However, the history of sexology
started in the former decades of the Turkish state.
In the second half of the nineteenth century, sexuality, particularly
female sexuality, needed intervention of the civilizing and scientific hand.
The consensus on the validity and importance of scientific knowledge was
strengthened by the search for becoming “rational human beings.” The
anatomic and physical subjects regarding human beings were transferred
from the religion and juridical realm to the scientific knowledge of
psychiatry and medicine.164 In the nineteenth century, human nature turned
into a subject of analysis for scientific knowledge. As an inseparable part of
human practice, sexuality became a focal point for the scientists.165 The
scientists, as some were defined as sexologists, tried to shape the meanings
that were attributed to sex and intimacy.166 Their perspective and discourse
on sex and sexual manners started to take place in the discussions of the
public sphere.167 Scholar argued that increasing production in the sexuality-
163 Foucault, “Söylemin Düzeni,” 11. “…söylemin kendisi bir erktir.”
164 Jackson argues that the church’s influence has decreased in parallel to the increasing
influence of rationalization during the nineteenth century. Stevi Jackson and Sue Scott,
Theorizing Sexuality (Berkshire, England: Open University Press, 2010), 50-74. Debra A.
Moddelmog, “Modernism and Sexology,” Literature Compass 11, 4 (2014), 269.
Particularly with the advances in medicine, the discussions on sexual matters became more
popular and were legitimized in the name of “scientific” knowledge.
165 Veronika Fuechtner, Douglas E. Haynes, and Ryan M. Jones, “Introduction: Toward a
Global History of Sexual Science: Movements, Networks, and Deployments,” in A Global
History of Sexual Science, 1880–1960, edited Veronika Fuechtner, Douglas E. Haynes, and
Ryan M. Jones (Oakland, California: University of California Press, 2018), 2.
166 Jackson and Scott, Theorizing Sexuality, 51-59. The sexologists did not only give generic
descriptions and discussions on sexuality. They have also tried to define and determine the
features of (female) sexuality. For the discussions of “new” female sexuality, see: Jeffrey
Weeks, Making Sexual History (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2000), vii.
167 Beatrix Campbell, “A Feminist Sexual Politics: Now you see it, now you don’t.” Feminist
Review, 5 (1980) 1-18.
67
related texts presented the need for further discussions about sexual
matters.168
Related to these attempts, a growing body of scholarship was engaged
with sexuality.169 Sexology has emerged as a discipline that was a
combination of psychiatric, scientific, and medical inquiries in the midnineteenth
century in Europe.170 As a science, sexology “served not simply
as a vehicle for disseminating sexological ideas but more often as a crucial
site of revision and resistance to its categories and conclusions”171 at the
beginning of the twentieth century. Besides, the science of sexology formed
the limits, the acceptable, and the outsiders of/for sexuality.172
Although different discourses on sexuality-related subjects were
become prominent in different national contexts, the scientists working on
sexology have built a common style of thinking and approach with the
formation of national and international networks (for example through
international conferences).173 Following their claim that sexology should be
“scientific”, advocates of sexology communicated directly through their
social and Professional Networks and through publications those have
168 Porter and Hall, The Facts of Life, 177.
169 For the historiography of the sexology, see: Kirsten Leng and Katie Sutton, “Histories of
sexology today: Reimagining the boundaries of Scientia Sexualis,” History of the Human
Sciences, 2021 34, 1 (2021), 3–9.
170 Moddelmog, “Modernism and Sexology,” 269. Heike Bauer, English Literary Sexology:
Translations of Inversion, 1860-1930 (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), 3-4. Fuechter,
Haynes and Jones defined sexuality as a global subject starting with the end of the 19th
century. Fuechtner, Haynes, and Jones, Introduction: Toward a Global History of Sexual
Science: Movements, Networks, and Deployments, 2. The same period, also, witnessed the
emergence of sociology and anthropology as scientific disciplines along with psychiatry.
These disciplines tried to find effective solutions in understanding the “social” which was
conceptualized as a domain and as a “thing” to manage. For a detailed discussion, see:
Horn, Social Bodies: Science, Reproduction, and Italian Modernity.
171 Moddelmog, “Modernism and Sexology,” 268.
172 Joseph Bristow, Sexuality (London and New York: Routledge, 1997), 6. “Sexology was the
science that sought to know the name and nature of diverse desires and sexual types and the
comprehensive vocabulary it created retains its influence to this day.”
173 Moddelmog, “Modernism and Sexology,” 269.
68
references to each other’s works.174 As a discipline, sexology has managed
to create its own vocabulary and terminology (the concept of “perverse”
such as homosexual, masochist, fetishist, transvestite, and sadist) which
gained regular acceptance in the following years.175 Consecutively,
sexology as a discipline attempted to catalogue and label sexual acts as
normal-abnormal and health-sick.176 Hence, medicine played an significant
role in “diagnosing” some sexual behaviors as expressions of diseases.177 In
another word, these attempts became the primary steps of medicalization of
sexuality.178 Moreover, it discussed the limits of appropriate sexuality.
Particularly for women, the sexologists have discussed and re-written the
content of female sexuality, which emphasized the naturalness of their
pleasure.179 As one of the leading figures in the field, Havelock Ellis stated
at early date, in 1897, that they wanted “to ascertain what is normal and
what is abnormal, from the point of view of physiology and psychology.”
174 Fuechtner, Haynes, and Jones, Introduction: Toward a Global History of Sexual Science:
Movements, Networks, and Deployments, 3. As Porter mentioned in its extensive study on
sexuality in Britain, at the beginning of the 1950s, the narrative on sexuality with its
content, limits and corrective mechanisms has reached a relative unification among the
circles of the scientific world. Porter and Hall, The Facts of Life.
175 Bristow, Sexuality, 6. “Sexology was the science that sought to know the name and nature
of diverse desires and sexual types and the comprehensive vocabulary it created retains its
influence to this day”
176 Julia A. Ericksen (with Sally A. Stefen), Kiss and Tell: Surveying Sex in the Twentieth
Century (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1999), 4. The sexologists
have claimed that their discourse was based on scientific methods.
177 Graham Hart and Kaye Wellings, “Sexual behavior and its medicalization: in sickness and
in health,” in BMJ Clinical Research 324, 7342 (2002), 896-900.
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1122837/#B6 (26.11.2021)
178 Lesley A. Hall, “Heroesorvillains? Reconsidering British fin de siècle sexology,” in New
Sexual Agendas, ed. Lynne Segal (London: MacMillan, 1997). Hall states although the
number of the doctors who were writing on sexuality was rather limited at the second of the
nineteenth century, medicalization as a social process started to influence definition and
practices of sexual acts starting with its terminology.
179 Jackson and Scott, Theorizing Sexuality, 57-59.
69
They wanted “to know what is naturally lawful under the various sexual
chances” through “the investigation of the [actual] facts.”180
Beginning with the 20th century, the discussions and knowledge
(discourse) on sexuality was spread among the middle class due to the
increasing number of publications (and literacy) and due to its well-built
collaboration with multiple scientific disciplines such as medicine,
psychology and law.181 Particularly during the 1920s and interwar years, the
knowledge on sexuality has gained vital importance since it became the tool
to raise awareness in fighting against the venereal diseases.182 Although the
literature on sexology has increased, enriched, disseminated and discussed
in the public sphere with the beginning of the 20th century, it is difficult to
argue that it became the sole and/or dominant discourse on sexuality.183 The
discourse on sexuality (including the appropriateness, the limits and the
unacceptable) and sexual education was a combination and struggle of
various discourses184 which included the nationalist discourse, legal
prohibitions, social hygiene movements, racial science and eugenics
movement.185
180 Havelock Ellis, General Preface to Studies in the Psychology of Sex, vol. 1, third edition
(Project Gutenberg e-Book, 1927) (23.07.2013) quated from Moddelmog, “Modernism and
Sexology,” 269.
181 Moddelmog, “Modernism and Sexology,” 267–278. Porter and Hall, The Facts of Life.
182 Ivan Dalley Crozier, “Introduction: Havelock Ellis, John Addington Symonds and the
Construction of Sexual Inversion,” Havelock Ellis and John Addington Symonds. Sexual
Inversion: A Critical Edition, ed. Ivan Crozier (Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire:
Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), 1–86. Crozier argues that sexology as a discipline emerged as a
result of “the general increase in medical interest in sexual issues that had been largely
framed with regard to four issues: prostitution and venereal disease; spermatorrhoea and
masturbation; the detection of sexual crimes such as rape and sodomy by forensic
authorities; birth control and the separation of sexuality from reproduction.”
183 Lisa Duggan, Sapphic Slashers: Sex, Violence, and American Modernity (Duke: Duke
University Press, 2000), 177-178. Janice M. Irvine, Disorders of Desire: Sexuality and
Gender in Modern American Sexology (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2005)
184 Chris Waters, “Sexology,” in Palgrave Advances in the Modern History of Sexuality, ed.
Harry G. Cocks and Matt Houlbrook (Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave
Macmillan, 2006), 55.
185 Christina Simmons, Making Marriage Modern: Women’s Sexuality from the Progressive
Era to World War II (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), 35. She argues that the sex
70
On the one hand, sexology as a scientific discipline produced knowledge
on sexual matters. On the other hand, the scientific figures of the discipline
tried to inform the decision-makers for changing the laws. As well as, they
disseminated this new knowledge through several channels for the public's
well-being. Sexology was the combination of discourses that aimed to reach
a normative understanding of sex and sexuality. Therefore, the figures of
sexology (not only the scientists but also opinion readers and the decisionmakers)
tried to activate regulative mechanisms by using penal, medical,
and pedagogical tools to push the perception of sexuality of the subjects
towards the identified norms.
Sexual manners emerged with the beginning of the 20th century in
Turkish, whether as translated or indigenous texts.186 Sexology “was not
recognized as a legitimate branch of science until the interwar years”187
globally and in Turkey. However, with the campaigns against venereal
diseases in Turkey, a vocabulary regarding sexuality and sexual manners
was established during the 1930s.188 According to Koçak’s research, there
were five translated texts on sexual manners and female sexuality between
the 1920s and 1940s. In comparison, there were 29 indigenous texts in the
same period.189 One of the symbolic and important sources on sexuality
education provided by the American social hygiene movement was more conservative
contrary to the more liberal attitudes of sexologists such as Freud, Ellis, and Krafft-Ebing.
For the empire and nationalism arguments, see: Deborah Cohler, Citizen, Invert, Queer:
Lesbianism and War in Early Twentieth-Century Britain (Minneapolis: University of
Minnesota Press, 2010), xvii-xviii. For a general discussion see: Lesley A. Hall, Sex,
Gender and Social Change in Britain Since 1880 (Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire,
London: Macmillan, 2000).
186 Porter and Hall, The Facts of Life.
187 Lucy Bland and Laura Doan, “General Introduction,” in Sexology Uncensored: The
Documents of Sexual Science, ed. Lucy Bland and Laura Doan(Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1998), 1–7.
188 Hulusi Behçet Bey, “Zührevi Hastalıklar Hakkında Halka Mahsus Sıhhi Terbiye,” in Sıhhi
Sahifalar, 1 (1930), 26. Ali Eşref Bey, “İçtimai Dertlerimizden Biri,” in Sıhhat Almanağı,
ed. Mazhar Osman (İstanbul: Kader Basımevi, 1933), 232.
189 Işıklar Koçak, “Problematizing Translated Popular Texts on Women’s Sexuality.” The
research through the library catalogs for this study displayed that there were more
translated books from prominent and famous figures of sexology in the period than Koçak
has mentioned.
71
before the 1940s was Marie Stope’s “Married Love.” “Married Love” was
published first time in 1918 in London. It went through six editions and sold
more than seventeen thousand copies in the first year alone. By 1955,
“Married Love” was going through its twenty-eight editions.190 In Turkey,
publishing of “Married Love” was seen first time in 1926.191 In 1940, 1942,
1944, and even 1960, İkbal Kitabevi re-published the “Married Love”
(İzdivaçta Aşk). Following Stopes’, books of the prominent figures in
sexology were translated into Turkish with an increasing number in the
1940s.192
The indigenous texts started to emerge during the 1930s. As mentioned
in the previous part, with the efforts of Daniş Remzi Korok, who was
equipped with the information on sexology discipline, female sexuality has
received particular attention on the subjects including sexuality of young
women,193 sexuality of married women,194 birth control for women,195 and
190 Alexander C. T. Geppert, “Divine Sex, Happy Marriage, Regenerated Nation: Marie
Stopes’s Marital Manual Married Love and the Making of a Best-seller, 1918-1955,”
Journal of the History of Sexuality 8, 31 (1998), 396-397.
191 Based on my research, for the earliest version of the publication, see Atatürk Library,
https://katalog.ibb.gov.tr/yordambt/yordam.php?aTumu=marie%20stopes (15.11.2021). For
the 1928 version, the publishing house is unknown.
192 Işıklar Koçak, “Problematizing Translated Popular Texts on Women’s Sexuality.”
193 Remzi Korok Daniş, Genç kızlara gizli tavsiyeler (Istanbul: Bozkurt Basımevi, 1935).
Remzi Korok Daniş, Genç kızlarla gizli konuşmalar (Istanbul: Sebat Basımevi, 1936).
Remzi Korok Daniş,Genç Evli Kadınlarla Gizli Konuşmalar, second edition (Istanbul:
Bozkurt Basımevi, 1937). Remzi Korok Daniş, Genç kızlarda fena adetler (Istanbul:
Nümune Basımevi, 1937). Remzi Korok Daniş, Kızlar onaltı yaşına kadar (Istanbul:
Bozkurt Basımevi, 1937). Remzi Korok Daniş, Kızlar onsekiz yaşına kadar (Istanbul:
Bozkurt Basımevi, 1937). Remzi Korok Daniş, Genç kızlarda sevişme ve muaşaka arzusu
(Istanbul: Bozkurt Basımevi, 1937). Remzi Korok Daniş, Genç kızlara gore izdivaç ve zifaf
(Istanbul: Bozkurt Basımevi, 1937).
194 Remzi Korok Daniş, Erkek ve Kadında Cinsi İktidarsızlık (Istanbul: Bozkurt Basımevi,
1936). Remzi Korok Daniş, Evli kadınlarla gizli konuşmalar (Istanbul: Sebat Basımevi,
1936). Remzi Korok Daniş, Evli Kadınlara Göre Memnu Meyva (Istanbul: Bozkurt
Basımevi, 1937). Remzi Korok Daniş, Evli Kadınlarda Son Gençlik ve İhtiras (Istanbul:
Bozkurt Basımevi, 1937). Remzi Korok Daniş, Genç Kadınlar 45 Yaşına Kadar (Istanbul:
Bozkurt Basımevi, 1937). Remzi Korok Daniş, Kadın nasıl erkek ister (Istanbul: Özeniş
Basımevi, 1937).
72
sexuality of widow.196 The public appearance of sexuality-related discourse
(and sexual manners) increased in the late 1940s. Besides the increased
number of published material (such as advice and marriage manuals), the
subject started to appear in more popular publications such as newspapers
and magazines. In parallel, the coverage area of sexology widened and
covered various topics, including female sexuality. Female sexuality turned
into a discussable subject besides the reproductive concerns of the
individuals.
2.2. Tools for Sexuality
The publishing was used as a tool to distribute knowledge on sexual
manners. Besides the content, the medium of the “message” played a central
role in reaching the public.197 The medium had a crucial impact on the
content and the language of the message. While “raising public awareness”
on sexual manners became the central goal, the medium needed to be
diversified and have a widespread reach. In the late 1940s and early 1950s,
new genres emerged that attracted a broader range of readers: adventure
stories, comics, magazines with romances, fashion tips, and household
advice for women.198 The genre and the editions (circulation) of the
195 Remzi Korok Daniş, Hamile kalmak için gizli konuşmalar. Hamile kalmamak için gizli
konuşmalar (Istanbul: Bozkurt Basımevi, 1936).
196 Remzi Korok Daniş, Çocuklu ve Çocuksuz Dullar (Istanbul: Bozkurt Basımevi, 1937).
Remzi Korok Daniş, Dul Kadın ve Erkeklerle Gizli Konuşmalar (Istanbul: Bozkurt,
Basımevi, 1937). Remzi Korok Daniş, Dul Kadınlara Rağbet ve Sebepleri (Istanbul:
Bozkurt Basımevi, 1937). Remzi Korok Daniş, Dullarda Aşk ve İhtiras (Istanbul: Bozkurt
Basımevi, 1937). Remzi Korok Daniş, Dullarda İhtiyarlık ve Izdırap (Istanbul: Bozkurt
Basımevi, 1937). Remzi Korok Daniş, Dullarda İzdivaç ve Neticeleri (Istanbul: Bozkurt
Basımevi, 1937). Remzi Korok Daniş, Dullarda Serbest Hayat ve Sefalet (Istanbul: Bozkurt
Basımevi, 1937). Remzi Korok Daniş, Dulluk ve Zararları (Istanbul: Bozkurt Basımevi,
1937).
197 Alison Bashford and Carolyn Strange, “Public Pedagogy: Sex Education and Mass
Communication in the Mid–Twentieth Century,” Journal of the History of Sexuality 13, 1
(2004), 71.
198 Bashford and Strange, “Public Pedagogy: Sex Education and Mass Communication in the
Mid–Twentieth Century,” 77.
73
publishing increased in variety, in general, and particularly on sexuality
such as newspapers, (women) magazines/journals, (marriage) manuals and
popular literature. The manuals or popular literature editions were increased
from a single edition to fifth, even sixth editions. Also, the newspapers’
circulations reached 200.000 at the beginning of the 1950s.199 Beginning
with the 1950s, the publishing on sexual manners intended to reach the
“public” with an “easy-going” discourse and with an “interesting” page
layout and content.200 Newspapers, journals, manuals, and popular literature
texts started to use colored pictures and photographs in their pages and
front-back covers to grab the attention of their readers and to enrich their
messages with visual materials. Even the pricing of the popular publishing
were adjusted for the purchasing power of the public.201 The newspapers
such as Hürriyet and Milliyet were sold around ten kuruş in 1950, where the
price of the 500 grams bread was 20 kuruş.202 The Seksoloji journal was
monthly published and sold for 50 kuruş, whereas Resimli Hayat was sold
for 100 kuruş in 1953.203 The manuals and popular literature had slightly
higher prices compared to journals. Where the manuals published in the
1950s, such as “Mükemmel İzdivacın Şartları” (Conditions for Perfect
Marriage) and “İşte Evlendiniz” (Now you are married), were sold for
around 50 kuruş; their prices such as “Kudretinizi Koruyunuz” (Protect your
199 Bulut, “Hürriyet Gazetesi: 1948-1953 Döneminin Yayın Politikası,” 87 – 88. Hürriyet, as a
high-sold newspaper, reached over 200.000 in 31 December 1950.
200 Bulut, “Hürriyet Gazetesi: 1948-1953 Döneminin Yayın Politikası,”
201 Bashford and Strange, “Public Pedagogy: Sex Education and Mass Communication in the
Mid–Twentieth Century,” 74. “During the first half of the twentieth century, magazines
played a leading role in the transmission of sexual knowledge, for they were much more
accessible to working-class people than were expensive texts.”
202 “Çukurova’da büyük bir ucuzluk göze çarpıyor,” Milliyet, 18.06.1950. In May 1950, one
gram of gold was 430 kuruş. “Altın fiyatlarındaki düşüklük durdu,” Milliyet, 30.05.1950.
203 Around the same period, late 1940s and early 1950s, the prices of women magazines in
Australia followed the similar routine. As Bashford and Strange stated an issue of a popular
women magazine, Women, costed about the same as a loaf of bread (four pence) in order to
be reached not only the comfortably well-off but the literate poor, for whom books were
unaffordable luxuries. Bashford and Strange, “Public Pedagogy: Sex Education and Mass
Communication in the Mid–Twentieth Century,” 79.
74
potency) and “200 sual 200 cevap” (200 questions 200 answers) published
by Seksoloji Publishing doubled to 1 lira in 1951 and 1952.
Among the publishing, newspapers and magazines/journals were the
regular mediums that had a crucial place in the formation of the public
opinion through their widespread circulation and low prices.204 Researchers
assessed newspapers as a part of public pedagogy which functioned outside
of educational, military, or religious institutions yet, which became the tools
of “mass” communication.205 What the newspapers preferred to discuss had
an enormous impact on the public discourse since the newspapers had the
power as a shared, non-questioned, or accepted opinion producers.206 The
popularization of sexual expertise was promoted by mass communication
tools – particularly newspapers.207 In the late 1940s, newspapers started to
create columns on social problems those put everyday discussions into their
agenda. At the end of the 1940s and the beginning of the 1950s, two new –
and popular – newspapers have joined the publishing life of Turkey:
Hürriyet, 1948, and Milliyet, 1950. They gave place to different experts on
their pages to discuss social issues. As a case for analysis, Milliyet has
204 Another tool for “public education” on sexual manners became broadcasting in some
countries like Australia. Though radio broadcasts – the information and the discussions –
were considerably more controversial and were ultimately restricted - less explicit
information about sex and reproduction on radio -, in some countries, radio was used as a
source for distributing information. Bashford and Strange, “Public Pedagogy: Sex
Education and Mass Communication in the Mid–Twentieth Century,” 74-75. In Turkey, the
programs of the radio in Istanbul and in Ankara could be followed in Milliyet journal. In
the radio program, series on medical knowledge took place every day. Some of the daily
covering had the heading of the speech which took 15 minutes at most. (Istanbul radio:
14:20 – 14:30, Prof. Ziya Cemal, “Diş Sağlığı Mevzuunda Konuşmalar,” Milliyet,
03.05.1950; Ankara radio: 21:45 – 22:00, Sağlık Saati “Büyük Salgınlar,” Milliyet,
18.05.1950.) Through the annouced headings, none of them were related to sexual manners
or sexuality. Focusing on the medical news, speeches or informative parts which were
given place in the broadcast needed to be another study’s research subject.
205 Bashford and Strange, “Public Pedagogy: Sex Education and Mass Communication in the
Mid–Twentieth Century,” 73.
206 Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of
Nationalism, 50-51.
207 Bashford and Strange, “Public Pedagogy: Sex Education and Mass Communication in the
Mid–Twentieth Century,” 71.
75
published regular columns on social problems that aimed to discuss
sexuality-related subjects under an economic, social, or medical concerns.
One of the columns had the heading Daily Medical Discussions (Günün
Tıbbi Bahisleri) covering subjects on various medical subjects such as
dangers of some medicament,208 mental diseases,209 infertility210 or high
infant mortality.211 This column was prepared mainly by medical experts. In
the first part of the 1950s, the column was named Health Discussions and
prepared anonymously. In 1957 and 1958, the column took its final form
and was prepared by a physician, Recep Doksat. The medicine-related
columns - for this case, sexuality-related texts – were displayed as the
“served” information those were based on the expertise and scientific
knowledge.212 The language of medicine (science) was simplified for public
outreach and transformed scientific writing into a “popular language for
household use.”213 The language of the texts prospered with “friendly”
discourses that carried the ambiance such as “being in a conversation.”214
Another column was named Article (Fıkra) on different social problems. In
the Article column, the problems of everyday life were consideration with
pro or counter-arguments. Mirror of Lesson (İbret Aynası), another column
written by Pençe (a nickname), covered various subjects related to everyday
practices. The columns presented various subjects, including sexuality,
adding the writers' perspective. On the other hand, the newspaper also
contained news on everyday life, including judiciary news, cases on
problematic relations between couples or in the family, and news from the
world that transferred cultural and social practices in different countries.
The last part, in the newspapers, those containing sexuality, couple
relations, and acceptable limits of sexuality, was the literary texts published
208 Recep Doksat, “Penisilinin Tehlikeleri,” Milliyet, 11.02.1958.
209 Recep Doksat, “Akıl Hastaları ve Cemiyet,” Milliyet, 30.09.1958.
210 Recep Doksat, “Kısırlık,” Milliyet, 19.09. 1957.
211 “Sağlık Bahisleri: Bizde çocuk ölümleri niçin yüksektir?” Milliyet, 11.04.1951.
212 The role of the experts in producing and distributing medical knowledge will be discussed
in the following sections of this chapter.
213 Geppert, “Divine Sex, Happy Marriage, Regenerated Nation,” 408.
214 Although medical terms were used in the columns, they were explained with the commonly
used vocabulary.
76
as serials. Sexuality and related subjects became a part of the daily discourse
in the newspaper pages as a combination of columns, daily news, and
serials.
Another area for the discussions on sexuality was popular magazines
and journals – primarily women’s and health magazines. Popular journals,
in the late 1940s and the 1950s, experienced a new decade with the
development in the printing technology, which widened the scope of the
target reader, the layout of the magazines – enriched with photographs and
illustrations – and the content of the magazines – contained translations
from foreign languages, in particular, English. Among the popular journals,
women’s and popular health magazines included sexual manners and
sexuality-related discussions in their pages. Women’s magazines formed an
important part of the toolbox, transmitting sexual manners among the
population, particularly women. Based on the Davaz Mardin’s study, there
were 17 women’s magazines between the years 1940 and 1950, 22 women’s
magazines between the years 1950 – 1960, and 16 women’s magazines
between the years 1960 – 1970.215 There was a steady increase in the
number of women’s magazines published until 1960. The women
magazines were named with the headings Ev-Kadın (Home-Woman), Ev-İş
(Home-Work), Elişi (Handwork), Aile (Family), Kadın Dünyası (Woman’s
World) those associated woman with “being wife and mother” and
positioned woman in the marriage and family. The journals covered
generally the subjects about domestic work. Although historians did not
expect to find information on sexuality in domestic and romantic
writings,216 subjects related to marriage, the health of the couples and even
sexual education of children were taken place in the pages of the women’s
magazines.217
As an exemplary journal, Aile was published between 1947 and 1952 as
a quarterly magazine by Yapı ve Kredi Bankası (Construction and Credit
Bank). Aile contained literary texts written by the era’s well-known poets,
215 Aslı Davaz Mardin ed., Kadın Süreli Yayınları: Hanımlar Aleminden Roza’ya (1929-1996)
(Istanbul: K.E.K.B.M.V & T.E.T.T.V., 1998).
216 Bashford and Strange, “Public Pedagogy: Sex Education and Mass Communication in the
Mid–Twentieth Century,” 74.
217 For an example see, “Seksoloji Bahisleri: Çiftleşme Mevsimi,” Aydabir, June 1955.
77
such as Orhan Veli, and authors such as Refik Halid Karay, and non-literary
informative texts included subjects such as how to have a happy marriage,
how to educate children or how to be an ideal wife.218 Aile included both
indigenous and translated texts those were implicitly mentioning the
subjects related to sexuality.219 As a successor of Aile, Resimli Hayat took a
significant place in the 1950s as the predecessor of Hayat that was
published by the Yapı ve Kredi Bankası. Some of these journals were
formed with many photographs and illustrated materials presenting a new
lifestyle and the new women. Resimli Hayat (Illustrated Life) journal,
between the years 1952 – 1955, one of the most popular magazines during
the era, proposed the ideal woman as a wife and as a public figure to the
public of the Turkish Republic. In framing “the ideal woman,” the journal
also offered the roles, proper behaviors, and attitudes of the “new women.”
While the journal used the lives of celebrities as its primary news, the
journal shaped the limits of femininity by adding comments about the
celebrities. The photographs and illustrations of new woman gave the
followers of the journal a sense of what the “wanted” and “sexual” shape of
female body. Hayat, the follower of the Resimli Hayat, published 170.000
copies at its first issue.220 Hayat offered its readers a combination of news
about significant political and economic developments in Turkey, the
international community, fashion and home decoration pages, pictures of
“beautiful” women, information on the most recent movies and movie stars
– celebrity gossip –, health news and travel memoirs.221 Particularly the
visual materials used in Hayat offered a “new woman” appearance that had
an impact on the popular culture of the era. Another example of popular
journals was covering health information, so-called popular health
magazine, Sağlığımız. The journal started to be published in the late 1950s,
which brought the articles on various subjects related to health and medicine
together. The importance of the journal lies in its popularizing language of
218 “Bayanlar Dul Kalmak İstemezseniz,” Aile, 14 (1950), 79.
219 In some translated articles, there were notes that the article was translated from the
magazines such as Reader’s Digest, Pageant, Companion, Women.
220 Okur, “Conspicuous Consumption in Turkey,” 11.
221 Okur, “Conspicuous Consumption in Turkey,” 12.
78
medicine that addressed women, and especially, mothers.222 Also, the
journal had a “questions – answers” section and a “reader’s letters” section
that gave an idea about the popular discussions in public.
Above all these journals, Seksoloji, first among its own kind, took a
crucial place with its symbolic appearance both for the period and for sexual
manners.223 Seksoloji was started to be published in April 1949 and
presented itself as a “sexual knowledge” journal. The journal was
established by a 24 years old young entrepreneur, Nihat Karaveli.224
Muzaffer Aşkın, an experienced writer of the era, became the chief editor of
the journal. As his brother emphasized, Nihat Karaveli was supported by the
well-known writers and doctors of the period such as Fahrettin Kerim
Gökay, Mazhar Osman Uzman, Mustafa Şekip Tunç, Gıyas Korkut, Kâzım
Arısan, Kemal Çağlar, Faruk Akbeğ, Erdoğan Meto ve Necdet Ecder,
Peyami Safa, Nihad Sami Banarlı, Samih Nafiz Tansu, Ferit Hakkı Saymen,
and Kayıhan Uraz. The journal was supported by visual materials which
were drawn by Orhan Karaveli (younger brother of Nihat Karaveli) and
Faruk Geç.
The distinctive character of the journal lies in its explicit reference to
sexual manners and sexuality (even with its name). Seksoloji journal
contained news from the world, mainly from the USA, related to sexuality,
researches on sexuality such as Kinsey’s researches, “questions-answer”
sections, anatomic-informative articles, and opinion pieces (sensational
articles). Almost all the articles were translated from foreign journals or
parts of foreign sexology books in the initial issues. The number of
indigenous articles has increased during the process. The journal was
published monthly at 50 kuruş price. The issues of the journal were around
60 to 65 pages. Seksoloji was prepared as volumes to be collected per six
222 “Modern Çocuk Bakımı,” Sağlığımız 1, 9 (1960), 21. “Çocuklara Cisiyet Terbiyesi Nasıl
Verilmeli,” Sağlığımız 1, 12 (1960), 14. Recep Doksat, “Kadının Bir Aylık Süre İçinde
Kısır Devresi,” Sağlığımız 2, 14 (1960).
223 Muzaffer Aşkın wrote an editorial piece and mentioned “copying publishing” those
“noticed the opportunity of profit.” He was complaining about these copy journals to the
readers. Although he was not mentioning the exact name, I suspect that he was referring to
Hadise Publishing.
224 Orhan Karaveli, Bir Ankara Ailesinin Hikayesi (İstanbul: Doğan Kitap, 2011), 210.
79
months (like an encyclopedia). The magazine was considered a reference
source from the beginning of its publishing.225 Moreover, Seksoloji
published illustrations (such as sexual organs) or photographs (such as nude
paintings of Renoir) to reach the public with written and visual texts.226
Fahrettin Kerim Gökay was pointed out as the “name-father” of the
journal.227 When Seksoloji was first published, Gökay was teaching
psychiatry at the Istanbul University. He started to work as the Meyer and
Governor of Istanbul in October 1949.228 Although the name of the journal
was presented as Gökay’s invention, another journal with the name of
Sexology has been published in the USA since 1933.229 The journals did not
only share the same name. However, both journals had the same cover page
layout and same design. Moreover, they shared the same editorial
perspective. Both journals aimed to become an educational source of
information about sex. Similar to Seksoloji, Sexology included a range of
articles on topics relating to sexuality and question-answer columns.230 Last
but not least, shared writer names such as Scott Pugh, Bowen Partington,
Marc Lanval, and D.O Cauldwell appeared in both journals.231 Without
going further with the speculations, it is fair to say that Seksoloji was
inspired by its American version, Sexology.
225 At the end of every sixth month cycle, an index of every issue was added as an appendix at
the end of every six months. There were announcements about the opportunities for
purchasing previous volumes.
226 “Oysa bizler, bilimsel ”organ” çizimlerini ve Renoir gibi ünlü ressamların “nü”lerini bile
korka korka basabiliyorduk! Gene de kadromuzda davaya inanmış Fahrettin Kerim
Gökay’lar, Peyami Safa’lar olmasaydı İstanbul’un “zehir hafiye” savcıları bizleri herhalde
hapislerde çürütürdü” Karaveli, Bir Ankara Ailesinin Hikayesi, 211.
227 Buraya seksoloji ilk sayı koy. Karaveli, Bir Ankara Ailesinin Hikayesi, 212.
228 Fahreddin Kerim Gökay worked as the meyer and governor of Istanbul between 1949 and
1957. In the November 1949 issue at the first page, Seksoloji congratulated Gökay because
of his new appointment.
229 Jonathan A. Allan, “Circumcision Debates in Sexology Magazine (1934–1975),” Journal of
Men’s Studies 29, 3 (2021), 354.
230 Allan, “Circumcision Debates in Sexology Magazine (1934–1975),” 355.
231 In April 1949, as a coincidence, both Pugh and Lanval wrote in Seksoloji and Sexology.
We see the same names in both magazines throughout the Seksoloji and Sexology journals.
80
With its bold approach, it would be naïve to assume that the journal did
not encounter any strong critics or judicial problems. Regarding the critics,
the editorial team wrote corresponding pieces now and then to differentiate
themselves from pornography. Orhan Karaveli brought an interesting
clarification in his memoir regarding the judicial attempts. According to
Karaveli, the Istanbul prosecutor, Hicabi Dinç, called Peyami Safa since he
wrote in Seksoloji. Dinç complained to Safa about the journal due to the
involvement of “immoral” pictures.232 In another time, the same prosecutor
called Fahrettin Kerim Gökay, who was the Meyer and governor of Istanbul.
Dinç informed Gökay about the new legal proceeding about the journal due
to “Müstehcen neşriyat” (obscene publications). Moreover, he attempted to
report the journal to the governor since they used his name in the journal.
Gökay shocked the prosecutor by accepting his contribution to the journal.
Gökay added that he was getting copyright payment from the journal.
Gökay informed the prosecutor that he was the “name father” of the journal,
and would call the editorial team to account if he would see any “obscene”
thing in the journal. At the end of his speech, Gökay threatened the
prosecutor by rising against him with his friends if he would continue to
investigate.233 The journal ended its monthly magazine format in its 60th
numbered March 1954 issue with a leading article written by Fahrettin
Kerim Gökay. Gökay promised to contribute to the Turkish society with 3-
232 “Bir keresinde Peyami Safa üstat, dergideki “açık” çizimler nedeniyle kendisini arayarak: –
Bu ne rezalet, Sayın Safa? Sizin de yazdığınız Seksoloji de “ayıp” resimler yayınlanıyor.
Olur mu böyle şey? Diye serzenişte bulunan İstanbul Savcısı Hicabi Dinç’le: – O “ayıp”(!)
dediğiniz şeylerden herkeste var Sayın Savcı! Bunlardan rahatsız oluyorsanız, once
sokaktaki kedilerle köpeklere don giydirin, diye düpedüz dalga geçmişti.” Karaveli, Bir
Ankara Ailesinin Hikayesi, 211.
233 “Aynı savcı bu kez de İstanbul Vali ve Belediye Başkanı Profesör Gökay’ı bularak: –
Efendim, belki haberiniz olmamıştır. “Müstehcen neşriyat”(!) nedeniyle kovuşturma
başlattığımız Seksoloji dergisinde sizin adınızı kullanıyorlar, demiş, 1950’lerin, “mini mini
valimiz; ne olacak halimiz?..” tekerlemesiyle ünlü Gökay da: – Hayır, benim adımı
“kullanmıyorlar”. Özel olarak yazdığım yazıları basıyorlar. Karşılığında telif ücretimi de
(50 lira) alıyorum! Bu dergide “müstehcen” bir şey görsem, “isim babası” olarak sizden
önce ben hesap sorarım kendilerinden. Gene de takibat yoluna giderseniz, unutmayın ki
onlardan önce beni ve arkadaşlarımı bulursunuz karşınızda, cevabını vermişti.” Karaveli,
Bir Ankara Ailesinin Hikayesi, 212.
81
monthly almanacs and informative sex manuals.234 Gökay stated that they
are ending to “search for the opportunities to be beneficial more efficiently”
and “reach to a wider public.”235 Orhan Karaveli told another story in his
memoir. According to Orhan Karaveli, they ended their amateur initiative in
1955 with the hope that more professional circles – such as universities –
would continue.236 Looking at their introduction article of the 49th issue, the
owners and editors of the magazine changed their decisions about the
continuation of the magazine in a 12-months period. Although the official
announcement and the Karaveli’s memoir told different stories, the
magazine may have face economic difficulities as can be seen from the
decreasing number of pages in issues.
Some researchers classified Seksoloji as a man’s magazine.237 At first
glance, the journal may look like targeting male readers as the primary
purchasers due to its name, and the cultural and social atmosphere of the
era.238 However, magazine’s editors announced that Seksoloji would
become a family magazine in its 49th issue.239 Moreover, the articles in the
magazine also aimed at female readers.240 There were female names among
the contestants and winners of a competition which was organized by the
234 Fahrettin Kerim Gökay, “Beşinci Yılımızı Bitirirken,” Seksoloji, 12, 60, (1954), 1-2.
235 “'daha geniş kütlelere hitap etmek … ve …daha tesirli şekilde faydalı olmak imkânlarını
araştırmak” Fahrettin Kerim Gökay, “Beşinci Yılımızı Bitirirken,” Seksoloji, 12, 60,
(1954), 1-2.
236 “Bizim, biraz amatörce başlattığımız girişimi, artık daha profesyonel çevrelerin, örneğin
üniversitelerin sürdürüp geliştirmesi umuduyla yayınımıza, 1955’te noktayı koyduk.”
Karaveli, Bir Ankara Ailesinin Hikayesi, 211.
237 Fatma Berrin Okur states that Seksoloji (Sexology) is a men’s magazine like Cennet
(Paradise), which is another magazine of the era. Okur, Okur, “Conspicuous Consumption
in Turkey,” 12.
238 Bashford and Strange display the contra version in their article. In Australia, in the case of
women’s magazines “Although women’s magazines were pitched to female readers
(particularly as consumers), readership surveys regularly disclosed that men and children
also read them, even if they did not purchase them.” Bashford and Strange, “Public
Pedagogy: Sex Education and Mass Communication in the Mid–Twentieth Century,” 78.
239 “Beşinci Yıla Girerken,” Seksoloji, 49, 5 (1953), 1.
240 Such as: D.G. Cooley, “Evli Kadın Neler Bilmelidir?” Seksoloji, 9 (1949), 50. C.H. Davis,
“Doğum hakkında 40 sual,” Seksoloji, 8 (1949), 41. “Evli Kadının Cinsiyet Meselesi,”
Seksoloji, 8 (1949), 10. “Kısır Kadın Gebe Kalabilir mi?” Seksoloji, 7 (1949), 37.
82
magazine.241 Besides, there were also female purchasers of the Seksoloji
magazine, such as Naciye Yalçiner, the one I have purchased for my
research
Besides the monthly journal, Sexuality publishing contributed to the
popular discussion with its manuals on marriage and sexuality. Seksoloji
prepared a series that was composed of eleven manuals and published by the
Tan Company.242 The manuals were short texts around 50 to 100 pages with
affordable prices – such as 50 kuruş. Based on the number and frequency of
the editions, it could be said that the manuals became visible in a short time.
İşte Evlendiniz, as an exemplary case, was published as the fifth edition in
January 1953, which was then followed by the fourth edition in January
1952, the third edition in April 1951, the second edition in December 1950,
and the first edition in September 1950.243
Starting with the 1950s, other publishing companies have also prepared
books on sex and sexual manners.244 Seksoloji published a piece on
241 The names mentioned in the page was: Hatice Benli, Ankara and Leyla Günek, Üsküdar
İstanbul. “Müsabakamızın Neticesi,” Seksoloji, 11 (1950), 35.
242 Dr. Le Mon Clark, İşte Evlendiniz, third edition, trans. Muzaffer Aşkın (İstanbul: Seksoloji
Yayınları, 1951). Dr. Max Joseph Exner, Mükemmel İzdivacın Şartları, trans. Muzaffer
Aşkın (Istanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları, 1950). Dr. Rudolf von Urban, Aşk Sanatı, trans.
Muzaffer Aşkın (Istanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları, 1951). Jean Hoppeler, Evlenmeden önce,
trans. Muzaffer Aşkın (Istanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları, 1951). Prof. Dr. Heinrich Kisch,
Kadın ve Evlilik Hayatı Cilt 1, trans. Şevket Dilmaç and Ayet Altuğ (Istanbul: Seksoloji
Yayınları, 1951). Prof. Dr. Heinrich Kisch, Kadın ve Evlilik Hayatı Cilt 2, trans. Şevket
Dilmaç and Ayet Altuğ (Istanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları, 1951).
243 Dr. Le Mon Clark, İşte Evlendiniz, third edition (İstanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları, 1951), front
page.
244 R.Y. ed., Genç kızlara tavsiyeler (Seksoloji konuları 1) (Istanbul: Beküs, 1953). H. B.
edited, Evli kadınlara tavsiyeler (Seksoloji bahisleri 3) (Istanbul: Beküs, 1955). Alfred C.
Kinsey, Kadınların cinsi hayatı hakkında Kinsey raporu (Seksoloji Yayınları Yeni Seri, 1),
trans.N.P. (Istanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları, 1955). Hannah and Abraham Stone, Evlilik
Rehberi (Seksoloji Yayınları, Yeni Seri, 2), trans. N.P. (Istanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları, 1955).
Heinrich Kirsch, Evlilikte Cinsiyet (Yeni Seksoloji Kitapları, 2) (Istanbul: Yeni Seksoloji,
1961). Rudolph von Urban, Cinsiyette Aşk, trans.N.P. (Istanbul: Seksoloji, 1961). Theodor
Hendrik van de Velde, Cinsi Münasebetler (Yeni Seksoloji Yayınları, 3), trans.N.P.
(Istanbul: Yeni Seksoloji, 1961). Max Joseph Exner, Mükemmel İzdivacın Başlangıcı,
trans.N.P. (Istanbul: Yeni Seksoloji, 1962). Hannah and Abraham Stone, 200 sual 200
83
themselves on the last page of the fourth issue of Seksoloji that was
published in Son Posta written by Nusret Safa Çoşkun. He praised Seksoloji
and stated that Seksoloji became popular and went for a second print. He
shared that although he had pleasure in Seksoloji’s success, he had been
afraid of copying publications. He added that he learned two similar
publications were in preparation process as he expected. He ended his
article by belittling the imitators.245 At the end of the decade, sexual
manners as a topic was still popular in the publishings. For example, Hadise
publishing company launched the “Sexology and Youth Life Series”
(Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı) in 1959, which again comprised twelve
texts.246 The manuals were recommended and advertised in two forms in the
popular magazines and the newspapers: firstly in advertisements and
secondly in articles promoting the books. In Milliyet, the advertisements of
various manuals have took taken place daily on the second page of the
newspaper.247 In Cumhuriyet, Seksoloji’s advertisement came along every
month with the titles of the articles which were published in that particular
month, such as twelveth issue’s advertisement at March 04, 1950, eleventh
issue at February 02 and 20, 1950 or May 1951 issue.248 Similar to Milliyet,
the advertisements of Seksoloji - magazine were also taken their place in the
second and third pages of Cumhuriyet. The advertisements in both
cevap (Seksoloji Yayınları), trans.N.P. (Istanbul: İtimat, 1963). Rudolph von Urban,
Evlilikte Cinsi İstek (Seksoloji Yayınları), trans.N.P. (Istanbul: İtimat, 1963)
245 Nusret Safa Çoşkun, “İmtiyazla beraber ihtira beratı almalı,” Seksoloji, 4 (1949), back
cover.
246 Işıklar Koçak, “Problematizing Translated Popular Texts on Women’s Sexuality,” 74, 89.
“Most of the indigenous and translated text on sexuality were published by private
publishing houses.” Such as “Sexology and Youth” series: Genç Kızlığın En Esrarlı Tarafı:
Bakirelik, Genç Kızların Cinsi Bilgisizlikleri, Kızlık Merdivenleri, Genç Kızlarda Cinsi
Rüyalar, Genç Kızlarda Sevilmek Arzusu, Her Genç Kızın Gözüyle Erkek by Hadise
Yayınevi Neşriyatı.
247 Advertisement of “200 sual – 200 cevap” in 23.09.1955, 09.11.1958, 10.11.1958,
11.11.1958 on the second page of Milliyet.
248 “Seksoloji’nin 12nci Mart Sayısı Çıktı,” Cumhuriyet, 04.03.1950. “Seksoloji cinsi bilgiler
mecmuasının 11inci Şubat sayısı çıktı.,” Cumhuriyet , 05.02.1950. “Seksoloji 11inci
ŞUBAT sayısında çok faydalı 20 makale vardır. 68 sahife 50 Krş. Seksoloji için ne
diyorlar,” Cumhuriyet, 20.02.1950. “Seksoloji, Mayıs sayısındaki bazı yazılar,”
Cumhuriyet, 13.05.1951.
84
newspapers gave clues about the content of the books and magazine by
carrying the titles of the book chapters, such as “Is masturbation harmful?,”
“Sexual perversions,”249 and “Extreme sexual desires among men.”250
. The advertisements in the daily newspapers turned into journals and
manuals, first, visible. Second, manuals and journals turned to a commodity
that was “marketed and consumed in public print culture.”251 Karaveli stated
that Seksoloji was a very profitable product for his brother.252
2.3. Why sexual manners?
The visibility of sexual manners in the public sphere could be followed
by the increased number of publications, the variety of the content, the
changing aims regarding informing the public, and its extended outreach.
The amount of the sexual manners-related material increased in different
formats. Sexual manners has been released as article pieces in journals and
newspapers, separate journals such as Seksoloji, and or separate books such
as marriage manuals, starting with the end of the 1940s and throughout the
1950s. In addition, the circulation and print numbers of sexual manners have
been increased throughout the 1950s. The publishers announced the number
of prints on the front pages of the manuals (such as “ikinci baskı” - second
print). They gave advertisements that emphasized the number of prints to
display the popularity of the published material. Under the topic of the
sexual manners, the writers not only discussed biological, medical,
physiological, and psychological issues. They also attended to the social
aspects of sexuality, such as marriage, the roles of wives and husbands
regarding and related to sexuality, and potential dangers and threats due to
sexuality. Sexual manners as a topic was not only limited to the side-line
literature, which stayed under the radar. To a certain extent, sexual manners
found a place in the popular newspapers and magazines that turned
249 “Seksoloji’nin 12nci Mart Sayısı Çıktı,” Cumhuriyet, 04.03.1950.
250 “Seksoloji cinsi bilgiler mecmuasının 11inci Şubat sayısı çıktı.” Cumhuriyet, 05.02.1950.
251 Geppert, “Divine Sex, Happy Marriage, Regenerated Nation,” 392. Bashford and Strange,
“Public Pedagogy: Sex Education and Mass Communication in the Mid–Twentieth
Century,” 73.
252 Karaveli, Bir Ankara Ailesinin Hikayesi, 212.
85
sexuality-related topics a part of the public discussion. Last but not least, the
goals of discussing sexual manners evolved from “serving the good of the
public” to “ensuring happiness for individual well-being.”
Even though sexual manners (and sexuality-related subjects) frequently
appeared in the publications, the editors and the writers continued insistently
to explain the importance, the need, and the contribution of sexual manners
to the well-being of individuals and society throughout the late 1940s to the
early 1960s. They also tried to construct their self-legitimacy while opening
up a private subject to public discussion. This part of the study focuses on
the narrative of the public figures that connected the “importance of sexual
manners” with social and individual well-being, on which they built their
legitimacy as writers of “sexual manners.” Throughout “sexual manners”
literature, writers have touched on various subjects and produced a
significant amount of literature on sexuality. This part discusses the
connections between social and individual well-being and sexuality (and
related subjects) that point to particular areas, starting from marriage to
criminality. In the last part, the critics against the visibility of “sexual
manners” are analyzed with their corresponding answers.
Seksoloji journal, with its dominance in popular sexuality literature, took
the center place along with the other published materials of the era in this
section. Seksoloji had symbolic importance since the writers and editors of
the journal became the main figures of the literature on sexual manners. The
title of the popular and reaction-raised journal of the era, Seksoloji,
explained its existence and purpose in its presentation article in the
magazine's first issue. The editors (Muzaffer Aşkın and Orhan Karaveli)
explained their initiative, which was publishing a journal focusing on sexual
manners, with their willingness to contribute to the well-being of the whole
population and citizens. According to the editors, information on sexual
manners and sexual matters should be produced, distributed, and taught for
the betterment of the whole Turkish population. The consequences of the
lack of sexual manners were enumerated as physical and psychological
harm to the individuals, threats to the moral values of the society, concerns
about the health of the children and adolescents and well-being of the family
by the intellectuals. The lack of information on sexual matters and sexual
manners was not only narrated as a danger to society. However, it has been
86
stated that it could cause poor consequences in the marriage life.253 As it
was declared in the column, the lack of sexual manners should be taken
seriously in a community like Turkish society, where sexuality has been
hidden for centuries. The journal aimed to discuss all the sexual problems
with openness and without “fake shameful” feelings. The journal also
planned to answer all the physical, psychological, and legal questions in
order to overcome sexual ignorance.
The editors also added that sexual manners and sexual matters had
become the topics that were examined for the common interest in the
contemporary world. The link with the contemporary world was built with
reference to the Kinsey report, which was introduced as a vital contribution
to sexology research for the fight against ignorance in sexual matters. The
editors even mentioned that Kinsey used a variety of statistical information
for his research, to which they referred the scientific structure of the
research. The introductory column of Seksoloji contained symbolic clues
regarding the reasons for the increased visibility of sexual manners as a
topic in the 1950s in Turkey. Also, the column briefly introduced the
perception of sexuality and how the link between sexuality, citizenship, and
education was structured.
According to the Seksoloji journal, sexual manners were presented as a
critical subject to be addressed for the well-being of the entire population
(public) and individuals. Raising awareness among the public about
sexuality-related issues was not only linked to the population's health.
However, it was also presented as a source of happiness for the individuals.
On the one hand, sexual manners was discussed as a solution to particular
social problems. In the 1950s, public figures started to diagnose new “social
problems” related to sexuality for the population.254 Besides venereal
diseases, sexual harassment, perversion, and even divorce were diagnosed
as social problems which could be harmful to the physical and moral well-
253 “Çıkarken,” Seksoloji, 1 (1949), 1. “Zamanımızda cinsel meseleler ve cinsel terbiye bütün
dünyada üzerinde en fazla durulan ve incelenen davalar olmuştur. 1948 senesi zarfında
Amerika’da en çok alaka uyandıran kitap, Amerikan erkeğinin cinsi hayatını geniş
istatistiklere dayanarak inceleyen meşhur Kinsey raporudur. Bu eserde bilhassa belirtilmek
istenen cihet, cinsi cehaletin büyük tehlikeleri ve evlilik hayatındaki kötü neticeleridir.”
254 Horn, Social Bodies: Science, Reproduction, and Italian Modernity.
87
being of the population.255 The importance of the public’s well-being was
stressed in various articles of the Seksoloji magazine. The writers of sexual
manners were concerned with the well-being of the population (Life).256
Like in the introductory article, in the first and second year opening articles,
the need for raising awareness on sexual manners was discussed in the
framework of the public good. Besides the Seksoloji, the authors
emphasized the need for trustworthy information on sexual manners for the
physically and psychologically healthy population in the newspaper articles,
which had a wider reach.257
On the other hand, the writers of sexual manners did not overlook
individual well-being. As was pointed out in the introductory column, the
knowledge of sexual manners was also presented as the key to individual
happiness, including the psychological health and well-being of marital
relations. Sexual manners was narrated as a mainstream concept that
contributed to the well-being of society, the constructed institutions of
society (such as marriage and family), and individuals. Thompson classified
different tendencies based on the designated actors in discussing sexual
matters. According to Thompson, keeping sexual matters discussions
between public good and family carries both moralist and paternalist
tendencies.258 In her analysis, the paternalist approach discusses sexual
manners (and sexuality) within the framework of the relationship between
individual and public good, whereas the moralist approach discusses the
subject within the framework of the state and the family. Her classification
fits the discussions about sexual manners in the 1950s. Some sexual
manners writers emphasized the importance of sexual manners in the
individual happiness that is found in marriage. Some other writers also
directly linked the well-being of society to healthy marriages and the well-
255 Dr. Bülent Davran, “Bir Cinsiyet Buhranı İçinde Miyiz?” Seksoloji, 19 (1950), 1-6.
256 Foucault, The History of Sexuality, Vol 1.
257 “Çıkarken,” Seksoloji, 1 (1949), 1. Muzaffer Aşkın, “Anketimizin Bilançosu,” Seksoloji, 13
(1950), 4-8. Muzaffer Aşkın, “Anketimizin Bilançosu,” Seksoloji, 14 (1950), 4-8.
258 Rachel Thompson gave America in the 1950s as an exemplary case. Rachel Thomson,
“Moral Rhetoric and Public Health Pragmatism: The Recent Politics of Sex Education,”
Feminist Review, 48 (1994), 47.
88
being of families.259 The scientific and international characteristics of sexual
manners were emphasized by the introductory column of the Seksoloji
journal. On the one hand, sexual manners was presented as an
internationally emerging concern. On the other hand, the scientific
community's interest was underlined by referring to a famous researcher of
the era – Alfred Kinsey – and his scientific methods – statistics. The journal
underlined the relationship between scientific knowledge and sexual
manners.
Seksoloji argued that it has the competence to provide information
regarding sexual matters and sexual manners. The journal advertised itself
as "a competent guide in sexual manners"260 on the magazine's front page in
every issue and used it as a motto for every issue and its manuals.
Competence, authority, and scientificization were three dominant discourses
that were used to legitimize the content of Seksoloji and the general
discourse surrounding sexual manners in other published material. The
journal has put great effort into proving that they have more than enough
competence to provide information on sexuality. The editorial team also
used the scientific character of the journal to differentiate itself from any
other disreputable and obscene material.261 In addition, the journal's name
referred to the scientific discipline, which specialized in sexual matters and
sexual manners. The journal's name and presentation could be read as an
attempt to strengthen the legitimization of the publication, which was leaned
on scientific knowledge.
The journal and other resources published on sexual manners and sexual
matters have claimed that they are serving the "truth" about sex. Notably,
the empirical research, which collected data from the field, has gained a
reputation and respectability for obtaining the "truth" of the subject in the
era. In other words, they argued that the "right" information on sexual
259 Muzaffer Aşkın, “Anketimizin Bilançosu,” Seksoloji, 13 (1950), 4-8. Muzaffer Aşkın,
“Anketimizin Bilançosu,” Seksoloji, 14 (1950), 4-8.
260 “cinsi terbiyede salahiyetli bir rehber”
261 The need of the editors to differentiate themselves and their published materials from the
disreputable ones was seen in the introductory articles along with the warnings against this
kind of publishings frequently during the era. This will be discussed in the “Actors of
Sexual Manners” part.
89
manners could be obtained from research on sexual matters.262 The
reference to Kinsey in the introductory column of the Seksoloji journal was
not only to emphasize the journal's ability to follow recent and up-to-date
information. However, it was also meant to underline the source of the
knowledge used in the magazine, which happened to be the results of the
most recent empirical research.263 Articles on sexual manners and sexual
matters were not only published in the Seksoloji journal. Other published
materials have also addressed sexual behavior. In all these articles or
manuals, sexual manners was represented as a theme approached with
scientific content and methods. To prove the scientific character of the
content, the writers frequently referred to studies with known researchers. In
some cases, the writers contained a general reference to research without
elaborating by whom or where it was conducted.264
All in all, the writers on sexuality had a consensus that the subject
should be discussed with a scientific approach. Scientific knowledge turned
into a shield and a framework that enabled the writers to talk about sexual
matters with reference to a powerful authority. The authors of sexual
manners frequently claimed that they used the most accurate and up-to-date
information on sexual manners. On the one hand, the scientific shield has
enabled the writers to discuss sexuality without being constrained by
cultural boundaries defined by the concepts of shameful and taboo.265 On
the other hand, these writings aimed to display the “truths” of sexuality, to
“clean” this area from superstitions, and to make people understand how
sexuality functions.266 Experts on sexual manners invited people to behave
262 For a detailed discussion in the sexuality research, see: Ericksen, Kiss and Tell: Surveying
Sex in the Twentieth Century.
263 Veronika Fuechtner, Douglas E. Haynes, and Ryan M. Jones, “Introduction: Toward a
Global History of Sexual Science: Movements, Networks, and Deployments,” in A Global
History of Sexual Science, 1880–1960, ed. Veronika Fuechtner, Douglas E. Haynes, and
Ryan M. Jones (Oakland, California: University of California Press, 2018), 4-5.
264 For a detailed discussions, see “Actors of Sexual Manners” section.
265 Criticism from Recep Doksat about considering sexuality as a shameful subject, see: Recep
Doksat, “Günün Tıbbi Bahisleri: Cinsi Terbiye,” Milliyet, 28.01.1958.
266 Margaret Jackson, ““Facts of Life” or the Eroticization of Women’s Oppression? Sexology
and the Social Construction of Heterosexuality,” in The Cultural Construction of Sexuality,
ed. Pat Caplan (London: Tavistock, 1987), 55. Jackson discusses the development in
90
according to the rules, norms, and assumptions that were formed in parallel
to these "truths" for the well-being of individuals and the general public.
2.3.1. Educating citizens for sexual manners
In Milliyet, Recep Doksat criticized the public's ignorance regarding
sexual matters.267 Ferit Saymen stated that the public’s ignorance of
sexuality could create various social and personal problems.268 According to
Faruk Akbeğ, the country (memleket) was in the dark about sexual manners
due to ignorance.269 The writers underlined the need to teach the public
sexual manners while sexuality was becoming a more visible discussion.
“Educating the ignorant public" has become the key solution to social and
personal problems. There was a popular request in Turkey in the 1950s to
educate our children and young people about sexual manners.270 The
country’s young citizens were defined as the unfortunate individuals who
had been kept in the dark for centuries. Citizens should be educated about
sexual manners to contribute to the development and well-being of the
country. The public figures of the era have repeatedly pointed out young
people as the primary target group to be educated about sexual manners.271
Although young people were seen naturally as the first target group since
they were candidates for future marriages, an analogy between young
citizens and young people was also hidden in the narratives formed by the
public figures.
Education was seen as the primary tool to deal with the ignorant public
by the Republican elite. Since the establishment of the Republic, educating
producing knowledge on sexuality from prejudice to natural and normal knowledge. She
uses the texts of Havelock Ellis and Margaret Sanger, translated to Turkish during the
1950s numerous times and advertised by newspapers such as Milliyet and magazines such
as Seksoloji.
267 Recep Doksat, “Günün Tıbbi Bahisleri: Cinsi Terbiye,” Milliyet, 28.01.1958.
268 “Anketimiz – Ferit Saymen,” Seksoloji, 10 (1950), 7.
269 Faruk Akbeğ, “Seksoloji 4 yaşına girerken,” Seksoloji, 37 (1952), 1. “… bizde halledilmesi
gereken bir cinsiyet meselesi mevcut…”
270 Ord. Prof. Mustafa Şekip Tunç, “Cinsi Terbiye Kimler Tarafından Verilmelidir?” Seksoloji,
15 (1950), 1-4.
271 “Anketimiz - Fahrettin Kerim Gökay,” Seksoloji, 2 (1949), 6-7.
91
the ignorant public on different issues has been the main goal of the
decision-makers of the country.272 The opinion leaders of the era frequently
mentioned the inadequate education of the citizens since it was considered
the main reason for the country's backwardness. This goal had its roots in
creating “new citizens” of the new Republic. As a part of the education
campaigns, the Republican elite started compulsory public education for
children along with public awareness activities for adults which included
providing basic knowledge about hygiene, epidemics, and common rules for
public life (etiquette). Not only did the children become the focal point for
providing proper training. However, every citizen of the Republic was
considered a candidate to be trained according to the needs of a modern and
developed country.
Teaching manners covered a variety of subjects. As mentioned in the
introduction chapter, educating the public about "democracy manners"
(demokrasi terbiyesi) referred to the proper behaviors in a democratic
system. It extended to the etiquette rules (görgü kuralları) that should be
followed in the public sphere by the citizens of the Republic. Cumhuriyet
announced the “manners meetings of the Teacher’s Union” (Muallimler
Birliği’nin Etiket Toplantıları) on July 16, 1949 in the education council
(maarif şurası). According to Cumhuriyet, Halide Edip will give a speech
on “democracy and manners,” Mümtaz Turhan on “Fundamentals of
Democracy Manners,” Refia Şemin “On Manners,” and Tevfik Remzi
Kazancıgil on “Sexual Manners in School.”273 The monitoring generation
(denetleyici kuşak) aimed to educate the new subjects of the republic
according to the modern necessities of the new era. In another way, they
tried to guide the new citizens according to the needs of a developed
country. Moreover, they encouraged the young citizens of the country to
teach themselves all the new conduct, including the democracy
manners, etiquette rules, and sexual manners, and to regulate their
behaviors according to these new rules.274 The monitoring generation aimed
272 Üstel, “Makbul Vatandaş”ın Peşinde.
273 “Muallimler Birliğinin terbiye toplantıları,” Cumhuriyet, 16.07.1949
274 Dr. Bülent Davran, “Bir Cinsiyet Buhranı İçinde miyiz?” Seksoloji, 19 (1950), 4. “Cinsi
arzulara aklen hakimiyet, küçük yaştan başlayan bir terbiye ile ancak mümkündür.”
92
to embed a culture of manners in every part of life, which would accompany
the formation and development of the country. According to them, these
manners would protect the Turkish people from the excesses of any subject,
which could damage the harmony in society and deteriorate the Turkish
culture. One of the early and symbolic discussions regarding moral manners
(moral education) was the Moral Manners Congress (Ahlak Terbiyesi
Kongresi), which was organized by the National Union of the Turkey
Teacher Associations Union (Türkiye Öğretmen Dernekleri Milli Birliği) in
Ankara University, Language, History and Geography Faculty on April 23,
1951. The main objective of the congress was to establish moral manners
among the children and young people of society who will be future citizens.
Teachers in the congress emphasized the importance of teaching moral
manners that aimed to create modern, progressive, nationalist, and patriotic
citizens.275
Sexual manners as a subject gained the attention of
the monitoring generation. In one era article, sexuality was described as the
primary force affecting our lives since our creation depends on sexuality.
The writer suggested that such a power can erase everything, including
common sense, social and religous values if it is not appropriately
controlled.276 As mentioned in the previous section, the name father of
Seksoloji journal was Fahrettin Kerim Gökay, who was one of the
prominent figures of the monitoring generation. In the journal, there was a
separate column called Anketimiz. Anketimiz aimed to collect endorsements
about its content and its existence from public figures that could be counted
as a part of the monitoring generation. Through Anketimiz, Seksoloji shared
the approval of the monitoring generation with the public.277 Seksoloji’s
engagement with the monitoring generation could be considered as an effort
to prove its legitimacy. The journal tried to receive periodic contributions
275 Ahlak Terbiyesi Kongresi 23 Nisan 1951, Türkiye Öğretmen Dernekleri Milli Birliği
(TÖDMB) (Ankara: Milli Eğitim Basımevi, 1951) quoted from Tunay Kamer and Ramazan
Alabaş, “Ahlâk Terbiyesi Kongresi ve Basına Yansımaları,” Kastamonu Eğitim Dergisi 25,
2 (2017): 821-848.
276 David Keller, “Cinsiyetin Kudreti,” Seksoloji, 12 (1950), 32.
277 Ezgi Sarıtaş, “Seksoloji: 1945-1955 arası Türkiye'de Cinsel Terbiye,” Fe Dergi 4, 2 (2012),
60.
93
from the well-known figures of the monitoring generation such as Peyami
Safa. In the introduction article of the fourtieth issue, the managing editor of
the journal, Muzaffer Taşkın, thanked the public for their trust, the legal
authorities and members of the national education for their mature
understanding (olgun anlayış). He thanked the scientists (ilim adamlarımız)
by name including Fahrettin Kerim Gökay, Mustafa Şekip Tunç, Kazım
İsmail Gürkan, Ferit Hakkı Saymen, Rasim Adasal, Şinasi Hakkı Erel,
Necmettin Rifat Yarar, Bülent Davran, Peyami Safa and Selim Sırrı Tarcan
for their trust and support by listing them name by name.278
During the 1930s, sexuality was only considered as a part of the
"creating a healthy generation" discourse along with the warnings against
STDs. Campaigns and public warnings against STDs (such as syphilis and
gonorrhea)279 have been only a part of the "healthy reproduction" and
"healthy population" projects. Although the efforts to prevent STDs have
continued during the 1950s, the discourse about sexuality has expanded its
concerns beyond having a "healthy generation" (reproduction). Knowledge
on sexual manners was distributed in the 1950s to inform and educate
citizens about their sexuality. The monitoring generation, as the leading
educators of the country, has taken part in this process by making sexuality
visible in the public discourse and also legitimizing the topic in the eyes of
the citizens. They tried to popularize knowledge on sexual manners, which,
in return, would help the citizens develop proper sexual acts. In other words,
they promoted sexual etiquette among the general public to guide
individuals on how to act sexually.280
Sexual manners and sexual matters were not excluded from the
modernizing attempts of the monitoring generation. The fight against
ignorance was assessed as a “civilizing” and “modernization process” of
278 Muzaffer Aşkın, “Cinsiyet Hakkında Sıhhatli ve Doğru Bir Anlayışa Sahib Olmalıyız,”
Seksoloji, 40 (1952), 1-2.
279 Arpacı, “Hastalık, Ulus ve Felaket: Türkiye’de Frengi ile Mücadele (1920-1950),” 59-86.
280 Gwendolyn Audrey Foster, Troping the Body: Gender, Etiquette, and Performance
(Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 2000), vii. Foster
discusses in etiquette rules in general. Yet, in this context, there are important similarities in
sexual manners manuals and etiquette books.
94
sexuality.281 In his first article in Seksoloji, Kemal Çağlar declared that he
joined this enthusiastic scientific community to raise the country to the level
of the most perfect countries.282 According to the public figures of the era,
ignorance could only be dealt with by educating the citizens of the public.
Discussing sexuality-related issues in public as a part of educating the
citizens makes the subject plain and understandable. However, as Peyami
Safa mentioned, that due to embarrassment among the public, sexuality
stayed as a “forbidden area” for a long time. He added, “Although the topic
is the source of the human being’s biological life and is talked about in
private circles and conversations. However, even, intellectuals have limited
ideas and knowledge about the subject.”283 According to Selim Sırrı Tarcan,
speaking of sexuality was considered shameful starting from his childhood
to his adulthood years.284 In another work of Peyami Safa, he mentioned
that openness is better than oppression in sexual manners.285
Recep Doksat stated that human beings and animals were dominated by
two basic instincts: hunger instinct and sexual instincts. Individuals should
discipline, tame, and regulate sexual instincts like hunger instinct.
According to Doksat, if sexual manners would not regulate sexual desires
[instincts], it would be impossible to raise healthy generations. Doksat
added that oppressed desires [instincts] could harm the inner world (iç
dünyası) of individuals and cause various illnesses.286 Bülent Davran also
mentioned the power of sexual instincts. Davran underlined the importance
of sexual manners (which referred to educating children) in controlling their
instincts. Moreover, he stated that civilization means renouncing basic
sexual pleasure and regulating basic instincts with mind. He concluded that
281 Jackson and Scott, Theorizing Sexuality, 50.
282 Kemal Çağlar, “Cinsi Terbiyenin Önemi,” Seksoloji, 14 (1950), 1. “Elinde ilim ve fen
meşaleler ile cemiyetimizi en mütekamil cemiyetler seviyesine yükseltmek üzere aşk ve
hevesle yürüyen bu heyecanlı gruba ben de katıldım…”
283 “Anketimiz – Peyami Safa,” Seksoloji, 9 (1949), 4.
284 “Anketimiz – Selim Sırrı Tarcan,” Seksoloji, 11 (1950), 8.
285 Peyami Safa, “Çıplaklık Müstehcen midir?” Milliyet, 21.09.1956. “Cinsi terbiyede
“açıklık”, istibdattan iyidir.” Here, Safa used the concept of openness also for refering
nudity.
286 Recep Doksat, “Günün Tıbbi Bahisleri: Cinsi terbiye,” Milliyet, 28.01.1958.
95
it is necessary to deal with sexual instincts with a (rational) mind to adapt to
western civilization.287 The relationship that was built between being civility
and openness of sexuality was relatively new for the public discourse.288
Unlike the discourse produced in the 1930s on modernity which did not
include sexual innuendos,289 in the 1950s, the public figures have linked the
necessities of modernity and civility with the more comprehensive, visible,
open, and regulated public knowledge on sexuality.
Public figures argued that knowing about sexual manners was a way to
be protected and fight against the possible corruptive effects of excessive
sexuality. The monitoring generation dealt with the increasing visibility of
sexuality among the public while trying to protect the citizens from the
“spoiling” effects of sexuality. The importance and need for sexual manners
were stated through the discourse, which underlined possible disasters due
to the lack (scarcity) of sexual knowledge (cinsi terbiye kıtlığı), spoiling
effects of excessive sexuality, and loss of moral values.290 The monitoring
generation aimed to describe the sphere of sexuality and determine proper
sexual acts through sexual manners discourse.291 These efforts could be read
as an attempt to regulate the citizens' bodies, pleasures, and behaviors by the
monitoring generation. However, in this regulative attempt, the strategy lay
in teaching the citizens appropriate sexual acts to encourage them for
regulating their own behaviors. Nuri Kodamanoğlu, the chief principle of
Adana High School, stated that sexuality was exempt from societal
regulation. According to him, citizens can develop “individual inspection”
(ferdi murakabe) by learning sexual manners.292 Citizens of the Republic
could internalize sexual manners, which was built on scientific rules and
287 Dr. Bülent Davran, “Bir Cinsiyet Buhranı İçinde miyiz?” Seksoloji, 19 (1950), 1.
288 Haluk Durukal prepared, “Cumhuriyetin Anketi: Çocuklarımızı İyi Yetiştirebiliyor
muyuz?” Cumhuriyet, 19.04.1956. “Daha medeni bir cemiyetin nüvesi için çocuklara cinsi
terbiyenin verilmesi faydalıdır.”
289 For the similar discussions regarding the relation between sexuality and modern in Iran,
see: Haeri, “İran’da Geçici Evlilik ve Devlet: Kadın Cinselliği üzerine İslami bir Söylem,”
159.
290 Doç. Dr. Nurullah Kunter, “Hukuki Meseleler: Irza Geçme Suçları,” Cumhuriyet,
01.06.1954.
291 Sarıtaş, “Seksoloji: 1945-1955 arası Türkiye'de Cinsel Terbiye,” 59.
292 M. Nuri Kodamanoğlu, “Cinsiyet Meselesi ve Eğitim,” Seksoloji, 27 (1951), 13.
96
cultural norms, and choose to act accordingly. In that way, sexual manners
can turn into a discourse that enables citizens to discipline and regulate their
own sexual practices.293 In other words, the public figures aimed to
contribute to creating self-regulating citizens regarding their sexuality with
sexual manners.
2.3.2. Sexual manners for the public good
The goal of spreading sexual knowledge was justified by the desire to
protect the nation from the effects of harmful sexuality and raise healthy
generations.294 The danger was defined as sexual illnesses and abnormalities
under the title of perversions.295 Public figures used sexual manners to
install a medical and moral discourse.296 They assumed that knowledge on
sexual manners would avoid the risks and ensure public health's
improvement while protecting individuals' moral values.
Sexual Manners for Public Health: Illnesses, Perversion, and Criminality
Public figures emphasize the vitality of the physical and psychological
health of public in parallel to its moral well-being. According to Muzaffer
Aşkın, psychological (spiritual-ruhi) and physical (corporeal-bedeni) health
is possible only with the correct management of sexual instinct. Aşkın
added teaching sexual manners would contribute to the physical and
psychological health of the individuals.297 The narrative in the Seksoloji’s
advertisements announced boltly that sexual manners is a necessity for
293 Luther H. Martin, Huck Gutman and Patrick H. Hutton ed., Technologies of the Self: A
Seminar with Michel Foucault (London: Tavistock Publications, 1988).
294 Recep Doksat, “Günün Tıbbi Bahisleri: Cinsi Terbiye,” Milliyet, 28.01.1958.
295 Faruk Akbeğ, “Seksoloji 4 Yaşına Girerken,” Seksoloji, 37 (1952), 3.
296 Thomson, “Moral Rhetoric and Public Health Pragmatism,” 46.
297 Muzaffer Aşkın, “Cinsiyet Hakkında Sıhhatli ve Doğru bir Anlayışa Sahib Olmalıyız,”
Seksoloji, 40 (1952), 5. “Ruhi ve bedeni sağlık, ancak cinsi insiyakın doğru bir şekilde
idaresiyle kabildir.”
97
having a normal, healthy, and happy life and marriage.298 Hence, the efforts
to describe proper characteristics of “healthy sexuality” were imperative in
the writings of “sexual manners.” Whereas some articles focused solely on
the required characteristics of healthy ones, some writers have defined
sexuality with a diachotomic mind.299 Referring to this mindset, where some
states and practices of sexuality were defined as normalcy, naturalness, and
healthiness, some were diagnosed as, oppositely, illness, abnormality, and
deviance (perversion). Recep Doksat provided a list of sexual perversion
(cinsel sapıklıklar) in his “Sağlık Ansiklopedisi” (Health Encyclopedia)
column, which included homosexuality, transvestitism and incest.300 In
order to define “proper” sexuality, the opposite states and practices were
also commonly used as exemplary cases to display the “desirable” (wanted)
and “undesirable” (unwanted) ones.301 Not surprisingly, sexology as a
science was also constituted in normalizing and pathologizing discourses.302
Healthy and normal sexuality was not only considered a necessity for
individuals. It was also considered an imperative for a healthy and civilized
(medeni) population (society). Moreover, healthy and normal sexuality,
along with healthy reproductive practices, were seen as a prerequisite for
healthy generations.
The first target to be eliminated through sexual manners was venereal
diseases. Even before the establishment of the Republic, venereal diseases
were a vital concern of the governing mechanisms.303 Among the sexual
diseases, gonorrhea and syphilis received special attention and were
298 Dr. Jean Hoppeler, Evlenmeden Önce, trans. Muzaffer Aşkın (İstanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları,
1951), 60. “Cinsi hayatımız, bütün yaşayışımıza tesir etmektedir; evlilik hayatında da mesut
ve bedbaht olmamız, cinsiyet meselesini normal ve tabii bir şekilde halletmemize bağlıdır.”
Seksoloji published advertisements of its manuals at the front and last pages of montly
issues and publications. Seksoloji repeated this narrative not only in its publications.
However, the journal used this narrative also in the newspapers’ advertisements. Hence,
they repeated this motto frequently.
299 For the discussion about dichotomic mind: Plumwood, Feminism ve Doğaya Hükmetmek.
Grosz, Volatile Bodies: Toward a Corporeal Feminism.
300 Recep Doksat, “Sağlık ansiklopedisi: Cinsi sapıklıklar (devam),” Milliyet, 20.3.1958.
301 Foucault, The History of Sexuality, Vol 1, 89.
302 Moddelmog, “Modernism and Sexology,” 269.
303 Arpacı, “Hastalık, Ulus ve Felaket: Türkiye’de Frengi ile Mücadele (1920-1950),” 62-81.
98
frequently discussed in public and parliament.304 At a radio speech, Hulusi
Behçet defined syphilis as “genetic (nesli), familial, progeny (soysal)
causing disasters.”305 Because syphillis was a sexually transmitted disease,
and can pass from generation to generation, it was seen as one of the vital
threats to the moral and physical health of both the individual and the
public.306 In the 1930s and 1940s, discussions about gonorrhea and syphilis
emphasized the relation between the spread of venereal diseases and
uncontrolled sexuality.307 During the 1930s, state mechanisms with the
leading role of the Ministry of Health prepared info packages on venereal
diseases both for health professionals and for the public, conducted national
seminars and conferences, established new institutions with a particular
focus on treatment and research, and introduced new laws to prevent and
control the contagion of venereal diseases.308
In the 1950s, the concerns regarding venereal diseases were extended
from public to individual health. In the 1930s, the sexual and reproductive
304 For the early Republican discussions in the parliament and state-run commissions, see:
Mehmet Pınar, “Fuhuş ve Zührevi Hastalıkların (Frengi) TBMM’de Tartışılması ve Resmi
Raporlara Yansımaları (1920-1932),” Van Yüzüncü Yıl Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler
Enstitüsü Dergisi, Salgın Hastalıklar Özel Sayısı 1, 6 (2020), 15-42. For examplary
parliamentarian discussions in the 1940s about treatment of syphilis and, see: TBMM Zabıt
Ceridesi, Term: 3, Session: 63, Vol. 25 (26.05.1942), 300-301. TBMM Zabıt Ceridesi,
Term: 6, Session: 57 Vol. 18 (27.05.1941), 200-205.
305 Nuray Demirci and Çağatay Üstün, “Monograph: Prof. Dr. Hulusi Behçet’in (1889-1948)
frengi akkındaki bir radyo konuşması,” Lokman Hekim Journal 3, 1 (2013), 56. “Frengi,
basit geçici bir hastalık kadrosundan çıkmış, kelimenin hakiki manasıyla, soysal, ailevi,
nesli, felaketler doğuran, her bir organımıza yerleşebilen, bir hastalık şekline girmiştir.”
Demirci and Üstün transcripted Behçet’s speech at Istanbul radio in 1935. Hulusi Behçet,
“Frengi Niçin Ayıp Görülür? Frengiyi Neden Gizli Tutmak Adet Olmuştur? Tabiatta Ayıp
Denen Hastalık Var mıdır?” İstanbul Radyosunda Verilen Konferans (İstanbul: İstanbul
Halkevi, 1935).
306 Nuray Demirci and Çağatay Üstün, “Monograph: Prof. Dr. Hulusi Behçet’in (1889-1948)
frengi akkındaki bir radyo konuşması,” Lokman Hekim Journal 3, 1 (2013), 56-58.
307 Similar concerns were seen in various countries such as Germany, England and the USA
from the beginning of the century. For England, see: Porter and Hall, The Facts of Life. For
similar concerns in the Post-Second World War era in Germany, see: Atina Grossman,
Reforming Sex: The German Movement for Birth Control and Abortion Reform, 1920-1950
(New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), 191-193.
308 Arpacı, “Hastalık, Ulus ve Felaket: Türkiye’de Frengi ile Mücadele (1920-1950),” 67-81.
99
health of individuals was bound up with the "future of the country." In the
1950s, the focus shifted to the individuals. Kodamanoğlu stated that the
well-being of societies depends on the healthy regulation of births. Hence,
individuals should regulate their behaviors according to their sexual
manners to ensure the well-being of the population now and in the future.309
Sexuality was described as a need and a natural urge of human beings. Yet,
it should be managed and regulated if the person does not want to face
dangerous and undesirable consequences.310 Venereal diseases were
mentioned often with the concept of danger. In a 1953 dated article, Ata
Tokgöz talked about the dangers of syphilis in Istanbul. He stated that a
syphilis or gonorrhea-infected person without knowledge of his condition or
the treatment is not a danger to himself or the people around him. Instead,
he was clearly a source of danger and disaster for the whole city, even the
country.311 The necessity and essentiality of being informative on sexual
manners were explained by concerns of protecting young people from
suffering diseases or psychological problems.312 Young people as the target
group became central for two overlapping reasons. One, they would be
sexually engaged through marriage in a short term of period. Therefore,
their inexperience and lack of knowledge were seen as a risk for being
309 Nuri Kodamanoğlu, “Cinsiyet Meselesi ve Eğitim,” Seksoloji, 27 (1951), 12.
310 For an article from 1952 about consequences, see: “Irsi Frengi,” Seksoloji, 34 (1952), 46-
48. For a general discussion, see: Jean Carabine, ““Constructing Women”: Women’s
Sexuality and Social Policy,” Critical Social Policy 34, 1 (1992), 25.
311 Ata Tokgöz, “İstanbul Zührevi Hastalıklarla Nasıl Mücadele Ediyor,” Seksoloji, (1953), 23.
“Günlük hayatın ve münasebetlerin çok kesif olduğu böyle bir şehirin sokaklarında
tedavisiz, kendini bilmeden dolaşacak bir frengilinin, bir gonorelinin yalnız kendisi ve
etrafındakiler için değil, fakat bütün bir şehir hattâ memleket için nasıl bir hastalık ve
felâket kaynağı olacağı bellidir.”
312 Fahrettin Kerim Gökay, “Anketimiz,” Seksoloji, no.2 (1949), 6-7. Doksat argued that
oppressed desires may leave deep reflections in the inner world of an individual and cause
various illnesses. He added that many sexual abnormalities may happen due to a lack and
mistakes of sexual manners. (Baskı altında tutulan arzular, ferdin iç dünyasında derin
akisler bırakarak, çeşitli hastalıklara da yol açar….ahlakın ayıpladığı bir çok cinsi
anormallikler de, cinsi terbiye eksikliğinin ve hatalarının neticesidir.) Recep Doksat,
“Günün Tıbbi Bahisleri: Cinsi Terbiye,” Milliyet, 28.01.1958.
100
vulnerable to venereal diseases.313 Second, they will be the future biological
parents of a new generation. Therefore, the infection of young people may
affect future generations.
Venereal diseases were frequently associated with prostitution in the
popular and academic press.314 Lack of sexual manners education was
presented as the primary cause of the rise in prostitution.315 The result of
failing cultural, moral, and religious manners caused an increase in
extramarital relations and, consequently, an increase in prostitution, which
led to the spread of venereal diseases and degeneration in society.316 Karçal
and Uraz explained the higher prevalence of venereal diseases in the big
cities compared to villages and among students and merchants compared to
workers and soldiers, referring to Krafft-Ebing tests. They claimed that
advanced cultures prepare the ground for unrestrained sexual desires
(concupiscence).317 Prostitution was not only diagnosed as the main reason
for social degeneration and the spread of venereal diseases. However, it was
also defined as a criminal act. Although criminalizing prostitution was
viewed as a precaution to create a disincentive, developing sexual manners
among the citizens was seen as a more effective tool to fight against
prostitution.318
Apart from prostitution and venereal diseases, Faruk Akbeğ claimed that
a lack of sexual manners causes sex offenses such as sexual harassment,
abuse, molestation, and assault. From the news of molestation to the murder
of Sarıyer, a wide range of sexual assault activities were linked to a lack of
sexual manners.319 They were both defined as an abnormality or sickness
and as a crime. Although sexual assault was criminalized and corresponded
313 Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 2: Genç Erkekte Cinsiyet Fırtınası (İstanbul: Hadise
Yayınları, 1959), 9-10, 26. Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 12: Fuhuş ve Fahişeler.
(İstanbul: Hadise Yayınları, 1959), 10.
314 “Zührevi hastalıkların artmasına mani olunmalıdır.” Milliyet, 20.10.1950.
315 “Fuhuş nedeni,” Cumhuriyet, 21.05.1963.
316 Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 12: Fuhuş ve Fahişeler. (İstanbul: Hadise Yayınları,
1959), 5-6, 22-25.
317 Selçuk Karçal ve Kayıhan Uraz “Tenasülî hastalıklarla mücadele meselesi” Seksoloji, 53
(1953), 49. “...ileri kültürler’in denetimsiz cinsel arzular için zemin hazırlar...”
318 For a similar solution, see, Porter and Hall, The Facts of Life.
319 Faruk Akbeğ, “Sarıyer Cinayeti ve Sadist Psikopatlar,” Seksoloji, 44 (1952), 11-15.
101
with penal sanctions, educating the public about sexual manners was seen as
the “true solution.”320 Educating sexual manners was also considered a way
to manage other (so-called) abnormalities, such as homosexuality and
travestite.321
Even the categories of love murders and passion murders were
explained with a lack of sexual manners. Particularly, writers discussed
"being jealous of one's husband and wife" vehemently since they cannot
decide whether it is a result of a lack of sexual manners or a part of the
natural ingredient of love.322 In one of the articles, Akbeğ claims that the
reason for most of the murders that occurred between July 1944 and 1945
was sexual. He grounded his claim on the data taken from Istanbul
University’s Turkish Criminology Institute. He stated that sexual manners
education should be provided to children starting at a young age to prevent
these crimes.323 Lack of sexual manners leads the individual and the society
not only to sickness and immorality. But it can also cause crime and
perversion.324
The authors working on sexual manners have blended different types of
cases that were seen as social problems and dangers, such as venereal
diseases, sexual assaults, and abnormalities in their narratives. They have
defined a case as a sickness, whereas, in another article, they have referred
to it as deviance and crime. In another way of saying, lack of sexual
knowledge was presented as a security problem,325 which was intermingled
320 Doç.Dr.Nurullah Kunter, “Hukuki Meseleler: Irza Geçme Suçları,” Cumhuriyet,
01.06.1954.
321 Doksat mentions the danger that is waiting for young boys without proper sexual manners
is in the cities. Recep Doksat, “Günün Tıbbi Bahisleri: Cinsi Terbiye,” Milliyet,
28.01.1958. Recep Doksat, “Günün Tıbbi Bahisleri: Erkeğin Kadın, Kadının Erkek Kılığına
Girmeyi Sevmesi: Travestimus,” Milliyet, 29.04.1958. According to Doksat, homosexuality
was an abnormality. However, he described travestite as an illness.
322 Peyami Safa, “Cinsiyet ve Cinayet,” Seksoloji, 37 (1952): 16-18.
323 For the discussion about sexual assault and lack of sexual manners, see: Faruk Akbeğ,
“Okullarda cinsiyet eğitimi: Maarif şurası üyelerinin dikkatine sunulur” Seksoloji, 42
(1952), 2-3.
324 Ferit H. Saymen “Sarkıntılık” Seksoloji, 26 (1951): 1. Karçal ve Uraz, “Türkiyede fuhuş
meselesi,” 47.
325 Sancar, Türk Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyeti, 262.
102
with a medical problem. Ultimately, the authors were trying to find
solutions to incidents that could cause a danger to the well-being of society
and future generations. Therefore, these incidents were considered vital
political problems in need of urgent action,326 whether assessed as a crime,
deviance, or illness. The decision-makers were urged to give proper
attention to solving the problems with the help of the experts. The list of
possible solutions widens from punitive measures to confinement,
medication, or therapy. However, the main suggestion which could regulate
the public sphere and reach the mass population was presented as a
dissemination of knowledge on sexual manners.327
Danger and threat are the two most frequently used concepts during the
era when sexuality was discussed in public. All the situations which entailed
the possibility of disrupting social order, corrupting public decency, or
deteriorating public health were considered dangerous or threatening to
society. Turkish society was considered in need of protection from these
possible threats and dangers. As discussed above, venereal diseases, sexual
perversions, and criminal acts were seen as future threats to the morals of
Turkish society. In some cases, this threat or danger was embodied in a
person, such as being a criminal, pervert, or a person with an STD
disease.328 In other cases, the threat or danger was associated with a vague
condition or development and left in an unknown gray area. Whether the
threat (danger) is definitive or uncertain, the decision-makers aimed to
analyze the reasons and anticipate the risks, particularly at the beginning of
the 20th century. Risk assessment became one of the processes that was
used in the governing population.329
326 Foucault, The History of Sexuality, Vol. 1, 89.
327 Dr. Nurullah Kunter, “Umumi Adab ve Ahlak Aleyhinde Suçlar,” Cumhuriyet, 16.11.1953.
328 In some cases, criminality and pervesion/abnormality overlapped in the narratives. “İranlıyı
öldürenlerden biri Suriyeye kaçmış.” Milliyet, 29.05.1954. “Bir müddet once Beyoğlunda
Bursa sokağında bir cinayet işlenmiş. Ali Ekber adında İranlı bir kahveci, Kadir ve Yılmaz
adında iki homoseksüel genç tarafından öldürülmüştü.” (italic mine) “Cinsi sapık yankesici
dün tevfik edildi,” Milliyet, 02.05.1958. “Bir cinsi sapık diğer bir sapığı bıçakla öldürdü,”
Milliyet, 11.05.1961, “Gülhane parkında bir ihtiyarı döverek parasını aldılar,” Milliyet,
27.01.1954. “Dolmabahçe cinayetinin katilleri,” Milliyet, 23.10.1952. “60 homoseksüelin
18i frengili çıktı,” Milliyet, 13.06.1957.
329 Horn, Social Bodies: Science, Reproduction, and Italian Modernity.
103
In the case of sexuality, physiological and psychological illnesses were
diagnosed as the reasons that cause crucial risks to the well-being of society.
Prevention of these illnesses was seen as the first intervention step to
eliminate these risks. According to the experts, the reasons for these
illnesses varied from biological to cognitive.330 They have even mentioned
that "poor moral values" could cause corruption, which enables the
environment conducive to psychological illnesses. Lack of sexual manners
was considered one of the main reasons for "poor moral values" since it was
caused by an ignorant or misinformed public. "Poor moral values" were
sometimes linked to communism, which was considered one of the other
major threats. Communism, which was defined as the root cause (and also,
at the same time, the outcome) of the corrupted values, was seen as a danger
to the moral values of public regarding sexuality.331 In several articles,
communists were accused of being immoral in sexual matters. In an article
published in Milliyet, Russians, who were equated to communists, were
portrayed as sexually immoral and irresponsible people. The article narrated
a story from a hospital in Russia, in which single mothers were receiving
special care. In the article, it was stated that out-of-wedlock births were not
a stain (leke) in Russia.332 Communism and communist threat was portrayed
as a threat against the Turkish family, Turkish values and political system of
Turkey. Moreover, this accusation was not only limited to the public
discourse in Turkey. It also appeared in countries such as the United States
and Australia, where the Turkish press looked and translated pieces from.333
The Soviet Russia was named as the first and foremost country from which
communist influences spread to the rest of the world. Inner threats of
330 For a detailed discussion about conceptualizing of “sexual illnesses,” see: “3.5.
Presentation, content, and forms of sexual manners”
331 May, Homeward Bound, 13, 91-93, 111. May discusses the relationship which was linked
sexuality and communism by the anti-communists views in the USA during the Cold World
War. May stated that communism was associated with “being immoral” and “pervert.”
Moreover, communism was considered as a threat to the values of the American society.
332 “Demirperde gerisinde hayat,” Milliyet, 05.08.1951. “birlik reisi, annemin bu sualine cevap
olarak gayri meşru doğumun, rusyada bir leke sayılmadığı… izahatını vermişti.” (italic
mine)
333 May, Homeward Bound.
104
communism were listed of being immoral, even pervert.334 On Kara Dayı,
an anticommunist magazine, reported that some fiftythree fools and perverts
communists tried to establish a part stealthily.335 Yıldırmaz suggested that
the “fool and pervert” label was meant to display communists as unskillful,
ill-minded, and immoral in order to disempower them with humiliation.336
Additionally, “pervert” attribution defined communists as subjects who are
“not-normal.” Hence, they can not be included in a normal society due to
their sexual attitudes and acts. Similar to other problems, providing sexual
manners to the public was suggested as the fundamental solution to protect
the moral values of individuals. Moreover, this suggestion has also appeared
in other countries as a part of communism discussions.337
2.3.3. Sexual Manners for Individual Purposes
According to Edward Podolsky, a well-knowm American psychologist,
sexuality is an essential component of physical and psychological health of
individuals.338 Therefore, sexuality and sexual manners - a collection of
334 Fethi Tevetoğlu, Faşist Yok, Komünist Var (İstanbul: Komünizmle Mücadele Yayınları,
1962), 17. Quoted from Aylin Özman and Aslı Yazıcı Yakın, “Anti-Komünist Fantaziler:
Doğa, Toplum, Cinsellik,” in Türk Sağı: Mitler, Fetişler, Düşman İmgeleri, ed. İnci Özkan
Kerestecioğlu and Güven Gürkan Öztan (İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2012), 109.
“Komünistlerin geçmişleri araştırılınca görülür ki, ya türlü ahlaksızlık yüzünden okuldan
kovulmuştur… Cinsi sapıktır, sevdiğinin, ailenin ve toplumun reddine uğramıştır.” David
Hilliard, “Church, family and sexuality in Australia in the 1950s',” Australian Historical
Studies 27, 109 (1997), 133-134, 142, 144.
335 “Komünist partisi kuracaklarmış,” Kara Dayı, 07.04.1948. Quoted from Sinan Yıldırmaz,
“Nefretin ve Korkunun Rengi: “Kızıl,”” in Türk Sağı: Mitler, Fetişler, Düşman İmgeleri,
ed. İnci Özkan Kerestecioğlu and Güven Gürkan Öztan (İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2012),
69. “İstanbul’da sayısı elli üçü bulan bazı salak ve sapıklar el altından bir komonist partisi
kurmaya kalkmışlardı.” (italic mine)
336 Yıldırmaz, “Nefretin ve Korkunun Rengi: “Kızıl,”” 69.
337 Hilliard, “Church, family and sexuality in Australia in the 1950s',” 133. In Australia, “lack
of sexual education was seen as a source for the effects of communism that could corrupt
our young people. They can cause deterioration in the morale of their young people.”
338 Dr. Edward Podolsky, “Tenasüli Hayatın Mekanizması,” Seksoloji, 13 (1950), 37. “Cinsiyet
meselesi, insanın ruhen ve bedenen huzur içinde olması, bilhassa evlilik hayatını
105
knowledge, manners, and skills – were tied to the well-being and happiness
of individuals. Sargent, the writer of a marriage manual, stated that he wrote
the book to help future spouses. Also, he wanted to bring happiness to the
marriage life of the current spouses.339 Marriage was presented as an
institution that should be protected not only for the good of individuals.
However, the intactness of marriage was defined as a prominent requisition
for the public good. In an article, parents were warned about the possible
dangers of lacking “marriage manners” (izdivaç terbiyesi) for the happiness
of their children. The writer stated that the rise in divorce cases in Europe
and America proved that marriage is no longer a binding force. He asked the
parents to guide their children to prevent this social tragedy. The writer
shared his observations about the efforts of parents to prepare their children
for a particular profession by providing them with a proper education. He
added that, unfortunately, parents did not put sufficient efforts to prepare
their children for a successful marriage life.340 The writer held the parents
responsible for the future well-being of society by asking them to prepare
their children for their individual happiness and to prevent divorces – a
social tragedy. In the coming paragraphs, he listed particular topics such as
the realities of married life, the role and duties of the spouses, economic
management of the household, and the sexual manners of the spouses that
the parents should teach to ensure a happy marriage for their children. He
muvaffakiyetle yürütebilmesinin başlıca amillerinden biridir. Bu sebeple erkek ve
kadınların bu hususta gerekli bilgileri edinmiş olmaları lüzumlu ve zaruridir.”
339 W.E. Sargent, Evlilik Hayatında Daha Bahtiyar Olmanın Yolları, trans. Ömer Rıza Doğrul
(Istanbul: Arif Bolat Kitabevi, 1942), 7. “Bu kitabı evlenmeyi düşünenlere yardım etmek;
evlenmiş olanlara evlilik hayatını bahtiyarlığa kavuşturmak için, bu işi dürüst bir kafa ile
kavramak ve ona dair bilinmesi gereken herşeyi öğrenmek icap ettiğini belirtmek için
yazıyorum.”
340 F.W. Rawland, “İzdivaç Terviyesi,” Seksoloji, 32 (1951), 1. “… Avrupa ve Amerikada
boşanma nisbetinin çok yükselmesi, evliliğin artık bağlayıcı bir kuvvet olmaktan çıktığını
gösteriyor. Bu büyük sosyal trajedya, bütün ana babalara çocuklarına daha akıllıca yol
göstermeye çalışmalarını ihtar etse gerektirir. ….eğer ana babalar, çocuklarını şu veya bu
mesleğe hazırlamak için gayret sarfettikleri kadar, muvaffakkıyetli bir izdivaç hayatının
icaplarını onlara öğretmek ve aşılamak hususunda da emek sarfetseler, gençlerimizin daha
mesut ve istikrarlı bir hayat yaşamlarına da hizmet etmiş olurlardı.”
106
added that the reluctance of parents to provide sexual manners (education)
to their children causes the termination of their children’s marriages.341
Different from the 1930s, marriage and sexuality were promoted not
only for the reproduction of future generations. However, sexuality in
marriage was encouraged for healthy marriages during the 1950s. One of
the early marriage manuals stated that “the primary purpose of marriage is
not only procreation. It is also enriching for their personalities, which is
only possible when they love each other physically and spiritually.”342 In
Turkey, public preoccupation with the well-being of marriage became a
relatively new phenomenon in the late 1940s and 1950s.343 Koçak stated
that marital sexuality emerged in the 1930s in the publication.344 However,
the 1950s witnessed the widespread distribution of sexual manners for
marriage due to its periodic appearance in popular publishing.
Naşid Erez referred to Article 35 of the constitution that defines the
family as the fundamental unit that requires marriage as the prerequisite
step.345 Accordingly, Irmak and many other writers referred to marriage as
341 F.W. Rawland, “İzdivaç Terviyesi,” Seksoloji, 32 (1951), 3. “Bugün cinsiyet hakkındaki
bilgisizliği müsamaha ile karşılama devri de geçmiştir. Artık cinsi sahadaki cehalet
yüzünden bir çok evliliklerin yıkılıp perişan olmasına göz yumulmamalıdır. Fakat buna
ragmen yine de çocuklarına hayatın ve evliliğin bu tarafı hakkında sıhhatli bir terbiye ve
bilgi veren ana babaların sayısı çok azdır.”
342 W.E. Sargent, Evlilik Hayatında Daha Bahtiyar Olmanın Yolları, trans. Ömer Rıza Doğrul
(Istanbul: Arif Bolat Kitabevi, 1942), 47. “Cinsi münasebetin hedefi yalnız yavrulamak
mıdır? Evlenen erkek ve kadının ilk hedefi yalnız çocuk sahibi olmak değildir. Birbirlerini
maddeten ve manen sevmek dolayısıyla, karı kocanın şahsiyetlerini de
zenginleştirmeleridir”
343 Although it was a popular subject during the 1920s in Britain and the United States, see:
Porter and Hall, The Facts of Life, 208-211. Nancy F. Cott, “1920’lerin Modern Kadını,
Amerikan Tarzı,” in Kadınların Tarihi: Yirminci Yüzyılda Kültürel bir Kimliğe Doğru, Vol.
V, ed. Georges Duby and Michelle Perrot (Istanbul: Türkiye İş Bankası Yayınları, 2005),
80-93.
344 Işıklar Koçak, “Problematizing Translated Popular Texts on Women’s Sexuality,” 215-217.
345 Naşid Erez, “Sosyal ve Biyolojik Açılardan Flirt: Endişeye Lüzum Yok,” Milliyet,
06.01.1963. The same article was also published as: Naşid Erez, “Sosyal ve Biyolojik
Açılardan Tahlil: Flört Faydalıdır,” in Türkiye’de Cinsiyet Problemi, ed. Turhan Aytul
(İstanbul: Varlık Yayınevi, 1964). 62.
107
the primary regulating institution for sexuality.346 In return, sexuality was
discussed as an essential aspect of married life.347 Making sexual life more
satisfactory for spouses, particularly for women348 turned into a strategy to
preserve the critical regulative tool - marriage.349 In this way, sexuality was
practiced, taught, and kept in a controlled institution where proper roles and
behaviors were defined for individuals.
Marriage manuals contained information about the functioning of
sexuality and the roles of spouses.350 On the one hand, marriage manuals
provided detailed information and descriptions regarding the sexuality
between the spouses. Sargent stated in an early marriage manual in 1942
that “acquiring information about sexual intercourse, which is the most
significant part of marriages, strengthens the happiness and harmony of the
family.”351 In another article, the reason for marital fights was diagnosed as
a lack of sexual harmony between the spouses.352 A writer of Seksoloji
stated that individuals need sexual manners and correct sexual knowledge to
346 Ezgi Sarıtaş and Serpil Sancar argued that there was an effort to regulate families in the
1950s. Sarıtaş has even argued that Seksoloji came into being as an intervention tool to
regulate families. Sarıtaş, “Seksoloji: 1945-1955 arası Türkiye'de Cinsel Terbiye,” 59.
Sancar, Türk Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyeti, 234. However, it is important to note that during
the same time period, there was an attempt to differentiate procreation from sexuality. In
other words, unlike in the former period, sexuality was seen as a part of marriage without
the prerequisite of reproduction. In the articles in Seksoloji and in the marriage manuals,
when writers talked about informing spouses about sexuality, the word “marriage” was
used instead of “family.” For manuals: Mükemmel İzdivacın Şartları (1950) and İşte
Evlendiniz (1950).
347 Michael Gordon and Penelope J. Shankweiler, “Different Equals Less: Female Sexuality in
Recent Marriage Manuals,” Journal of Marriage and Family Sexism in Family Studies 33,
3 (1971), 460.
348 Christina Simmons, Making Marriage Modern: Women’s Sexuality from the Progressive
Era to World War II (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 190.
349 Foucault, The History of Sexuality, Vol. 1, 83-85.
350 Işıklar Koçak, “Problematizing Translated Popular Texts on Women’s Sexuality.”
351 W.E. Sargent, Evlilik Hayatında Daha Bahtiyar Olmanın Yolları, trans. Ömer Rıza Doğrul
(Istanbul: Arif Bolat Kitabevi, 1942), 94. “Evlilik hayatının en mühim fiili olan cinsi
mukarenet hakkında bilgi sahibi olmak, ailenin saadetini sağlamlar ve aile hayatının
âhengini kuvvetlendirir.” Işıklar Koçak, “Problematizing Translated Popular Texts on
Women’s Sexuality,” 215.
352 Clifford R. Adams, “Niçin Kavga ediyoruz?,” Seksoloji, (1951), 50.
108
build a solid family. Otherwise, there would be anti-social and
psychopathological consequences.353
“Sexual manners” was presented as an informative tool to increase
the sexual pleasure of spouses in marriage. Popular magazines included
recommendations to increase the quality of sexuality in marriage.354 Kadın
Gazetesi translated an article that announced a new course on marriage and
sexuality given by Dr. Keys at California University.355 Although it can be
considered a detail, the news displayed the increasing popularity of the
content, even in the academic world. The articles stated that sexual
satisfaction is essential and expected by the spouses in a marriage.356 Doğan
Özbay stated that both parties - husband and wife - should enjoy sexual
satisfaction for a happy marriage.357
Satisfactory sexuality was connected with the high physical attraction
between the spouses. Moreover, physical attraction was considered a need
and necessity for happy marriages.358 In an article published in Milliyet, the
unhappiness of American women was seen as a result of the physiological
incompatibility between wife and husband. According to Abraham Stone, a
well-known sexologist at the Margaret Sanger Institute, more than six
million women in the United States find the physiological functions of
married life repulsive, which is reflected in the rising number of divorce
cases.359 An improving step toward female pleasure was considered as
informing wives and husbands about the functioning of sexuality.
353 Faruk Akbeğ “Seksoloji Dört Yaşına Girerken,” Seksoloji, 37 (1952), 3. “Sağlam bir aile
kurmak için bireylerin cinsel terbiyeye, doğru cinsel bilgiye ihtiyaçları vardır, aksi takdirde
anti-sosyal ve psikopatolojik sonuçlar doğacaktır.”
354 Dr. Edward Podolsky, “Karı Koca Arasında Cinsel Uygunluk,” Seksoloji, 14 (1950), 14-17.
355 Kadın Gazetesi, 348 (1953), 7. Quoted from Işıklar Koçak, “Problematizing Translated
Popular Texts on Women’s Sexuality,” 161.
356 “Aşkı Yaşatın,” İkimiz, 4, 01.02.1955, 34.
357 Doğan Özbay, “Evlilikte Aşkı Muhafaza,” İkimiz, 3, 03.01.1955, 25.
358 Ericksen, Kiss and Tell: Surveying Sex in the Twentieth Century, 3. “Saadette Cinsi
Münasebetin Rolü,” Kadın Dünyası 1, 2 (1958), 6. “Sevişme Sanatı,” Kadın Dünyası 1, 2
(1958), 10. “Samimiyet,” Kadın Ansiklopedisi, 10 (1961), 156.
359 “Amerikan kadını bedbaht mıdır?,” Milliyet, 17.05.1950. “… hiç şüphe yok ki, Amerikan
kadını iyi yiyor, iyi giyiniyor, oturduğu yer rahattır. Dünyanın en paralı ve rahat kadınıdır.
Buna rağmen, mesut değildir. Binlerce kadın, ruh doktorlarına akın etmektedirler. Bu
109
Sexual manners does not only define the limits of sexuality.360
Because sexuality was regarded as a fundamental aspect of individuals, 361
sexual manners defined the abstract characteristics of feminity and
masculinity.362 Proper roles for husband and wife were described by the
articles about sexual manners. The magazines and manuals contained
articles, lists, and interviews that described the proper characteristics of a
husband and a wife. Moreover, they provided information about the nature
of the relationship between the spouses.363 The descriptions of the proper
feminity and masculinity contained the proper sexual acts, which were
assigned based on their sexes. The sexual behavior for man and woman was
differentiated364 and constructed in a gendered form.365 Sexual manners as a
discourse re-conceptualized the sexual differences among women and men
based on their sexual acts.366 Re-conceptualizing feminity was a critical
intervention to regulate womanhood as their lives and roles changed
following WWII.367 Sexual attitudes during the 1950s were in a state of
bedbahtlığın başı, karı ile koca arasında, fizyolojik anlaşmazlıktır. Margaret Sanger
enstitüsünün tetkiklerine bakılırsa, Amerikan kadınlarının dörtte biri soğuktur. Doktor
Abraham stone’a göre bunun manası şudur: 6 milyondan fazla Amerikan kadını evlilik
hayatının gerektirdiği fizyolojik fonksiyonları tiksinti ile karşılamaktadır. Boşanma
davalarında bu vaziyet apaçık meydana çıkmıştır.”
360 Katie Sutton and Kirsten Leng, “Forum Introduction: Rethinking the Gendered History of
Sexology,” Gender & History 31, 2 (2019), 256–265.
361 Brooke Wagner, “Becoming a Sexual Being: Overcoming Constraints on Female
Sexuality,” Sexualities 12, 3 (2009), 292.
362 Hanne Blank, Bekaretin El Değmemiş Tarihi, trans. Emek Ergün (İstanbul: İletişim
Yayınları, 2007), 355.
363 See the “Chapter 4: Marriage” for a detailed discussion.
364 Angela McRobbie, “More! New Sexualities in Girls’ and Women’s Magazines,” in In the
Culture Society: Art, Fashion and Popular Music (London: Routledge, 1999). McRobbie
argues that sexual representations in (lifestyle) magazines differentiated from the past. The
sexual acts those have been considered appropriate for women have breached the limits
which, in return, have influenced the perception of gendered sexuality. Melissa Tyler,
“Managing between the Sheets: Lifestyle Magazines and the Management of Sexuality in
Everyday Life,” Sexualities 7 (2004), 92.
365 Ericksen, Kiss and Tell: Surveying Sex in the Twentieth Century, 4. Thomson, “Moral
Rhetoric and Public Health Pragmatism,” 45.
366 Jackson and Scott, Theorizing Sexuality, 50.
367 Betty Friedan, The Feminine Mystique (New York: Norton, 1963).
110
transition, particularly for women. Proper womanhood and female sexuality
were portrayed in the written materials.
One of the most vital threats to the existence and sustainability of
a good marriage was seen as divorce. Divorce was not only discussed on an
individual level and as a relationship between a wife and a husband. It was
seen as a threat to the general public, which was underlined with analogies
such as disasters and epidemics.368 Therefore, taking steps to keep marriages
from ending in divorce has become a necessary step for the well-being of
both individuals and the public.
Sexual intimacy was regarded as the primary bond for a good marriage
in marriage manuals.369 Therefore, pleasure and mutually satisfying sexual
practice was seen as a base for happy marriages and as a solution for
divorce.370 In a series about different countries around the world, the writer
stated that the malfunction in sexual life was one of the reasons for marital
conflict.371 In the first issue of the Gazete Magazin, the editorial piece stated
that the magazine aimed to inform the public about sexuality. Sexual
knowledge provided by the magazine and prepared by the international
authorities (doctors), would not only prepare individuals for the family
institution. That knowledge would also prevent individuals from divorce.372
Unhappy marriages, which were described with the phrases such as “the
368 “Sinema yıldızları arasında boşanma salgını,” Milliyet, 13.11.1954. “Almanya’da Kadınlar
Karnavalı ve Türkler: Karnavaldan sonra her yerde boşanma salgını başgösteriyor,”
Milliyet, 20.02.1964.
369 Christina Simmons, Making Marriage Modern: Women’s Sexuality: from the Progressive
Era to World War II (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009, 190. Dr. Le Mon Clark,
İşte Evlendiniz, trans. by Muzaffer Aşkın, third edition (İstanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları,
1951), 65. “Evlilik her şeyden önce bir cinsi bağlılıktır.”
370 Lawrence Gould, “Kocanızı Mesud Edebiliyor musunuz?” Seksoloji, (1950), 18. Gordon
and Shankweiler, “Different Equals Less: Female Sexuality in Recent Marriage Manuals,”
461-462.
371 John Upton, “Baştanbaşa bütün dünya, amerikada her isteği temin edilen kadın,” Milliyet,
01.09.1950. “cinsi hayatın aksaklığı geçimsizlik nedenlerinden birisidir.”
372 Koçer, “Demokrat Parti Döneminde Kadın,” 109. Dilara Nergishan Koçer stated that
Gazete Magazin explained the reasons about publishing sexual information in their pages in
its editorial piece of first issue. According to Koçer, Gazete Magazin did provide sexual
knowledge to its readers not only to contribute to the family formation process. But also,
the magazine aimed to prevent divorce.
111
husbands, who were busted with their mistresses or wives who left their
husbands and run away,” were narrated as a result of unsatisfied sexual
pleasures in marriage.373
The lack of harmony in sexuality and marriages between the spouses
was mainly grounded in ignorance about sexuality. In one article published
by Kadın Gazetesi, Dr. Hafız Cemal argued that the increase in divorce is
due to a lack of knowledge about sexual life. He added that there had been
discussions on sexuality in Britain and America for an extended period,
whereas in Turkey there had not been any developments on this matter.374
Karçal and Uraz stated that the changes in our traditions, social life, and
ideas would also influence our sexual life. Importance of sexual manners
was underlined in order to promote and sustain marriages.375 It was thought
that sexual manners could prevent the incompatibility between spouses in
sexual life, which was given as one of the reasons for divorce. Informed
spouses were considered a solution to sexual disharmony and, consequently,
for divorce.376 Notably, ignorance about sexual manners among wives was
designated as a thread against the marriage.377 Besides sexual harmony,
monotony in marriage was counted as a factor that could lead the spouses to
seek change outside of marriage life.378 It was recommended that sexual acts
should not be turned into a duty to avoid monotony in marriage.379 To
373 “Mesut Olmak İster misiniz?” Gazete Magazin, 7 (1957), 3.
374 Dr. Hafız Cemal, Kadın Gazetesi, 309 (1953), 6.
375 Selçuk Karçal and Kayıhan Uraz “Türkiye'de cinsiyet meselesi XII: Boşanmalar,”
Seksoloji, 47 (1953): 46-48. “geleneklerimizde, sosyal hayatımızda da ve düşüncelerimizde
vuku bulan tahavvüllerin seksüel hayatımızda da derin tesirler icra edeceği muhakkak
olduğundan evliliği idame ve evlenmeyi teşvik bakımından cinsi terbiyenin önemi
kendiğinden belirmektedir.”
376 “Karı Koca Anlaşmazlıkları ve Bunu Önleyecek Çareler,” Milliyet, 06.11.1951. “birçok
boşanma davalarının sebebini teşkil etmiş olan cinsi anlaşmazlığın kanunda yeri olmazda
da, buna mani olmanın en iyi çaresi cinsi terbiyedir.”
377 For similar discussion in the 1920s and 1930s, see: Christina Simmons, Making Marriage
Modern: Women’s Sexuality: from the Progressive Era to World War II (New York:
Oxford University Press, 2009), 144. For other reasons such as frigidity, see, 121.
378 Doğan Özbay, “Evlilikte Aşkı Muhafaza,” İkimiz, 3, 03.01.1955, 25. “Yeknesak bir evlilik
hayatında bu hal karı-kocayı evlilik dışında değişiklik aramaya sevketmektedir.”
379 “Aşkı Yaşatın,” İkimiz, 4, 01.02.1955, 34.
112
address the problem caused by appalling sexuality, the books defined new
roles for husband and wife in marriage, which were enriched with
suggestions to improve their sexual experiences.
Sexual manners for conception, but also contraception …
“Sexual manners” provided information about the reproduction process,
from insemination and pregnancy to giving birth, to educate the public
about healthy reproduction. Healthy reproduction was assessed with
reference to the health of the offspring, which should be protected from
STDs and hereditary diseases.380 Particularly, couples became the target
audience to inform about the operating system of the reproductive organs
either for promoting or prohibiting births. Information to ease and expedite
impregnation was more often published in sexual manners articles and
manuals, whereas birth control methods were discussed more subtly at the
beginning of the 1950s.381 The well-known Marie Stope’s book, Art of
Love, was already published and in circulation during the 1950s, which
covered subjects about birth control alongside women’s
sexuality. Seksoloji publishing published eleven manuals about sexuality,
procreation, and impregnation. Three of eleven manuals382 contributed to
public knowledge about birth control. 200 Sual 200 Cevap (200 Question
200 Answer), İşte Evlendiniz (Now You have Got Married), and Doğumu
Tanzim (Regulating Birth) contained detailed information about birth
control methods.383
380 Prof. Dr. Ferit Hakkı Saymen, “Kanunen Evlenmeye Mani olan Hastalıklar,” Seksoloji, 5
(1949), 27. “Ailenin sıhhatini korumak ve zayıf, mariz, dejenere nesillerin üremesine mani
olmak ve neticede ferdin, ailenin ve cemiyetin saadetini sağlamak düşüncesile birtakım
bedeni ve akli arızalara müptela olanların evlenmelerini yasak etmek düşünülmüştür.”
381 Dr. Burhan Öncel, “Niçin çocuğunuz olmuyor?” Seksoloji, 11 (1950), 28-31. “Gebelik
Hıfzısıhhası,” Seksoloji, 6 (1949), 25-28. Dr. C. H. Davis, “Doğum Hakkında 40 Sual,”
Seksoloji, 8 (1949), 41-46. Prof. Dr. E.P. Pantin, “Çocuk nasıl doğar?” Seksoloji, 9 (1950),
16-19.
382 “Kudretinizi Koruyunuz,” “Mükemmel İzdivaç,” “Aşk Sanatı,” “Evlenmeden Önce” and
“Kadın Evlilik”
383 For contraception, see: Le Mon Clark, İşte Evlendiniz (İstanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları, 1950),
54-64.
113
Among these manuals, “Doğumu Tanzim” (Regulating Birth) has a
particular place, which was published by Seksoloji Publishing in August
1952.384 Muzaffer Aşkın stated in the preface that “Doğumu Tanzim”
(Regulating Birth) aims to “enlighten the public scientifically about
procreation and infertility.”385 He clearly stated that they did not intend to
inform the physicians about the diagnosis and treatment of infertility.
Instead, they “aimed to instruct the public about the ways of protecting
themselves from infertility and about the possibilities of self-treatment.”386
The text provides information about male and female reproductive organs,
the reasons and treatments for infertility, methods for impregnation, and
calendars for women to follow their ovulation and possible insemination
periods. “Doğumu Tanzim” (Regulating Birth) was advertised as a reference
book that can help to regulate a couple’s sexual life if they do not prefer to
have a child, whether they are “newly married” or if they already have
children.387 The manual and its advertisements stated out loud that this
manual aimed to inform couples about a birth control method – the calendar
method. Between 1948 and 1952, more than twenty articles in the magazine
Seksoloji discussed controlling births. In these articles or manuals, the
384 N.P., Doğumu Tanzim, trans. Muzaffer Aşkın (İstanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları, 1952). The
manual has not stated a writer name at the front page. However, the names of the books
were sıralanmış at the first page of the manual. Doğumu Tanzim is a collection and edition
of three known books of the era. The text was edited from Fertility in Men, Robert Sherman
Hoskiss; A marriage manual Abraham Stone, La Procreation Volontaire Dr. De Mars and
Yves De Kerlan. Unfortunately, there is not a clear statement which part was taken from
which book.
385 Muzaffer Aşkın, “Giriş,” in Doğumu Tanzim, trans. Muzaffer Aşkın (İstanbul: Seksoloji
Yayınları, 1952), 6.
386 Muzaffer Aşkın, “Giriş,” in Doğumu Tanzim, trans. Muzaffer Aşkın (İstanbul: Seksoloji
Yayınları, 1952), 7.
387 “Doğumu Tanzim,” Seksoloji, 42 (1952). “Belki yeni evlendiniz ve birbirinize iyice
alışabilmek, evlliğin ilk buhranlarını rahatça atlatabilmek için hiç olmazsa bir yıl çocuk
yapmak istemiyorsunuz. Yahut 6-7 yıldır evlisiniz ve şimdiye kadar 2 çocuğunuz oldu.
Onlara kafi derecede bakım gösterebilmek için 4-5 sene başka çocuk yapmayı
istemiyorsunuz.” (Maybe you are newly married. In order to get along with eachother and
to pass the obstacles of the marriage easily, you do not want to make child at least for one
year. Or you are married for 6-7 years and you have already 2 children. In order to care
them sufficiently, you do not want to make any other child for another 4-5 years.)
114
content about contraception was justified with the reason of protecting the
joy and well-being of happiness through avoiding any unwanted
pregnancies due to legitimate reasons such as untimely, early or unprepared
pregnancies or economic insufficiencies of the couples.
Additionally, Seksoloji published parts of Abraham and Hannah Stone’s
well-known book, “A marriage manual,” in 1953.388 In the series (which
will be discussed in the “birth control chapter”), Abraham and Hannah
Stone covered the practice of reproduction, from the conception process to
the possible conception methods. Even though it was against the Public
Hygiene Law of 1930 to disseminate knowledge about contraception,
detailed information about birth control was given under the topic of sexual
manners.
At the beginning of the 1960s, sexual manners was introduced as a
necessary tool to manage individuals' reproductive capacities, particularly
for young people and couples with bold letters. In 1962, Naşit Erez
conducted a study with 1857 high-school graduates who came to apply to
Istanbul University. The questionnaire was applied to 558 female and 1289
male students. He formed the questionnaire under three titles: “How is a
child produced,” “How does the birth of a child happen” and “how does a
female produce an egg?” According to Erez, the survey results displayed
that these young people did not have average knowledge about the
reproductive process. According to Erez, the lack of knowledge among
young people resulted from a lack of sexual manners. In concluding
remarks, he noted that “it is necessary to provide sex education starting, at
least, with high school if we want to control births and do not want to have
children accidentally."389 In the first issue of Milliyet Anketi on male and
female sexuality, sexual education was presented as a tool for controlling
births.
388 Dr. Hannah and Abraham Stone, “Evlilik Rehberi: VI-Doğumu Tanzim ve Ailenin
Planlanması,” trans. Muzaffer Aşkın, Seksoloji, 55 (1953): 8-12. First chapter was at the
55th issue. It ended at the 59th issue.
389 “Üniversite öğrencileri arasında yapılan: bir cinsel anketin neticeleri açıklandı.” Milliyet,
15.06.1962. “tesadüfen çocuk sahibi olmak istemiyorsak, doğumları herhangi şekilde
kontrol etmek istiyorsak, en az lisede başlayan bir cinsel eğitime yer vermeliyiz.”
115
In 1963, Resimli Seksoloji Ansiklopedisi (Illustrated Sexology
Encyclopedia) was prepared by Naşit Erez, Sadi Irmak, Mansur Sayın and
Kemal Çağlar and published by Arkın Kitabevi. In the book's preface, Naşit
Erez explains the book's aim as "to expand the limits on reproductive
knowledge in Turkey."390 The encyclopedia provided necessary knowledge
on sexuality and reproduction, saving readers from having to consult a
doctor.391 It was created as an educational and self-help book that
demonstrates how to regulate sexuality and, also, reproductive practices.
The relationship between sexual manners and reproduction evolved and
became more visible in the late 1950s and early 1960s. Sexual manners
covered more boldly information about birth control in the 1960s. Citizens
were asked to control their sexualities, regulate their reproductive practices
and control their births with the help of knowledge on sexual manners.
Interestingly enough, the actors who create sexual knowledge have been at
the frontline of the birth control movement both in Turkey and worldwide.
The translated manuals and articles by authors such as Marie Stopes,
Hannah, and Abraham Stone aimed to contribute to the "sexual manners"
discourse that became visible with the emergence of birth control
discussions during the 1960s. Naşid Erez, again from Turkey, who brought
the importance of "sexual manners" to the public's attention, became one of
the leading figures in the birth control struggle during the first part of the
1960s.
2.3.3. “We are not dirty.”
The writers of sexual manners continued their efforts to produce and
disseminate knowledge about sexuality. However, throughout the process,
they tried to walk a tightrope between making sexual manners accessible
and not crossing the line towards obscene publication (müstehcen neşriyat).
On the one hand, they defended sexual openness for the sake of individuals’
390 Naşit Erez, “Önsöz,” in Resimli Seksoloji Ansiklopedisi, ed. Naşit Erez, Sadi Irmak, Mansur
Sayın, Çevik Alp, Kemal Çağlar, Turgut Metiner, Naci Berkay (İstanbul: Arkın Kitabevi,
1963).
391 “Türker Acaroğlu, Yeni Yayınlar: Arkın Yayınları,” Milliyet, 27.11.1963.
116
and the public’s well-being.392 On the other hand, they tried to avoid being a
part of "dirty publishing." The writers and editors of Seksoloji tried to
display their differences from obscene literature. Akbeğ defined the journal
as a scientific, serious, and objective publication. In parallel, he assessed
other journals as publications that incited young people’s feelings to sell
more copies.393 Erdoğan Meto stated that the primary concern of obscene
publication was commercial. According to Meto, individuals with ill
intentions can use obscene publications to make a profit. They would even
provoke animalistic (behimi) feelings to earn more money.394 Gökay
emphasized the importance of determining the proper limits between
obscene publications (müstehcen neşriyat) and scientific publishing. He
defined pornography as the publication of methods of satisfying sexual
needs.395 The writers of Seksoloji were particularly cruel towards obscene
literature and pornography. One of the crucial concerns of the writers and
publishers working on sexual manners was being not-distinguishable
enough from dirty publishing. They were pretty worried about being
confused by pornographic publishing. According to Cocks, the literature on
sexual manners reached its readers through similar channels to those used
by pornography.396 Hence, the writers of Seksoloji tried to highlight the
differences in their articles.
In the first volume of the second album, the editorial team of Seksoloji
shared their startup story with the readers. They stated that their friends and
acquaintances became worried and hesitated due to their decision to publish
a sexology magazine since they are clean people .397 In the following
392 “Anketimiz - Peyami Safa,” Seksoloji. no. 9 (1949), 5.
393 Faruk Akbeğ, “Zararlı Cinsi Neşriyat,” Seksoloji, 55 (1953), 14.
394 Erdoğan Meto, “Müstehcen Nedir?” Seksoloji, 18 (1950), 17.
395 Fahrettin Kerim Gökay, “Cinsi Terbiye Pornografi Değildir,” Seksoloji, 4 (1949), 8.
396 Harry G. Cocks, “Saucy Stories: Pornography, Sexology and the Marketing of Sexual
Knowledge in Britain, c.1918-70,” Social History 29, 4 (2004): 465-484. Cocks particularly
underlined that at the beginning of the century, pornography and sexology were using same
channels.
397 “İkinci Cildimize Başlarken,” Seksoloji, 7 (1949), 1. “Bizi; temiz kalmayı ve yurt
hizmetinde çalışmayı gaye edinmiş insanlar olarak tanıyan dostlarımız; aşinalarımız; bir
gün bir cinsî bilgiler mecmuası çıkarmaya karar verdiğimizi işittikleri zaman ya üzüldüler
veya şüpheye düştüler.”
117
sentence, the publishers added that they understood their hesitation since
there were publications misusing the subject (sexology).398 The publishers
associated pornographic literature with dirtiness, while they identified
themselves with cleanness. Since the first publication of Seksoloji, the
publishers have used various tools to emphasize their differences from
pornographic literature. They have not only used their editor's column to
explain themselves. But they have also taken the opinions of the public
figures through which they underlined the differences between them and
"the other" literature. They took the support of the era’s opinion leaders with
the Anketimiz column. In the Anketimiz columns, the publishers of Seksoloji
have given space to the public figures where the experts underlined the
journal's contribution to society. On the other hand, they have constantly
warned publishers to avoid similarities between their journals and
pornographic materials. The opinion leaders also asked the editorial team to
be alert about any slippage toward an obscene publication in terms of
language or content.399
Despite their efforts, critics on sexual manners literature came from
different parts of the political spectrum. 400 In Büyük Doğu, the literature on
sex education was blamed for “teaching prostitution.” For a sexual manners
book cover, it was stated that “the ones who are curious about how to
conduct prostitution under the mask of alleged scientific knowledge, please,
398 “İkinci Cildimize Başlarken,” Seksoloji, 7 (1949), 1. “Üzülmelerine; şüphelenmelerine hak
verdik: çünkü bu mevzuun bütün istismar imkânlarını son hudutlarına kadar denemiş ve
denemekte olan çeşitli neşriyat ortada duruyordu; bizim de aynı sahaya el atmamız
zihinlerde haklı olarak bir istifham [soru] uyandıracak ve teşebbüsümüzde şüpheli motifler
arayacaklardı.”
399 “Anketimiz - Fahrettin Kerim Gökay,” Seksoloji, 2 (1949), 6. “Anketimiz - Şekip Tunç,”
Seksoloji, 3 (1949), 10-11. “Anketimiz - Necmettin Rıfat Yarar,” Seksoloji, 4 (1949), 6-7.
“Anketimiz - Kazım İsmail Gürkan,” Seksoloji, 5 (1949), 4-5. “Anketimiz - Şinasi Hakkı
Erel,” Seksoloji, 6 (1949), 6-7.
400 Janice M. Irvine, Disorders of Desire: Sexuality and Gender in Modern American Sexology
(Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2005), 237. Cocks mentions that even in some
cases, the sexology writers were prosecuted and penalized by the authorities. Harry G.
Cocks, “Saucy stories: pornography, sexology and the marketing of sexual knowledge in
Britain, c.1918-70,” Social History 29, 4 (2004), 465-484.
118
welcome!”401 At a relatively later date, Hamdi Varoğlu criticized the
explicit language on sexuality in the newspapers. He stated that the children
could have easy access, which could harm their manners.402 The efforts to
distinguish themselves from dirty publishing did not end with the Seksoloji
journal. Another journal of the era, Gazete Magazin, announced that they
would be providing sexual knowledge to their readers, but without any
illustrations or pictures of being provocative.403 Since the communication of
sexuality was held by images (pictures and illustrations) since the beginning
of the 20th century,404 their preference of not-using pictures could be seen as
a precaution to differentiate themselves from pornographic publishing.
Critics regarding the dissemination of sexual knowledge have targeted
not only journals focusing on sexual manners, sexual knowledge, or
illustrative content. They have even reached a popular newspaper of the era,
Milliyet, to prepare a survey. At a relatively late date, in March 1962,
Milliyet announced that they aimed to organize a survey "to understand the
sexual behaviors of Turkish society so that they could provide an
enlightening report to the decision-makers about the specifics of the lives of
women and men."405 Milliyet published a detailed questionnaire to
understand the sexual practices of women and men. According to the
Milliyet writers, the questionnaire attracted a lot of attention. Hence, Milliyet
published the questionnaire a second time with an instructive text one week
after the first publication.406 Abdi İpekçi, the editor of Milliyet, stated that
they “identifying individuals' sexual practices because sexuality is one of
401 “Sözüm ona ilim ve fenni bilgi maskesi altında fuhuş edebiyatının nasıl yapılabileceğini
merak eden buyursun !” Büyük Doğu, 02.01.1948, 3.
402 Hamdi Varoğlu, “Cinsi Terbiye,” Cumhuriyet, 21.09.1962.
403 “Aşk Dersleri,” Gazete Magazin 2, 1 (1957), 2
404 Lisa Z. Sigel, “Filth in the Wrong People's Hands: Postcards and the Expansion of
Pornography in Britain and the Atlantic World, 1880—1914,” Journal of Social History 33,
4 (2000), 859.
405 Turhan Aytul, “Türkiye’de Kadın – Erkek: 7 milyon erkek ve 7 milyon kadının cinsel
davranışını tesbit ediyoruz.” Milliyet, 28.03.1962. “... Bu suretle Türk Cemiyetinin cinsel
davranışını tesbite çalışacak ve Cemiyet yöneticilerimize bazı sosyal meselelerin hallinde
bir ışık tutmuş olacağız.”
406 Turhan Aytul, “Türkiyede kadın erkek: Türkiyede ilk defa yapılan bu teşebbüs, her yerde
alaka ile takip ediliyor.” Milliyet, 01.04.1962.
119
the most serious problems in our social life. So that we can examine the
characteristics of the sexual practices of our society under the light of
science, and we can understand the reasons for various miseries and
malfunctions to develop certain measures.”407 He also gave three examples
of those miseries with the help of the reader’s letters. He mentioned how
much sorrow they (but particularly Turhan Aytul) felt because of a woman
who was beaten by her drunk husband, and forced her to have sex, and
eventually cheated on her; because a young person who had feelings for his
same-sex friend and attempted suicide; and because of a young girl who has
fallen in love with her 15-years older teacher.408 He added that they
hesitated due to the nature of sexual manners and the hardship of discussing
sexuality openly in a newspaper due to the traditions that consider
discussing sexuality shameful and immoral.409 Although a few family heads
reacted to their attempt and asked how they could bring such a newspaper to
their homes, he stated that their initiative was welcomed with appreciation
and congratulations from the circles of universities to the citizens in small
towns.410 Hence, they realized that their initiative was taken very seriously
407 Abdi İpekçi, “Milliyetten Mektup,” Milliyet, 02.04.1962. “Gerçi milyonlarca insanın maddi
ve manevi ıztıraplarına sebep olan, sosyal hayatımızın en büyük problemlerinden birini
teşkil eden cinsi davranışlarımızı tesbit etmenin faydasına inaniyorduk. Bu suretle
toplulumumuzun cinsi münasebetlerine hakim olan özelliklerin ilim ışığı altında
incelenmesiyle çeşitli ıztırıapların, aksaklıkların sebebi anlaşılabilecek, tedbirleri
bulunabilecekti.”
408 Abdi İpekçi, “Milliyetten Mektup,” Milliyet, 02.04.1962. “Geceleri eve sarhoş gelip
kendisini döve döve, küfür ede ede yatağa sürükleten bir adamın karısının bu ıztıraplı
hayattan kaçmak için nasıl ihanete mecbur kaldığını, hemcinslerine karşı önüne geçilmez
hisler duyan bir gencin bu yüzden geçirdiği buhranlar sonunda intihara kalkıştığını,
kendisinden 15 yaş büyük öğretmenine aşık olan bir ortaokul talebesinin çektiği üzüntüyü
ve daha bunlara benzer yüzlerce vakayı....”
409 Abdi İpekçi, “Milliyetten Mektup,” Milliyet, 02.04.1962. “Buna rağmen tereddüt
ediyorduk. Cinsi konuları gazetelerin sütunlarında açıkça ele almak kolay değildi.
Memleketimizde öteden beri yerleşen ananeler, cinsi meselelerin tartışılmasını ayıplayacak,
bir ahlaksızlık addedecek mahiyetteydi.”
410 Abdi İpekçi, “Milliyetten Mektup,” Milliyet, 02.04.1962. “Gerçi bazı aile babaları
beklediğimiz gibi itiraz etmişler, bu gibi sualleri yayınlayan bir gazeteyi evlerine nasıl
götüreceklerini sormuşlardır. Fakat üniversite çevrelerinden kasabalı vatandaşlara kadar
büyük çoğunluk, teşebbüsümüzü takdir ve tebrikle karşılamış, içlerini dertlerini dökmek
120
by the already answered questionnaires, and they decided to republish the
questionnaire.
Abdi İpekçi’s editorial piece carried almost all the arguments stated by
the opinion leaders who supported the dissemination of sexual knowledge.
İpekçi defended explicitness of sexual manners among the public
throughout the 1950s. However, the same day, a concerned parliamentarian
brought his worries regarding the explicitness and spread of sexual
knowledge among the public to the parliament with a speech. The Kocaeli
parliamentarian of the Justice Party (Adalet Partisi) gave a one-minute
speech to share his contempt and sorrow in the name of the public. After he
read some questions from the survey, he pronounced his contempt and
sorrow for himself and the name of the parliament.411 He believed that
Turkish mothers who gave birth to Mehmed (a symbolic name used for an
anonymous Turkish soldier) and Turkish fathers who made Mehmed would
not answer such questions.412 In between, he also accused the newspaper of
having an evil ideology. At the end of his speech, he addressed the
government and, particularly, the Ministry of Education, since the survey
included individuals starting at 15 years old and asked what they were doing
regarding this ugly and dreary publication.413 In the name of the
government, Ahmet Topaloğlu (minister of interior affairs) stated that this
fırsatını bulduklarından dolayı sevinçlerini belirtmişlerdir, anketin sonucunu merakla
bekleyeceklerini bildirmişlerdir.”
411 TBMM Zabıt Tutanak, Term: 1, Session: 68, Vol. 4 (02.04.1962), 198. Süreyya Sofuoğlu:
“....Meclisi Âlinin de düşüncelerini katarak - teessüf ve teessürlerimi bildirmek isterim”
412 TBMM Zabıt Tutanak, Term: 1, Session: 68, Vol. 4 (02.04.1962), 198. Süreyya Sofuoğlu:
“Ve inanıyorum ki, bir milleti millet yapan, bilhassa aziz Türk Millettinin şehametlerinde
ifadesini bulan, kahramanlık destanları yazdıran, Mehmed'i doğuran Türk anasi'na,
Mehmed'i yapan Türk babasına böyle sualler sorulamaz, zaten, o da cevap vermez.”
413 TBMM Zabıt Tutanak, Term: 1, Session: 68, Vol. 4 (02.04.1962), 198. Süreyya Sofuoğlu:
“Şimdi, çok sayın Hükümetten soruyorum bu çirkin ve acı tablo karşısında Hükümet
olarak, 15 yaşından yukarı kız ve erkeği içine alması hasebiyle, Maarif Vekâleti olarak,
hattâ bu neşriyat münasebeti ile söz almamdan istifade edip büyük Türk matbuatının büyük
bir kısmını tenzih ederek, zaman zaman bâzı gazetelerde çöreklenmiş menfi ideoloji
sahiplerini işaret edip Dahiliye Vekilinden soruyorum; cemiyet nereye götürülmek
isteniyor? (Bravo, sesleri) Bu çirkin ve hazin neşriyatın toplum üzerindeki menfi tesirleri
üzerinde durmalıyız. duyduğum infial hepinizin infiali oldu. Hepinizi hürmetle selâmlarım.
(Alkışlar)”
121
publication has also attracted the attention of the government and
communicated with the Ministry of Justice to labor the subject.414
The following day, Milliyet devoted almost half of its front page in
order to replying to the accusations of “being immoral and indecent,” ensure
its credibility with the testimonies and comments of the well-known
scientists about the survey, and question the intentions and credibility of
Sofuoğlu with providing information about his past financial and political
trials.415 In an editorial article, Milliyet asked for proof of Sofuoğlu’s
accusation of “having an evil ideology.” The editorial team stated that the
prosecution had already investigated the survey and questionnaire. Based on
the comments of a scientific board from the university, the prosecution
decided that there was no need for further investigation.416 The newspaper
has also received comments from scientists from different fields. The
scientist stated that this questionnaire was a scientific study similar to those
conducted in the western countries and the Unites States. Last but not least,
the newspaper has also taken views of the Minister of Education who
confirmed scientific content of the survey.417 Ultimately, Milliyet covered
all the corners to reply to the accusations. The results of the survey were
published almost one year later, in January 1963, as a series.418 The series
ended shortly and did not cover some subjects which were addressed in the
questions, though there were no apparent public or parliamentarian reactions
against the results of the survey.
The survey was published as an edited book, “Türkiye’de Cinsiyet
Problemi” (Sexuality Problem in Turkey) in 1964. The book consisted of
the results of the survey and the articles written by the scientists. According
to Aytul, the book was the result of a three-year study. The topics covered in
the book were a combination of two surveys. The first survey was
414 TBMM Zabıt Tutanak, Term: 1, Session: 68, Vol. 4 (02.04.1962), 198. Ahmet Topaloğlu
(Minister of Interior Affairs): “Çok muhterem arkadaşlarım, bu neşriyat Hükümetinizin de
dikkatini çekmiştir. Dahiliye Vekâleti olarak, Adliye Vekâletiyle temas halindeyiz;
üzerinde durulmaktadır, arz ederim. (Bravo, sesleri, alkışlar)”
415 “Kim bu adam? Sofuoğlu’nun siyasi geçmişi,” Milliyet, 03.04.1962.
416 “Bu ithamın isbatını bekliyoruz.” Milliyet, 03.04.1962.
417 “Bu ithamın isbatını bekliyoruz.” Milliyet, 03.04.1962.
418 “Cinsel ve sosyal davranışlarıyla kadın,” Milliyet, 06.01.1963.
122
“Türkiye’de Cinsel ve Sosyal Davranışlarıyla Kadın Araştırması” (Sexual
and Social Behaviours of Women in Turkey), which was first started as a
private examination (özel soruşturma). However, according to Aytul, since
that method progressed very slowly, the survey team cooperated with
Milliyet. Milliyet published the questionnaire set of the survey to conduct
the research. The second survey was “Türkiye’de evlilik” (Marriage in
Turkey), which was prepared in 1962 and published in Milliyet.419
The ones who raised their voices against the explicitness and
dissemination of sexual knowledge have brought arguments under several
titles. These concerns were intertwined and supported each other. One of the
biggest and consensual concerns was linked with the values of Turkish
society. Their voices came from different parts of society. As mentioned, a
parliamentarian found the explicitness of sexual knowledge to insult the
mothers and fathers of Turkish youth. Some writers argued that such
explicitness was inappropriate for the values of Turkishness. More extremes
claimed that the ones who are providing such knowledge under the name of
science have evil intentions against the Turkish nation since these
discussions could spoil the core of Turkishness, namely, the Turkish family.
They argued that over-permissiveness (aşırı serbestlik) resulted from the
Communist mind. The communists were trying to destroy Turkish society
by corrupting the inner values and the core unit – namely – the family.420
Hence, over-permissiveness of sexuality can harm familial values. Also,
“inclination toward sexuality could strengthen communism.”421 The
objections were raised with the moral concerns and rejected the
dissemination of sexual knowledge.422 Some writers reserved partial
419 Turhan Aytul ed., Türkiye’de Cinsiyet Problemi (İstanbul: Varlık Yayınevi, 1964), 3, 13.
420 Reşat Feyzi Yüzüncü, “Komünizma Öncüleri,” Büyük Doğu, 19.03.1948, 15.
421 Reşat Feyzi Yüzüncü, “Komünizma Öncüleri,” Büyük Doğu, 19.03.1948, 15. “Fuhuş
türkiyemizde almış yürümüştür. Fuhşa karşı olan temayüllerin artması, komünizmayı
kuvvetlendirir. Eski terbiye sisteminden kurtulan nesiller, bugün şaşırmış haldedirler.” In
Australia, Peter Scales mentioned that the publishers of sexual knowledge were accused of
“Communist-influenced destroyers of the family.” Peter Scales, “Sex Education in the '70s
and '80s: Accomplishments, Obstacles and Emerging Issues,” Family Relations 30, 4
(1981), 557.
422 Scales, “Sex Education in the '70s and '80s: Accomplishments, Obstacles and Emerging
Issues,” 557.
123
reservations against the free dissemination of sexual knowledge. Although
they did not object to the idea of sexual knowledge, they warned the writers
about the limits of the content and the ways of the dissemination. Since
sexual manners was a delicate subject, the responsible individuals were
warned about the dangers when/if sexual education was not transferred by
knowledgeable and competent individuals.423 Accordingly, the credibility
and competence of the publishers and published materials became a debated
issue when and if the covered topic was seen as not-fit into the proper limits.
The rise of visibility in sexuality-related subjects accompanied the rise
of the sexual manners discourse. Sexual manners was instrumentalized to
inform the public about sexuality, which helped determine the content and
limits of sexuality. The publishers and advocators of sexual manners
constructed its content on scientific language, which also legitimized
dissemination of the sexuality-related subjects. Sexual manners was
presented as a necessity and contribution to the well-being of society and
individuals. Therefore, the content of sexual manners entailed various
subjects such as venereal diseases, “good marriages,” spousal roles,
sexuality’s relation with crime, knowledge on conception, sexual anatomy,
and even contraception. However, more than anything, the importance of
teaching and disseminating sexual manners was explained in relation to selfregulation.
The opinion leaders of the era wanted to gain sexual manners
from the citizens so that they could regulate their behaviors. The supporters
of sexual manners did not only promote the content on sexuality. They
constructed sexuality discursively through the channels of sexual manners.
The following subsection discusses the introduction of sexual manners
as a term, providing clues regarding its relations to the etymology of
discipline (disciplining).
423 The discussions regarding the agents – who would be responsible of producing and
distributing of sexual manners will be discussed in the “Experts” section of this chapter.
Scales was discussing the same problem for the sexual education during the 1970s and the
1980s. Scales, “Sex Education in the '70s and '80s: Accomplishments, Obstacles and
Emerging Issues,” 557
124
2.4. Presentation, content, and forms of sexual manners
During the 1950s, as the number of publications increased, the content
on sexual manners was enriched and diversified. The writers of sexual
manners (scientists, public figures, and policymakers) tried to cover various
topics related to sexuality. They produced knowledge about different topics,
such as physical attributes, mating patterns, abnormalities, healthy marriage
activities, pedagogy of sexuality, sexual hygiene, and legal issues. Sexual
manners was mainstreamed in almost every aspect of life.424 This section
lays out a map of the topics covered, how they relate to sexuality, the types
of text used to reach the public, and the sources that were used.
2.4.1. From tenasül terbiyesi to cinsi terbiye
The terms sexual knowledge and sexual education were used in popular
and academic written material.425 Sexual conduct was also another term
used by academics regarding sexual matters and sexuality.426 Marriage
advice or conjugal advice were used as alternative concepts in the popular
424 For mainstreaming sexuality, see: Feona Attwood ed., Mainstreaming Sex: The
Sexualisation of Western Culture (New York: I.B. Tauris, 2009). For a critical contribution
to the everydayness and mainstreaming of sexuality, see: Richard Parker, “Sexuality, culture
and society: shifting paradigms in sexuality research,” Culture, Health and Sexuality 11, 3
(2009), 251-266. For the “everydayness” of sexuality, Ken Plummer used the concept
“daily practices of doing sex,” which referred to a local and unique experience. Plummer
also underlines the importance of deconstructing “the universal and essential
conceptualization” of sexuality by focusing on the daily performative practices, see: Ken
Plummer, “Studying Sexualities for a Better World? Ten Years of Sexualities,” Sexualities
11, 1-2 (2008), 7-22.
425 Roy Porter and Lesley Hall use all of these terms to analyze development of sexual
knowledge in the United Kingdom at the end of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
Even the book's name includes the concept of "sexual knowledge." Porter and Hall, The
Facts of Life, for sexual conduct see, 228, for alternative names, see the chapter “the
makings of popular sexual knowledges,” 247, for marriage advice see, 215 and for sex
advice see, 216.
426 Ezgi Sarıtaş uses “sexual conduct” in the summary of her article to refer sexual knowledge
and sexual education. Sarıtaş, “Seksoloji: 1945-1955 arası Türkiye'de Cinsel Terbiye.”
125
marriage manuals of the 1950s for sexuality-related subjects.427 Last but not
least, sex advice was used to describe knowledge about sexuality,
particularly in magazines and manuals. The majority of the academic
literature on sexual knowledge has been produced based on the literature
written primarily in English. Secondary literature scholars use the same
terminology in their analyses and discussions as primary literature writers.
In Turkish literature, the writers of/on sexuality used derivatives for sexual
knowledge, like in literature in English. The terminology surrounding
sexuality transformed, particularly between the 1940s and 1960s.
Tenasül (reproductive) was seen in the texts regarding sexuality until the
mid-1940s. Fritz Kahn’s book, which was one of the famous books of the
period, was translated into Turkish as “Tenasül Hayatımız: Herkes ve Aile
için bir Rehber” (Our Reproductive Life: A Guide for Everybody and the
Family) in 1940, although the original name of the book started with “our
sex life.”428 Tenasül was used to refer to the reproductive system and organs
as well as sexuality.429 In the late 1940s, two phrases, cinsi terbiye (sexual
manners) and tenasül terbiyesi (reproductive manners), were used
simultaneously in texts about sexuality. The interchangeable use of tenasül
and cinsi could be followed in the articles. Tenasül as a concept was limited
427 In the manuals, which were prepared for married individuals and marriage life, marriage
advice or conjugal advice was used. See: İşte Evlendiniz, Mükemmel İzdivaçın Şartları.
428 Fritz Kahn, Tenasül Hayatımız: Herkes ve aile için bir rehber, trans. Cemil Cahit Cem
(İstanbul: TürkiyeYayınevi, 1940). The book was published with the title “Unser
Geschlechtsleben: Ein Führer und Berater für Jedermann” (Our Sex Life: A Guide and
Advice for Everybody) in 1935. However it was translated to Turkish as “Tenasül
Hayatımız: Herkes ve Aile için bir Rehber” (Our Reproductive Life: A guide for everybody
and family).
429 Tevfik Remzi Kazancıgil, a gynecologist of the period, used both cinsi (sexual) and tenasül
(reproductive) in the same sentence. “Bugün artık cinsiyet ve tenasül işlerini hakiki
bilgilere dayanarak biyoloji ve sosyoloji cephelerinden karşılamak mümkündür.” Tevfik
Remzi Kazancıgil, “Eser hakkında bir (Takriz-beğenti),” in Tenasül Hayatımız: Herkes ve
aile için bir rehber, written by Fritz Kahn, trans. Cemil Cahit Cem (İstanbul:
TürkiyeYayınevi, 1940).
126
to medical issues, focusing on reproductive organs or replaced with cinsi
when it came to the sexual intercourse in the writings.430
Cinsi Terbiye (sexual manners) was the most commonly used term for
sexual knowledge in Turkish popular and academic writings.431 Terbiye as a
term includes the meanings (concepts) of educating someone, understanding
and appreciating the “common” rules, following the norm(s), trying to fit in
the proper limits, and controlling himself/herself. In parallel to the first
meaning of terbiye, learning and teaching about sexuality was the
forthcoming aspect in sexual manners discussions. The second aspect of
terbiye was related to asking someone to adjust his/her attitude and
behaviours according to “common” or “acceptable” norms. In one of the
translated articles, the writers suggested that the readers hold the reins of
their sexuality and control it properly, which can bring joy and happiness to
their lives.432 Therefore, when the writers used cinsi terbiye in their
narratives, sexual education alone does not correspond to the meaning of the
concept. It rests somewhere between education and discipline where
individuals exert physically and mentally to change their behaviors and
attitude. Else, education can be approached as broader than its institutional
sense. Education could be considered as the advice, the instruction, the
communication, and, eventually, the etiquette of sexuality.433 In the 1950s,
430 An article from Kadın Gazetesi, translated by Nuri Arun and from Beatrice Green Taines
was titled “Tenasül Bahsinde Yeni ve Enteresan Bir Etüd,” Kadın Gazetesi, 1947/23, 9.
The article was giving information about the usage of thermometer to determine best time
to get pregnant. Another one from a later date about cancer, Tenasül ve İdrar Yolları
Kanseri, trans. Vehbi Müderrisoğlu (Ankara: Canser Research and Fight Institution, 1958).
431 Cinsi Terbiye (sexual manners) as a term is consisted of two words and defined as “sexual
education” in the Ottoman dictionary. While cinsi means “belonging to a kind, to a
generation, to a descendance” or “related to a kind, to a generation, to a descendance”,431
terbiye has four different meanings as feeding and growing; education; manners and
training. Although the exact translation of the concept means “providing information and/or
education about sexes,” the Turkish version covered “giving information about sexual and
reproductive processes.” Ferit Devellioğlu, Osmanlıca – Türkçe Ansiklopedik Lugat, 22.
edition (İstanbul: Aydın Kitabevi, 2005).
432 David Keller, “Cinsiyetin Kudreti,” Seksoloji, 12 (Mart 1950), 33.
433 Bashford and Strange, “Public Pedagogy: Sex Education and Mass Communication in the
Mid–Twentieth Century,” 73.
127
the words terbiye and bilgi (knowledge /information) were used together.
Starting with the 1960s, the phrase was vastly replaced by cinsel bilgiler
(sexual knowledge). Although seksoloji was used as a complementary
concept in the discussions, seksi bilgiler and seksi terbiye were not very
welcome coverings in texts. Not only has the wording of the concept
changed to cinsel bilgiler.434 However, the perception and content of the
concept shifted from informing the public about the etiquette of sexuality to
providing medical knowledge about sexual matters. In Turkish, bilgi was
generally used for scientific or science-related discourses,
whereas terbiye referred to information about proper social conduct. At
first, cinsi terbiye was used for educating public about proper sexuality and
sexual practices. Within fifteen years, it was replaced with in cinsel bilgiler,
which insinuated scientific knowledge.
Seksoloji (sexology) was another term used during the period that refers
to a scientific discipline and its expertise. As mentioned before, during the
publication process, the writers of the journal, Seksoloji, tried to prove and
remind the public that their journal contains original and scientific content,
not popular and pornographic material. The journal tried to change the
perception of sexuality from a daily, secretive, and mundane subject to a
scientific, universal, and explainable fact. The contingency of sexuality and
sex was seen in the change of terminology (wording) of sexuality along with
its territory and content, even in 30 years, from the first translated and
published marriage manual in 1931 to the 1960s.435
The increasing number of visual materials went hand in hand with the
use of anatomical knowledge in magazines and manuals. Medical language
gained dominance by using terminology, particularly in the anatomical and
functional descriptions of the organs. The dominant usage of the medical
language in the articles caused the intertwining of these articles with
434 Naşit Erez, Sadi Irmak, Mansur Sayın, Çevik Alp, Kemal Çağlar, Turgut Metiner, Naci
Berkay ed., Resimli Seksoloji Ansiklopedisi (İstanbul: Arkın Kitabevi, 1963).
435 Müge Işıklar Koçak stated that the first Latin-letters manual was published in 1931. Işıklar
Koçak, “Problematizing Translated Popular Texts on Women’s Sexuality,” 2. For the
“contingency of sexuality,” see, M.E. Bailey, “Foucauldian Feminism: Contesting Bodies,
Sexuality and Identity,” in Up Against Foucault, ed. Caroline Ramazanoğlu (London:
Routledge, 1993), 107.
128
medical columns.436 Sexuality was narrated as a medical and physiological
subject with medical language. Because the terminology was primarily
borrowed from the field of medicine, the medical mind became the
dominant source for defining and describing sexuality. The medicalization
of sexuality was not limited to the textual content alone. By modifying the
language, sexuality was transformed into a medical topic. The changing
language of sexuality was a hint of the transformation in the way that the
body and sexuality was seen.437
In the texts about sexual manners and sexual matters, the writers,
translators, or editorial team did not have a consistent strategy for using of
medical terms. The medical terms were, in some cases, written in Turkish.
Consensual terms used by authors were ilk adet (for first menstruation),438
yumurtalık (for ovary),439 soğukluk (for frigidity),440 and çiftleşme (for
copulation).441 In some cases, Ottoman Turkish was used for the naming.
Gudde (for gland),442 husye sancısı (for menstruation pains),443 tenasül uzvu
(for sexual organ),444 hayız (for menstruation),445 mukaretinden çekinmek
436 Bashford and Strange, “Public Pedagogy: Sex Education and Mass Communication in the
Mid–Twentieth Century,” 86.
437 Lisa Z. Sigel, “Name Your Pleasure: The Transformation of Sexual Language in
Nineteenth
Century British Pornography,” Journal of the History of Sexuality 9, no.4 (2000), 395.
438 Alaettin Orhon, Kadın Sağlığı: Doğuştan Adet Kesilmesine Kadar (Ankara: Ankara
Üniversitesi Tıp Fakültesi Yayınları, 1962), 12. Octawe Beliard, “Vakitsiz Adetten
Kesilme,” Seksoloji, 25 (1951), 29.
439 Fred McMauldin, Her Nişanlı Genç Kız Neler Bilmelidir? Yarın Evleneceksin, trans. Selim
Yetkili (Istanbul: Hadise Yayınevi, 1956), 60.
440 W.E. Sargent, Evlilik Hayatında Daha Bahtiyar Olmanın Yolları, trans. Ömer Rıza Doğrul
(Istanbul: Arif Bolat Kitabevi, 1942), 23-39.
441 Sargent, Evlilik Hayatında Daha Bahtiyar Olmanın Yolları, 40-68.
442 McMauldin, Her Nişanlı Genç Kız Neler Bilmelidir? Yarın Evleneceksin, 60. Octawe
Beliard, “Vakitsiz Adetten Kesilme,” Seksoloji, 25 (1951), 28.
443 McMauldin, Her Nişanlı Genç Kız Neler Bilmelidir? Yarın Evleneceksin, 22.
444 McMauldin, Her Nişanlı Genç Kız Neler Bilmelidir? Yarın Evleneceksin, 22. For tenasül:
Burdet Wylie, “Tenasül Hastalıkları,” Seksoloji, 25 (1951), 46.
445 Kadınlar Niçin İhanet Ederler? (İstanbul: Hadise Publishing, 1956), 8. W.E. Sargent,
Evlilik Hayatında Daha Bahtiyar Olmanın Yolları, trans. Ömer Rıza Doğrul (Istanbul: Arif
Bolat Kitabevi, 1942), 33.
129
(for abstinence),446 cinsi münasebet (for coitus), istimna (for masturbation)
and meni (for sperm)447 were some examples of the use. In other cases, the
English equivalents were used as they are either pronounced or written
originally such as jenital organlar (for genital organs),448 orgasm (oragazm
in some texts),449 seksüel hayat (for sexual life),450 sex,451 coitus,452
nymphomaniak (for nymphomaniac and/or nymphomanie),453 klitoris
(clitoris),454 impotence,455 vaginism,456 and vagina.457 In some cases, the
term was written in English version and supported with a Turkish term in
parentheses. Terms used in this sense could be listed as püberte-büluğ
(puberty),458 patolojik-maraz hali (patological),459 kadın cinsiyet hormone –
estrogen (estrogen),460 tiroid guddesi (thyroid gland),461 frijit - cinsel
446 Sargent, Evlilik Hayatında Daha Bahtiyar Olmanın Yolları, 47, 83.
447 Rudolph von Urban, Aşk Sanatı, trans. Muzaffer Aşkın (Istanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları,
1950), 12 – 13. Max Huhner, “Sancılı Cinsel Münasebet,” Seksoloji, 25 (1951), 38.
448 Alaettin Orhon, Kadın Sağlığı: Doğuştan Adet Kesilmesine Kadar, 13.
449 McMauldin, Her Nişanlı Genç Kız Neler Bilmelidir? Yarın Evleneceksin, 26. Kadınlar
Niçin İhanet Ederler? (İstanbul, Hadise Publishing, 1956), 53. Rudolph von Urban, Aşk
Sanatı, trans. Muzaffer Aşkın (Istanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları, 1950), 99.
450 McMauldin, Her Nişanlı Genç Kız Neler Bilmelidir? Yarın Evleneceksin, 42.
451 McMauldin, Her Nişanlı Genç Kız Neler Bilmelidir? Yarın Evleneceksin, 4.
452 McMauldin, Her Nişanlı Genç Kız Neler Bilmelidir? Yarın Evleneceksin, 25.
453 McMauldin, Her Nişanlı Genç Kız Neler Bilmelidir? Yarın Evleneceksin, 84. N.P., 200 sual
200 cevap (İstanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları, 1952), 6 (edited from the books of Hannah Stone
and Abraham Stone and Edward Podolsky, editor unknown).
454 Kadınlar Niçin İhanet Ederler? (İstanbul: Hadise Publishing, 1956), 86.
455 Kadınlar Niçin İhanet Ederler? (İstanbul: Hadise Publishing, 1956), 88.
456 Max Huhner, “Cinsi Münasebet Esnasında Sancı Duyan Kadın,” Seksoloji, 26 (1951), 28.
457 Rudolph von Urban, Aşk Sanatı, trans. Muzaffer Aşkın (Istanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları,
1950), 11. Doğumu Tanzim (İstanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları, 1952), 9.
458 Orhon, Kadın Sağlığı: Doğuştan Adet Kesilmesine Kadar, 8.
459 Orhon, Kadın Sağlığı: Doğuştan Adet Kesilmesine Kadar, 13. For “Cinsi hayatta marazi
haller,” Aydın Uluyazman, “Cinsi Hayatta Marazi Haller,” Seksoloji, 39 (1952), 35.
460 McMauldin, İnsan Hayatı Serisi, No: 5, Her Nişanlı Genç Kız Neler Bilmelidir? Yarın
Evleneceksin, 59.
461 McMauldin, İnsan Hayatı Serisi, No: 5, Her Nişanlı Genç Kız Neler Bilmelidir? Yarın
Evleneceksin, 62.
130
soğukluk (frigid or sexually cold),462 menopause - adet kesimi devresi
(menopause or the period of permanent cessation of menstruation).463 Even
in some cases, the terms were used interchangeably in the same text such as
bikir (hymen) and kızlık zarı (hymen),464 yumurtalıklar (ovaries) and overler
(ovaries)465 or kadın tenasül organları (female genital organs) and kadın iç
jenital (tenasül) organları (female inner genital organs).466
The terminology was in a transformation process along with the
subject.467 Publishers needed a suitable terminology to communicate sexual
manners as the subject became more visible in public debates. The topic of
sexual manners was in the construction process in public discourse along
with the construction of the medical disciplines focusing on sexualityrelated
subjects such as gynecology.468 Therefore, a new terminology
needed to be invented or borrowed from other languages. Muzaffer Aşkın,
as the translator of “İşte Evlendiniz” (Now You Got Married) provided a
glossary at the beginning of the manual. He gave the definitions of penis,
vagina, orgazm, inzal (release), spermatozoe (sperm), klitoris (clitoris), and
vulva.469 The glossary was not a part of the original text. Aşkın added the
dictionary to turn the text into a more understandable text. Besides, no
centered strategy for structuring the terminology existed, although these
texts were published after the language planning activities in Turkey during
462 McMauldin, İnsan Hayatı Serisi, No: 5, Her Nişanlı Genç Kız Neler Bilmelidir? Yarın
Evleneceksin, 51.
463 McMauldin, İnsan Hayatı Serisi, No: 5, Her Nişanlı Genç Kız Neler Bilmelidir? Yarın
Evleneceksin, 83.
464 McMauldin, İnsan Hayatı Serisi, No: 5, Her Nişanlı Genç Kız Neler Bilmelidir? Yarın
Evleneceksin, 86 for bikir and 25 for kızlık zarı.
465 Orhon, Kadın Sağlığı: Doğuştan Adet Kesilmesine Kadar, 167 for overler.
466 Orhon, Kadın Sağlığı: Doğuştan Adet Kesilmesine Kadar, for kadın tenasül organları, 15
and for kadın iç jenital (tenasül) organları, 17.
467 Peyami Safa, “Objektif: İlmi terimler ve halk dili,” Milliyet, 07.01.1958.
468 The gynecology departments in the universities were in the formation process. See, Günal,
“Health and Citizenship in Republican Turkey.”
469 Dr. Le Mon Clark, İşte Evlendiniz, trans. Muzaffer Aşkın, third edition (İstanbul: Seksoloji
Yayınları, 1951), 6.
131
the 1940s and 1950s.470 The vocabulary was highly dependent on the choice
of the writers, translators, or editorial board of the publishing. Particularly
private publishing houses had a significant role in shaping cultural
repertoire in Turkey between 1923 and 1960. They shaped the public
discourse and intervened in the content of the public discussion.471 They
tried to bring Turkish terminology into different publishing formats
(including the magazines and books), whether creating new words or
borrowing from Ottoman. They have employed English versions of the
terms since their main source was from foreign languages both for the
sexual manners and medicine.
2.4.2. Anatomy: Description of Organs
One of the prominent subjects covered under the sexual manners was
the description, physiology, and functions of sexually ascribed organs in
relation to the reproductive practices of the individuals. The texts also
covered the physiology and functions of the organs during the coital
process. Almost in every Seksoloji issue, a certain part was reserved for the
explanations regarding the sexual organs. These parts were narrated either
as a separate article or in an article dealing with an illness related to this
particular organ. Generally, the description of the sexual organs took up the
first chapters of manuals since the rest of the material was discussed by
referring to this particular chapter. Interestingly, the articles were supported
by visual materials - illustrations and photographs -.472 Even the functions of
470 Şehnaz Tahir-Gürçağlar, The Politics and Poetics of Translation in Turkey 1923-1960,
Ph.D. Diss. (Boğaziçi University, 2001). http://www.transint.boun.edu.tr/html/tezler/
SehnazTahir Gurcaglar.pdf. Şehnaz Tahir-Gürçağlar, “Tercüme Bürosu Nasıl Doğdu.
Birinci Türk Neşriyat Kongresi ve Çeviri Planlaması,” in Çeviriyi Düşünenler, ed. M. Rıfat
(Istanbul: Dünya Yayıncılık, 2003), 48-58. The Translation Bureau (1940-1960), which
was founded under the Ministry of Education have translated and published considerable
amount of canonized literary works during the period.
471 It is particularly important for this study since the translations on women’s sexuality were
conducted by private publishing houses. Şehnaz Tahir-Gürçağlar, The Politics and Poetics
of Translation in Turkey 1923-1960, 62.
472 According to Balsoy, Besim Ömer also used visual materials in his books. Gülhan Erkaya
Balsoy, Kahraman Doktor İhtiyar Acuzeye Karşı: Geç Osmanlı Doğum Politikaları
132
the anatomical organs were explained on the visual materials with the help
of diagrams and notes.473
These visual materials displayed the “anomalies” alongside
the average appearances.474 The “anomalies” were defined as abnormal,
not-natural or illnesses by the writers.475 Also, the symptomatic effects of
the illnesses on the sexual organs have been used to warn the readers against
the dangers of “illicit behaviors.”476 The illustrations of sexual organs with
abscesses or ulcers were tools to deter readers from “unwanted sexuality.”
The illustrations contained the inner parts of the sexual organs, which
could only be known by experts. The visual and textual descriptions were
indicators to display and persuade the readers about the experts’ broad
knowledge regarding the sexual organs by presenting them from inside to
outside in detail. The illustrations provided information about the inner
positions and functions of the sexual organs. They also revealed the parts of
the sexual organs that the human eye could not see.477 On the other hand,
the newspapers were lacking regarding the visual presentations. According
to Selda Bulut and Leven Cantek, the frequent usage of illustrations and
photographs were a result of developments in publishing technology. The
developments in publishing technology enabled the publishers to use
numerous visual materials.478 Regarding era’s publications, one different
(İstanbul: Can Yayınları, 2015), 41-42. It is important to note that unlike Besim Ömer’s
books, which contained “academic” knowledge for experts, Seksoloji was a popular journal
that aimed to reach the general public.
473 Dr. Jean Hoppeler, “Kadında Adet Görme ve Yumurtlama,” Seksoloji, 23 (1951), 15.
474 Dr. Turgut Uran, “Kadın Tenasül Uzuvlarında Kusurlu Yaradılışlar,” Seksoloji, 37 (1952),
39.
475 Ironically, the writers described human beings as a part of nature while labeling some of
them as "not natural" due to their proximity to the average. Anomaly olarak tanımlamasını
ekle.
476 Gençlik Hayatı, no. 1: Genç Kızlığın En Esrarlı Tarafı: Bakirelik (İstanbul: Hadise
Yayınları, 1959), 2. “…püberte çağındaki gençler ise gittikçe kabaran bu hislerini etraflıca
izah edecek, aydınlatacak, bilgili bir kimse bulamazlar. … arkadaşlarından duyduğu yanlış
malumatla… nevrozlu ferdler ve anormal seksüel hayatları olur…”
477 Foucault, The Birth of The Clinic.
478 Bulut, “Hürriyet Gazetesi: 1948-1953 Döneminin Yayın Politikası,” 89-91. Cantek,
Cumhuriyetin Büluğ Çağı. Şenol-Cantek, “Ellili Yıllar Türkiye’sinde Basın.”
133
approach appeared in preferences of newspapers. Although textual
descriptions of sexual organs appeared in the newspapers, unlike manuals
and magazines (journals), visual material on sexual organs was not used as
part of newspapers’ articles.
2.4.3. Marital and Sexual Relations
Sexual relations between partners were another prominent subject in the
sexuality-related texts. The functioning of sexuality, relations between
partners (spouses), and the limits of sexuality were constructed discursively
in the sexual manners texts. This discourse was supported and justified by
the exemplary and, mostly, fictive cases. The content of sexual manners was
based on the assumption that sexuality would occur in the marriage and a
“legitimate” format, particularly for women. Therefore, sexuality out-ofconjugial
bond was whether not touched or set as an abnormal or illhappening.
479 Conjugial bond was taken as a process that started before the
union (marriage) and continued with the duties of the spouses. Namely, the
period before the marriage, including the meeting with the partner, flirting,
and engagement, was covered in the manuals along with the discussions
regarding marriage.480 Sexuality between spouses was discussed in detail
from the “first night” to “pleasure in marriage.” The functions of the
spouses in sexual relations were also defined thoroughly. Particularly, men
were instructed about the effective ways of “art of love” to make their wives
479 For a detailed discussion about the “out-of-marriage” sexuality, see the “Appropriate
Sexuality” chapter.
480 See for the steps of a marital process, Max J. Exner, Mükemmel İzdivacın Şartları, trans.
Muzaffer Aşkın, 3rd edition (İstanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları, 1951). The chapters of the
manual: 1) Beginning (Başlangıç) 2) The marriage ideal (evlilik ideali) 3) Choosing the
spouse (Eşin Seçilmesi) 4) Engagement (Nişanlılık) 5) Preparation for Marriage
(Evlenmeye Hazırlanış) 6) Getting Information (Bilgi Edinmek) 7) Ways of controlling
births (Gebeliğe mani olma usulleri). See first chapter of W.E. Sargent, Evlilik Hayatında
Daha Bahtiyar Olmanın Yolları, trans. Ömer Rıza Doğrul (İstanbul: Arif Bolat Kitabevi,
1942). “Birinci Fasıl Sevginin Tarifi: İki çeşit genç; İlk sevgiler; Eş nasıl seçilir, İlk bakışta
sevişmeler; Aşk ve cinsiyet; Yanılmak mümkündür, fakat.” (Part One: Definition of Love:
Two types of young people, How to choose a spouse? Love at first sight, It’is possible to
make a mistake but.).
134
happy and sustain their happy marriages.481 Besides the skills of husbands in
sexuality, the manuals touched upon the subjects such as sexual life in
marriage, sexual harmony between the spouses, sexuality of married
women, harmful effects of sexual dissatisfaction in marriage.482
The texts were a combination of various disciplines, including
psychology, law, and even anthropology. Articles about the codes of
marriage, the legal status of married couples, and custody of children could
be given as examples for legal subjects.483 For psychology, the list of the
articles is longer with the subjects particularly defining illnesses and
perversions casued by sexual abnormalities. Articles about sexuality in other
cultures were mainly fed by the anthropology discipline, which informed
readers about the sexual, reproductive and marital traditions.484 Along with
the texts related to marriage, the article and manuals also covered subjects
related to family life, starting from the legal aspects of marriage and family
to the advice about the daily activities such as child care and home care.485
The articles were anchored with discussions about the roles and duties of
the spouses.486 One of the objectives of the texts on sexual manners was to
embed the norms of a “good spouse.” The magazines and manuals included
texts and visuals that portrayed the “desired” characteristics of good
spouses. The descriptive and encouraging texts focused more on the roles
and duties of women as good wives and mothers than men as
husbands.487 Women's desired features were defined in detail as they have
481 For first night and “how to make your wife happy,” see: Dr. Le Mon Clark, İşte Evlendiniz,
trans. Muzaffer Aşkın, third edition (İstanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları, 1951).
482 John Anthony, “Evlilik ve Cinsiyet,” Seksoloji, 10 (1950), 1-3.
483 Ferit H. Saymen, “Evlilikte Eşitlik,” Seksoloji, 37 (1952). Ferit Hakkı Saymen, “Evlenme
yaşı,” Seksoloji, 12 (1950), 8-9.
484 “Dünyada Cinsi Hayat: Yeni Guinea,” Seksoloji, 39 (1952), 49-52.
485 W.E. Sargent, Evlilik Hayatında Daha Bahtiyar Olmanın Yolları, trans. Ömer Rıza Doğrul
(Istanbul: Arif Bolat Kitabevi, 1942), see: section seven. Section Seven: Family Life,
Manners for harmony, Intervals between births, Jealousy among children, Encouraging
children’s development, A child is a sacred trust, The effect of discord on children,
Rebellious children, A happy home.
486 F.W. Rawland, “İzdivaç Terbiyesi,” Seksoloji, 32 (1951), 2-3.
487 “Kabahat Yalnız Kocanızda mı?” Seksoloji, 32 (1951), 15-17. Recep Doksat, “Çocuğun en
önemli gıdası anne şefkati,” Milliyet, 25.02.1958.
135
been seen as a part of their sex. Giving birth and child-rearing practices
were discussed, along with the devotion and honor of women.488 Being crisp
was discussed under the subject of "keeping marriage and husband happy,"
which would prevent husbands from searching for "an alternative
happiness" outside of home.489 Besides articles decorated with visual
materials, the texts were presented in the format of researches and
informative articles, interviews, short stories, and surveys.
Comparative cases among different cultures in different times were
given a place in the texts on sexual manners. Culturally differentiating
sexual practices were used as exemplary cases to explain a particular subject
such as virginity, engagement or marriage rituals in different cultures. Also,
culture or country-based comparisons were important to inform their readers
that sexuality was experienced differently in different cultures and at
different times.490 The popular discussions of the day were matched with the
Seksoloji-related texts. During the Korean War, Seksoloji published a series
about sexuality in Korea and Japon, “Kore ve Japonya’da Cinsiyet ve Evlilik
Hayatı” (Sex and Marriage Life in Korea and Japon), which was prepared
by the first chief physician of Turkey’s brigade, doctor major Seyfettin
Asu.491
The historical side of sexuality was also taken place in the articles. Like
the cultural differences, the historical side of sexuality was whether used in
the articles to present the background of a subject or stated solely to give
information about a particular period.
The historical references covered a wide range of periods from Roman
times to the nineteenth century. On the one hand, they have narrated a
488 Louis E. Bisch, “Kadınlık Güç bir Sanattır,” Seksoloji Yıllığı, 2 (1953), 94.
489 John Green, “Erkekler Niçin Evden Kaçarlar,” Seksoloji, 23 (1951), 40-41.
490 Pierre Gordon, “5 kıt’ada zifaf gecesi adetleri,” Seksoloji Yıllığı, 4 (1955): 169-176. The
article focused on the marriage and first-night rituals in Asia, Afrika, America (including
Polynesia), Europe and Australia.
491 Seyfettin Asu, “Kore ve Japonya’da Cinsiyet ve Evlilik Hayatı,” Seksoloji, 31 (1951): 31-
36. Seyfettin Asu, “Kore ve Japonya’da Cinsiyet ve Evlilik Hayatı,” Seksoloji, 32 (1951):
18-23. Seyfettin Asu, “Kore ve Japonya’da Cinsiyet ve Evlilik Hayatı,” Seksoloji, 33
(1951): 32-35. Seyfettin Asu, “Kore ve Japonya’da Cinsiyet ve Evlilik Hayatı,” Seksoloji,
35 (1952): 22-26.
136
development story regarding sexual truths. On the other hand, they told
stories about the customs of the old civilizations.492 Among the historical
texts, a series of articles was particularly interesting. Seksoloji magazine
published in twelve articles as a series with the title “Türklerde Cinsellik”
(Sexuality of Turks).493 The interesting part was related to the historical
references to Turkishness. The series followed the cultures of Sumerians,
Hitits, Middle Asian Turks (Orta Asya Türkleri), Islam, Seljuks and
Ottoman Empire under the Turkishness. In the series, Karçal and Uraz
covered subjects such as marriage rituels and child rearing practices since
they were seen as related to sexuality. On the one hand, the series
constructed a Turkishness identity that reached Sumerler. On the other hand,
contemporary sexual practices were rooted to the historical sexual practices.
In other words, the series helped to justify sexual manners of the day with
their Turkish (cultural) origins.
2.4.4. Articles about Sexual Illnesses, Abnormalities, Deviance and Health
As discussed in the “why sexual manners” section, opinion leaders of the
period supported the necessity of learning and teaching sexual manners to
have a healthy society. They tried to define and provide information about
the characteristics of “healthy” sexuality. Meanwhile, they diagnosed and
classified the sexual practices, which were considered as illnesses,
abnormalities, and deviances (perversions). The articles with the themes
such as sexual illnesses, abnormalities, and deviances (perversions) were
frequently seen under the title of sexual manners in
the Seksoloji publishings, in the marriage manuals, and even in the
newspapers.494 In the five years long life of Seksoloji magazine, the editors
published at least one article in every issue about sexual illnesses, their
492 P.T. Acharya, “Tarih Boyunca Fuhuş: Japonya’da Cinsi Adetler,” Seksoloji, 18 (1950), 10-
13.
493 Selçuk Karçal and Kayhan Uraz, “Türkiye’de Cinsiyet Meselesi,” Seksoloji, 37 (1952), 54-
57. The series was published in 12 sections montly. In the first 6 issue, the series focused
on the sexual practices of the Turkic communities. They described communities such as
Sumerians, Hitits and Seljuks as ancestories of contemporary Turkey.
494 “Zührevi Hastalıklar,” Milliyet, 20.10.1950.
137
implications on the human body and sexuality, sexual abnormalities, sexual
deviances (perversions), or their social or criminal consequences.495
The opinion leaders pointed out venereal diseases as the most
concerning subject for the individual and public health. In writings about
sexual manners, information about syphilis and gonorrhea took an extensive
place. As discussed in the previous part, the Republic had a history of
fighting against venereal diseases. The writers shared their accumulated
knowledge on the diseases such as syphilis and gonorrhea. They have
translated and referred to international experts in their articles.496 The
content included information about the causes, their prevalence, ways of
infection, symptoms after infection, and treatment opportunities and
methods for venereal diseases in detail.497 These articles were decorated
with visual materials. While in some cases, these visuals helped to identify
the ways of contamination, in other cases, the illustrations have
demonstrated the visible physical symptoms of the disease on the human
body. These illustrations have created additional interest in the audience
since they are easier to follow than plain texts. Some illustrations displayed
organs, including faces and genitals with open wounds. It was expected that
the visible symptoms would have a deterrent and intimidating effect on the
individuals. Additionally, the illustrations were intended to inform and
guide individuals in self-checking. Although the illustrations were not
perfect-shape, the authors were asking the readers to check themselves
accordingly, and seek a physician’s expert view as if they would have found
any similarities with the displayed symptoms. As a reply to reader’s
495 Examplary Articles such as: Faruk Akbeğ, “Hırsızlık yapmaktan cinsi haz duyanlar,”
Seksoloji, 45 (1952), 30-31. Aydın Uluyazman, “Bir cinsi sapıklık: Pedofili “Çocuklarla
Sevişme,”” Seksoloji, 54 (1953), 17-20.
496 For the accumulated knowledge and international (global) dissemination of sexology and
sexual mannners, see: Chiara Beccalossi, “Latin Eugenics and Sexual Knowledge in Italy,
Spain, and Argentina: International Networks across the Atlantic,” in A Global History of
Sexual Science, 1880–1960, ed. Veronika Fuechtner, Douglas E. Haynes, and Ryan M.
Jones (Oakland, California: University of California Press, 2018), 305-307.
497 Dr. Kemal Çağlar, “Belsoğukluğunun Akibeti,” Seksoloji, 36 (1952), 27-29. Çağlar
explains in detail how he did treat a patient who was diagnosed with gonorrhea. Dr. Kemal
Çağlar, “Belsoğukluğu ve Modern Tedavisi,” Seksoloji, 28 (1951), 37-41.
138
questions, the editorial team of Seksoloji assessed the described symptoms
and encouraged the readers to consult a doctor.498
Aside from the venereal disesases, states that ended as a sexual
malfunction were touched upon separetely although in most cases they were
also classified under the category of sexual illness. Cases such as impotence
(iktidarsızlık – erken bel verme), infertility (kısırlık), and frigidity (for
women) were discussed under the title of sexual illnesses.499 Although some
of the uncontagious states were defined as sexual illnesses, in some cases,
they were refered to as abnormality, which has stretched out its naming
to deviance (perversion) in some of the articles.500 As stated above, some
sexual illnesses were described through their contagious character. Another
indicator to designate a situation or a case as an illness was mainly related to
its compatibility with the average, which was determined by the experts in
the field. In order to describe a situation or a person as an abnormal, the
experts used the comparison with the average numbers or cases.
Abnormalities regarding sexual matters were divided mainly into physical
and psychological abnormalities. Physical features and functions of the
sexual organs became the forthcoming comparison tools to assess the
normality of the individuals (and situations). Although no explicit reference
to a particular research or study existed in most of the texts, with a vague
reference to average, anatomical features which do not fit into the range of
average were described as an abnormality such as double uterus, double
hymen or more than two breasts or nipples.501 In the articles, the anatomical
abnormalities were presented in detail through the illustrations and
498 “Sual ve Cevaplar – 5 Frengi Tedavisi,” Seksoloji, 1 (1949), 62. “Böyle bir hastalığa
yakalanmış olanların ilk yapmaları gereken şey kendilerini bir mütehassısa göstermektir.”
499 Faruk Akbeğ, “Ruhi Tedavi ile İyileşen Bir İktidarsızlık Vakası,” Seksoloji, 31 (1951), 24-
28. Marie C. Stopes, “İstimna İktidarsızlığa Neden Olur mu?” Seksoloji, 30 (1951), 37-40.
Kemal Çağlar, “İktidarsızlığın Çeşitli Sebepleri,” Seksoloji, 29 (1951), 35-39. Muzaffer
Sezer, “Sağlık Bahisleri: Erkek ve Kadınlarda Kısırlık,” Milliyet, 26.10.1953.
500 Dr. Bowen Partington, “Cinsi Hayatın Garip Tarafları,” Seksoloji, 21 (1950), 46. “Umumi
bazı cinsi sapıklıklar vardır ki, …” Charles Branchard, “Bestialite Hakkında,” Seksoloji, 24
(1951): 19-21. “Sual ve Cevaplar – 204,” Seksoloji, 24 (1951), 57. “Sual ve Cevaplar – 204:
Homoseksüeller Evlebilir mi? …. Cevap: Homoseksüellik bir cinsi sapıklık ve
hastalıktır…”
501 Dr. Augustine Cabanes, “Garip Cinsi Hadieseler,” Seksoloji, 13 (1950), 42-49.
139
photographs. In one of the articles written by Dr. David Caulwell,
incompetence was explained through the anatomical abnormalities.502 The
writer defined the average penis in detail while comparing it with those
diagnosed or associated with the incompetence. At the end of the article, the
writer assured the readers that incompetence could be treated with a
corrective operation.503
The newspapers and magazines of the era often allocated a place for
anatomical abnormalities. Not only limited to the subjects related to sexual
matters, anatomical abnormalities took in the pages of the publishing
frequently in news format.504 In Seksoloji and also in the newspapers, the
topics associated with abnormalities were considered intriguing and
appealing since the quantity and frequency of the news reporting
abnormalities are markable and narrated like magazine news. Gender
reassignments surgery was presented as a solution for an anatomical
anomaly, hermaphrodite.505 Gender reassignment was considered as a result
of anatomical necessity. It was not assessed as a perversion or abnormality
since it was considered due to a necessity of underdeveloped sexual
organs.506 The news on anatomical anomalies was represented, on the one
hand, as keys to unknown mysteries and wonders of the human body. On
the other hand, they were also used to define the normalcy while displaying
502 Dr. David Caulwell, “Tenasül Uzuvlarında Ameliyatı İcabettiren Haller,” Seksoloji, 14
(1950), 52-53.
503 Dr. David Caulwell, “Tenasül Uzuvlarında Ameliyatı İcabettiren Haller,” Seksoloji, 14
(1950), 54.
504 N.P. “Hilkat Garibeleri,” Seksoloji, 52 (1953), 43-46. The article was presented with visual
materials that displayed Siamese twins.
505 Robert Wood, “Cinsiyet Değiştirenler,” Seksoloji Yıllığı, 4 (1955), 103-108. It was noted
that the article was translated from Sexology magazine.
506 “Sual ve Cevaplar - 89” Seksoloji, 13 (1950), 62. Question 89 asked for a detailed
information about gender reassignment surgeries. “89-Cinsiyet Değiştirmek: T.R. Çankırı –
Bazı kadınların ameliyatla erkek bazı erkeklerin de kadın olduğuna gazete havadislerinde
sık sık rastlanmaktadır. Cerrahi müdahale ile bütün insanların cinsiyetlerini değiştirmek
kabil olabiliyor mu? Cevap – Cinsiyet uzuvları tam olarak teşekkül etmiş bir kadının
ameliyat neticesinde erkek ve erkeğin de kadın olmasına imkan yoktur. Buna dair
gazetelerdeki havadisler hakiki cinsiyeti taayyün etmemiş, gizli kalmış, ne tam erkek, ne
tam kadın diyebileceğimiz kimselerin ameliyatla hakiki cinsiyetlerinin meydana çıkmasına
ait olanlardır.”
140
the anomalies.507 Psychological abnormalities were not taken into
consideration solely. They were almost always matched and explained with
physical conditions. In other words, the visible symptoms of an abnormality
(as defined by the era's experts) were associated with psychological
conditions. Also, psychological abnormalities blurred the line between
sickness and deviance (perversion). Abnormalities were used
interchangeably for psychological disorders and, also, for the perversions.508
In the texts where certain behaviors were defined as abnormalities, the
people who are performing these activities were referred to as abnormal or
anormal. In other parts of the same texts, they were referred to as deviants
(perverts).
Deviancy was discussed from two perspectives in the academic
literature. The first is the positivist approach, which considers deviance
a real phenomenon. According to this approach, deviance "exists in the
objective experience of the people who commit deviant acts and those who
respond to them."509 In this approach, deviance could be defined as behavior
without considering its contextual forming.510 Therefore, positivists search
for causes of deviance in physiology or the psyche. They see the source of
the deviant behavior as the anomaly of the natural development of the
human body or psyche. On the other hand, the interactionist approach sees
deviance as a socially constructed concept that is relative to actors, context,
and historical time. Hence, morality and deviance are socially constructed,
certain actors in society, based on their particular interests, values, and
views, create the limits and borders between normal and deviant. “In
consequence, deviance becomes actions or conditions that are defined as
inappropriate to or in violation of certain powerful groups' conventions.”511
According to the interactionist approach, deviancy is not a lack of people's
507 Conrad and Schneider, Deviance and Medicalization: From Badness to Sickness.
508 Fahrettin Kerim Gökay, “İnsan Hayatında Cinsi Kudretin Rolü,” Seksoloji, 3 (1949): 5-9.
Gökay uses all the concepts (abnormality, pscychological disorder and pervert) in the same
article. Prof. Dr. Wilhelm Stekel, “Ruh Hastalıklarınınn Cinsi Sebepleri,” Seksoloji, 48
(1953), 22-26.
509 Conrad and Schneider, Deviance and Medicalization: From Badness to Sickness, 1-2.
510 Conrad and Schneider, Deviance and Medicalization: From Badness to Sickness, 2.
511 Conrad and Schneider, Deviance and Medicalization: From Badness to Sickness, 2.
141
free will. “Rather, the behaviors called deviant are by and large voluntary
and that people exercise some degree of "free will" in their lives.”Therefore,
interactionist research focuses on studying “how such definitions are
constructed, how deviant labels are attached to particular people, and what
the consequences are both for those labeled and the authors of such
attributions.”512 The interactionist approach has special importance not only
for discussing the concept of deviance from a critical perspective. It also
underlines the changing definition of the concept. Although deviance as a
concept is universal, the form of deviance changes from one society and
time to another. In other words, every society defines a particular act as
deviance. However, what is labeled as a deviant act is relative and depends
on the context – on society, subculture, time, place, who is involved, and
who is offended.513
In parallel to the interactionist approach, this study also takes deviance
as a social definition that is formed by the power-holders and decisionmakers
of the society. This study aims to assess the concept of deviance
within the conditions of the 1950s and Turkey. It is not only limited to
deviancy but also aims to discuss individuals' sexual and reproductive acts
while examining their proximity to the established norms. The literature on
deviant acts was a mix of authentic and translated text in the 1950s.514 In the
era's literature, deviance was discussed with a positivist approach. As the
producers of the texts were connected through the translated literature or
academic formation, their approach became pretty unified. The reasons for
deviant acts were sought in the human physiology or psyche. As a result of
this reasoning, deviant acts were whether classified as an illness or a
delinquency. However, the academic literature on deviancy was still in the
forming process with a scientific approach.
The outcome of this changing process is seen in the narratives of
deviance. The narratives on deviancy tend to explain the reasons within a
historical background. When talking about a deviant act, they have taken
action as a phenomenon that was seen as abnormal behavior at all times and
512 Conrad and Schneider, Deviance and Medicalization: From Badness to Sickness, 2.
513 Conrad and Schneider, Deviance and Medicalization: From Badness to Sickness, 5-7.
514 The discussion about the translated text is in the next section of this chapter.
142
in all societies. In some texts, the acts that were assessed as a deviant
behavior in the 1950s were labeled as a sin or as contempt. Although the
labeling and the reasons for deviant acts differentiate from religious to
scientific, the intervention stayed firm as a correction method, whether in
the forms of medical or penal ones. In one of the articles, voyeurism was
defined as deviance.515 In another article, a well-known physician Recep
Doksat, who wrote medical advice in Milliyet, stated that voyeurism is a
new medical term entering the medical literature thanks to voyeur patients.
He mentioned that voyeurism as a subject has the worth legal and medical
examination.516 The medical or legal experts aimed to develop corrective
methods based on their examinations. The destination of the correction
method – whether medical or penal – depends on the judgment of the
experts – in this case, mostly the doctors.517
In the column “Hadiseler arasında felek,” Burhan Felek discussed a
recent striking murder case after the murderer was released from prison and
placed in a mental institution. Felek started the story with the sentence, “The
gardener who cut his wife was crazy.” According to newspapers, as Felek
stated, the gardener had syphilis and stopped treatment a while ago. The
prosecutor and doctors decided that the gardener did not have liability due
to the syphilis. Throughout the piece, Felek questioned doctors and
reminded them of their liability regarding diagnosis and treatment of
syphilis, and also of their decision to release the gardener.518 Doctors were
announced as the ultimate decision-makers of the correction methods used
on the individuals. Their decision depends on the mental capability and
capacity of the individuals to decide freely. In other words, the physicians
became experts of scientific knowledge and had the power to decide
whether the deviant acts of the individuals were a result of their
physiological or psychological illness or their free choices. If they decide
515 Dr. Edward Podolsky, “Gözetleme Hastaları,” Seksoloji, 43 (1952), 32-36.
516 Recep Doksat, “Günün Tıbbi Bahisleri: Gözetleme Hastaları Röntgenci veya Dikizci Denen
Cinsi Sapıklar,” Milliyet, 20.08.1957. “Tıp edebiyatımızda röntgencilik gibi yeni bir tabr
kazandıran (!) bu gözetleme hastaları, hukuki ve tıbbi bakımdan incelemeğe değer bir konu
teşkil etmektedir.”
517 Conrad and Schneider, Deviance and Medicalization: From Badness to Sickness.
518 Burhan Felek, “Hadiseler arasında Felek: Deli imiş …,” Cumhuriyet, 03.04.1948.
143
that the individual could not use his/her free will due to any physiological or
psychological reason, then the physicians diagnose (or at least try to
diagnose) an illness which frees the individual from legal responsibilities
and sanctions.519 The diagnosis became more possible and assured if the
physicians could specify and explain the condition for biomedical reasons.
When the condition was diagnosed, the individual became open to the
interventions of the physicians. In other words, physicians claim that they
have the right to decide how the situation and/or the conditions should be
handled. If the individual was assessed as a person who functioned with free
will and consciousness, then the corrective responsibility of his/her actions
was left in the hands of the legal authorities. The individual is announced as
a competent person with criminal capacity. The consequences of his/her
actions were responded with criminal code. Felek was skeptical about the
doctor’s decision to release the murderer. Also, he was critical of the
previous services of doctors that he reflected on in this cynical narrative.
Although the act could be the same, the decision and definition of the
act, deviance, whether it is a crime or an illness, was left in the hands of the
experts, namely, the physicians.520 Physicians turned into the ultimate actors
to have the final word on the lives of individuals. So, physicians have
almost the most important role since they, at the end, decide about the
intervention methods and actors. The importance of the physician's role lies
in the roots of their legitimacy. Although they claim that their knowledge
depends on science and medicine per se, scientific knowledge is not neutral.
The norms of medical assessment were structured with the moral codes of
the scientists and physicians.521 In other words, the medical assessment of
the physical well-being of the individuals was based on the interpretation of
the physicians that is, a combination of "scientific findings" and physician's
analysis. A physician's analysis is not only the outcome of his/her academic
519 Gary Gutting, “Foucault and History of Madness,” in The Cambridge Companion to
Foucault, ed. Gary Gutting (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 47-67.
520 Conrad and Schneider, Deviance and Medicalization: From Badness to Sickness.
521 Vernon A. Rosario, Homosexuality and Science: A Guide to Debates (Santa Barbara,
Denver and Oxford: ABC-CLIO, 2002), 205. Robert D. Truog, “Patients and Doctors —
The Evolution of a Relationship,” The New England Journal Of Medicine 366, 7 (2012),
582.
144
building. However, it is also limited by his/her perception and perspective of
life. Besides, the academic findings, which formed maily his/her academic
building, were also loaded with the premises and presupposes of the
scientists.522 Consequently, physician's assessment whether the individual
has an illness or not depends on his/her perception of what is considered
within the limits of norms. Due to the changing character of the era and the
effects of personal moral values, some sexual acts lingered in the gray area.
Physicians could not decide about some sexual acts, whether they are
deviant acts or an illness. They sometimes even used cultural or religious
moral values to negate the act.
The more profound and obvious case that displays the grayness between
sickness and criminality was the discourse on homosexuality. The narrative
in the magazines and newspapers assessed homosexual acts as a deviancy
caused by physical abnormalities such as lack of testosterone hormones. A
reader asked Seksoloji two questions consequently. One question was about
his homosexual tendencies. The reader from Istanbul stated that he is a 19-
years old boy and had homosexual tendencies and practices since his
childhood. Following question was about his sexual organs, which are small
like a child. He wanted to know whether this situation could be fixed. To the
reader’s letter, the editorial team stated that his underdeveloped sexual
organs are the reason of his deviancy. According to Seksoloji, his situation
can be fixed with hormone treatment. Therefore, a urologist can treat him.523
In some cases, homosexual acts were seen due to the psychological abuse
experienced during the childhood. Apart from taking homosexuality as an
outcome of an illness, homosexual acts were also seen as a result of
hedonistic pursuits. The authors blamed the individuals with same-sex
experience as "pleasure-seeking deviants."524 In those cases, they were
522 For a detailed discussion about the role of the scientist, see the Chapter 2.
523 “Sual ve Cevaplar – Sual 141,” Seksoloji, 18 (1950), 58. “Z.A. Istanbul – 19 yaşında bir
erkek çocuğuyum. Küçük yaşımdan beri kendimde homoseksüellik temayülleri duydum ve
bir müddet sonar bu cinsi sapıklığa kendimi kaptırdım. Bundan nasıl kurtulabilirim?
Tenasül uzuvlarım, bir çocuğunki gibi küçüktür. Bu halim düzeltilebilir mi?”
524 Recep Doksat argued that homosexuality happens out of pervert sexual acts. With reference
to Alfred Kinsey, he stated that homosexual acts are not due to an illness or hormonal
abnormality. Rather, he stated that homosexuality happens when young body abnormal
145
considered a threat to the moral codes of the public. In the narratives, where
homosexuality was seen as a result of free will, it was considered a
punishable crime to dissuade homosexuals from the act and protect the
public by displaying the punished examples of the wrong choices.
Particularly, laws and examples from the USA and England were used in the
narratives of the newspapers, such as “29 homosexuals were arrested in one
day,”525 “Perversion cases increase day by day in England,”526 “Prostitution
and homosexuality will be prevented in England,”527 “liquidation in the US
foreign affairs,”528 “Sex perverts in the UK: a committee to investigate
homosexuals and prostitution.”529
Homosexual acts were not read as the behaviors of an individual for a
particular time. Instead, homosexuality was turned into a concept that
defined their identities.530 They named the individuals such as homosexuals
and fetishes, under the big title of deviants (or perverts). All in all, the
writers felt certain that homosexuality was an abnormality. However, they
could not decide how to classify the individuals. The most ambiguous
discussions came out of the examples where same-sex sexual activities were
conducted by women. For women, homosexuality was considered as a result
of their sexual underdevelopment (tam inkişaf edememiş kimselerdir).531
As for the intervention methods, practices differed radically from
treatment suggestions to penal sanctions. Some writers, like in the USA,
suggested punishing homosexual individuals with fines or imprisonment.
On the other hand, some writers invited physicians to intervene and cure
homosexual individuals. Some suggested psychiatric treatments, while
sexuality. Recep Doksat, “Günün Tıbbi Bahisleri: Cinsi Terbiye,” Milliyet, 28.01.1958.
Recep Doksat, “Sağlık Bahisleri: Kalb ameliyatları tekamül ettiriliyor,” Milliyet,
14.08.1951.
525 “Bir günde 29 homoseksüel yakalandı.” Milliyet, 18.05.1957
526 “İngilterede cinsi sapıklıklar günden güne çoğalıyor,” Milliyet, 21.05.1954
527 “İngilterede fahişelik ve homoseksüellik önlenecek,” Milliyet, 17.12.1955
528 “Amerikan dışişlerindeki tasfiyeler,” Milliyet, 14.04.1953
529 “İngilterede cinsi sapıklar: Homoseksüeller ve fuhuş hakkında tahkikat yapmak için bir
komite,” Milliyet, 30.04.1954
530 Judith Butler, Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity (New York and
London: Routledge, 1999), vii-xxvii.
531 “Kadın Homoseksüeller,” Seksoloji, 39 (1952), 54.
146
others suggested hormonal treatments since the source of homosexuality
was seen in the hormones.532 Last but not least, "homosexual" individuals
were asked to find ways to correct themselves. A reader from Nazilli asked
Seksoloji journal what he should do to save himself. Nazilli letter stated that
he is a 27 years old young man, who is “full of disgusting emotions and
miserable feelings; and trying to get rid of this terrible, dark world alone.”533
The reply letter tried to soothe the young man by stating that his situation is
not his fault. Rather, it could be an outcome of his family’s sexual bigotory
or his hormonal insufficiency. Therefore, the editorial team suggested
consulting a doctor to examine his hormones. The editorial team encouraged
the young man to use his will to overcome this situation. Moreover, they
(he) asked the young man to seek refuge in God. Last but not least, the
editorial team requested from the young man to change his friend circle with
using his will. Additionally, the reply insisted young man to “work on
feeling normal manly feelings toward women and girls.” The reply ended
with a promise about spiritual pleasures.534 Whether the situation was
considered as an illness or as a deviancy from a criminal perspective, any
abnormality was treated as a threat to the well-being of the population.535
Abnormalities should be controlled and intervened with medical or
corrective methods to protect the population's physiological, psychological,
or moral well-being. When the illnesses and abnormalities were explained
and discussed in detail, the writers also covered treatment options for the
diseases. They provided provided elaborative lists of the treatment methods
such as in Nazilli reply. Treatment methods were shared not only to inform
public. They were used to show the path to attaining the norm-normal.
532 For an assessment of the period’s treatment, see, Donald Webster Cory, “Homoseksüellik
Tedavi Edilebilir mi?” Seksoloji Yıllığı, 4 (1955): 177-183.
533 “Sual ve Cevaplar, Sual 26,” Seksoloji, 3 (1949), 61. “…iğrenç duygulara, perişan hislere
garkolmuş, bu korkunç, karanlık alemden tek başıma kurtulmağa çabalıyorum.”
534 “Sual ve Cevaplar, Sual 26,” Seksoloji, 3 (1949), 61.“Şuna emin olunuz ki, bir kadınla bir
erkeğin birlikte duydukları sade cismani değil, manevi zevkler de hiç bir şeyle
değiştirilmeyecek kadar yüksek ve kıymetlidir. Bunları neden siz tatmıyasınız?”
535 Sancar, Türk Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyeti, 262. Sancar stated that male homosexuality was
narrated as a sexual deviancy in the daily newspapers during the 1950s which became a
part of criminal investigations regarding orginary crimes and/or homicides.
147
Furthermore, treatment methods were narrated as new inventions and as a
part of the modern world. Recep Doksat introduced new treatment methods
for various illnesses to the readers of Milliyet frequently.536
The writers discussed the illnesses and abnormalities with their
opposites: the ways of being healthy. The articles on “being healthy” did not
only include the treatment methods for the illnesses. Instead, they offered
information about how to prevent illnesses and how to better or protect
one’s health. In the magazines, there were articles about improving sexual
health, such as “cinsiyet ve uyku” (sexuality and sleep).537 Seksoloji
announced that they decided to publish an article about general health topics
in every issue.538 The common understanding of the authors was underlining
that the normal condition was “being healthy.” They frequently referred to
medical standards of being healthy and defined “being sick” as an anomaly.
The medical narrative strengthened its place in the public discourse with its
frequent appearance. Günlük Tıbbi Bahisler (Daily Medical Subjects) was
one of the columns which were published daily in Milliyet.539
2.4.5. Public surveys, advice columns, and question-answers columns
536 Recep Doksat, “Sağlık Bahisleri: Prostat Ameliyatında Yeni Bir Usul Tatbik Ediliyor.”
Milliyet, 22.05.1950. Recep Doksat, “Sağlık bahisleri: vereme karşı yeni tedbirler,”
Milliyet, 12.09.1950.
537 Marie C. Stopes, “Cinsi Münasebet ve Uyku,” Seksoloji, 50 (1953), 32-35. L.E. Eubanks,
“Cinsi tatminsizliğin sebep olduğu uykusuzluk,” Seksoloji, 2 (1949), 29-31.
538 In the introduction column which was written by the editorial board of the Seksoloji
journal. “Ailede Sağlık: Yarım baş ağrısı,” Seksoloji, 49 (1953), 41. “Sıhhat, saadetin temel
şartıdır. Ailede saadetin yollarını göstermeyi başlıca gaye edinen mecmuamız, işte bu
sebeple bundan sonra her sayısına umumi sağlık bahisleriyle ilgili bir makale koymaya
karar vermiştir.”
539 Recept Doksat and Ercüment Baktır prepared daily columns about different subject on
health related issues during the 1950s. For providing health advice to women during the
1950s, see: Kaitlynn Mendes, “Reading Chatelaine: Dr. Marion Hilliard and 1950s
Women’s Health Advice,” Canadian Journal of Communication 35 (2010), 515-531.
Rachel Ritchie, “The Housewife and the Modern: The Home And Appearance in Women’s
Magazines, 1954 – 1969” (Ph.D. Dissertation, the University of Manchester, 2010), 189-
220
148
There were two areas in which the readers were involved directly
instead of being passive recipients of the magazines. The first area was the
public surveys, while the second area was the question-answer columns.
Public surveys were one of the places where readers' reactions or input
were reflected on the pages of published materials. The types of surveys
were differentiated based on their aims and what they wanted to achieve.
The publishers divide the public surveys into two categories: scientific
surveys and opinion-collecting surveys.
The opinion-collecting surveys were mainly formed as interviews and
presented with summaries and quotes from the interviewers. The questions
were prepared by the editorial team of the magazine and newspaper. In
some cases, the questions were listed separately in a box to allow the
readers to follow the questions. The questions were mostly formed around
the topics of sexuality. The opinion-collecting surveys could also be divided
into two categories. The first category consisted of the interviews, which
were conducted with well-known figures. Anketimiz (Our Survey), as
mentioned before, was the most symbolic example of such surveys.
Anketimiz consisted of ten parts and was published as a series. The
interviews were conducted with well-known academics from different
disciplines. Anketimiz was presented as "an opinion survey with expert
scientists."540 The survey consisted of two questions. The first question was,
"What do you think about the importance of sexual manners?" The second
question was, "What do you think about our journal?" Seksoloji published
every single interview separately for each issue. In the last issue, Muzaffer
Aşkın, the journal editor, summarized the answers to present a general
view.541 Anketimiz was prepared, essentially, to gain legitimacy in the public
eye. The journal interviewed well-known figures to show their support and
confirm its reputation. Nevertheless, Anketimiz was one of the good
examples of opinion surveys in the 1950s. The opinion surveys were not
only conducted with well-known figures from Turkey. Famous names from
540 Fahrettin Kerim Gökay in May 1949, Şekip Tunç in June 1949, Necmettin Rıfat Yarar in
July 49, Kazım İsmail Gürkan in August 1949, Şinasi Hakkı Erel in September 1949, Sadi
Irmak in November 1949, Peyami Safa in December 1949, Ferit Saymen in January 1950
and Selim Sırrı Tarcan in February 1950.
541 Muzaffer Aşkın, “Anketimizin Bilançosu,” Seksoloji, 13 (1950), 4-8.
149
Hollywood have also taken part in the Seksoloji journal with their
interviews on different subjects such as marriage, flirting, or the definition
of a good wife.542
Opinion surveys were also conducted with "regular folk." In the
Seksoloji Almanac, the editors selected common professions such as
housewife (as defined as a profession), a captain, a butcher, and a
businessman to ask their opinion about sexual manners. The answers of the
participants were represented as "what does the folk (halk) say?"543 In the
survey, Karçal and Uraz tried to receive the assessments of the participants
about the level of sexual manners in Turkey and whether they wanted to
teach sexual manners to their children.544 With the opinion surveys, the
journal aimed to display the popular view of the citizens.
The second type of public survey was presented as scientific surveys.
The presentation of the scientific surveys was opened by introducing the
names of the researchers and the institutions. This form of the survey could
be conducted in another country and shared through translation with the
readers in Turkey. The most well-known example of this kind of survey was
the Kinsey research, which was conducted in the United States to
understand the sexual practices of individuals. Kinsey was presented as "one
542 “Karımı neden severim,” Seksoloji, (1951). Virginia Mayo, “Hollywood ne düşünüyor?
Erkeğin kalbini kazanmak için,” Seksoloji Yıllığı, 1 (1952): 82-88. The article shared the
views of Gene Tierney, Gregory Peck, Erol Flynn, Esther Williams, Hedy Lamar, Tony
Curtis, Marilyn Monroe and Clark Gable about marriage, flirting and love.
543 Selçuk Karçal and Kayıhan Uraz, “Seksolojinin Yıllığının Büyük Anketi: Halk Ne
Diyor?”Seksoloji Yıllığı, 4 (1955), 132.
544 Selçuk Karçal and Kayıhan Uraz, “Seksolojinin Yıllığının Büyük Anketi: Halk Ne Diyor?”
Seksoloji Yıllığı, 4 (1955), 133. “Anketimizin Sualleri: 1-Türkiyede cinsi ahlak bakımından
bir düşüklük var mıdır, varsa sebebi ne olabilir. 2-Siz cinsi terbiye aldınız mı? 3-
Çocuklarınıza cinsi terbiye vermek istiyor musunuz? Istiyorsanız bunun ne şekilde
olmasına taraftarsınız? 4-Çocuklarımızın görücü usulü ile mi yoksa tanışıp anlaşarak mı
evlenmelerini istersiniz ? 5-Çocuklarınızın öbür cinsten gençlerle arkadaşlık ederken
işleyebilecekleri hataların mesuliyetini kime yüklersiniz?” (Questions of Our Survey: 1-Is
there a low level of sexual morality in Turkey, if so, what could be the reason? 2-Did you
receive sexual manners? 3-Do you want to teach sexual manners to your children? If so,
how would you like it to be? 4-Do you want our children to get married by an arranged
method or by meeting and agreeing? 5-Who do you blame for the mistakes your children
may commit while befriending [flirting] young people of the other sex?)
150
of the professors of Indiana University."545 The surveys could be presented
directly by the researchers or by another author who summarizes the
research to introduce it to the public. Muzaffer Aşkın presented the Kinsey
research "on the sexual practices of women which was published last month
[September 1953] in America."546 Aşkın first described the scientific
discipline, sexology. He informed the readers about the methods of
conducting research on sexual practices. Aşkın stated that "…sexology is an
empirical science."547 Aşkın’s identification of sexology as an empiric
science matched with the scientific trends of the 1950s. Empirical research
was heavily promoted in the 1950s due to the effort and curiosity to learn
about the actual behaviors of individuals.548 Aşkn discussed the difficulties
of researching sexual practices and put a strong emphasis on the number of
the interviewees to display the large sample and, consequently,
comprehensive coverage of the survey. Aşkın stated that Kinsey and his
friends conducted interviews with more than 15.000 individuals in the last
15 years for two researches. His first book was about the sexual behaviors
of men in 1948, while [this] publication was about the sexual practices of
women in 1953. According to Aşkın, Kinsey interviewed more than 6000
women.549 The Kinsey Report on female sexuality was translated to Turkish
by the Seksoloji publications in January 1955. The advertisements for the
translated book were published in Cumhuriyet and Milliyet.550 Apart from
the complete translations, summaries and parts of his researches were
published in Seksoloji to inform the Turkish readers about different sexual
subjects.551
545 Katherine Allen, “Büyük Seksologlar: Alfred Kinsey,” Seksoloji, 14 (1950), 9.
546 Muzaffer Aşkın, “Kadının Cinsi Davranışları,” Seksoloji, 55 (1953), 1.
547 Muzaffer Aşkın, “Kadının Cinsi Davranışları,” Seksoloji, 55 (1953), 1.“… seksoloji
tamamen tecrübi bir ilimdir.”
548 For a detailed discussion about the sexual researches in the 1950s, see: Ericksen, Kiss and
Tell: Surveying Sex in the Twentieth Century. For the effects of the empirical research in
the 1950s in Turkey, see: Örnek, “1950’li yıllarda ABD ile buluşma”.
549 Muzaffer Aşkın, “Kadının Cinsi Davranışları,” Seksoloji, 55 (1953), 2, 4.
550 “Kinsey raporu yarın çıkıyor.,” Milliyet, 17.01.1955. “Kinsey Raporu,” Milliyet,
18.01.1955. “Kinsey Raporu,” Cumhuriyet, 18.01.1955.
551 “Dünya Hadiseleri: Dünyada atom bombası kadar dehşet, korku ve alaka uyandıran kitap,”
Cumhuriyet, 28.08.1953.
151
As introduced in the "Chapter 3: Sexuality" chapter and discussed
regarding the reactions, another interesting survey attempt was actualized
relatively late, in 1962, by Milliyet. The "Woman – Man with their sexual
and social behaviors" survey launched its questionnaires on the pages of
Milliyet in 1962. The results of the survey were shared with the audience in
January 1963. The newspaper presented the survey as "the first and most
comprehensive of its kind."552 The survey questionnaire was a – shorter –
replica of the Kinsey research. It asked open-ended questions, leaving room
for the audience to respond rather than the predetermined options. The
survey began with basic demographic questions about gender, age, and
income. It continued with the question to understand how much knowledge
the subject entails about sexual manners, such as "when did you recognize
yourself sexually?" and "are you providing sexual education (sexual
manners) for your child?" The survey also included questions about the love
lives of the subjects, such as "how many times did you fall in love?"; "how
many individuals did you love?"; and "did you flirt?" Another area of the
survey was related to the sexual desires and experiences of the subjects. In
the questionnaire, it was asked whether the subject had sexual dreams,
whether he/she had a premarital sexual experience, whether they received
sexual pleasure from their intercourse or not, and whether they ever
experienced an out-of-marriage sexual experience. The survey aimed to
investigate the sexual practices of the Turkish population.553 The
questionnaire was answered by 2089 men and 85 women, for a total of 2940
individuals. Fifty-seven answered questionnaires were not assessed since
they had been found as gayri ciddi (not serious). The survey was conducted
with 640 men and 227 women. Also, the survey used 421 private letters sent
by the readers. All the answers were categorized and assessed from a
scientific perspective and with the help of a science committee, which was
formed by three academics in medicine—Ord. Prof. Naşit Erez, Prof.
Necmettin Polvan, and Doç. Dr. Metin Özek -. The newspaper, in the first
552 “Türkiyede Kadın Erkek,” Milliyet, 28.03.1962. “Türkiyede Kadın Erkek, anketi
memleketimizde yapılan bu nevi ilk teşebbüstür.”
553 “Türkiye’de Kadın Erkek,” Milliyet, 28.03.1962. “Bu suretle Türk Cemiyetinin cinsel
davranışının tesbite çalışacak…”
152
issue of the series, has published a brief background of the academics, with
a particular emphasis on their scientific skills and achievements. The
newspaper attempted to fortify its position as scientific and respectful
publishing by underlining and assuring its readers about the scientific nature
of the coming publication beforehand. The answers were divided into men
and women and assessed regarding their sex. The survey was started by
displaying the sexual and social behaviors of women. 554 Both for men and
women, the analysis also contained a demographic description, which
demonstrated that the survey had received answers from different economic
and educational backgrounds.555 The series has started with the analysis of
women in Turkey. It displayed the pre-marriage relationship patterns,
including flirting and marriage patterns. Besides the analysis of the
particular subject, every issue was supported by a piece on a particular
subject written by an academic. In the first issue, Naşid Erez wrote a piece
on flirting. 556 In the surveys, the authors were mainly concerned with
the proper usage of scientific methods. In the Milliyet survey, when they
published the questionnaire a second time, they asked their readers "not-tosend
their answers a second time" in order to protect the accuracy of the
survey.557 In one of the articles, Aytul mentioned the importance of the
sample and discussed the presentation capacity of the current sample of the
survey.558
Their endless aim to display the validity of their scientific methods was
part of their strategy to claim their accuracy in the information of
554 “Cinsel ve Sosyal Davranışlarıyla Kadın,” Milliyet, 06.01.1963.
555 According to Milliyet, among the women who have participated in the survey, attended
schools as: 438 primary school, 320 middle school and institute, 240 highschool and
institute, 57 college and university. Regarding their economic background: 242 of the
interviees with an income lower than 500 Turkish Lira, 113 with an income between 500-
750 Turkish Lira, 510 with an income between 750-1000 Turkish Lira, 250 with an income
between 1000-1500 Turkish Lira, 47 with an income of 1500 and above. “Bu anket nüfusu
100 veya 50 binin üstündeki şehirlerde oturan orta veya lise eğitimli geliri 750-1500
arasında olan kız ve kadınların cinsel ve sosyal davranışlarını açıklamaktadır.”
556 Naşid Erez, “Endişeye Lüzum Yok,” Milliyet, 06.01.1963.
557 Turhan Aytul, “Türkiyede Kadın Erkek,” Milliyet, 01.04.1962. Aytul published the
questions second time.
558 Turhan Aytul ed., Türkiye’de Cinsiyet Problemi (İstanbul: Varlık Yayınevi, 1964).
153
individuals’ sexual behaviors 559 and defend themselves against the
countless critics regarding the open display of "shameful" sexual stopics
Starting in the 1940s, the writers popularized the use of scientific methods
with the help of surveys. Moreover, they convinced the individuals to
contribute as active participants with their answers, letters, and interviews to
their scientific studies. They have turned the private information of the
individuals into public knowledge and, furthermore, into facts. Additionally,
with the authority of science, they displayed these controversial facts
openly. That narrative was also supported by the search for "the norm" in
and for society. Scientists started to develop methods and conduct research
to learn from individuals' experiences and behaviors while developing
appropriate methods that would help collect and conduct field knowledge.
The facts, which were the outcome of these empiric studies and based on
scientific methods, became the true information about the sexual behaviors
of individuals.560 They were turned into political tools to define normal
(sexual) behavior.561 Science was seen as a tool for progress since it could
bring professionalism (scientism) in management and clarity in
understanding the "real" experiences and needs of individuals.562
Another section that provided advice to the readers was the "sual and
cevaplar" (question and answers) section in Seksoloji.563 In the first and
559 Ericksen, Kiss and Tell: Surveying Sex in the Twentieth Century, 2.
560 Ericksen, Kiss and Tell: Surveying Sex in the Twentieth Century, 14-67.
561 Ericksen, Kiss and Tell: Surveying Sex in the Twentieth Century, 2.
562 Andrew Jewett, Science, Democracy and the American University: From the Civil War to
the Cold War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 1-21. See the chapter that
discusses the relation between science and the democracy.
563 Seksoloji was not the only magazine with a question and answer column about sexual
matters. Sağlığımız (our health) also prepared a separate section for the sexuality-related
questions. However, unlike the Seksoloji journal, the questions were presented without
names (or letters of the names) and location. Besides, the form of the question differed
from "first-person singular" to a neutral tone such as "third-person singular," such as "bir
çocuğumuz olacağını tahmin ediyoruz. Karım son defa olarak ekimin 16sında adet gördü.."
(we guessed that we would have a child. My wife had her last period on the sixteenth of the
October…) or "Kısırlığın tedavisi mümkün müdür? Nasıl tedavi edilir?" (Is treatment of
infertility possible? How could it be treated? Again, the answers to the question were
significantly different. In the column "Cinsiyet Mevzuunda Sual ve Cevaplar" (Question
and answers on the sexuality subject), the answers provided detailed information about the
154
second issues of the journal, the editors informed their readers that they
would prepare a "question and answer column." In the first issue, the editors
presented the content and style of the "question and answers column. With
this column, the editors wanted to provide a space for the readers to write
aboute their problems without hesitation and benefit from the answer. The
editorial team assured the readers that every single question would be
genuine cases that would be interesting, noteworthy, and beneficial to
read.564 They promised the readers to analyze their problems from different
perspectives. They also added that competent (salahiyetli) experts will
answer these questions. Last but not least, they promised the readers to keep
the names and addresses confidential.565 In the second issue, the editorial
team expanded their presentation and explanations regarding the question
and answer column. They stated that they would publish questions and
answers selectively. They will publish letters from which the general public
can benefit. They decided to answer the rest of the letters privately.
Therefore, the editorial team asked for a clear signature and address to
provide a reply.566 In the third volume, the question and answers column
started to publish the original readers’ questions. In the introduction of the
third volume, the editorial team stated that they had received numerous
letters from their readers, which had proved the need for speaking frankly in
the country. Moreover, such a demand was an indicator of "people’s need to
seek real solutions for their sexual problems without having a fake shame
feeling."567 The question-answer column continued until the end of the
magazine (sixtieth issue).
question in a detailed manner with full sentences and proper references to the academic
literature without addressing the owner of the question. In other words, Sağlığımız had a
more academic tone compared to the Seksoloji magazine in its answers, which ignored the
personal relationship with the question owner. "Cinsiyet Mevzuunda Sual ve Cevaplar,"
Sağlığımız, 2 (1959), 30-31.
564 “Sual ve Cevaplar,” Seksoloji, 2 (1949), 60-64. “Muhakkak ki bunlardan her biri ibret ve
istifadeyle okunacak hakiki vakalardır.”
565 “Sual ve Cevaplar”, Seksoloji, 1 (1949), 59-64.
566 “Sual ve Cevaplar,” Seksoloji, 2 (1949), 60-64.
567 “Sual ve Cevaplar,” Seksoloji, 3 (1949), 58-63. “Sadece bu vaziyet bile, memleketimizde
cinsi meselelerden açıkça konuşmanın, cinsi dertlerin hakiki çarelerini sahte bir hicap
duymadan aramanın ne büyük bir ihtiyaç olduğunu göstermeğe kafidir.”
155
The column took around four-pages place in around sixty pages per
issue. Questions and answers were presented with the capital letters of the
names, like L.B.K and with the town and/or city from where the letter was
sent, such as Havza.568 Some of the cities and towns which were mentioned
in the Question-Answers columns were Alaşehir, Bursa, İstanbul, Erzincan,
Iğdır, Nazilli, İzmir, Sivas,569 Ankara, Kırşehir, Erzurum, Kırıkkale,
Eskişehir, Paşabahçe (Istanbul);570 Çankırı, Beşiktaş (İstanbul), Edirne.571
The collection of cities demonstrated that the magazine's reach was not
limited to major cities such as Istanbul, Ankara, or İzmir.572 In the questionand-
answer in women’s magazines, the column was structured around
subjects such as dating techniques, love interests, domestic management,
and child-rearing.573 Different than the women’s magazines of the era, in
Seksoloji, the column was structured more around sexuality and sexualityrelated
problems of individuals. Therefore, the questions that appeared in
the Seksoloji journal varied among different topics, with titles such as
“infertility,” “male impotence,” “mutual satisfaction and harmony,”574
“pregnancy, menses, and infertility,” and “gonorrhea malfunctions,
infertility.”575
The questions in the column were formed as personal narratives. More
openly, the question's author inquired about a personal problem based on his
or her own experience. Some of the individuals who posed the questions
568 “Sual ve Cevaplar,” Seksoloji, 11 (1950), 60.
569 “Sual ve Cevaplar,” Seksoloji , 11, (1950), 60-64.
570 “Sual ve Cevaplar,” Seksoloji , 12 (1950), 55-58.
571 “Sual ve Cevaplar,” Seksoloji , 13 (1950), 61-64.
572 Since the authenticity of the letters could not be confirmed, the outreach of the magazine
could be questioned. However, in this case, the editorial team aimed to present itself as a
publication that was not only consumed by a limited number of people. Instead, they aimed
to demonstrate that they can connect with "ordinary" people from different parts of the
country.
573 Koçer, “Demokrat Parti Döneminde Kadın,” 151. Bashford and Strange, “Public Pedagogy:
Sex Education and Mass Communication in the Mid–Twentieth Century,” 84.
574 “Sual ve Cevaplar,” Seksoloji, 7 (1949), 59-60. “46-İktidarsızlık,” “48-Erkeğin Kısırlığı,”
“49- müşterek tatmin ve ahenk”
575 “Sual ve Cevaplar,” Seksoloji, 8 (1949), 60, 63. “gebelik, aybaşı ve kısırlık,” and
“belsoğukluğu arızaları, kısırlık”
156
stated that they were afraid, ashamed or worried about their problem.576
They stated that they were seeking answers to the problems in Seksoloji.577
A 28-year-old man stated in a letter from Istanbul that he is hesitant to see a
doctor.578 In some letters, they said that they did not want to see a doctor
and ask for a medical opinion or a pharmaceutical solution. In these cases,
the editorial team often hesitated to suggest a diagnosis or a remedy. The
editorial team refused to reply to a question from Bandrma. They stated that
it would be best for him to be examined by a urologist.579 To another letter,
the editorial replied that they could not suggest a medicine from a
distance.580 The reason for the readers’ hesitation regarding going to a
doctor is a gray area. Whether due to the nature of their problem – sexual
problems – or due to the lack of medical services, readers sought answers in
Seksoloji. Sometimes, the letters asked the question in generic terms and
avoided pointing out the actor who experienced a related problem if the
topic was a shameful subject. A question about homosexuality was formed
as an ordinary curious letter. The person criticized the publication’s limited
interest in homosexuality and asked whether a homosexual man could marry
and be happy.581
In some cases, the questions were published at the same length as the
letters, whereas in other cases, they were shortened by the editorial team.
576 “Sual ve Cevaplar,” Seksoloji, 27 (1951), 59. “İktidarsız olup olmadığımı nasıl
anlayabilirim? Son derece üzülüyorum. Yaşama arzumu bile kaybettim. Bana yardım
etmenizi rica ediyorum.” (How can I tell if I am impotent? I am extremely sorry. I even lost
my will to live. I beg you to help me.)
577 “Sual ve Cevaplar,” Seksoloji, 37 (1952), 59. “429-Belsoğukluğu Arızası: …. Beni bu
dertten kurtarmanızı ve bir yol göstermenizi rica ederim.”
578 “Sual ve Cevaplar,” Seksoloji, 38 (1952), 59. “449-Kendine Güvensizlik: ….. Doktora
gitmeye çekiniyorum…”
579 “Sual ve Cevaplar,” Seksoloji, 39 (1952), 61. “453-Bekarlıkta cinsi hayat: …. C.D.R.K
Bandırma – Bir ürolog tarafından muayene olmanız lazımdır. Vaziyetinizi yakından
görmeden bir tavsiyede bulunmamız, ne bizim için kabil, ne de sizin için faydalıdır.”
580 “Sual ve Cevaplar,” Seksoloji, 39 (1952), 61. “453-Bekarlıkta cinsi hayat: M. Gü. Sivas –
Biz uzaktam bir ilaç tavsiye edemeyiz, mutlaka bir doktora gitmelisiniz.”
581 “Sual ve Cevaplar,” Seksoloji, 24 (1951), 57. “204-Homosekseüeller evlenebilir mi: S.K.
İstanbul – Homosekseüeller hakkında çok az yazı neşrediyorsunuz, bu gibileri daha fazla
aydınlatsanız olmaz mı?...”
157
The questions, which were published with their original length and
narrative, gave clues about the demographic information of the owner, such
as age, class, and living settings, and also characteristics of the individual as
she or he described herself or himself.582 In these columns, the answers
formed an individual piece since they were allegedly based on personal
problems. The repliers addressed their readers with personal intimacy,
which occasionally incorporated advice or reflections into the answer.583 In
an answer, the editorial team began its reply with "it is natural not to be
interested in prostitutes for an enlightened young man like you."584 The
editors seemed to focus on a particular individual, the question-owner, to
find a solution. However, the editors used the questions in order to inform
the general public with their answers. The narrative in the columns was a
combination of addressing individuals or the general public. The editorial
not only responded to the particular reader. However, they added
"pedagogical" discourse into their answers to educate the public.585
Regardless, this column "linked the expert not only to individual readerpatients
but to mass audiences."586 They used the questions of readers who
were seeking personal sex advice as an opportunity to instruct the general
readership.587 In another way of saying this, the editorial team has created a
platform to reach the mass audience with the language of an expert that
inserted medical terminology into the answers.
The questions in “the question and answers column” were presented as
authentic letters. Undeniably, the authenticity of the questions from the
582 Sual ve Cevaplar,” Seksoloji, 24 (1951), 55. “199-Kadında Akıntı: A.R. İstanbul: 23
yaşında bir kızım…” “175-Verem ve Evlilik: 26 yaşında, halen ciğerlerine hava verilen,
yeni evli ve bir çocuk sahibi bir gencim…”
583 Bashford and Strange, “Public Pedagogy: Sex Education and Mass Communication in the
Mid–Twentieth Century,” 85.
584 “Sual ve Cevaplar,” Seksoloji, 39 (1952), 59. “Cevap- Sizin gibi münevver bir gencin,
umumi kadınlara karşı bir istek duymaması kadar tabii bir şey yoktur…”
585 Bashford and Strange, “Public Pedagogy: Sex Education and Mass Communication in the
Mid–Twentieth Century,” 92.
586 Bashford and Strange, “Public Pedagogy: Sex Education and Mass Communication in the
Mid–Twentieth Century,” 87.
587 Bashford and Strange, “Public Pedagogy: Sex Education and Mass Communication in the
Mid–Twentieth Century,” 85.
158
readers was questionable. They could also be fabricated by the editorial
team to discuss particular topics on their agenda. Regardless of the
authenticity or fabrication of the questions, the question-answers column
“rendered the most private of personal problems and their solutions into a
public commodity” for the consumption of its readers for both their pleasure
and instruction.588 Furthermore, the identity of the answering part is another
debatable subject. The journal stated repeatedly that the answers would be
provided by experts. Moreover, readers were encouraged to share their
sexuality-related (intimate) problems with experts to find a solution.
Although it was displayed as a personal relationship between the expert
(physician) and patient, the identity of the expert (journalist) was not
known. The readers did not have any idea or knowledge of who had given
the advice.
The question and answer format did not only appear in the magazines.
The question and answer format was also chosen for other "sexual manners"
manuals. "200 sual 200 cevap" (200 question 200 answer) was presented as
"a manual that would answer the most frequently asked questions about sex
life." 589 200 sual 200 cevap was an edited book which was a combination
of Hannah and Abraham Stone’s well-known "A Marriage Manual" and
Edward Podolsky’s "Modern Sex Manual." Obviously, the question-answer
format had the power to personalize the topics. It also simplified and
popularized answers to reach a mass audience. Question and answer
columns provide "true" knowledge to readers. They had the authority of
medicine and answered the question – allegedly – from a scientific
framework. However, they have left the rest—whether to correct their
behaviors or not—to the question owners.
2.4.6. Translations as the Main Source for Sexuality
588 Bashford and Strange, “Public Pedagogy: Sex Education and Mass Communication in the
Mid–Twentieth Century,” 90.
589 200 Sual 200 Cevap, trans. N.P. (İstanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları, 1952), 1. Translator and
editor of the manual was not stated in the publication. However, Seksoloji published parts
of “A Marriage Manual” in 1953. While publishing the parts, the journal stated that
Muzaffer Aşkın is the translator and editor of the articles.
159
Texts on sexual manners can be classified into two types according to
the source of the materials: indigenous texts and translated texts. The
indigenous texts were produced by the public figures and local experts. The
content of the translated texts needed a closer look to understand the
intervention to shape public discourse on sexual manners and female
sexuality.590 The effect of translated texts on shaping the discourse was
quite significant since they formed the majority of the content.591 More than
half of the articles in the sexual manners and women's magazines related to
gender roles, marriage, sexual manners, and sexuality were translated from
foreign languages. According to Koçak’s study, between the years 1931 and
1960, "translations accounted for around 60% of the entire body of nonliterary
popular texts on women’s sexuality."592 Especially after the 1950s,
the dominant language of the translated texts on marriage, family life, and
female sexuality was English, which was followed by German and
590 According to Fuechter, the formation and development of sexology was based on the
circulation and multidirectional movement of the ideas of sexual science. She stated that
experts from different parts of the world contributed to the knowledge of sexology through
their exchanges with each other (such as visiting each other, travelling, producing
internationally and disseminating internationally). Veronika Fuechtner, Douglas E. Haynes,
and Ryan M. Jones, “Introduction: Toward a Global History of Sexual Science:Movements,
Networks, and Deployments,” in A Global History of Sexual Science, 1880–1960, ed.
Veronika Fuechtner, Douglas E. Haynes, and Ryan M. Jones (Oakland, California:
University of California Press, 2018), 3.
591 For the effects of the translated material on sexology in different contexts, see: Heike
Bauer, Sexology and Translation: Cultural and Scientific Encounters across the Modern
World, 1880–1930 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2015). Howard Hsueh-Hao
Chiang, “Double Alterity and the Global Historiography of Sexuality: China, Europe, and
the Emergence of Sexuality as a Global Possibility,” E-pisteme 2, 1 (2009): 33-52.
592 Işıklar Koçak, “Problematizing Translated Popular Texts on Women’s Sexuality,” 9. For
the importance of translation in distributing information/knowledge on sexology, see:
Heike Bauer, English Literary Sexology: Translations of Inversion, 1860-1930 (Londra:
Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), 15. Koçer, “Demokrat Parti Döneminde Kadın,” 7. Koçak
mentioned this observation for the women’s magazines during the period.
160
French.593 "Anglo-American culture was preferred as the source culture as
far as sexuality is concerned." 594
The translated texts in marriage manuals were divided into three
categories. As Koçak mentioned, some texts were original translations that
were translated word for a word.595 Some texts were adapted with or without
mentioning the editions, such as Youth Series of Hadise Publishing.596 In
some cases, the translation was adapted to Turkey through working on the
original (source) text. The original titles of the sourcebook were changed
along with the minor and major adaptations in the content. Some subjects
were extracted while, in some cases, some comments were added to the
translated texts without leaving a note about the changes. According to
Koçak’s study, in the marriage manuals, the translators omitted subjects
such as fear of incest or the Christian pronouncements about marriage and
divorce, which were considered unnecessary and unsuitable for Turkish
readers. In the same text, a new chapter was written with the title of “The
Place of Religion in the Family Life,” which produced Islamic discourse.
Besides, a chapter was added to the manual titled “Practical Advice,” which
summarized all the previous topics, provided two lists of questions for
women and men to make them realize the critical factors for happy
marriages, and inserted the local expectations on marriage and social life.597
The adaptations in the marriage manual were presented as an effort of the
translator to localize the discussions on sexuality, couple relations, marriage
593 Işıklar Koçak, “Problematizing Translated Popular Texts on Women’s Sexuality,” 87.
According to Koçak, there were also texts on female sexuality translated from Arabic,
Spanish, Russian, and Japanese.
594 Işıklar Koçak, “Problematizing Translated Popular Texts on Women’s Sexuality,” 89.
According to her research, fourteen out of thirty-three texts on female sexuality were
translated from American writers between 1931 and 1960. Işıklar Koçak, “Problematizing
Translated Popular Texts on Women’s Sexuality,”100.
595 For authentic translation discussion in sexual manners’ publications, see: Işıklar Koçak,
“Problematizing Translated Popular Texts on Women’s Sexuality.”
596 See: Youth Life Series from Hadise Publications
597 Işıklar Koçak, “Problematizing Translated Popular Texts on Women’s Sexuality,” 207-208,
217-218. Koçak mentions the book written by W.E. Sargent and translated by Ömer Rıza
Doğrul. W.E. Sargent, Evlilik Hayatında Daha Bahtiyar Olmanın Yolları, trans. Trans.
Ömer Rıza Doğrul (Istanbul: Arif Bolat Kitabevi, 1942).
161
and family. In some cases, responsible publishing houses preferred to adapt,
omit or add to the texts based on the cultural necessities of Turkey based on
their perception.598 However, it is necessary to note that it is unknown
whether the adaptations were conducted by the translators and the editors of
the publishing houses. In some cases, the responsibles of the publishing
house -including the translators- decided that the content was not suitable
for the readers in Turkey. Through the adaptation process, the translators
and editing houses changed the content and the targeted readers of the texts
with their touches.599 Some adaptations were presented as individual texts,
whereas some were as edited manuals which turned out to be a collection of
different parts of various books (booklets).
The third category was “looking like” translations. Koçak called them
pseudo-translations. She stated that the pseudotranslations were published
under the name of a foreign author and presented as a translated work
although there is no corresponding source text600 or author. During the
period, pseudo translations were not limited to the literature regarding
(female) sexuality. Particularly in the detective genre, Semih Yazıcıoğlu
was one of the writers of Mike Hammer’s Pseudotranslations, while Oğuz
Alplaçin was known for his pseudo translations of Mikey Spillane during
the 1950s.601 Gürçağlar displayed that, even, Kemal Tahir has produced a
598 “Aile, milli müesseselerin en mühimidir ve milli ruhun bütün hususiyetlerini taşımakla
temayüz edenidir. Bu yüzden aile hayatı ile ve aile hayatının her safhasıyle meşgul olan bir
eserin milli bir eser olması icap eder. Okurlarım, bu noktaya ne kadar ehemmiyet
verdiğimi, eserde yadırgayacakları bir tek cümle bulmamakla göreceklerdir. Eserin Türk
okuruna müfti olması için bu noktaya ehemmiyet verdikten başka tamamile milli mahiyeti
haiz olması lazım gelen bahislerini ya tamamile yeniledim, yahut milli görüş süzgecinden
geçirmek için azami dikkat gösterdim.” W.E. Sargent, Evlilik Hayatında Daha Bahtiyar
Olmanın Yolları, trans. Ömer Rıza Doğrul (Istanbul: Arif Bolat Kitabevi, 1942). Quoted
from Işıklar Koçak, “Problematizing Translated Popular Texts on Women’s Sexuality,”
199-200.
599 Şehnaz Tahir-Gürçağlar, “The Politics and Poetics of Translation in Turkey 1923-1960”
(PhD. Diss., Boğaziçi University, 2001), 473.
600 Gideon Toury, “The Notion of 'Assumed Translation' - An Invitation to a New Discussion,”
in Letterlijkheid,Woordelijheid / Literality, Verbality, ed. Henri Bloemen, Erik Hertog and
Winibert Segers (Antwerpen, Harmelen: Fantom, 1995), 40.
601 Işıklar Koçak, “Problematizing Translated Popular Texts on Women’s Sexuality,” 93, 105.
Elif Berköz, “Çapkın Hafiyenin Türkiye Serüveni,” Milliyet, 02.04.2005.
162
pseudotranslations titled Ecel Saati (Deadly Watch) in 1954 as a part of
detective literature.602
Hadise publishings launched a manual series (12 manuals), “İnsan
Hayatı Serisi” (Human Life Series) in 1956, which included books on
female sexuality. All the translated texts of the series were
pseudotranslations.603 On female sexuality, pseudotranslations played two
crucial roles. On the one hand, they have provided secrecy and invisibility
to discuss the “spicy” subjects. They have provided the anonymity for the
writer to introduce sexual subjects to the readers without arousing too much
antagonism in society.604 Considering the possible reactions to talking about
female sexuality,605 pseudotranslations provided a safe side for the writers
602 Tahir-Gürçağlar, “The Politics and Poetics of Translation in Turkey 1923-1960,” 447.
603 Işıklar Koçak, “Problematizing Translated Popular Texts on Women’s Sexuality,” 109.
Roch Bess, Evli Kadınlar için Metres Tehlikesi Nedir? İnsan Hayatı Dizisi, 9, trans. Selim
Yetkili (Istanbul: Hadise Yayınları, 1956). Louis E. Bisch, Kadınlar Niçin İhanet Ederler,
İnsan Hayatı Dizisi, 7, trans. Selim Yetkili (Istanbul: Hadise Yayınları, 1956). W. Holliday,
Kimseye Söyleyemiyorum, İnsan Hayatı Dizisi, 2, trans. C. Arhan (Istanbul: Hadise
Yayınları, 1956). Fenande Isambert, Evliliğin İlk Basamağında Neler Bilmelidir, İnsan
Hayatı Dizisi, 6, trans. Selim Yetkili (Istanbul: Hadise Yayınları, 1956). Fred McMauldin,
Buluğ Çağında Bir Kız Neler Bilmelidir, trans. Selim Yetkili (Istanbul: Hadise Yayınları,
1956). Fred McMauldin, Her Nişanlı Genç Kız Neler Bilmelidir, İnsan Hayatı Dizisi, 5.
Fred McMauldin, Kızıma Nasıl Söyliyeyim: Her genç kız neler bilmelidir, İnsan Hayatı
Dizisi, 1, trans. Selim Yetkili (Istanbul: Hadise Yayınları, 1956). Betty Whiting, Her Dul
Kadın Neler Bilmelidir, İnsan Hayatı Serisi, 4, trans. Selim Yetkili (Istanbul: Hadise
Yayınları, 1956). Maurice Chickedel, Bekarlarda Cinsi Hayat, trans. Semih Yazıcıoğlu
(Istanbul: N.P., 1952). Maurice Chickedel, Nişanlılarda Cinsi Hayat, trans. Semih
Yazıcıoğlu (Istanbul: N.P., 1952). Maurice Chickedel, Evlilikte Cinsi Hayat, trans. Semih
Yazıcıoğlu (Istanbul: N.P., 1953) quoted from Işıklar Koçak, “Problematizing Translated
Popular Texts on Women’s Sexuality,” 362-363.
604 Toury, The Notion of 'Assumed Translation', 41.
605 Even Alfred Kinsey has received strong reactions after publishing his research on female
sexuality, while his research on male sexuality has received well responses. One of the
harshly critical book reviews was written by Hans Zeisel, a Professor of Law and
Sociology, University of Chicago, right after the publishing of the Kinsey’s study on
female sexuality. In the review, Zeisel criticized Kinsey regarding its methods, interviewees
and analysis to devalue his study. Hans Zeisel, Book Review on “Sexual Behavior in the
Human Female by Alfred C. Kinsey,” The University Of Chicago Law Review, 21 (1954),
517-525.
163
and publishers by disguising their identity and, also pretending to be a
foreign-American expert. To be seen as an expert on the issue in the public
sphere if the writer did not carry any acceptable (referred) academic title
could also ease discussing the subjects on female sexuality. On the other
hand, pseudotranslations were a part of the publishing’s house strategy for
marketing. Foreign, particularly American, writers were accepted as experts
until the 1960s as far as texts on women’s sexuality are concerned. Their
works were considered more prestigious or important, which is a sign of
subordination to foreign, in this case, American ‘scientific’ circles.606
Hence, texts with the names of foreign authors had more credibility among
the public, which increased the selling numbers. One of the owners of
Çağlayan Kitabevi,607 which is the same publishing house for Mike
Hammer’s, Refik Erduran transferred a story from Ertem Eğilmez.608 Ertem
Eğilmez609 has narrated in his memoirs that he met with the publisher Arif
Bolat after finishing his military service. They decided to publish
something. He said that he wrote a book titled 10 Derste Cinsiyet (Sex in 10
Lessons) by collecting from here and there.610 Eğilmez realized that 50.000
copies were sold immediately and the profit was high. He immediately
started the second book.611 Regardless of the authenticity of the texts,
pseudotranslations became a part of public discussion on female sexuality.
The translated texts were seen as a part of manuals and magazines. The
translated manuals were, mostly, presented with an author’s name though
the name of the translater was not always included.612
606 Toury, The Notion of 'Assumed Translation', 42.
607 Çağlayan publishing house was owned by Refik Erduran, Ertem Eğilmez and Haldun Sel.
608 Refik Erduran, İblisler, Azizler, Kadınlar (Istanbul: Dünya Kitapları, 2005), 313.
609 Ertem Eğilmez is one of the owners of the Çağlayan Kitabevi. Besides, he is also a wellknown
director of Turkish film industry after 1967.
610 Based on my researches, there is a book: Laurent Chavernac, On Derste Cinsiyet, trans. A.
Kahraman (Istanbul: Çağlayan Yayınevi, 1957) (Second Edition 1958, Third Edition 1960,
Fourth Edition 1965, Fifth Edition 1969) Since he did not mentioned the details in his
memoirs, it would be an educated guess to assume that one as same book he mentioned.
611 “Oradan buradan toplayıp 10 Derste Cinsiyet diye bir kitap yazdım. Satış müthiş oldu. 50
bin tane hemen tükendi. Baktım tatlı kâr, hemen ikincisi.” Erduran, İblisler, Azizler,
Kadınlar, 313.
612 Işıklar Koçak, “Problematizing Translated Popular Texts on Women’s Sexuality.”
164
Translations had an important place in the magazines. Seksoloji
magazine borrowed its name and design, including the front page, from the
same-named magazine (Sexology) published by Hugo Gernsback between
1933 and the late 1960s in the United States. Seksoloji translated numerous
articles and used visual materials from that magazine, Sexology.613 Beside
the American magazine, Seksoloji has taken articles and visual materials
from the European women and marriage magazines, popular marriage and
sexology manuals such as Medicine, Elle, Pageant, Votre Sante,
Selection.614 The translated texts in the magazine, in some cases, were
presented with the original writer’s name. Even in Seksoloji, a short
presentation paragraph was added under the title with a different font and
right before the beginning of the original article. In some cases, the name of
the original magazine, from which the text was translated, was stated under
the main title (figure.x).615 However in some cases, some articles, although
translated from foreign magazines, were not signed with the author’s name
or magazine’s name.
The names of the characters such as Giny or Kenneth, the names of the
countries and cities such as “Amerikanın Missouri eyaletinde Claytan’da”
(in Claytan in Missouri state of America)616 or universities such as Cornell
Üniversitesi (University)617 indicated that the texts were a translation. Also,
there are other types of articles and writings such as checklists such as “how
613 During the 1950s, seksoloji was not the only one which has borrowed its name, content and
design from a US magazine. Besides Seksoloji, Hayat has borrowed Life whereas Aile from
the Reader’s Digest.
614 Examples from Seksoloji: From Medicine: “Şehvet Hastaları,” Seksoloji, 37 (1952), 45-47.
From Elle: “Karımı Niçin Seviyorum,” Seksoloji, 38 (1952), 8-12. From Pageant: “Sağır bir
erkekle evlendim,” Seksoloji, 38 (1952), 24-28. From Votre Sante: “Mesane Hastalıkları,”
Seksoloji, 39 (1952), 45-48. From Selection: “Evlilik Şakaya Gelmez,” Seksoloji, 41
(1952), 15-18. Also, in women’s magazines, Parent’s Magazine, Women’s Home
Companion, Better Homes, Ladies Home, Woman’s Day, Everybody’s Digest, Collier,
Changing Times, Christian Herald, Life Can Be Beatiful were the magazines from which
the translations were conducted. Koçer, “Demokrat Parti Döneminde Kadın,” 116.
615 Dr. Bowen Partington, “Kadınlarda Batıl Cinsi İtikatlar,” Seksoloji, 7 (1949), 42.
616 “Buluğ Çapındaki Çocuklara Nasıl Muamele Etmeli?” Seksoloji, 58 (1954), 3,5.
617 Lorenzo Chicco, “Cinsiyet ve Koku,” Seksoloji, 2 (1949), 43.
165
to be a good wife or mother” or “how to be a good husband,”618 and short
stories without mentioning the name of the writer which hides clues of
translation. Different than the magazines and manuals, in the newspapers,
whether the articles were not defined as translated or almost not any known
translated texts were included. With the translated texts, readers were
exposed to various new themes such as adultery, the sexual norms of other
societies, the female body, frigidity, reproduction, sexual diseases, sexual
fears, different sexual preferences, sexual illnesses and fidelity.
The translated texts were not only carrying the subjects to the eyes of the
Turkish public. They have also brought women's (sexual) experiences in
foreign countries, primarily the United Stated of America. The ties with the
United States undoubtedly enabled the publishing houses to translate from
American resources. During the 1950s, United States was a model country
and culture to imitate. Therefore, the content produced in the USA was also
preferred and welcome by the publishing houses, since the consumers of the
magazines, mostly middle/upper-middle class women of Turkey, preferred
to encounter the experiences of foreign, American, women.619 Female
sexuality was also used to transmit the background information. The
incidents were presented in a short story and in a case that also provided the
context. These texts narrated the life stories of women in their home
cultures, which was, in most cases, the USA. Since the language and culture
were chosen as English and American literature, particularly for sexual
matters, the American woman and her experiences became the figure and
the subject to be discussed and transmitted. They carried main elements of
the culture, American, from which language, English in this case, the
translation was conducted.620 In other words, the translations have
strengthened the image of a woman in marriage and society, which was
618 “İyi Bir Eş Olabilir misiniz?” Seksoloji, 26 (1951), 8-9.
619 Ahmet Oktay, Türkiye’de Popüler Kültür (İstanbul: YKY Yayınevi, 1997), 78. Işıklar
Koçak, “Problematizing Translated Popular Texts on Women’s Sexuality.”
620 Erskine Caldwell, “Balayı,” trans. Azize Erten, Seksoloji, 58 (1954), 54-57. “İstasyonda
peynir ekmek yiyen zencilerden başka kimse ortalıkta gözükmez.” (Nobody could be seen
in the station except the blacks eating cheese and bread.)“Kasabadan on mil kadar
uzaklaştıktan sonra Claude’un evi önünde durdular.” (After about ten miles from town, they
stopped in front of Claude's house.)
166
exported from, mainly, the USA.621 As Elizabeth Povinelli and George
Chauncey described, global sexual science brought traffic in cultural
representations, people, and capital of the people’s social life around the
world.622
Visual material was not limited to the medical (anatomical) discussions.
It was also used for displaying appropriate woman and family. The pictures
and illustrations borrowed from foreign magazines were also used in the
magazines. Particularly, illustrations and photographs on fashion, cosmetics,
and magazines have carried the signs of their foreign resources. The pictures
and illustrations covered a wide range of variety. In the same magazines, it
was possible to find a "core" family photograph with two children, a mother,
and a father. But also, a couple of pages later it could be found an
illustration of a vagina with a detailed description as mentioned before. The
photographs of the core family and women in a context such as in the
kitchen became symbolic and exemplary visuals for the properness such as
how the “proper” core family, woman, man, relation and even house were
needed to look.
During the 1950s, the quantity of the published materials increased
along with their covered subjects and outreach, which turned sexual
manners into a discussion topic in the public sphere and helped reach a
wider reader group. The visual materials caused easy consumption for
groups with limited literacy skills. Since sexuality is a part of daily life, the
literature on sexual manners touched, slightly or deeply, on various subjects.
Sexual manners (sexual science) and its experts defined, codified and
catalogued sexual interactions “from the scale of the kiss or caress, to
621 For the image of American women in the popular magazine in Turkey during the 1950s,
see: Umut Yıldırım, “The Representation and the Perception of the United States” (MA
Thesis, Boğaziçi University, 2002), 50-54.
622 Elizabeth A. Povinelli and George Chauncey, “Thinking Sexuality Transnationally: An
Introduction,” Gay and Lesbian Quarterly 5 (1999), 442. For the transnational character of
sexuality and presentations of different cultures, see: Margot Canaday, “Thinking Sex in
the Transnational Turn: An Introduction,” American Historical Review 114, 5 (2009),
1250–57. Inderpal Grewal and Caren Kaplan, “Global Identities: Theorizing Transnational
Studies of Sexuality,” Gay and Lesbian Quarterly 7 (2001), 663–79; Leila J. Rupp,
“Toward a Global History of Same-Sex Sexuality,” Journal of the History of Sexuality 10
(2001), 287–302.
167
perceived “perversities” found among social groups, to the impact of
disease, prostitution, and population control on regional, national, and
global scales.”623 The producers of the content in the publishing determined
the pedagogical tone and the "moral" limits of sexual manners. The
consumers, who read the publications, were tried to be enlightened,
moreover, to be "educated." The next part of this study focused on the actors
who produced the content on sexual manners and who consumed the
publishing: actors of sexual manners.
2.5. “Who to Teach” – “Whom To Teach”
The discussions on "sexual manners" were not limited to its necessity,
benefits to the public, and content. The actors of sexual manners, who
would give and receive sexual education, had as much significance as the
content. As the writers of sexual manners pointed out, the complexity of the
content, the language (terminology) of the texts, the approach to transferring
the content (pedagogy), and the mediums (the tools) should be shaped
according to the perception level and ability of the receiver. Moreover, the
content of “sexual manners” was mostly defined as a delicate subject that
required an “expert’s hand” and “professional touch.”624 Additionally, the
content of sexual manners was heavily dependent on the knowledge and
perspective of the writer. Hence, this part of the study aims to highlight the
actors of sexual manners who were both providers and receivers of the
content. The previous sections mentioned the identities of receivers and
providers (of sexual education) throughout the cases, whether implicitly
between the lines or explicitly through addressing directly. This section
focused on the persona of the targeted groups and examines the reasons for
the designated audience. Also, it focused on the actors who had been
considered eligible figures to provide knowledge about sexual manners.
623 Veronika Fuechtner, Douglas E. Haynes, and Ryan M. Jones, “Introduction: Toward a
Global History of Sexual Science: Movements, Networks, and Deployments,” in A Global
History of Sexual Science, 1880–1960, edited Veronika Fuechtner, Douglas E. Haynes, and
Ryan M. Jones (Oakland, California: University of California Press, 2018), 4-5.
624 “Anketimiz - Prof. Dr. Ferit H. Saymen,” Seksoloji, 10 (1950), 1.
168
On the surface, sexual manners (education) was presented almost in all
articles – whether in magazines or newspapers – as a subject that should be
taught to the whole population.625 As discussed in the previous sections, the
“ignorant” public needed sexual education for having happy lives and
marriages and, consequently, for having a healthy, peaceful, and
harmonious society. Although the “whole” population was targeted on the
discursive level, the strategy for disseminating knowledge about sexual
manners was based mainly on written materials, which were published by
the magazines and newspapers at the beginning of the 1950s. Except for
Seksoloji journal and its manuals, the explanatory visual materials were few
or in more moderate forms in publications. Therefore, the readers who could
learn from the written text were restricted to the literate population, which
was composed of around 30% of the whole population.626
As mentioned in the "Tools for Sexual Manners" section, sexual
manners as a subject had found a place in the daily national newspapers and
monthly magazines, which have had a relatively fair distribution scope—at
least in the cities and towns. Also, Seksoloji mentioned the names of local
newspapers and reprinted quotes that praised the new magazine from the
same newspapers from all around the country.627 Based on the written text
and geographical outreach, literature on sexual manners could reach the
literate population living in urban settings. However, in 1950, around 70%
of Turkey’s population was still living in the villages, and therefore, their
access to discussions on sexual manners was highly questionable.
Although the general public, "all the citizens of the young Republic,"
were aimed to be educated on sexual manners, some groups were prioritized
to reach and inform about sexual matters. The prioritization could be
followed through articles that specifically addressed a particular audience.
The articles' audience could be distinguished, either by its title or greeting.
In the titles, the writers put forward a particular problem that could be
625 Nuri Kodamanoğlu, “Batı Memleketlerinde Cinsi Eğitim,” Seksoloji, 41 (1953), 2.
626 Türkiye İstatistik Kurumu, İstatistik Göstergeler 1923-2009 (Ankara: Türkiye İstatistik
Kurumu, 2010), 18. For the population above 15 years old.
627 Both in the “question and answer chapter” and in the last pages of the magazine, different
cities and towns were mentioned. The details were discussed in the “Tools for Sexual
Manners section.”
169
experienced by children, young women, young couples, even seniors, such
as “Kadında cinsi soğukluk” (Woman’s Frigidity), “Kızlarda Gebelik”
(Pregnancy at Young Girls) or “Çocuklara cinsiyetten nasıl bahsetmeli?”
(How should we inform children about sexuality?).628 These articles aimed
to inform the designated group about specific needs and problems
associated with particular characteristics such as age or sex. In some
articles, writers directly refered to certain groups, such as "sexual advise for
engaged people,”629 or "do not hurt your husband’s feelings.”630 Hence, the
designated audience became clear from the title and introduction of the
article.
2.5.1. For Children
Children among the targeted audience came forward to be mentioned in
the articles about sexual manners. Obviously, the articles addressed adults
(parents, specially mothers or educators).631 Yet, the articles with the titles
“how to educate children on sexual manners” appeared numerous times in
newspapers such as Milliyet and Cumhuriyet and in magazines such as
628 There are a very limited number of articles or manuals about the sexuality of middle-aged
and/or senior individuals. One of the rare example, see: 40ından sonra Cinsi Hayat
(İstanbul: İstanbul Klinik Dersleri Yayınevi, 1960). I could not reach the original book.
However, I noticed an advertisement in the Sağlığımız magazine. In the advertisement, the
book were presented as: “A book that will be read by every middle age woman and man
with pleasure.” Some of the topics of the book was mentioned as: “aging at man and
woman; menopause; sexual displeasure of women; conjugal life; sexual intercourse after
40; cancer at woman and man; prostate disease at men.” “Advertisements,” Sağlığımız, 3
(1960), cover page.
629 Dr. R. Von Urban, “Nişanlılara Tavsiyeler,” Seksoloji, 17 (1950), 42-43.
630 Dane Turner, “Kocanızın Gururunu İncitmeyiniz,” Seksoloji, 21 (1950), 15-18.
631 Josephine May, “Secrets and Lies: Sex Education and Gendered Memories of Childhood’s
End in an Australian Provincial City, 1930s–1950s,” Sex Education 6, 1 (2006), 4. May
argued that primarily, efforts to implement sex education focused mainly on adults in
Australia with the growing preoccupations with racial purity and sexual hygiene in the
1930s. For Turkey, the literature on sexual education was limited to a couple of “marriage
manuals” which were left on the side. Hence, in the 1950s, educating children on sexual
matters became one of the forthcoming concerns which have carried similar weight to
adults.
170
Seksoloji and, even, Akis.632 Only in Seksoloji, 15 articles were published in
60 issues with the titles referring to children’s education on sexuality, which
equalled almost one article in every fourth issue. Even the first article of the
journal was on sexual manners for children, which was entitled “How we
should talk about sexuality with children?” and written by Howard Whitman
for Cosmopolitan magazine.633
Sexual manners for children as a subject was not only a discussion
preferred by the editors of the newspapers and magazines. The subject has
also received positive feedback from the readers. Right after Seksoloji
started to be published, the editorial team decided to organize a competition
among their readers in its third volume. Seksoloji asked its readers to select
the most liked and beneficial article among the first six issues, which would
create the magazine's first volume. The readers also needed to explain their
reasons in a maximum of 150 words. The jury would select the first thirty
readers, who would be awarded monetary and subscription awards. The
readers could participate with a “competition coupon,” which was published
as a part of the last page of the journal in the third issue. Along with the
names of the first thirty readers, the letters of the winners (the first five
contestants), which explained the reasons for their choices, were also
published with the general result of the competition. Howard Whitman’s
article was selected as the winner of the competition. The answers touched
upon the significance of educating children on sexual manners to develop
social cohesion through educating youth, protect children and young people
from perversions and illnesses, provide a healthy family and environment
while growing up, overcome the ignorance of parents and children, and
inform young minds based on scientific knowledge.634 All winners strongly
632 Recep Ferdi, “Günün Meseleleri: Çocuklarda Cinsi Terbiye Nasıl Olmalıdır?” Milliyet,
11.05.1953. Recep Doksat, “Günün Tıbbi Bahisleri: Cinsi Terbiye,” Milliyet, 28.01.1958.
Dr. N.C., “Çocuklarımızın Cinsi Terbiyesi,” Akis, 15.01.1955, 29. Dr. N.C., “Terbiye: Size
düşen vazife,” Akis, 22.01.1955, 21-22.
633 Howard Whitman “Çocuklara cinsiyetten nasıl bahsetmeli?” Seksoloji, 1 (1949), 1-6.
Translator of the article was not mentioned in the magazine.
634 The answers were listed by Şinasi Ataman, Ankara, Elementary Education Inspector;
Ekmel Özoğul, Kırıkkale, Painter in the Kırıkkale Rifle Factory; Mehmet Ulucan, Yeniağa
(Bolu), Mobile Head-Teacher, Hüseyin Gösterişli, Hasankale, Erzurum Soldier Post; Ömer
171
underlined the ignorance of and lack of sexual education in the country due
to the labeling of sexuality and sexual education as shameful subjects. The
writers and readers argued implicitly that sexual manners could help
children manage, regulate, and discipline themselves to avoid personal and
social dangers and risks if they had sufficient information on sexuality.
The discussion on educating children on sexual manners focused on the
content, method, and source of information. The content and the method of
sexual manners for children became a debatable issue even among the
experts, who were supporting sexual education. Şekip Tunç stated that while
“calling sexual manners as sexology is a new subject for our century,” there
are still discussions about the content and method of sexual education for
children in scientific circles.635 The discussion, particularly, was centered on
the pedagogical appropriateness of the content and language when teaching
children of different ages. A critique of the pedagogical necessities and
limits of sexual education for children has taken part, even in Cumhuriyet.
Burhan Öncel wrote an article about the question of “whether it is suitable
to talk about sexual matters with our children.” While he gave a positive
answer and encouraged the parents to provide information about sexual
matters, he criticized Howard William and W. Scot Pugh by name for
suggesting detailed and explicit content for younger children. He concluded
his articles by saying that “we should not neglect to educate our children
about sexual manners. However, we should be conscious about its dosage
and timing.”636 The articles of the writers whom Öncel mentioned had been
published by Seksoloji recently.637 Although he did not mention the
journal's name, he made an implicit reference to the articles and the journal
Erman, Çatalca, Subaşı village teacher. “Müsabakamızın neticesi,” Seksoloji, 11 (1950),
32-35.
635 Şekip Tunç, “Cinsi Terbiye,” Seksoloji, 12 (1950), 1-2.
636 Dr. Burhan Öncel, “Terbiye Bahisleri: Çocuklara Cinsi Hadiselerden Bahsetmek Doğru
Olur Mu?” Cumhuriyet, 27.10.1950.
637 William’s article was published second after it was selected as the most beneficial content,
see: Howard Whitman “Çocuklara cinsiyetten nasıl bahsetmeli?” Seksoloji, 11 (1950), 43-
48. Pugh’s articles were published in April 1950 and in July 1950. Dr. W. Scott Pugh,
“Çocuğuma cinsiyetten nasıl bahsedeyim?” Seksoloji, 13 (1950), 53-58. W. Scott Pugh,
“Çocuğuma cinsiyetten nasıl bahsedeyim?” Seksoloji, 16 (1950), 7-9. Öncel also started to
contribute to Seksoloji with his articles in the same year.
172
by mentioning the writers' names. Additionally, he did not hesitate to make
the subject visible and public by writing his criticisms in a newspaper with a
broader outreach and a more heterogeneous audience than the magazine.
Öncel developed his discussion in comparison to the arguments of
contemporaries (the studies of William and Pugh), who, appareantly, he was
aware and knowledgeable of. Last but not least, his conclusion invited
parents (and the public) to be cautious about “the harmful outcomes of
excess in the sexual manners’ agenda.”638
In the editorial piece of the 40th issue of the Seksoloji magazine, the
chief editor, Muzaffer Aşkın wrote an editorial to reply to the critics and
negative comments on sexual manners. Part of his argument was based on
the necessity of accurate sexual knowledge among the general public,
particularly children. Aşkın classified the source of sexual manners into four
categories for children to learn about “where the baby comes from” and
“how to regulate and cooperate in their relations with the opposite sex.”639
According to Aşkın, children can learn from the street and friends, mothers
and fathers, and school and sexological publishing. While he discussed
every source separately, he vehemently stated that children could not get
accurate and complete information on the street.640 Apart from Aşkın, Şekip
Tunç also warned his readers that sexual manners is considered a dirty
subject that would be learned on the streets.641 Both used the word street to
refer to spaces that were outside of the household and to the settings where
parents’ gaze and control were limited or even did not exist. Aşkın also
named the friends on the streets who taught sexual manners as “cinsiyet
638 “Cinsel terbiye davasında ifrata varmanın zararlı neticeler de verebileceğini söylemiştim.”
Dr. Burhan Öncel, “Terbiye Bahisleri: Çocuklara Cinsi Hadiselerden Bahsetmek Doğru
Olur Mu?” Cumhuriyet, 27.10.1950.
639 “… karşı cinsten olanlarla münasebetlerini nasıl tanzim ve nihayet fiilen iştirak
edecekleri..” Muzaffer Aşkın, “Cinsiyet Hakkında Sıhhatli ve Doğru Bir Anlayışa Sahip
Olmalıyız,” Seksoloji, 40 (1952), 4.
640 Apart from Aşkın, many writers argued that children and young people tried to learn sexual
manners from their friends, who gave them inaccurate or problematic knowledge. Such as
Münir Türkent, “Cinsi hayat ve Gençlik,” in Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 1: Genç
Kızlığın En Esrarlı Tarafı: Bakirelik (İstanbul: Hadise Yayınları, 1959), 2. “Ancak
arkadaşlarından duyduğu çok defa yanlış malumatla yetinmek zorunda kalırlar.”
641 Şekip Tunç, “Cinsi Terbiye,” Seksoloji, 12 (1950), 1.
173
palavracıları” (sexuality braggarts/loudmouths) in the article mentioned
above.
The primary concern regarding the source of sexual knowledge was
related to the accuracy of the information. The authors of sexual manners
repeatedly underlined the importance of correct information and proper
methods to share sexual information. While they have attributed scientific
knowledge – in this case, primarily medical knowledge642 – as the most
accurate and reliable source for sexuality, they have also pointed out the
risks and drawbacks of untrustworthy information for physical and
psychological health. Aşkın stated in the same piece that “the result of
oppression, inaccurate knowledge, and belief in sexual life, unavoidably,
could not be other than various perversions and neurosis.”643
Kemal Çağlar, a urology doctor, warned the families about protecting
their sons from homosexuality, which he diagnosed as an illness. His
suggestion to families was “providing sexual education (manners) to their
children.”644 In the piece, he brought up his experience with an 18-years-old
young boy from a good family who was his patient. The young boy was
“addicted to this hideous sexual relationship.” The young patient came to
the doctor with tears in his eyes and sobbing. He was asking Çağlar to save
him from the hideous habitat he had had since his childhood. This young
boy had several attempts to experience his hideous habit. Finally, “he
reached an agreement with a man only through leering” in a train station and
did hideous things for five months. At the end of the article, Çağlar stated
that “we should protect our sons – whom we grew with hardships and
diligence - from the hideous devilish and snake-like degenerations which
occur in society. You need to know how to preserve your children until they
turn 18 years old.” He added that “a normal child with a good character and
morals would never degrade.” Yet, if our children have a slightly weak
642 Şekip Tunç, “Cinsi Terbiye,” Seksoloji, 12 (1950), 4. Tunç argued that sexual manners
should be taught whether by the mothers or by the doctors.
643 Muzaffer Aşkın, “Cinsiyet Hakkında Sıhhatli ve Doğru Bir Anlayışa Sahip Olmalıyız,”
Seksoloji, 40 (1952), 5. “Cinsi hayattaki baskılar, yanlı bilgi ve inanışların sonu, kaçınılmaz
şekilde çeşitli sapıklıklar ve nevrozlardan başka bir şey olamaz.”
644 Kemal Çağlar, “Çocuklarınızı Cinsi Sapıklığa Düşmekten Koruyunuz,” Seksoloji, 26
(1951), 25-27.
174
character, “protecting our children is protecting the honor of the family.”645
In his story, Çağlar underlined the importance of sexual manners (sexual
education). According to Çağlar, a child who knows about proper sexuality
could not act according to his hideous desires. The child can correct his
behavior by himself if he has adequate education on sexuality.
The writers about sexual manners reached almost a consensus about
providing sex education to children to avoid the harmful effects of learning
sexuality from the streets or their friends. Some addressed parents as the
responsible actor for their children’s education. However, some writers
argued that numerous parents were also not well-informed on sexual matters
and, consequently, helpless (acizdir) like the rest of society.646 Teachers
(and schools) were regarded as the most trustworthy actors when it came to
sharing sexuality knowledge with their students. Moreover, teachers were
asked to educate parents about sexuality.647 In line with the experts’
emphasis on teachers, presence of teachers could be followed in the pages of
Seksoloji. The journal published letters, commentaries, and articles written
by their readers (teachers), with their names and schools listed in various
issues.648 First of all, their open presence in a sexuality-related journal could
645 “Binbir müşkülat ve ihtimamla yetiştirdiğimiz erkek yavrularımızı cemiyet içinde bir
şeytan ve bir yılan gibi mevcut olan bu iğrenç dejenerelerden korumamız lazımdır. 18
yaşına gelinceye kadar yavrularınızı muhafaza etmesini biliniz. Filhakika, ahlaklı, kuvvetli
karakter sahibi, normal bir çocuk asla sukut etmez. Fenalıklardan sıyrılmasını bilir. Fakat
pek az dahi olsa ruhen zayıfça evlatlarımızı korumakla ailenin şerefini korumuş oluruz.”
Kemal Çağlar, “Çocuklarınızı Cinsi Sapıklığa Düşmekten Koruyunuz,” Seksoloji, 26
(1951), 27.
646 Nuri Kodamanoğlu, “Batı Memleketlerinde Cinsi Eğitim,” Seksoloji, 41 (1953), 2. Faruk
Akbeğ, “Okullarda cinsiyet eğitimi: Maarif şurası üyelerinin dikkatine sunulur,” Seksoloji,
42 (1952), 3. “Okulda eğitim tezini tutanlara göre, ana babaların çoğu görevlerini
yapmaktana acizdir.”
647 Ord. Prof. Mustafa Şekip Tunç, “Cinsi Terbiye Kimler Tarafından Verilmelidir?” Seksoloji,
15 (1950), 2. Nuri Kodamanoğlu, “Batı Memleketlerinde Cinsi Eğitim,” Seksoloji, 41
(1953), 2. Kodamanoğlu was giving examples from “western civilizations” (garp
medeniyetleri). However, he was also presenting “educating parents” as an option and an
argument for Turkey.
648 Nuri Kodamanoğlu from Adana Highschool, müsabakımızı kazanalarda isimleri olan
öğretmenler; Ö. Faruk Aydan, “Orta Okullara Seksoloji Dersi Konmalıdır.” Seksoloji, 12
(1950), 30-31. Faruk Aydan is the principal of the Şerefli Koçhisar Highschool.
175
be an indicator of teachers’ efforts in following discussions and literature on
sexual manners. Secondly, their names were published openly at the top of
their articles. Hence, they were not ashamed to be associated with Seksoloji.
As a part of teachers’ options, schools (public education) were proposed
as the primary medium for providing sexual education to children and
young people as part of the official curriculum.649 The actors who proposed
adding sexual education into the curriculum underlined the state’s
responsibility in educating Turkish citizens about sexual manners.650 They
emphasized the need for sexual education for the moral and physical wellbeing
of the citizens. Ferit Saymen stated that according to Civil Law, both
the family and state are responsible of children’s terbiye (manners). He
stated that terbiye covers the educational, occupational, general (umumi) and
religious terbiye of children. Saymen reminded the articles of Public
Hygiene Law (Umumi Hıfzısıhha Kanunu) which were about protection of
children. He claimed that the foundation has already existed for building the
structure of sexual manners structure (cinsi terbiye binası), if only state
practiced its duty with with fortitude and courage.651 Faruk Akbeğ wrote an
article in Seksoloji that directly addressed Maarif Şurası (Education
Congress) right before the Education Council gathered. He stated that
“çocuklarımızın cinsi terbiyesinin devletçe ele alınmasının zamanı
gelmiştir” (It is time that the [Turkish] state deals with the education of
children).652 Akbeğ reminded the state’s responsility and obligation
regarding providing every aspect of education to the children. Kodamanoğlu
stated that school is the place where children can get their manners.
Therefore, every course in the school curriculum was designed to
correspond to a particular manners (terbiye) area. Although other courses
can nourish several areas of manners and provide education, the sexual
649 Similar discussions arose simultaneously in different countries, see: Thomson, “Moral
Rhetoric and Public Health Pragmatism,” 47.
650 Faruk Akbeğ, “Okullarda cinsiyet eğitimi: Maarif şurası üyelerinin dikkatine sunulur,”
Seksoloji, 42 (1952), 1-8.
651 “Anketimiz - Ferit H. Saymen,” Seksoloji, 10 (1950), 9.
652 Faruk Akbeğ, “Okullarda cinsiyet eğitimi: Maarif şurası üyelerinin dikkatine sunulur,”
Seksoloji, 42 (1952), 1.
176
education part was lacking.653 Various writers, composed of doctors and
teachers, proposed inserting sexual manners related content into the school
curriculum. Because all children attend school, incorporating "sexual
manners" classes into the curriculum could be a solution to coping with a
lack of sexual manners knowledge.654 Some of the opinion leaders were
arguing for starting sexual education as early as possible by referring to
Sigmund Freud and his ideas. One of them, Münir Türkent, who was a
specialist in obstetrics and gynecology, advocated introducing sexual
education to primary schools. According to Türkent, this could provide an
opportunity for every citizen to be informed about proper and scientific
sexual knowledge.655 Another aspect of adding sexual education to the
school curriculum was related to the content of the knowledge about sexual
manners. Some writers mentioned only the scientific character of the
information that could be provided by the schools. Some writers stated that
the sexual knowledge in the school curriculum could be developed and
uniformed by the Ministry of Education. Hence, actors in the ministry
would have the opportunity to control the kind of sexual information that
would be disseminated.
Faruk Akbeğ argued that sexuality as a subject should be included in the
national education curriculum. He examined the science and health school
textbooks for primary and secondary education for this article. According to
his research, the fourth and fifth grade books included information about the
digestive system, respiratory organs, five senses, circulation, blood, the
human skeleton, and muscles. However, although “all the organs were
mentioned in the book, reproductive organs were discussed, even
mentioned”656 In the middle school textbooks, the anatomy and functions of
653 Nuri Kodamanoğlu, “Cinsiyet Meselesi ve Eğitim,” Seksoloji, 27 (1951), 13-14.
654 Ord. Prof. Mustafa Şekip Tunç, “Cinsi Terbiye Kimler Tarafından Verilmelidir?” Seksoloji,
15 (1950), 2.
655 Münir Türkent, “Cinsi hayat ve Gençlik,” in Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 1: Genç
kızlığın en esrarlı tarafı: Bakirelik (İstanbul: Hadise Yayınları, 1959), 2.
656 Faruk Akbeğ, “Okullarda cinsiyet eğitimi: Maarif şurası üyelerinin dikkatine sunulur,”
Seksoloji, 42 (1952), 4. “4 ve 5inci sınıflar için Nimet Çalapala, Emin Rona, Suphi Süha
Doğukan ve Mehmet Doğanay’ın ayrı ayrı yazdıkları tabiat bilgisi kitaplarında da, insanın
177
the organs were explained, except for the reproductive organs. Akbeğ added
that in the high school textbooks, sexuality and reproduction were
mentioned for the first time in relation to hormones in the biology textbook
that was prepared for junior class of highschool (lise 1) by biologist Aliye
Seren, biologist Nezih Alsaç and doctor Suat Seren. However, the anatomy
and functions of human sexual organs and human reproductive process were
not explained in any of the biology textbooks.657 Akbeğ also examined the
school textbooks on health, prepared by Aliye Seren and Suat Seren in
1951.658 Akbeğ stated that the authors explained the means of transmission
and the symptoms of gonorrhea, venereal diseases, and syphilis. Although
Akbeğ appreciated the inclusion of information about STDs, he criticized
the lack of information about sexuality-related issues.659 Various writers
offered different solutions to including sex education in the school
curriculum. Faruk Aydan, a teacher from Şerefli Koçhisar, offered to add a
sexology (Seksoloji dersi) course to the school curriculum for middle
schools.660 On the other hand, Tunç proposed only covering venereal
diseases and leaving sexual manners to parents and doctors.661 His
suggestion was closely connected with the efforts of the governing bodies
that focused on educating the citizens about the symptoms, contamination,
and outcomes of venereal diseases.
Akbeğ supported his argument with examples from other countries that
inserted sexual education into their curriculums.662 He tried to display the
place of sex education in the curriculums of the modern states in order to
bütün organları hakkında bilgi verilirken üreme organları sanki vücudumuzda hiç mevcut
değilmiş gibi adı bile anılmamaktadır.”
657 Faruk Akbeğ, “Okullarda cinsiyet eğitimi: Maarif şurası üyelerinin dikkatine sunulur,”
Seksoloji, 42 (1952), 5.
658 Aliye Seren and Suat Seren were also the authors of the natural knowledge (tabiat bilgisi)
school textbooks.
659 Faruk Akbeğ, “Okullarda cinsiyet eğitimi: Maarif şurası üyelerinin dikkatine sunulur,”
Seksoloji, 42 (1952), 6-8
660 Faruk Aydan, “Orta Okullarda Seksoloji Dersi,” Seksoloji, 12 (1950), 30-31.
661 Şekip Tunç, “Cinsi Terbiye,” Seksoloji, 12 (1950), 4. Ord. Prof. Mustafa Şekip Tunç,
“Cinsi Terbiye Kimler Tarafından Verilmelidir?” Seksoloji, 15 (1950), 2.
662 Faruk Akbeğ, “Okullarda cinsiyet eğitimi: Maarif şurası üyelerinin dikkatine sunulur,”
Seksoloji, 42 (1952), 3
178
prepare and educate their citizens. He implicitly pointed out that Turkey, as
a country on a path to becoming modern, needed to follow the necessities of
scientific knowledge and the path of modern countries to fulfill its duties as
a state toward its citizens. However, sex education was not provided without
problems in other countries, as Akbeğ has assumed. Kodamanoğlu, unlike
Akbeğ, was aware of the controversial discussions in other countries.
Kodamanoğlu informed the readers about the current situation in
Switzerland, France, England, and the USA. Kodamanoğlu stated that sex
education in schools has been provided in Switzerland since 1942, as a pilot
program in France, in two out of tree schools in England, and was forbidden
in some states in the USA.663 Ironically, Kadın Gazetesi published a
translated article by Pearl S. Buck in the same year, who was complaining
about the insufficiency of sex education in the schools in the USA. Buck
claimed that the teachers in schools had primitive knowledge as far as
sexual education was concerned.664
In some countries, such as some regions of the USA, sexual manners
was offered to be taught in health education courses,665 whereas in others,
science courses, particularly biology, were viewed as the appropriate place
to teach sexual education.666 In England, “despite widespread public
concerns about the nation’s sexual and moral health, it was not until 1943
that the British Board of Education officially addressed sex education in the
secondary curriculum.”667 In Ireland, sexual health and education had
663 Nuri Kodamanoğlu, “Batı Memleketlerinde Cinsi Eğitim,” Seksoloji, 41 (1953), 3.
664 Pearl S. Buck, “Cinsi Terbiye,” trans. Bedia Çobanoğlu, Kadın Gazetesi 290 (1952) 6.
“Memleketimizi ziyarete gelen ecnebilerden sık sık şu suali işitiriz: “Niye büyükler, sizin
memleketinizde seksle bu kadar meşgul oluyorlar?” Bunun cevabı meydandadır: “Çünkü
seks hakkında pek az şey biliriz.” Buna rağmen, sırf cehaletimiz yüzünden, alakamız seksin
fiziki cephesinden öteye gitmez ve onun insanı meftun edici kompleksi ve mühim
cephelerini hakikaten bilmeyiz. Bir mektep müdürüne, çocuklara seks hakkında neler
öğretildiği sorulsa, bize en iptidai şeraitini söyler.”
665 Thomson, “Moral Rhetoric and Public Health Pragmatism,” 45.
666 About the strong counter arguments in the schools, in USA, see: Scales, “Sex Education in
the '70s and '80s: Accomplishments, Obstacles and Emerging Issues,” 558.
667 Thomson, “Moral Rhetoric and Public Health Pragmatism,” 45.
179
become major controversial political issues.668 Again, in Australia, although
some activists promoted sex education for adolescents during Second World
War, opponents offered strong counter-arguments against including sex
education in the school curriculum.669 In France, although health education
was a part of the curriculum in 1950, reproduction and sexuality were
limited to plants and animals.670
Akbeğ was quite aware of the ones who were rejecting teaching sexual
education in the schools. Although the method – educating the citizens –
and the content – particularly the venereal diseases – were closely related to
the sexual education, adding sexual manners as a course to the school
curriculum had met with strong reactions. Akbeğ thought that the rejection
came from those perceiving sexuality as a shameful and unmannerly
subject. However, he states clearly that sexuality should no longer be
considered taboo in education.671 Another rejection argument was related to
the concerns regarding young people. They argued that informing young
people about sexuality could or would encourage them to experience their
sexuality. Even one of the writers of Seksoloji, Bülent Davran, warned
public about the downsides of learning sexuality earlier than the “proper
age.”672 In other words, information on sexual matters can promote sexual
activity instead of controlling it.673 Some have also argued against sex
education in schools based on the poor knowledge and attitude of the
668 Lisa Smyth, “The Cultural Politics of Sexuality and Reproduction in Northern Ireland,”
Sociology, 40 (2006), 664. Recep Doksat was also questioning the possibility of teaching
sexual manners in the schools. He offered biology as the proper course for teaching
sexuality. Recep Doksat, “Günün Tıbbi Bahisleri: Cinsi Terbiye,” Milliyet, 28.01.1958.
669 Josephine May, “Secrets and Lies,” 2.
670 Sandie Bernard and Pierre Clement, “Teaching Human Reproduction and Sexuality: A
Historical Approach in France since 1950,” unpublished paper.
671 Faruk Akbeğ, “Okullarda cinsiyet eğitimi: Maarif şurası üyelerinin dikkatine sunulur,”
Seksoloji, 42 (1952), 1-8.
672 Dr. Bülent Davran, “Bir Cinsiyet Buhranı İçinde miyiz?” Seksoloji, 19 (1950), 5. “Cinsi
olgunluğa yeni erişmiş bir genç için “Seksoloji”nin aydınlatıcı yazıları bilgi kaynağı değil,
sadece bir cinsi tahrik vasitasıdır.”
673 Thomson, “Moral Rhetoric and Public Health Pragmatism,” 46.
180
teachers. The important barriers to sex education were related to the
uncertainty of its effects.674
Despite the calls for the inclusion of sex education in the curriculum of
high schools becoming visible during the early 1950s, it was not offered by
the Ministry of Education during the 1950s.675 The ones who were in favor
of “home-education” of sexual manners have gained the debate, apparently
since no sexual education courses were added to the school curriculum
during the 1950s and the 1960s. Yet, even the visibility of this debate in the
media brought an important discussion to the eyes of the public. The
discussion on sex education in schools could be considered as the political
front line between the public and the personal.676 Although sexual manners
as a subject was seen in publications, Turkish Republic avoided involving
and disseminating such an intimate subject in the schools formally. In the
1950s, in Turkey, educating children on sexual manners was left to the
hands of the parents.
2.5.2. Mothers as the educators
Some writers brought their concerns about the capability of the parents
and the adequacy of their knowledge of sexual manners.677 Besides teachers
and schools, Şekip Tunç suggested to include the education (terbiye) and
sociology branches of Public Houses (Halk Evleri) to disseminate sexual
manners among parents.678 Eventhough there were concerns regarding the
parents’ knowledge on sexual manners, parents were, still, addressed as the
resource and educator for children. In Sağlığımız, parents were asked to
674 Scales, “Sex Education in the '70s and '80s: Accomplishments, Obstacles and Emerging
Issues,” 558.
675 Similar discussion about teaching sexuality in schools have been seen in various countries.
For example, in Australia, although “sex education in schools” became a part of public
discussion, sex education was not integrated to school circulum. Josephine May, “Secrets
and Lies,” 6.
676 Thomson, “Moral Rhetoric and Public Health Pragmatism,” 45.
677 Recep Doksat, “Günün Tıbbi Bahisleri: Cinsi Terbiye,” Milliyet, 28.01.1958. “Ayrıca, pek
az aile bu terbiye için hazırlıklı ve ehliyetli olabilir.”
678 Ord. Prof. Mustafa Şekip Tunç, “Cinsi Terbiye Kimler Tarafından Verilmelidir?” Seksoloji,
15 (1950), 3.
181
provide the most accurate information without meandering or hesitating
about sexual subjects.679 Kemal Çağlar stated that children are not and
should not be learning sexual manners themselves and addressed his article
to the parents.680 The writers have emphasized the importance of educating
parents about the content and also a proper way (pedagogical method) of
transferring the knowledge on sexual manners.681 Some of them insisted that
sexual manners should be thought about at home instead of on the streets or
even in school since it is a private subject.682 Kemal Saraçoğlu, a doctor,
argued that sexual manners should be taught to our children and young
people on the condition that sexual manners should be provided in their
“aile muhiti” (family circle).683 However, looking closely, mothers became
the main agents who were held responsible for educating their children.
Sexual manners as a topic was considered as a part of care activities in
which women, and mothers, were held responsible. Mothers were held
responsible for disciplining and educating the children in every aspect of
life. Since sexuality is and/or will be an important part of everyday life,
mothers were asked to start sexual education with their children at a young
age at home.684 In different mediums, such as women’s magazines,
newspapers, or manuals, women were asked to prepare themselves to teach
their children during the 1950s.685
As early as 1939, adults, particularly, women were held responsible for
providing proper education and support to children on sexual manners.686 In
other words, raising the proper citizens of the Republic, including on sexual
679 “Çocuklara Cinsiyet Terbiyesi Nasıl Verilmelidir?” Sağlığımız, 12 (1960), 15.
680 Kemal Çağlar, “Cinsi Terbiyenin Önemi,” Seksoloji, 14 (1950), 1-3.
681 Dr. N.C., “Çocuklarımızın Cinsi Terbiyesi,” Akis, 15.01.1955, 29. Dr. N.C., “Terbiye: Size
düşen vazife,” Akis, 22.01.1955, 21-22.
682 Kemal Çağlar, “Cinsi Terbiyenin Önemi,” Seksoloji, 14 (1950), 1-3.
683 Kemal Saraçoğlu, “Gençlik ve Seksoloji Bilgisi,” in Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 1:
Gençkızlığın en esrarlı tarafı: Bakirelik (İstanbul: Hadise Yayınları, 1959), 3.
684 Dr. N.C., “Çocuklarımızın Cinsi Terbiyesi,” Akis, 15.01.1955, 29.
685 Koçer, “Demokrat Parti Döneminde Kadın,” 117.
686 “Çocukların Terbiyesi,” Ana, 14 (1939), 19. “Çocuğumuzun cinsi tezahürlerini ele almak
ve onu zamanında münasip bir şekilde terbiye ve takviye etmek ana ve babaların, hatta
öğretmenlerin en mukaddes vazifesi olmalıdır.
182
matters, was kept in the family.687 Repeatedly, mothers are asked to learn
and develop their own sexual manners since it was assumed that only
educated mothers could raise educated children.688 Hence, mothers-women
were encouraged to learn about sexuality for the well-being and education
of their children due their role as educators in the household.689 Besides,
they were encouraged to follow the proper pedagogical course to transfer
this knowledge to their children.690 The writers addressed the readers as “the
mothers” in the articles, which aimed to alert the audience about the
children’s education on sexual manners or sexual hygiene and inform
mothers about the content.691 Writers preferred to inform a role – mothers –
which contained a different emphasis than the articles and marriage manuals
about sexuality, which targeted women (wives) and young women
(candidates to be married). The advice focused mostly on the well-being and
proper-raising of children about their sexuality.692
While the writers asked women to educate their children, they were
cautious about the content of the knowledge that could be used and
transferred to the daughters and sons. Faruk Akbeğ argued that when the
subject comes to sexuality, women were considered ignorant, innocent, and
687 Sancar, Türk Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyeti, 209.
688 Ord. Prof. Mustafa Şekip Tunç, “Cinsi Terbiye Kimler Tarafından Verilmelidir?” Seksoloji,
15 (1950), 2. “Anaları henüz aydınlanmamış köy çocukları…”
689 Ord. Prof. Mustafa Şekip Tunç, “Cinsi Terbiye Kimler Tarafından Verilmelidir?” Seksoloji,
15 (1950), 3.
690 Dr. W. Scott Pugh, “Çocuğuma Cinsiyetten Nasıl Bahsedeyim?” Seksoloji, 13 (1950): 53-
58. The article provides questions and answers. Parents were asked to repeat the same
content.
691 Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 7: Gençkızlarda Cinsi Rüyalar (İstanbul: Hadise Yayınları,
1959), 30. “Geleceğin annesinin bilmesi gereken gerçekler…”
692 İpek İlkkaracan and Gülşah Seral, “Kadının İnsan Hakkı Olarak Cinsel Haz: Türkiye’deki
Bir Taban Eğitimi Programından Deneyimler”, in Müslüman Toplumlarda Kadın ve
Cinsellik, ed. Pınar İlkkaracan (İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2003), 201. İlkkaracan and
Seral suggested that even today, residues of this understanding could be seen in the
empowerment workshops with women. They stated when women started to talk about
sexuality in the empowerment studies, they have the tendency to lead the conversation
towards the subjects such as sexual hygiene and/or sexuality of their children instead of
talking about their own experiences.
183
even naive like children.693 Hence, women, as wives and as the mothers of
the nation, should be educated about sexual manners for the sake of their
marriages and for the healthy moral, psychological, and physical well-being
of their children. The biggest part of the writer’s concerns was based on the
sources that will provide information on sexual manners to women, and,
consequently, mothers. In “Gençkızlığın En Esrarlı Tarafı: Bakirelik” (The
Mysteries Side of Being Young Girl/Maiden: Virginity), it was argued that
young girls learned issues regarding sexuality from other women.694
According to the findings of the Milliyet survey conducted by Aytul, 247
out of 417 women learned about sexuality from other women or books.695
However, except for mothers, who were strongly encouraged and held
responsible for educating their daughters about sexuality, “learning from
peers” was harshly criticized by the experts due to their concerns regarding
the content of the sexual knowledge. Women were accused of transferring
myths about the female body or kocakarı information to other women,
particularly young women.696 One of the frequent topics in the sexuality
related publications was “fear of the first night.” While one reason of young
women’s fear was stated as ignorance, another was the suggestions
(telkinler) of other people.697
The writers asked women to seek knowledge in the experts' expertise
instead of the experience of other women, which is full of incorrect
information.698 Burhan Öncel, a gynecologist, criticized women because
they learn about sexuality from their friends and/or neighbors (konu komşu)
which is full of lies (yalan yanlış bilgi). In an article in Cumhuriyet, Burhan
Öncel, shared one of his experiences to state the terrible outcomes of
ignorance and lack of sexual knowledge when he was working as a
693 Faruk Akbeğ, “Memlekette Seksoloji,” Seksoloji, 33 (1951), 1. Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı,
no. 3: Gençkızların Cinsi Bilgisizlikleri (İstanbul: Hadise Yayınları, 1959), 6.
694 Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 1: Gençkızlığın En Esrarlı Tarafı: Bakirelik, (İstanbul:
Hadise Yayınları, 1959), 6.
695 Turhan Aytul ed., Türkiye’de Cinsiyet Problemi (İstanbul: Varlık Yayınevi, 1964), 76.
696 Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 1: Gençkızlığın En Esrarlı Tarafı: Bakirelik (İstanbul:
Hadise Yayınları, 1959), 6.
697 Faruk Akbeğ, “İlk Gecenin verdiği acı ve korku,” Seksoloji, 20 (1950), 17.
698 Porter and Hall, The Facts of Life.
184
gynecologist in Anatolia. A military physician friend called Öncel for his
wife’s birth giving. His wife was trying to bear their child for three days.
Although Öncel’s friend was an educated man, he was withheld by the
women of the village. When Öncel was on the way to the village, birth
happened eventually. However, as he narrated, while he was talking to his
friend after his arrival, he learned that kocakarı (old woman, hag, traditional
midwife699) of the village who acted as a knowledgeable midwife forced the
young pregnant woman to drink water from his husband’s shoe. This old
woman and other women of the village believed that this birth-giving
process was prolonged as a punishment to the wife due to her wrong-doing
towards her husband. In the conclusion of his article, Öncel stated that these
“non-sense, inaccurate, lacking, and backward” beliefs about sexuality,
pregnancy, and birth cause significant harm to women, and women should
seek information from educated sources.700 While women’s knowledge was
trivialized due to its lack of scientific content, the accurate source for
defining female sexuality was also designated, again, as the scientist. Yet,
Öncel’s suggestion could not be implemented during the 1950s in Turkey
due to the insufficient numbers of medical personnel. There were 3020
doctors, and 1285 certified midwives in 1950, 7077 doctors, and 2001
certified midwives in 1955 and 8214 doctors, and 3219 certified midwives
in 1960.701 Hence, traditional midwives had an important role in the areas
where women were in need of assistance for giving birth, as well as in
learning about sexuality-related subjects.702
699 Here traditional midwife is used for the women who are practicing midwifery without
formal education and license. For further discussions about the history of division and
differences between traditional and formal midwifery in the Ottoman Empire and Turkey,
see: Erkaya Balsoy, Kahraman Doktor İhtiyar Acuzeye Karşı: Geç Osmanlı Doğum
Politikaları. Beyinli, Elleri Tılsımlı: Modern Türkiye’de Ebelik.
700 Burhan Öncel, “Cinsi terbiye lüzumlu mudur?,” Cumhuriyet, 12.10.1950.
701 Türkiye İstatistik Kurumu, İstatistik Göstergeler 1923-2009 (Ankara: Türkiye İstatistik
Kurumu, 2010), 55.
702 For the power dynamics between doctors and traditional midwives, for Ottoman Empire
period, see: Erkaya Balsoy, Kahraman Doktor İhtiyar Acuzeye Karşı: Geç Osmanlı Doğum
Politikaları. For the early Republican Turkey, see, Beyinli, Elleri Tılsımlı: Modern
Türkiye’de Ebelik. Pınar İlkkaracan, “Giriş: Müslüman toplumlarda kadın ve cinsellik,” in
185
Moreover, other women (peers) did not only transfer their knowledge on
sexuality based on their experiences. In that way, women also became the
agents of their own life stories, knowledge, and ways of thinking. Yet, the
suggestions regarding seeking expertise and knowledge cause the
replacement of the female voice on their bodies and their experiences with
the voice of science.703 Besides the content of sexual knowledge, medical
terminology was also imposed as the language of transmission for sexual
knowledge instead of women’s language. The actor who was defining
appropriate sexual experiences and practices for women became the
scientist while the interaction among women regarding the content and
method of their sexuality was discredited. Women were pushed to use and
produce a male discourse within the framework of medical and pedagogical
terminology which, in return, caused them to lose their words, stories, and
power in their bodies and experiences.704
2.5.3. Young people
Some groups were considered more vulnerable to the dangers of a lack
of sexual education. Among these groups, young people were pointed out as
the most vulnerable due to their physiological and psychological transitions
where they met and recognized their sexual beings. The scientific discourse
has reached a consensus about the adolescent period. During adolescence,
Müslüman toplumlarda kadın ve cinsellik, ed. Pınar İlkkaracan, (İstanbul: İletişim
Yayınları, 2003), 19.
703 Erkaya Balsoy, Kahraman Doktor İhtiyar Acuzeye Karşı: Geç Osmanlı Doğum Politikaları,
41. Balsoy stated that the knowledge of the traditional midwives on pregnancy and birth
giving was replaced by the “scientific” knowledge that was produced by Besim Ömer.
According to Balsoy, the scientific knowledge turned to a canonical narrative and
replicated by the following doctors who were working on gynecology. In this canonical
narrative, while the perspective and practice of male doctors were praised, the knowledge
and experience of traditional midwives were ignored or degraded.
704 Pınar İlkkaracan, “Giriş: Müslüman toplumlarda kadın ve cinsellik,” in Müslüman
Toplumlarda Kadın ve Cinsellik, ed. Pınar İlkkaracan (İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2003),
19. İlkkaracan stated that women lost their methods and power positions due to the
discredition (and loss) of certain areas such as oral tranference (fairy tales – masal, folk
songs – türkü) or traditional midwifery.
186
young people realize that their bodies are changing. Moreover, they start to
be aware of their sexuality.705 The sexual development of girls and boys at
puberty was addressed in articles.706 Also, their close age towards marriage
turned them into potential targets to be educated about sexuality, so that
they could start their married and sexual life with proper knowledge.
Similar to children and women, peers (friends or acquaintances) took
first place among the questionable sources.707 In the articles, friends were
pointed out as the most common source from which young people learn
about sexuality. In the Sağlığımız, parents were encouraged to educate their
adolescent children about sexuality, which prevented them from seeking
sexual knowledge and learning by themselves. Accordingly, they would
ignore obscene talk (müstehcen konuşmalar) and say to themselves, "This is
none of my business. My parents have informed me sufficiently."708 Adults
were held responsible for helping "young ignorant people" deal with their
transaction process. Young boys and young girls and their families were
warned against the potential danger of the adolescent period since sexual
organs and feelings are developed at those ages.709 Therefore, young people
without guidance were a danger to themselves and to the moral health of
society.710 The dangers that could be faced by young people were ranked
from "losing virginity" to "sexually transmitted diseases," and even widened
to "sexual assaults," "perversion such as homosexuality," or "abnormal
705 Dr. Talha Yapça, “Gençliğe Doğru Yolu Gösterme Ümidi,” in Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı,
no. 3: Gençkızların Cinsi Bilgisizlikleri (İstanbul: Hadise Yayınları, 1959), 2. Dr. Kemal
Çağlar, “Gençlik Artık Yürüdüğü Yolu Biliyor!” in Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 3:
Gençkızların Cinsi Bilgisizlikleri (İstanbul: Hadise Yayınları, 1959), 3. For Australian case,
see: Josephine May, “Secrets and Lies,” 5.
706 Dr. Bowen Partington, “Cinsi Münasebet sıhhat için zaruri midir?” Seksoloji, 20 (1950):
56-60.
707 Münir Türkent, “Cinsi hayat ve Gençlik,” in Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 1:
Gençkızlığın en esrarlı tarafı: Bakirelik (İstanbul: Hadise Yayınları, 1959), 2.
708 “Buluğ çağında cinsiyet terbiyesi” Sağlığımız (1960), 10-11. Howard Whitman, “Çocuklara
Cinsiyetten Nasıl Bahsetmeli?” Seksoloji, 1 (1949), 6. “Beni alakadar etmez, bu hususta
annem, babam beni lüzumlu olduğu kadar tenvir ettiler.”
709 N.P., Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 3: Gençkızların Cinsi Bilgisizlikleri (İstanbul: Hadise
Yayınları, 1959), 14.
710 For a similar discussion, see: Josephine May, “Secrets and Lies,” 5.
187
sexuality."711 With sexual manners (sex education), it was aimed to inform
young people about "the healthier ways of life."712
In a series published by Hadise Publishing, "Seksoloji ve Gençlik
Hayatı" (Sexology and Youth Life), in particular, young people and their
families were aimed at as readers. Different from the other texts about
sexual manners and sexual matters, the series came out with colorful
illustrations and, dominantly, visual material. The publication came out as a
12-volume series in 1959, edited by anonymous editors. The volumes
covered subjects such as virginity, sexual ignorance among young girls,
sexual development of young boys and young girls.713 The volume has
given advertisements to one of the popular newspapers, Milliyet, which
described the series in detail.714 The series was presented as a beneficial and
mature, “which was expected by hundreds of thousands of young
people.”715 In the series, danger and threat were mainstreaming concepts
along with ignorance and misery. Future mothers and fathers were urged to
711 Münir Türkent, “Cinsi hayat ve Gençlik,” in Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 1:
Gençkızlığın en esrarlı tarafı: Bakirelik (İstanbul: Hadise Yayınları, 1959), 2.
712 N.P., Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 3: Gençkızların Cinsi Bilgisizlikleri (İstanbul: Hadise
Yayınları, 1959), 15. “Sağlığın ve saadetin temeli…” Thomson, “Moral Rhetoric and
Public Health Pragmatism,” 48.
713 The volumes of the series: in order: Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 1: Genç Kızlığın En
Esrarlı Tarafı: Bakirelik. Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 2: Genç erkekte cinsiyet fırtınası.
Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 3: Genç Kızların Cinsi Bilgisizlikleri. Seksoloji ve Gençlik
Hayatı, no. 4: Genç erkeğin tehlikeli evreleri. Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 5: Kızlık
Merdivenleri. Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 6: Genç erkeklerde rüya kadınları. Seksoloji
ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 7: Genç Kızlarda Cinsi Rüyalar. Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 8:
Genç erkeklerde aşk korkusu. Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 9: Genç Kızlarda Sevilmek
Arzusu. Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 10: Her genç erkeğin gözüyle kadın. Seksoloji ve
Gençlik Hayatı, no. 11: Her Genç Kızın Gözüyle Erkek. Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no.
12: Fuhuş ve Fahişeler. The manuals in the series had reading parts which were edited by
the Publishing House from various authors from Dr. Edwin Hirsch, Dr. Van de Velde, Dr.
Mazhar Osman, Dr. Ferit H. Saymen to Dr. Fahrettin Kerim Gökay. The list of the authors
were provided at the beginning of the book. However, it is not possible to distinguish
belonged to which author.
714 “İlan,” Milliyet, 17.11.1959. “İlan,” Milliyet, 18.11.1959.
715 “İlan,” Milliyet, 17.11.1959. “yüzbinlerce gencin beklediği faydalı, olgun ve ciddi seri
kitaplar hazinesi”
188
learn about their sexual lives in order to live a healthy, fit, and
knowledgeable sexual life and avoid the dark, bad, and harmful ways that
ignorance can cause.716 These young people were considered the future
spouses of future marriages. They were seen as the candidates for nearfuture
marriages. For both parties, the general concern was summarized
under the title “adults of our society in the future.”717
Along with adolescent sexuality, themes such as flirting, choosing and
meeting with a potential spouse, and the engagement process were included
as topics in their texts. While marriage preparation included a variety of
gaining skills for both parties such as responsibility, household
management, and maturity, an important part of the process is becoming
aware of their own sexualities before getting married. “Happy and
harmonious marriages” are seen as the solution to some fundamental social
and individual problems. Therefore, young people were taken into
consideration with more caution regarding their sexuality. Young people
were addressed as if they would marry soon and use this information in
marriage life.
Young women were particularly mentioned in the advice columns.
Young women were portrayed as “innocent beings” when the subject came
to sexuality.718 The contradictory attitude of the writers was worth
mentioning. On the one hand, the naivety of young girls was equalized to
being “virtuous” women. On the other hand, due to their ignorance, young
women were treated as “not-developed” beings.719 In the narratives, young
716 “Yarının babası, yarının annesi! Gençlik çağınızın başından itibaren cinsi hayatınızın
seyrinden bir şey biliyor musunuz ? Çünkü bu hayatın sıhhatli, zinde, bilgili geçmesi şarttır.
Bilgisizlik sizi karanlık, kötü, zararlı yollara götürür.”
717 N.P., Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 4: Genç erkeğin tehlikeli evreleri (İstanbul: Hadise
Yayınları, 1959), 23. “Doğacak çocukları daha gençlik çağında düşünmelidir…” N.P.,
Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 1: Genç Kızlığın En Esrarlı Tarafı: Bakirelik (İstanbul:
Hadise Yayınları, 1959), 1. “Gençlere cinsiyet meseleleri hakkında bilgi vermek ve bu
meselelerde muhafaza edilen sükutu ortadan kaldırmakla cemiyetin durumunu düzeltmek
için bir adım atmış oluruz.”
718 Ord. Prof. Mustafa Şekip Tunç, “Cinsi Terbiye Kimler Tarafından Verilmelidir?” Seksoloji,
15 (1950), 3.
719 Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no: 3: Gençkızların Cinsi Bilgisizlikleri (İstanbul: Hadise
Yayınları, 1959). Josephine May, “Secrets and Lies,” 2.
189
women were asked to learn about sexuality first for the happiness of
themselves and their husbands.720
Since these young women will be future wives, the writers strongly
encouraged young women to get informed and learn about sexuality before
they become sexually active in order to keep themselves and their husbands
happy. Second, it was frequently mentioned that they would be mothers one
day and would need to teach their children sexual manners. Therefore, they
need to be informed about sexuality in general. Different from previous
decades, sexuality was not only narrated to young women (people) as a part
of their reproductive duty or as an anatomical subject that was a part of
biological discussions. Rather, young women were given the opportunity to
seek their own sexual happiness with the guidance of their husbands in
marriage. Sexuality writings gave young women the opportunity to learn
about and enjoy their sexuality. Yet, this suggestion also brought to the
young women the responsibility of “controlling themselves.” The writers
were also emphasizing the need and necessity of “control of their own
sexuality,” which was starting to be left in the hands of women. Regarding
educating young women, menstruation was particularly mentioned by the
writers. Lack of information about menstruation was frequently given as an
example of young women’s ignorance on sexual issues.721 Recep Doksat
gave examples of terrified young women, when they experienced their
menstruation first time.722 Mothers were particularly warned about how to
teach their daughters about menstruation delicately so that young women
would not be shocked and be devastated psychologically. Sağlığımız
suggested explaining menstruation as a natural process in order to prevent
the perception of menstruation as an illness and/or abnormality.723
720 The sexuality of women will be discussed in the coming section. However, for not leaving
room for a misunderstanding, it is important to mention that the pleasure of women was
still assigned to (young) men in these texts. However, with this knowledge, (young) women
were expected to welcome sexual practice as a part of joyful event in marriage.
721 May was giving the same example for Australia for the same period. Josephine May,
“Secrets and Lies,” 7.
722 Recep Doksat, “Günün Tıbbi Bahisleri: Cinsi Terbiye,” Milliyet, 28.01.1958.
723 “Buluğ çağında cinsiyet terbiyesi” Sağlığımız (1960), 11.
190
2.5.4. Experts as the source and receiver of the “sexual manners”
The experts were referred to as the most influential and trustable group
to learn about sexuality and sexual manners. They were assigned two roles.
The first one was being a researcher and producing knowledge about
sexuality. The second role was the disseminator of sexual manners. As the
researcher and the producer, experts addressed the final source to learn
from. As the disseminator, experts were considered both the source and also
the beneficiary of the up-to-date information provided by the other experts
who were professionalized in different disciplines of sexology. Whether it
was a basic subject like “how to inform your children about sexuality,” or a
complicated subject such as “the symptoms of venereal diseases,” experts
were pointed to for consultation, to learn from, to get a diagnosis, or to learn
about the treatment methods. “Ask your doctor” or “consult a doctor,” if
they can, was not only stated in the article or in the marriage manuals. In the
"questions and answers" section of Seksoloji, readers were told clearly to see
a doctor. Experts have turned into the ultimate and final source of sexual
knowledge.
The expert pool of the era on sexuality was formed by the various actors,
including the academics, the authors of the marriage manuals, the writers of
the newspapers and magazines, and opinion leaders of the era (denetleyici
kuşak). Serpil Sancar defined them as the actors who have the legitimacy to
speak in the public sphere.724 Because sexuality had a place in all aspects of
life, experts from various fields appeared in the magazines and manuals to
provide advice and suggestions on a variety of topics ranging from "health
of sexual organs," "sexual pleasure," "love and marriage," and
"infertility.”725 Academics such as professors took the first place among the
experts, coming from various disciplines such as medicine, law, social
sciences (sociology), psychology, and, finally, anthropology.726 From the
724 Sancar, Türk Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyeti, 83.
725 For the topics, see “Presentation, Content and Forms of Sexual Manners” chapter.
726 For the interdisciplinary formation of the sexology on the international level, see: Veronika
Fuechtner, Douglas E. Haynes, and Ryan M. Jones, “Introduction: Toward a Global History
of Sexual Science: Movements, Networks, and Deployments,” in A Global History of
Sexual Science, 1880–1960, ed. Veronika Fuechtner, Douglas E. Haynes, and Ryan M.
191
beginning of the twentieth-century on, sexuality gradually became a subject
to be handled in academia. Academics from different disciplines have
fought to receive recognition for sexology in universities and academic
circles.727 As a result of this struggle, experts with scientific certification
started to emerge with a particular focus on sexual matters. In the 1950s,
expertise on sexuality was mostly certified with the association of a
university and/or with an academic title.728
The authors of the marriage manuals or articles on sexual manners were
presented by the publishing houses as the experts in the field. For example,
Seksoloji journal used the well-known academics of the era to prove its
scientific, eligible, and serious approach while providing sexual manners. In
the magazines and manuals that were published by publishing houses by
Seksoloji and Hadise, the articles and manuals were introduced to the
readers with a presentation text. These introduction texts not only
summarized the aim and the importance of the article or manual. But they
underlined the significance of the author, narrated their accomplishments
elaborately, and their contribution to the sexology literature and the
scientific community. Names of the authors were written at the beginning of
the articles or on the cover page of the books with their academic titles such
as Dr. Jean Cherbolie, Dr. Aydın Uluyazman, Dr. Wilbur or Prof. Dr.
Necmettin Yarar. The achievements and reputation of the experts were used
to advertise the material and gain legitimacy for the content and publication.
In the advertisements which were published in the daily newspapers, in the
periodic magazines, or in the Seksoloji or Hadise Publishing books, the
titles of the authors were written with bold letters and, in some, even with
Jones (Oakland, California: University of California Press, 2018), 5. Fuechter added also
psychoanalysis, endocrinology, ethnography, biotypology, anthropology, criminology, and
physiology and also “knowledge produced in literature, art, folk practices, and social
activism.”
727 Fuechtner, Haynes, and Jones, Introduction: Toward a Global History of Sexual Science.
728 It should be noted that in the 1950s, the view and legitimacy of the experts does not only
overcome any other kind of sources of information on sexuality. In almost every subject, an
expert’s view became a prominent reliable source. Marcel C. LaFollette, “A Survey of.
Science Content in U.S. Television Broadcasting, 1940s through 1950s: The Exploratory
Years,” Science Communication, 24, 1 (2002): 34–71.
192
bigger letters than their names. In sum, the publishers conducted the
marketing of sexual expertise to non-expert audiences.729
Another group was the writers (and activists), who were often selfproclaimed
experts.730 These experts did not have academic titles or any
other affiliation with a university. However, they were presented as “wellknown”
or “famous” figures in sexology and sexual manners publishing.731
Whether academic or self-claimed (including the opinion leaders), texts on
sexual manners were a combination of indigenous and translated texts, as
mentioned in the “Content of the Sexual Manners” section. Foreign experts
had an important role in proving the contemporary, modern, and up-to-date
characteristics of the magazine. First of all, the editors of the magazines and
marriage manuals were connected with the world of sexology publishing.
Second, foreign experts were respected and found reliable by the readers. In
particular, American experts were presented with more enthusiasm. In one
of the introductions, an American expert was presented as the “Değerli
Amerikan hekimi ve seksoloğu Winfield Scott” (Distinguished American
physician and sexologist Winfield Scott).732 Apart from the eminence of the
foreign experts, their frequent appearance in the magazines could be a sign
for the global circulation of the ideas on sexual science, which started to
circulate heavily with the beginning of the 1930s.733 Yet, their frequent
appearance in Turkey was unique for the 1950s, which also indicated the
newly developed and strengthened connections of the Turkish Republic with
the dominant scientific and publishing communities of the world. Last but
729 Bashford and Strange, “Public Pedagogy: Sex Education and Mass Communication in the
Mid–Twentieth Century,” 74.
730 Gordon and Shankweiler, “Different Equals Less: Female Sexuality in Recent Marriage
Manuals,” 459. Porter and Hall, The Facts of Life.
731 Işıklar Koçak, “Problematizing Translated Popular Texts on Women’s Sexuality.”
732 Dr.Winfield Scott, “Erkek Husyeleri,” Seksoloji, 4 (1949), 13.
733 Veronika Fuechtner, Douglas E. Haynes, and Ryan M. Jones, “Toward a Global History of
Sexual Science: Movements, Networks, and Deployments,” in A Global History of Sexual
Science, 1880–1960, trans. Micheal T. Taylor, ed. Veronika Fuechtner, Douglas E. Haynes,
Ryan M. Jones (Oakland, California: University of California Press, 2018), 1-25. Rainer
Herrn, “Magnus Hirschfield’s Onnagata,” in A Global History of Sexual Science, 1880–
1960, trans. Micheal T. Taylor, ed.Veronika Fuechtner, Douglas E. Haynes, Ryan M. Jones
(Oakland, California: University of California Press, 2018), 398.
193
not least, translators were also involved in the production of the texts on
female sexuality, even if they would not be considered experts.734
Another thing that the majority of the experts who wrote about sexual
manners had in common was their gender. Majority of the authors, editors,
and owners of newspapers, magazines, and publishing houses are male.735
Parallel to authors, translation of the articles was also actualized by a
majority of male translators. Translators such as Selim Yetkili, Muzaffer
Aşkın, Semih Yazıcıoğlu and Ömer Rıza Doğrul were the known translators
on women’s sexuality, who were employed by the publishing houses as the
main or permanent translators.736 Selim Yetkili, for example, translated the
majority of the texts published by Hadise publishing house, whereas Ömer
Rıza Doğrul and Muzaffer Aşkın primarily worked for Tan publishing
house.737 The knowledge of sexual manners, which was produced by the
experts, was promoted and distributed with the help of magazines and
manuals. Women were asked and expected to read the articles which were
written by male authors to educate themselves. Putting aside the discussion
of how women did use this information, women were imagined in the
receiver role as readers of this male-led production process.738
The domination of male discourse has two important and related
consequences. Firstly, the male experts did not have experience with the
processes of the female life cycle personally. In a limited sense, they could
734 Şehnaz Tahir-Gürçağlar, The Politics and Poetics of Translation in Turkey 1923-1960,
Ph.D. Diss. (Boğaziçi University, 2001), 62. Şehnaz Tahir-Gürçağlar approaches translators
as agents who shape systems.
735 Names of the authors can be followed through the sources of this study.
736 Işıklar Koçak, “Problematizing Translated Popular Texts on Women’s Sexuality,” 92.
According to Koçak’s study, between the years 1878 – 1990, “there are around 60 female
translators and 210 male translators in my database and 170 female authors and 400 male
authors. Therefore, it might seem that male translators were the main agents who were
active in constructing a discourse on women’s sexuality.”
737 Işıklar Koçak, “Problematizing Translated Popular Texts on Women’s Sexuality,” 92 – 93.
738 For a critical discussions about women’s passive receiver role, see: Erkaya Balsoy,
Kahraman Doktor İhtiyar Acuzeye Karşı: Geç Osmanlı Doğum Politikaları, 70. Gökçen
Beyinli did not particularly focus on the role of science. Rather she developed this
discussion based on the relation between modern midwife and pregnant woman. Beyinli,
Elleri Tılsımlı: Modern Türkiye’de Ebelik, 73.
194
cover the functions of the female body since they had started to use surveys
to gather and process information from the “subject.”739 However, on the
process of female sexuality, the analyses were based on male experience
and imagination, even though, in some cases, they conducted field research
with female subjects. Second, the boundaries of female sexuality were
formed by the opinions and advice of male experts, which have reflected the
interests of a male-dominated society.740 Their perspective on sexual matters
was shaped by the male gaze, which was in parallel to the cultural norms of
the era. Hence, the attempts to explain sexuality in general and female
sexuality, in particular, turned into a dialogue among men. Male experts
established the rules and norms for sexual behavior based on the legitimacy
of scientific knowledge. Hence, male experts became the agents of the
narrative about sexuality.741 In this way, sexual manners publishing
remained a male domain in which male experts produced and distributed
sexuality knowledge. Simultaneously, women were assigned the role of the
followers.
Medicine as a field and doctors as its practitioners have become the most
influential experts regarding sexual manners and sexual matters in Turkey
and worldwide. The greatest number of experts who wrote on sexuality in
the magazines and the manuals came from medical field. The medical
profession established the "jurisdictional mandate" over the sexuality of
individuals, which was aimed to be classified from normal to abnormal or
from healthy to illness.742 Primarily, sexuality was narrated as an anatomical
and physiological process. As stated in the "Content of the Sexuality"
739 Ericksen, Kiss and Tell: Surveying Sex in the Twentieth Century.
740 Gordon and Shankweiler, “Different Equals Less: Female Sexuality in Recent Marriage
Manuals,” 459.
741 Erkaya Balsoy, Kahraman Doktor İhtiyar Acuzeye Karşı: Geç Osmanlı Doğum Politikaları,
44. Balsoy discusses a similar development (male perspective and male mind) for the
history-writing of birth and birth-givings. “doğumun tarihini yazarken, odağa erkek
doktorları koyan akıl, erkek doktorların aklıdır ki, bu akıl tarihin kurucu öznesi olarak
kendilerini yerleştirirler.”
742 Peter Conrad, “Medicalization and Social Control,” Annual Review of Sociology 18 (1992):
209–232.
195
chapter, the physiology of sexuality, including the anatomy and functions of
the organs, was the primary step to be explained in detail.
The preliminary research on sexuality focused on the functioning of
sexual organs and the occurrence of sexuality.743 Susan Bordo discusses
how science became the dominant authority in explaining the roles and
functions of corporeal parts, including genital organs.744 Yet, following this,
the research on sexuality was based on the narratives of the individuals who
articulated their experiences regarding sexuality. Hence, the research
focused on studying the narratives.745 Based on the combination of the
anatomical findings and narrative analysis, the experts (mostly medical
experts) come up with particular outcomes, which also aim to set the norms
of sexuality and spread the standards for normal. With its methods and
construction, research and discourse on sexuality were assumed to be
neutral and objective which refer to scientific standards. However, the
analyses, definitions, and meanings of the narratives of the individuals
mainly depended on the perception and previous experiences of the
researcher.746 Hence, what was presented as a neutral-objective747 was
highly subjective in the hands of the researcher/expert. Moreover, the
observed person’s subjectivity was ignored due to a lack of
contextualization of his or her experience.748 The neutral-objective
assumption of medicine (science) was presented alongside the accuracy and
743 Ericksen, Kiss and Tell: Surveying Sex in the Twentieth Century, 39-40.
744 Susan Bordo, “Feminism, Foucault and the Politics of the Body,” in Up Against Foucault,
ed. Caroline Ramazanoğlu (London: Routledge, 1993), 183. Bordo mentiones that she was
inspired by Marcuse’s “One Dimensional Man” and Foucault’s “History of Sexuality.”
745 Leonore Tiefer, “New Perspective on Sexuality: from rigor (motris) to richness,” The
Journal of Sexuality 28, 4 (1991), 600.
746 Tiefer, “New Perspective on Sexuality: from rigor (motris) to richness,” 597-598.
747 As a part of scientification process, “medicine implemented a science-based process of
rationalization.” Emily Martion, “Grafting Together Medical Anthropology, Feminism, and
Technoscience,” ed. Marcia C. Inhorn and Emily A. Wentzell, in Medical Anthropology at
the Intersections: Histories, Activisms, and Futures, (Durham and London: Duke
University Press, 2021), 33.
748 Kurt Danziger, “A question of identity: Who participated in psychological experiments?” in
The rise of experimentation in American psychology, ed. Jill G. Morawski (New Haven,
CT: Yale University Press, 1988), 35–52.
196
certainty of scientific knowledge in the writings on sexual manners.
Particularly for the consultee, the neutral tone of medicine helped to
overcome the concerns of being shameful and/or immoral, which frequently
surfaced during sexuality-related discussions. Sexuality, which was
considered as a private subject, became an open discussion area under the
protection of medicine.
Simultaneously, medical terminology became the language to articulate
sexuality and sexual practices. The language of sexuality was replaced and
powered by medical knowledge and literature. As discussed in the
“Content” chapter, a new terminology was invented or replaced instead of
the traditional forms of expression. Medical language on sexuality (and
accordingly human body and organs) was normalized and overpowered
other forms (articulations) of expressing the subject.749 The change in the
language also brought a change in the mentality, which turned the space of
sexuality into a medicalized, in other words, a scientific realm. Bordo
diagnosed such a change in articulating, explaining, and distributing
knowledge about sexuality as the scientification of sexuality.750 The
scientification and medicalization of sexuality could be seen as a part of
process, which happened for almost every discourse about the human body
and mind. Individuals were introduced to medical advice texts on human
diet, sleeping practices, various illnesses, mother and child health, and
physical training with medical terminology. Moreover, these texts aimed to
educate individuals to take care of themselves according to (medical)
scientific suggestions. Besides publishing popular health journals such as
Sağlığımız (Our Health), special columns such as Tıbbi Bahisler (Medical
Subjects) were allocated in the newspapers to inform the readers about
illnesses.751 Popular magazines provided places for special columns where
they answered their readers’ questions about their health issues, including
their sexuality, by using medical vocabulary.
749 Lynn M. Appleton, “Rethinking Medicalization: Alcoholism and Anomalies,” in Images of
Issues, ed. Joel Best (New York: Aldine de Gruyter, 1995), 59–80.
750 Susan Bordo, “Feminism, Foucault and the Politics of the Body,” in Up Against Foucault,
ed. Caroline Ramazanoğlu (London: Routledge, 1993), 183.
751 In the “Content” chapter, numerous articles were given as examples in the footnotes.
197
Another function of medicine was related to its potential to bring
solutions to social problems. Individual health and health of society were
considered above all as an unquestionable good. As a result, medical experts
were increasingly reliant on the health of society, which boosted the
authority of scientific discourse.752 Talking openly about sexuality often
faces legitimacy problems in public discussions. Therefore, open
discussions on sexuality were linked with a functional approach. It was
legitimized as bringing solutions to public problems. In this sense, medicine
became one of the most useful and trustworthy disciplines since it brought
solutions to fight against the social problems such as venereal diseases and
regulating reproduction. Accordingly, doctors became the authorities on
sexual knowledge. Female bodies and female sexuality became open to the
male gaze and intervention, which was legitimized by scientific knowledge
and by the dominance of medical experts (male doctors).
Apart from academics and self-claimed experts, technicians such as
practicing doctors, psychologists 753 and teachers754 were presented as the
sources for providing accurate information to the public. Therefore,
education for technicians became a subject, although it was not mentioned
as frequently as "educating citizens." They were pointed out by the experts
to provide them with the most up-to-date and accurate information.
Apparently, teachers were also after the up-to-date information regarding
sexuality. In 1949, Cumhuriyet announced news about a conference to be
752 Irving Kenneth Zola, “Medicine as an institution of social control,” Social Review 20, 4
(1972): 487-504.
753 Example of referring to doctors and psychologists: “Doktorlar ve bilhassa psikologlar,
izahatın etraflıca ve hiçbir şey gizlenmeden verilmesini, doğru bulmaktadır.” (Doctors and
especially psycologists think that the explanations should be provided in detail and without
keeping anything secret.” “Buluğ çağında cinsiyet terbiyesi,” Sağlığımız (1960), 11.
754 According to Frey’s study in Turkey, teachers were the most well-known and reliable actor
in the villages. For Frey’s study: F. Frey, The Turkish Political Elite (Cambridge: MIT
Press, 1965). Quoted from Ferhunde Özbay, “Nüfus Hareketleri ve Devlet Politikaları”, in
Dünden Bugüne Aile, Kent ve Nüfus (İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2015), 217. As a result,
teachers could be very effective actors in disseminating sexual manners information. Also
Ziyaeddin Fahri Fındıkoğlu stated that the education of children is primarily teachers’
responsibility. Ziyaeddin Fahri Fındıkoğlu, “Hadiseler-Düşünceler: Çocuk Yılı,”
Cumhuriyet, 23.04.1948.
198
given by Tevfik Remzi Kazancıgil, a well-known gynecologist, to teachers
at the Teachers’ Union meeting.755 Faruk Aydan underlined the difficulty of
teaching sexuality in a classroom. He mentioned the importance of
providing to teachers the most accurate, current and scientific knowledge on
sexual manners. Second, he suggested giving this responsibility to
experienced and influential teachers.756
“I thank your journal” was one of the common phrases, which was
articulated frequently by the well-known figures of the era.757 Another
common praise was “your journal is very much appreciated due to its efforts
in handling the subject, sexual manners.”758 Journals such as Seksoloji were
pointed out as scientific sources for the readers to learn proper sexual
manners. The articles in various magazines and the marriage (sexual)
manuals turned into spaces in which different sources and experts were
brought together. The experts were encouraging the public to learn from
journals. Women were particularly targeted for education and equipping
with up-to-date information about sexual manners because they were
considered the primary caregivers for children and also for maintaining
better marriages.759 However, it is important to note that reading involves
the interplay between the reader and text. Therefore, the diversity of readers
may cause a diversity of interpretations of the same text.760 Consequently,
limited information is available on how individuals interpreted and used
these texts on sexual matters.
Contrary to the whole “necessity of the scientific knowledge on
sexuality” discourse of the 1950s, the majority of people likely found out
755 Tevfik Remzi Kazancıgil gave a speech on “sexual manners in school” in the 1949 dated
Education Council. “Muallimler Birliğinin terbiye toplantıları,” Cumhuriyet, 16.07.1949
756 Ö. Faruk Aydan, “Orta Okullara Seksoloji Dersi Konmalıdır.” Seksoloji, 12 (1950), 31.
757 See the introduction column of Anketimiz in Seksoloji, and reader’s letters in “Sual ve
Cevaplar Column” for the messages those appreciated Seksoloji journal and knowledge on
sexual manners.
758 Münir Türkent, “Cinsi Hayat ve Gençlik,” in Genç Kızlığın En Esrarlı Tarafı: Bakirelik,
Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 1 (İstanbul: Hadise Yayınları, 1959), 2.
759 Muzaffer Aşkın, “Cinsiyet Hakkında Sıhhatli ve Doğru Bir Anlayışa Sahip Olmalıyız,”
Seksoloji, 40 (1952), 4. Aşkın targeted whole public. However, he also emhasized women
as the one the most important reader’s group due to their “educator” role to her children.
760 Louise M. Rosenblatt, Literature as Exploration, 5th edition (New York: MLA, 1995), 89.
199
about sex from non-scientific sources. The knowledge provided by the
sexologists could not satisfy the widespread curiosity.761 Ideas and
arguments related to sexuality were filtered through popular forms of
entertainment and news.762 According to Lisa Z. Sigel, magazines, popular
fiction and popular science along with sexology create “a reservoir of ideas,
metaphors, and narratives about sexuality and gender that allowed people to
make sense of the world.”763 Popular culture products became a powerful
disseminator of proper sexual behaviors and gender roles through stories in
both the United Kingdom and the United States.764 In Turkey, popular
literature (stories and novels) and magazines occupied an important place in
popular culture during the 1950s.765 The journals and newspapers printed
both translated (mostly from American sources) and indigenous stories and
novels. Seksoloji started to publish short stories after its fourth year, which
were, mostly, translated from American magazines.766 Popular novels of the
era were distributed as serials (tefrika) in newspapers such as Milliyet and
women’s magazines such as Hayat. Novels in the form of series were a part
of everyday publishing, along with the news of the day and the opinion and
informing articles in newspapers or magazines. The fictive stories of the
novels were mixed with the daily happenings in the pages of the
newspapers. Nurdan Gürbilek argues that novels are one of the best sources
for women to learn about love and life. Although sexuality was not
761 Sharon R. Ullman, Sex Seen: The Emergence of Modern Sexuality in America (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1997).
762 Moddelmog, “Modernism and Sexology,” 272-273.
763 Lisa Z. Sigel, Making Modern Love: Sexual Narratives and Identities in Interwar Britain
(Philadelphia: Temple UP, 2012).
764 Sigel, Making Modern Love: Sexual Narratives and Identities in Interwar Britain. Ullman,
Sex Seen: The Emergence of Modern Sexuality in America.
765 Bilge Ercilasun, “Türk Edebiyatında Popülerlik Kavramı ve Başlıca Eserler,” Yeni Türk
Edebiyatı Üzerine İncelemeler 1 (Ankara: Akçağ Yayınları, 1997), 441. Ömer Türkeş,
“Romana Yazılan Tarih,” Toplum ve Bilim, 91 (2002): 166- 212.
766 Such as: Erskine Caldwell, “Balayı,” Seksoloji, 58 (1954), 54-57. The story was translated
by Azize Erten, a woman. Guy de Moupossauf, “İşaret,” Seksoloji, 57 (1953), 54-58. The
story was translated by Orhan Azizoğlu.
200
mentioned by Gürbilek, literature was a source for women to get acquainted
with relations between man and woman.767
Popular novels defined gender roles and appropriate behaviors for men
and women in various contexts. Aslı Güneş called the popular novels as
"adab-ı muaşeret romanları" (novels of manners), where proper and wanted
behaviors of men and women were circulated in the public sphere.768
According to Güneş, novels of manners carried the proper norms for
womanhood, marriage, and even sexuality to the public sphere starting with
the 1930s due to their high circulation and outreach.769 Novels present the
legitimate (accepted) and also the adulterous ways of building romantic
relations between lovers. However, different than articles in Seksoloji or
texts in marriage manuals, sexuality was neither narrated in detail nor with a
scientific language in the novels. Where, in some novels, sexuality was even
not mentioned, whereas in others, it was embedded in the love experienced
between a man and a woman.770 The codes of proper sexuality were drawn
through the female characters of the era and their love adventures with men.
The limits of appropriate sexuality were narrated through the undesirable
767 Nurdan Gürbilek, “Erkek Yazar Kadın Okur,” in Kadınlar Dile Düşünce, ed. Sibel Irzık
and Jale Parla, (Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2004). Nurdan Gürbilek, “Kadınlaşma
Endişesi: Efemine erkekler, hadım oğullar, kadın adamlar,” in Kör Ayna, Kayıp Şark
(İstanbul: Metis Yayınları, 2004), 51-74. Gürbilek argues that in the early Republican
period, women learned love, life and revenge from novels. Gürbilek’s argument can be
repeated for the 1950s.
768 Güneş, “Kemalist Modernleşmenin Adab-ı Muaşeret Romanları: Popüler Aşk Anlatıları,”
3.
769 For a detailed discussion about the novels of manners of the early Republican Period, see:
Güneş, “Kemalist Modernleşmenin Adab-ı Muaşeret Romanları: Popüler Aşk Anlatıları,”
43. For the circulation and outreach of the novels of manners, see: Yalçın Alemdar, Siyasal
ve Sosyal Değişmeler Açısından Cumhuriyet Dönemi Türk Romanı, (Ankara: Akçağ
Yayınları, 2002), 223.
770 In Kerem Özkurt’s study, Özkurt points out place of sexuality and its intersection with love
in popular novels written by Kerime Nadir, Esat Mahmut Karakurt and Muazzez Tahsin
Berkand between the years 1930 and 1945. Özkurt, “Tracing Modernity In The Popular
Romances Of The Early Republican Period (1930-1945),” 44-51, 57, 62-63.
201
consequences that happened, mostly to women, due to their immoral sexual
behaviors.771
At the end, the stories portrayed a life in which the characters were
rewarded or punished based on their choices regarding sexuality. The stories
and their characters were used to construct the ideal woman and her attitude
and behavior. Every kind of sexuality and sexual desire other than the
legitimate one was pushed to the "prohibited area" in popular novels.772
Stories and novels which were printed alongside scientific knowledge on
sexuality, served a supplementary role to visualize other’s lives. They
displayed the potential consequences of the excessive sexual behaviors,
from which individuals may learn, take lessons from and adapt their future
behaviors accordingly.
2.6. Appropriate Sexuality
"Sexual manners" aimed to define the boundaries of appropriate
sexuality. From the reasons regarding "why people need to learn sexual
manners" to the various topics covered under the sexual manners title,
sexual manners focuses on regulating individuals’ sexual acts, which
become visible through people's everyday practices. During this process,
sexual manners functions in dual ways. On the one hand, it defines the
proper sexual acts for a healthy and normal individual, describes the norms
for appropriate sexuality, and determines the proper outcome of sexuality.
On the other hand, it defines unwanted (undesirable) sexual behaviors,
771 Hülya Adak, “Otobiyografik Benliğin Çok Karakterliliği: Halide Edip’in İlk Romanlarında
Toplumsal Cinsiyet,” Kadınlar Dile Düşünce, ed. Sibel Irzık and Jale Parla (İstanbul:
İletişim Yayınları, 2004), 169. Adak states that the female sexuality was narrated by a male
character and/or narrator which easens writing about sexuality for female authors. At the
end, female sexaulity was narrated from a male perspective in the novels, which muted the
female voice about her own body and had similarities with the narrative of the scientific
knowledge regarding the perspective.
772 Ömer Türkeş, “Cinsel Özgürlük Neden Masum Değildir?” Milliyet Sanat (2004), 83.
Quoted from Güneş, “Kemalist Modernleşmenin Adab-ı Muaşeret Romanları: Popüler Aşk
Anlatıları.”
202
which draws the borders and provides a framework for individuals to
regulate their actions.
The limits of normality could be assessed easily with the ones standing
on the margins of the era. The lines drawn by scientific knowledge,
medicine per se, and criminal law were more explicit to differentiate the
proper sexual acts from the inappropriate ones, the individuals who were
diagnosed as sick from the healthy ones, or the individuals who were treated
like criminals from the innocent ones. Therefore, regulation and control
mechanisms for those standing on the margins were more clearly defined,
whether as medical intervention or penal sanctions. As discussed in the
"Content" section, deviants and criminals were recognized more clearly with
certain norms determined by science and handled mainly by two actors:
physicians and juridical bodies. From a binary perspective, where one side
was accepted as appropriate, the other side was left out as negated
sexualities since the line between them and appropriate sexualities was
drawn boldly. Hence, while one type of sexuality (and a group of sexual
acts) was regarded as norm-al and healthy, the ones assumed to not comply
were considered a-normal, unhealthy, and inappropriate.
However, the efforts to define appropriate sexuality have shortcomings
due to the particular, unique, and private character of human sexuality. First
and foremost, sexuality is an act that is experienced in private. Therefore,
scientists encountered obstacles in collecting information to make
generalizations, form and enforce universal norms about sexuality.773
According to Kinsey, he tried to fill in the large gaps in precise
knowledge about human sexual behavior."774 Also, the uniqueness of human
beings and how they experience sexuality aggravated the difficulty of
setting universal norms that could be measurable and verifiable for every
individual. Last but not least, the universal (and scientific in this context)
norm as a concept was a creation of scientists.775 One can not correspond
entirely to the universal norms since, particularly for sexuality, every single
773 Ericksen, Kiss and Tell: Surveying Sex in the Twentieth Century .
774 Donna J. Drucker, The Classification of Sex : Alfred Kinsey and the Organization of
Knowledge (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2014), 116.
775 Ericksen, Kiss and Tell: Surveying Sex in the Twentieth Century.
203
individual has his or her own unique qualifications and living arrangements,
which differ according to their history, culture, and class. Also, the norms of
sexuality are not fixed or frozen since they are also dynamic according to
different variables such as time, geography, and culture.776 Compliance with
universal norms was an illusion in and of itself. Therefore, at best, one
can approximate the norms that the scientists set regarding sexuality.777 The
power holders—physicians and decision-makers—tried to assert certain
norms and rules for appropriate sexuality. They aimed to install an
understanding which, at least, enforced (to try) the individuals to behave
according to those norms and rules. In another way, those norms turn into
indicators for those individuals who are not standing on the margins to
check themselves. Sexology was recognized as a scientific discipline that
did not only diagnose the abnormal. However, it also discussed and set the
norms for appropriate sexual acts for regular (average) individuals. The
norms, rules, and standards that were developed by the sexology discipline
were not only presented for the use of the experts. They aimed to
communicate with regular individuals so that they could control and
regulate their sexual acts.
Freud became the leading figure in explaining human sexuality,
particularly in the 1950s. Kirsten Leng and Katie Sutton stated that
“Freudian psychoanalysis began to dominate mainstream US psychiatry”
during the 1950s, when Alfred Kinsey’s empirical sex research was on the
rise.778 Considering the influence of American scientific discourse in
Turkey’s social sciences, Freud became the reference point to explain and
776 For the uniqueness of sexuality, see: Hera Cook, “Sex and the Doctors: the Medicalization
of Sexuality as a Two-way Process in Early to Mid-Twentieth-century Britain,” in
Cultural Approaches to the History of Medicine, ed. Willem de Blécourt and Cornelie
Usborne (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004). Judith Butler, Gender Trouble: Feminism
and the Subversion of Identity (New York and London: Routledge, 1999), 117.
777 Linda Rae Bennett, Single Women, Sexuality and Reproductive Health in Contemporary
Indonesia (London and New York: Routledge, 2005), 2. Bennett discusses female sexuality
in particular. However, her discussions could be applied to sexuality and sexual roles in
general. Bennett argues that "normative behaviour does not necessarily coincide with
hegemonic ideals" of sex and sexuality.
778 Kirsten Leng and Katie Sutton, “Histories of Sexology Today: Reimagining the Boundaries
of Scientia Sexualis,” History of the Human Sciences 34, 1 (2021), 7.
204
justify the writers' arguments both in the translated and original texts.779 As
a male scientist, he did not only form a discourse with a heterosexual male
perspective. But he also narrated female sexuality as a half, incomplete and
wounded occurrence.780 Second, sexuality was explained by instincts with
the influence of Freud and other biology-related scientists.781 Therefore,
sexuality was narrated with reference to nature. The laws of nature were
explained as constant and permanent, which, in return, assigned specific
essential roles and behaviors to individuals (bodies) without considering the
context and individual differences. Reproduction-oriented and
heteronormativity were argued as the prominent characteristics of sexuality
since they were considered a part of the rule of nature. As a part of
heteronormativity, these norms have brought different standards for the
behaviors and attitudes of man and woman. However, as Grosz argued,
bodies are produced “within a network of socio-historical relations instead
of being tied to a fixed essence.”782
Defining appropriate sexuality with the help of sexual manners mostly
serves the aim of controlling and regulating sexuality in the 1950s. Three
characteristics of sexuality mainstreamed the (re)emerging and (re)invented
sexuality discourse: heterosexuality, in marriage sexuality, and reproductive
purposes.783 These three characteristics are linked and interdependent with
each other. Since reproduction and sexuality were affecting each other, the
discourse on sexuality was structured to regulate, mainly, this mutual
relationship.
779 For a Freud-based discussion, see: Dr. Hippocrates, “Freud ve Cinsiyet Araştırmaları,”
Seksoloji 7 (1949), 18-21. Faruk Akbeğ, “Seksoloji 4 Yaşına Girerken Seksoloji,”
Seksoloji, 37 (1952), 2. Ord. Prof. Mustafa Şekip Tunç, “Rüyalar ve Rüyaların Dili,”
Seksoloji, 13 (1950), 10.
780 For a discussion of Freud’s arguments about female sexuality, see: Judith Butler, Gender
Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity (New York and London: Routledge,
1999), 36-37, 59-60.
781 Hera Cook, The Long Sexual Revolution: English Women, Sex, and Contraception 1800-
1975 (Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 223-224.
782 Elizabeth Grosz, “Notes Towards a Corporeal Feminism,” Australian Feminist Studies,
Feminism and the Body 2, 5 (1987), 1.
783 Christine L. Williams and Arlene Stein, “Introduction,” in Sexuality and Gender, ed.
Christine L. Williams and Arlene Stein (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 2002), 1-2.
205
2.6.1. Norms for Appropriate Sexuality
Heterosexual Sexuality
The appropriate sexuality, which was typically used interchangeably
with the concept of “normal sexuality,” was narrated as a heteronormative
act. From the written documents to the visual illustrations and photographs,
sexuality was presented as an act that occurs between a man and a woman.
In the discussions about sexual manners, heterosexuality was presented as a
normal and natural experience for individuals784 that was related to
procreative activity. Related to procreative aims, writers refer to nature and
the “rules of nature” to justify and strengthen their arguments on
heteronormative sexuality. In explaining sexuality, nature became one of the
most potent and irrefutable sources. Writers frequently pointed to nature to
understand sexuality and set the norms. “As it occurred in nature....” became
one of the most used introduction phrases to start explaining “the nature of
sexuality.” The mindset behind this explanation was quite circular. They
claimed that sexuality is natural. Then, they set and proved the norms of
sexuality by pointing the nature. Yet, like sexuality, what they referred to as
nature, was also constructed discursively. In another way of saying, they
have created a nature with a selective perspective to build their narrative.785
The power of this discourse bound two features of sexuality as
“being natural” and “heterosexual” and defined that kind of sexuality as
appropriate and normal.786 While heterosexuality was defined as normal and
natural, non-heterosexual acts were not ignored or made invisible. Instead,
homosexual acts were pointed out by various actors, predominantly
physicians. Homosexual acts and homosexuality were defined categorically,
784 In numerous articles, homosexuality was defined as gayri tabii (unnatural). See,
“Homoseksüellik tedavi edilebilir bir hastalıktır.” Seksoloji, 21 (1950), 40. “Bununla
beraber ehemmiyetli rolü aile hayatı, çocukluk intibaları oynar. Şayet bu intibalar gayrı
tabii ise o insan ekseriya homoseksüelliğe temayül eder.” (italic mine)
785 For a discussion about the construction of Nature, see Chapter 2.
786 Jonathan Ned Katz, Vidal Gore and Lisa Duggan, The Invention of Heterosexuality (New
York: Dutton, 1995).
206
not only unnatural and abnormal. But they were also diagnosed as an illness.
The concepts such as unnatural, abnormality, and illness were used
interchangeably and intermingling where homosexuality was explained to
the readers. Where homosexuality was diagnosed as a treatable illness,
psychiatry, among the other medical branches, was designated as a field to
heal and regulate individuals according to the accepted norms.787 Doctors,
particularly psychiatrists, were invited to treat, regulate and normalize the
excessive, abnormal, or sick sexual behaviors of the individuals for the good
of the individuals and the well-being of society. Beside the “morally good”
part, the privileged position of heterosexuality was also related to
normalizing reproduction as the desired outcome of sexuality.788
Reproduction as a norm for appropriate sexuality
As mentioned before, sexuality was recognized as a natural and normal
process in the 1950s. Eventhough sexuality was expected to be experienced
by individuals not solely for reproductive reasons, reproduction was listed
as one of their ultimate goals to fulfill their lives. In other words, sexuality
was considered as a means to an end.789 Therefore, one of the characteristics
of appropriate sexuality was set as procreation. The relationship between
sexuality and reproduction was narrated as a part of the natural flow. The
life cycles of the individuals were narrated as “individuals are born, grow
787 For the effect of the norms of a society, see: “Homoseksüellik tedavi edilebilir bir
hastalıktır.” Seksoloji, 21 (1950), 38. “Bir insanın cinsi hayatı üzerinde cemiyetin büyük
tesiri vardır. Zira bu tesir olmazsa bir çok cinsi sapıklıklar kendini gösterebilir…. Şayet bir
insan içinde bulunduğu cemiyetin bir azası olmaktan çıkıp onun tesirlerinden kurtulursa
cinsi hayatı bir çocuğunki kadar serbest ve fantezi olur.” For the assessment of similar
discussions in the literature, see: Judd Marmor, “Homosexuality and Cultural Value
Systems,” American Journal of Psychiatry, 130 (1973), 1208-1209 quoted from Conrad
and Schneider, Deviance and Medicalization: From Badness to Sickness, 207.
788 Bryan S. Turner, “Citizenship, Reproduction and the State: International Marriage and
Human Rights,” Citizenship Studies 12, 1 (2008), 49. Turner defines the reproduction as an
outcome of marriage. However, marriage was considered as the appropriate insitution for
sexuality. Hence, I preferrred to use “sexuality.”
789 John Anthony, “Evlilik ve Cinsiyet,” Seksoloji, 13 (1950), 2.
207
up, reproduce, get old, and die.”790 Here again, nature became the
justification point to argue the vital importance of reproduction and the
fixity of the mindset about the relationship between sexuality and
reproduction. In this narrative, procreation has the importance of fulfilling
one’s life and transmitting one’s self to the future. Procreation was
particularly narrated as a breaking point in the female life-cycle. Therefore,
sexuality of women was bound more strongly with reproductive practices.
Hence, female sexuality was narrated based on a woman’s reproductive
cycle, which became heavily visible in the discussions regarding
menopause.791
Sexual experiences which excluded reproduction were negated in the
narrative. For once, masturbation was associated with negated sexualities.
Masturbation was described as a useless and, if excessive, harmful activity
regarding procreation.792 On the one hand, masturbation was narrated as an
aimless activity since it could not lead to procreation. Sometimes, it was not
even considered a sexual activity since no intercourse occurs during
masturbation. This narrative contained a paradoxical narrative since sexual
pleasure was set as one of the goals for physical and psychological
individual well-being. On the other hand, some writers were quite aware of
the pleasure part of masturbation. Therefore, some argued that masturbation
could not give equal pleasure that could be received from sexual
intercourse.793 Another problematic issue about masturbation was related to
its negative effects on semen. A reader from Istanbul was concerned about
his frequent masturbation habit and was asking whether it might cause any
harmful effects on his manhood (erkeklik). The answer soothed the reader
by mentioning that masturbation may be experienced during abstinence.
Yet, the reader was warned that if “you masturbate a lot, you can have
temporary impotency.”794
790 Ord.Prof.M.Şekip Tunç, “Cinsi Olgunluğun Evlilikteki Kıymeti,” Seksoloji, 11 (1950), 1.
“Cinsi hayatın bütün hazırlık ve deneme safhaları günün birinde nesil üreten ve bunun için
bir eş seçme safhasına kendiliğinden girer.”
791 Dr. Andre Binet, “Yaşlı Kadın ve Cinsiyet,” Seksoloji, 32 (1951), 38-39.
792 Recep Doksat, “Günün Tıbbi Bahisleri: Cinsi Terbiye,” Milliyet, 28.01.1958.
793 “Kadınlarda Kendi Kendini Tatmin,” Seksoloji, 13 (1950), 60.
794 “Sual ve Cevaplar, Sual 96,” Seksoloji, 14 (1950), 62.
208
Another type of negated sexuality came with the strong disapproval of
practices that could taint and endanger healthy reproduction. Besides the
STDs, alcohol795 and drug796 use have been identified as harmful and
irresponsible habits. They were chosen not only due to their unhealthy effect
on individuals. However, they were also diagnosed as the potential reasons
for the unhealthy generation. Faruk Akbeğ argued that alcohol harms sperm.
According to Akbeğ, although this semen can fertilize, the child out of this
semen is a candidate for degeneration.797 Akbeğ stated that alcohol
addiction was considered a reason for having children with epilepsy and
other mental disorders. Hence, he blamed alcoholic fathers for creating
unhealthy generations and transferring health problems hereditarily.798
In marriage
Regarding the appropriateness, texts on sexuality do not only provide
prescriptions for the end goal of the sexual act and description of the licit
and legitimate partner. However, also, the experts aimed to describe the
proper period and institution in which individuals should experience
sexuality in their life spans. Marriage emerges as the forthcoming form
when sexuality is discussed in publications. As mentioned in the previous
sections, marriage was recognized as the sole prerequisite and legitimate
form for experiencing sexuality. Even the content regarding sexuality
795 Dr. Partington, “Alkolün Cinsiyete Tesiri,” Seksoloji, 10 (1950), 57.
796 Faruk Akbeğ, “Uyuşturucu Maddeler ve Cinsiyet,” Seksoloji, 49 (1953), 37-40. “Fert ve
cemiyet sağlığı bakımından çok korkunç neticeleri bulunan uyuşturucu maddelerin
cinsiyetle alakası aşağıdaki yazıda etraflı bir şekilde incelenmektedir.” In this article, the
emphasis on the individual and public’s well-being was in line with the general emphasis of
sexual manners. (italik mine). A note regarding the reference: the name of the author was
not written in front of the article. However, it was stated in the index section.
797 Faruk Akbeğ, “Alkollü İçkilerin Cinsiyete Tesiri,” Seksoloji, 12 (1950), 13-14. (“… her ne
kadar telkih kabiliyetini haiz isler de husule gelen çocuk, dejenere olmaya namzettir.”)
798 Seksoloji also answered to the questions related to alcohol and potential hereditary
problems. Such as: “Sual ve Cevaplar,” Seksoloji, 4 (1949), 62. “35-Alkolün Cİnsi
Münasebete Tesiri-….. alkoliklerin çocukları arasındaysa akıl zaafı gösterenler ve aptallar
büyük bir yer tutar.” “Sual ve Cevaplar,” Seksoloji, 13 (1950), 63-64. “92-Alkol ve Irsiyet:
N.A. Edirne”
209
addressed whether married individuals or candidates for marriage, such as
“İşte Evlendiniz” (Here, You Got Married).799 The narrative about the
relationships between man and woman underlined the importance of
“finding the significant other.” Any romantic relationship between man and
woman was considered a state of progress that would, fortunately, and
preferably, end with a marriage. Marriage was seen as a transformative
experience because finding a true mate was considered the ultimate aim of
individuals in their lives. Finding the true mate is narrated as the law of
nature.800 Hence, as mentioned above, individuals were born, grown,
reproduced, and die, marriage (instead of experiencing sexuality) was seen
as a roof for actualizing reproduction part.801 According to Davit Mace,
“sexuality should be the servant of love, parenting and family life.” Since
sexuality could only be seen legitimate in marriage, marriage was
considered as the first step toward one’s true purpose.
Marriage was also considered a state of love that could tame the sexual
instincts of individuals. In a translated text from a doctor (Florance Picard),
sexuality was defined as an organic need that was shared with animals as a
part of basic instincts. However, love can tame this animalistic instinct that
separates humans from animals.802 In both narratives, human life was
narrated in a linear and progressive-oriented mind. As a part of the human
life cycle, individuals pass to adulthood through marriage and reach a
mature state. In the second justification, human beings evolved and
differentiated from animals through taming their instincts. Marriage as a
concept and institution was narrated at the ultimate intersection point for
biological, psychological, and social maturity. The narratives that discussed
the effects of marriage from the perspective of physical and psychological
evolvement focused more on personal development. Although the intimate
799 Dr. Le Mon Clark, İşte Evlendiniz (Seksoloji Yayınları.2), trans. Muzaffer Aşkın, third
edition (İstanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları, 1951).
800 Dr. Max Joseph Exner, Mükemmel İzdivacın Şartları (Seksoloji Yayınları.1), trans.
Muzaffer Aşkın (Istanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları, 1950).
801 Dr. Davit R. Mace, “İffetin Modası Geçmiş midir?,” Seksoloji, 10 (1950), 6. “Cinsiyet,
aşkın ana ve babalığın, aile hayatının hizmetkarı olmalıdır.”
802 “Gençkızlığın en esrarlı tarafı: Bakirelik,” in Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 1,
Gençkızlığın En Esrarlı Tarafı: Bakirelik (İstanbul: Hadise Yayınları, 1959), 24.
210
sexual activity of adults was regarded in law as a private matter, the Turkish
Republic has taken a strong interest in the moral conditions for lawful union
and for the reproductive consequences of lawful and unlawful sexual
activity.803 The 1926 legislation, which regulated marital relations and still
operative in the 1950s, interferes sexual activity (relations) between the
partners.804 The 1926 Civil Code aimed to set the parameters for the
intimate and interpersonal relationships through determining the elements
such as the proper bond for sexual activity (marriage), time (minimum age
limits for marriage), number of partners (monogamy) and partner
(heterosexuality). The legalization of sexuality was discussed and occurred
through regulating marriage practices. In the 1950s, when the current
Turkish government propagandized the free choice and private life of
individuals which was developed against the acts of the previous
government and the communist regimes, intervention in interpersonal
relations under the name of “regulating marriage” was not considered a
contradictory act. Instead, regulative attempts at marriage were discussed as
a part of creating “a strong social body” and “healthy society.” Legal
justifications were used in line with the medical justifications by the
governing actors and academic figures of the era in order to draw the limits
for appropriate sexuality.
Based on the assumptions that sexuality will be experienced in marriage,
informative writings on sexuality and sexual manners were published in
marriage manuals.805 Sexuality was seen as a part of marriage life instead of
an experience that could be experienced solely. Sexuality was not only
positioned in the marriage institution by the sexual manners’ publishing.
However, women’s magazines such as İkimiz also limited sexuality to the
limits of marriage.806 In the narrative, where sexuality was limited in
marriages, the ideal relationship between man and woman was displayed as
803 Turner, “Citizenship, Reproduction and the State,” 47. Turner discusses the regulatory
attempts of the states in constructing citizenship.
804 The 1926 Civil Code will be discussed in detail in the next chapter regarding its role in
constructing marriage and family as a proper institution for reproduction.
805 Max J. Exner, “Mükemmel İzdivaçın Şartları,” trans. Muzaffer Aşkın (İstanbul: Seksoloji
Yayınları, 1950)
806 “Aşkı Yaşatın,” İkimiz, 4, 01.02.1955, 34.
211
a monogamic relationship. Besides the public discourse promoting
monogamic relations, marriage was also formed legally as a monogamic
institution starting from 1926. In this mindset, sexuality was expected to be
experienced with one partner in a socially and legally accepted structure.
Hence, the Turkish Republic actively aimed to intervene in inter-personal
relations and determine the limits of sexuality with the help of the Civil
Code.
Undoubtedly, the writers were aware of the possibilities of experiencing
sexuality out of marriage. Therefore, while they were promoting the benefits
of marital life in their articles, simultaneously, there were also listing the
shortcomings, dangers and destructions of the out-of-wedlock (marriage)
sexuality. The first article of the tenth issue of Seksoloji, Davit R. Mace
touched upon chastity issue. He listed possible detrimental effects of out-of
marriage on individuals as sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), illegitimate
children and character flaws on individuals; and destructions on society as
instability in family life.807 Two forthcoming outcomes that individuals and
society should avoid were set as illegitimate children and STDs. The writers
of the era from the populist press and academia explained and discussed the
reasons and the harmful effects of these outcomes on society in detail.
While discussing the reasons and consequences, they also displayed their
perception regarding the differences between female and male sexuality.
The discussion on illegitimate children turned into a case study to follow the
proper limits of female sexuality, whereas STDs as a subject were discussed
intertwined with male sexuality.
2.6.2. Out-of-Marriage Sexuality and Illegitimate Children
The limits of appropriate sexuality also determine the limits and
characteristics of male and female sexuality. Although the generic attributes
of appropriate sexuality applied, per principle, for men and women equally,
the discussions on out-of-marriage sexuality displayed differentiated
standards, expectations, and even laws for men and women when
experiencing sexuality. The lines and negated behaviors for women were
807 Dr. Davit R. Mace, “İffetin Modası Geçmiş midir?,” Seksoloji, 10 (1950), 2.
212
defined more clearly, whereas they were drawn more flexibly for men. The
differentiated lines frequently emerged in the discussions regarding out-ofmarriage
sexuality.
Out-of-marriage sexuality experience was divided into three phases for
women, in which marriage became the indicator of compartmentalizing
women's life cycle and their relations with sexuality. The writers classified
the sexual life cycle of women into three phases. The first phase was the
pre-marriage period which was mostly discussed with the concerns
regarding the virginity of women. The second phase was during the
marriage period, which was labeled as adultery for women. The third phase
was after marriage, which was applied to widows. There were several
articles and chapters in the marriage manuals for virginity, virgin girls and
young women, "woman life in marriage," and widows.808 As mentioned in
the above discussion, sexuality was suggested to be experienced in a
heterosexual setting, in marriage, and for reproductive purposes. These three
categories were particularly related to women's reproductive practices and
capabilities, which were (assumed to be) limited in the marriage institution.
According to these categories, writers have discussed the possible outcomes
of out-of-marriage sexuality for women with a strong emphasis on their
concern about illegitimate children.
Virginity
The pre-marriage sexuality discussion for women primarily focused
on the virginity of women. Protecting women's virginity was discussed with
the justifications related to personal well-being and social concerns. In other
words, the writers have discussed the potential individual and social
consequences of losing virginity in a detailed manner. The individual wellbeing
of women was linked with the physical, psychological, and social
outcomes of losing virginity. To emphasize its relationship with women's
physical and psychological well-being, the writers have built their claims on
the nature of women, which was a frequent reference point in the era while
explaining sexuality-related subjects.
808 “Dul Kadının Cinsi Hayatı,” Seksoloji (1952).
213
Nature, as mentioned before, was narrated as a constant, determined,
and durable imagination. The references, which were based on nature, have
been explained and justified within the limits and discourse of science.
These explanations had the legitimacy of expertise and scientific
knowledge, which were displayed and strengthened through their references
to particular and, also, anonymous theories and research.809 In the end, they
relied on the power of “knowing the subject” scientifically. In the
discussions where writers argued and advised women about female
sexuality, they underline the appropriate limits, necessities, and experiences
for women. They listed and compared the attributed characteristics of
women and men. Hence, they created a dualist understanding regarding
experiencing sexuality.
The nature of the woman was described as nurturing, naïve and
emotional. Because of her natural – innate – characteristics, women were
created as monogamic beings who wanted to belong to one man.810
According to an article translated from Sexology magazine, women's sexual
urges were not assertive and high as long as the proper partner woke them
up and in a proper relationship which should entail a loving and affectionate
bond.811 Women were expected to be monogamous and experience sexuality
with one partner. Heinrich Kisch stated that women need to avoid any premarriage
sexual relations to be "true to themselves." Also, women should
protect their physical and psychological well-being that could happen due to
any contradictory situation to their essence.812 The nature of women was
associated with their biological features and particularly with their
809 In some cases, the writers were mentioning particular names as a part of their argument.
“Freud’un dediği gibi….” (as Freud said) “Kinsey’in araştırmasında…..” (according to
Kinsey’s survey). In other articles, they mentioning a research “bir araştırmada ….” (in a
research) or they gave a general reference to science like “as it is said in scientific world.”
(bilim dünyasında da dendiği gibi)
810 Heinrich Kisch, Kadın ve Evlilik Hayatı, no:6, trans. Şevket Dilmaç and Ayet Altuğ
(İstanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları, 1951), 3-30.
811 “Kadında cinsi soğukluk,” Seksoloji, 10 (1950), 15. “Fakat kadın, hiç bir sevgi duymadığı,
yahut kendisine karşı incelik be hassasiyetle muamele etmeyen bir erkeğe karşı cinsi
bakımdan hararetli bir mukabele göstermez.”
812 Heinrich Kisch, Kadın ve Evlilik Hayatı, no:6, trans. Şevket Dilmaç and Ayet Altuğ
(İstanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları, 1951), 3-30.
214
reproductive capacity. Women's reproductive capacity was used to highlight
the difference from the men's characteristics. On the other hand, because of
his biological features, man aims to distribute his offspring as much as
possible. Therefore, Faruk Akbeğ stated that due to their nature, men are
open to temptation. Yet, with civilization, the sexual urge of man was tamed
partially, which could go off-road from time to time.813
Although being monogamic did not restrain women from experiencing
pre-marriage sexuality, the emphasis on two concepts –honor (namus) and
virtue (iffet)–brought significant limitations to the sexuality of women.
Honor and virtue were defined as the main characteristics which should be
entailed and protected both for men and women for a decent living.
However, women's honor and chastity have also turned to subjects that were
related to a public concern starting from the honor of the woman's family to
the welfare of the nation, which was defined according to a woman's sexual
relation with a man. According to Sirman, a woman's honor was not only a
functional tool to regulate the female body. Honor was used to control the
behaviors and desires of individuals. Moreover, woman's honor helped to
define and classify the status of the individuals in a society.814 In the article,
which was translated from Coronet, the ultimate aim of women was stated
by the psychologists as building a home (yuva kurmak) and raising
children.815 As the builders of the family and mothers of the nation, Nihat
Sami Banarlı argued that women should protect their virtue (innocence) to
avoid unwanted consequences for themselves and for society.816 "Mother of
the Nation" was frequently used in the narratives since the establishment of
the Republic that described the role of the Republican woman.817 The
discourse on "being mother of the nations" distinguished slightly from the
813 Faruk Akbeğ, “Erkeğin Sadakatsizliği,” Seksoloji, no. 51 (1953), 34.
814 Nükhet Sirman, “Önsöz: Namusun Arka Planı,” in Haremler ve Kuzenler, written
Germaine Tillion, trans. Şirin Tekeli, Nükhet Sirman (İstanbul: Metis Yayınları, 2006), 21-
28.
815 “Bugünün genç kızları evlenebilmek için ahlaksız olmaya mecbur mudur?” Seksoloji, 51
(1953), 2.
816 Nihat Sami Banarlı, “Seni Düşüren Eller,” Seksoloji, 29 (1951), 7.
817 Nükhet Sirman, “Kadınların Milliyeti,” in Modern Türkiye’de Siyasi Düşünce: Milliyetçilik
cilt:4, ed. Murat Gültekingil and Tanıl Bora (İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2002), 226-245.
215
1930s to the 1950s with its covered subjects. In the 1930s, the discourse on
"being a good mother" was solely related to "raising children of the nation
properly." In the 1950s, the sexuality of women was anchored in this
discourse due to its rising visibility. The new discourse aimed to discuss and
state the limits of women's sexuality more openly.
Virginity was considered the primary indicator for protecting virtue,
particularly for women, which also built a direct link with honor. Virginity
was not only discussed from a moral standpoint and by asking young
women to avoid any pre-marital activity. It was also turned into a physical
being by defining, describing, and naming a hymen.818 In the pages of the
Seksoloji, doctors provided physical explanations about the physical form of
the hymen and supported their discussions with illustrations.819 In an article,
hymen was diagnosed as the “definitive proof” of virginity. Yet, the writer
also mentioned that this proof – the existence of hymen – may lead to
fallacy.820 Virginity attained a natural situation with the invention of the
hymen, which could be diagnosed with physical proof by the doctors
through a medical examination.821 In other words, virginity gained
a scientific and objective reality. Ercüment Baktır mentioned Forensic
Medicine Institute (Adli Tıp Kurumu) as an expert intuition whose expertise
was sought in many cases to solve virginity problems.822 The emergence of
medical knowledge in diagnosing hymen had changed virginity into
a medicalized subject.823
818 Emek Ergün, “Önsöz: Türkiye’de Bekaretin “El Değmemiş” Tarihi,” in Bekaretin El
Değmemiş Tarihi, written by Hanne Blank, trans. Emek Ergün (İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları,
2007), 15.
819 S.H.Aurelle, “Bekaret Zarı,” Seksoloji, 4 (1949), 44–45.
820 S.H.Aurelle, “Bekaret Zarı,” Seksoloji, 4 (1949), 44. “… bu zar, bekaretin tek alameti
olduğu gibi, hiç yanıltmaz delili de değildir.”
821 Blank, Bekaretin El Değmemiş Tarihi. Ergün, “Önsöz,” 27-28. Fatima Mernissi, “Bekaret
ve Ataerki,” in Müslüman Toplumlarda Kadın ve Cinsellik, ed. Pınar İlkkaracan (İstanbul:
İletişim Yayınları, 2003).
822 Ercüment Baktır, “Tıbbi Bahisler: Tıp ve Adalet,” Milliyet, 02.02.1960. “..bekaret
meselelerinin çözülmesinde de Adli tıbbın fikrine müracaat edilir...”
823 Ergün, “Önsöz,” 27-28. Dilek Cindoğlu argues that determining virginity with doctor’s
report is the intersection point between the modern medicine and tradition. Cindoğlu,
“Modern Türk Tıbbında Bekaret Testleri ve Suni Bekaret,” 116.
216
Doctors became the determining agents of “what is not virginity” and,
also, the actions that terminated virginity.824 First of all, doctors tried to
explain, in detail, the physical types of hymen and, provided, in some cases,
illustrations such as “intact hymen,” “closed hymen” and “half-closed
hymen.” With these texts, they were not only providing explanations with
the purpose of providing information. They were also trying to “keep clean”
the names of young women who may have different hymen. Kemal Çağlar
discussed virginity and hymen with displaying three different cases. All the
cases were about newly-wed couples who spent their first night together. In
all cases, husband became suspicious about the virginity state of his wife.
After a short tantrum with their wives, they ran to a doctor, Kemal Çağlar,
to consult the situation. In all cases, Kemal Çağlar asked them to bring their
wives to his clinic to examine hymens. He found out that all women’s
hymen were created differently (f.e.with wholes) and shared his findings
with husbands along with medical explanations. Because husbands trusted
to a doctor, Kemal Çağlar, and medical proof, they were assured that their
wives have been virgins. All cases closed with happy ending thanks to
Kemal Çağlar and medicine.825 The doctor became an agent to examine,
label, classify, and differentiate normalcy from abnormality, deviance, and
unchastity.826 They gained authority over the female body through seeing
and knowing an invisible part associated with sexuality and virtue.
Predominantly, sexual intercourse was stated as the main reason which
ruptured hymen and terminated virginity. The women who had
an untouched hymen were called girl (kız), whereas women who had sexual
intercourse were called woman (kadın) both in the public discourse. Hence,
women were divided into two categories according to their sexual
experience which was assumed to be determined by medical examination
and through the levels of rupture of their hymen. Burhan Öncel shared a
patient’s story in the “Pregnant Girls” (Hamile Kızla). The patient, a girl
from a good family with a good upbringing, came to the clinic of Öncel’s
colleague to understand whether she had a tumor in her abdominal area.
824 Blank, Bekaretin El Değmemiş Tarihi, 53.
825 Kemal Çağlar, “Kızlık Zarı ve Bekaret,” Seksoloji, 33 (1951), 20-23.
826 Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish, 169, 184.
217
This girl and her family got worried due to a growth in her abdominal area.
After a careful medical examination, the doctor discovered that this girl
from a good family was five months pregnant. Yet, neither the girl nor the
family was aware of this situation. The girl protested the outcome of this
medical examination and told to her family and the doctor that she was still
virgin. Based on her family's insistence, the doctor conducted another
examination and found out that her hymen was still intact. Immediately, this
family offered the doctor to perform a cesarean section to solve this
unpleasant and devastating situation, keep the girl’s hymen and protect the
girl from devastating consequences.827 A similar case, which the reporter of
the courthouse reported, appeared in the pages of Milliyet. Z.Ü. turned to
the public prosecution office with sexual abuse accusations of a twenty-five
years old Y.D. As a result of her medical examination by the doctor of
justice, Z.Ü was found as six months pregnant and, yet, a virgin. In the end,
Z.Ü confessed the truth and told that she was not sexually abused. Rather,
she and Y.D. went with their relationship a bit excessive 6-months ago in a
theatre box.828
Hymen, as a sign of virginity, went beyond a physiological element.
Moreover, it became a socio-physical indicator that secured virginity and
labeled women as respectable and virtuous.829 Since hymen became an
indicator of the virtuous character of women, stories and efforts to repair
hymen became visible in the newspapers and magazines to avoid any
labeling that could be an obstacle and a prerequisite for marriage. The
doctor, as an actor, did not only have the initiative and control to determine
the intactness of the hymen. They also participated in the repair process.
Milliyet reported a development of a continuing lawsuit. A doctor in İzmir
sued the responsible bodies of a newspaper, the Demokrat İzmir (Democrat
İzmir), due to a piece of news that had the headline "The value of virginity
is 100 thousand lira" (Bekaretin değeri 100 bin lira). According to the
newspapers' claims, this doctor was performing hymenorrhaphy operations
827 Burhan Öncel, “Kızlarda Gebelik, Seksoloji,” Seksoloji, 10 (1950), 26-29.
828 “Hem hamile hem bakire,” Milliyet, 24.06.1955.
829 Lama Abu-Obeh, “Arap toplumlarında namus cinayetleri ve toplumsal cinsiyetin inşası,” in
Müslüman Toplumlarda Kadın ve Cinsellik, ed. Pınar İlkkaracan (İstanbul: İletişim
Yayınları, 2003), 254-256.
218
for 100.000 Turkish lira. The doctor sued the newspaper for compensation
of 15.000 lira. However, the lawsuit could not continue due to the absence
of the plaintiff. The doctor left the country for the United States for three
months and has not returned for longer than a year and a half. The court
interrupted the proceeding with the decision to investigate how the doctor
had left the country.830 Since the lawsuit was in the continuum, whether
hymenorrhaphy had been performed was not a question. However, as
emerged in local and national newspapers, the subject was a part of public
and legal discussion regardless of the actualization of hymenorrhaphy.
In another case, hymenorrhaphy was offered openly to a young woman
by a well-known doctor. The series of “Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı”
(Sexology and Youth Life) added a “question and answer” column on its
first page and last page. One of the questions was presented with the title
“bir genç kızın başına gelen büyük felaket” (a big disaster that happened to a
young girl). An eightteen years old young girl lost her virginity after she
experienced a sexual relationship with her current boyfriend, who was not
coming to terms with getting married. She asked to the journal whether she
could get pregnant and how she could convince her boyfriend to get
married. The answer was provided by Kemal Çağlar who was a urology
expert and familiar writer on sexual manners.831 Çağlar described the young
girl’s letter as an object lesson (ibret levhası). He accused the young woman
of being reckless and stated that she deserved what happened to her since
she went to her boyfriend’s house and accepted sexual interaction. He added
that her boyfriend was stalling her and amusing himself by using her “young
body.” In the last paragraph, Çağlar provided information about when a
woman can get pregnant. He explained that a woman has twenty-eight days
cycles and can get pregnant between sixteen and twelve days before her
cycle ends. In the end, he provided a phone number and stated, “if this man
would not get married to you immediately, your girlhood (kızlığınız) could
be repaired. Please, contact our expert doctor through 44 14 36 numbered
830 “İzmir’deki duruşma,” Milliyet, 03.07.1959. “15 bin liralık tazminat davası açan doktorun 3
aylığına Amerika’ya gitmesine rağmen 1,5 senedir dönmediği açıklanmış ve doktorun ne
şekilde yurt dışına çıktığının tetkikine karar verilerek duruşma talik edilmiştir.”
831 Kemal Çağlar was also a regular writer for the Seksoloji journal between 1949 and 1954.
219
phone.”832 Different than the lawsuit case, Çağlar suggested a
hymenorrhaphy operation to a reader openly in the pages of the journal and,
even provided the number of the doctor.
The loss of hymen and virginity were described as devastating
experiences for young women. Even in articles of Seksoloji, young women
who lost their virginity were not untouched (el değmemiş) anymore.833
Young women who developed excessive intimate relations with men and
were open to sexual experience were considered as “hafif kızlar or kötü
kızlar” (easy girls or bad girls). While answering to a lengthy letter,
Seksoloji editorial team named the young girls who were open to experience
sexuality out-of-marriage as “girls with weak moral values.” Seksoloji
accused these young girls as “having blind hearts toward moral and sacred
values such as love and loyality.”834 A woman who lost her virginity was
narrated as “became dirty” (kirlenmek) or “stained” (lekelenmek).835 The
narrative was based on the “clean versus dirty” dichotomy. Cleanness, being
virtuous and honorable were connected in the same narrative and used to
define the limits of the approvable female sexual behaviors. Rather, she
turned into a dirty being. Cleanness did not only refer to individual
properness. But, it was also associated with the economic, cultural and
social background of the girl and her family. A clean girl was assumed to
have a clean family, which was articulated frequently as “she was coming
from a clean family” (temiz bir aileden geliyordu).836 The same formula
applied to the family as well. A clean family was assumed to have a clean
daughter that was often narrated as “her family was a good and honorable
people” (ailesi iyi ve namuslu insanlardı.) Cleanness of the girl, which was
bound with their family, referred to her well-breeding which helped her to
be recognized as an insider. It was also connected with future generations.
832 Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 3: Genç Kızların Cinsi Bilgisizlikleri (İstanbul: Hadise
Yayınları, 1959), cover page.
833 Burhan Öncel, “Kızlarda Gebelik, Seksoloji,” Seksoloji, 10 (1950),
834 “İffet ve Bekaret,” Seksoloji, 35 (1952), 45. “Bunların kalbi, sevgi ve sadakat gibi ahlaki ve
manevi duygulara karşı tamamen kördür.”
835 “Şehremini cinayetinin duruşmasına başlandı,” Milliyet, 18.10.1950. Reports from the court
gave detailed information about the murder and its reason – virginity of bride.
836. Burhan Öncel, “Kızlarda Gebelik,” Seksoloji, 10 (1950), 29.
220
According to Delaney, the woman was considered a vessel which would
carry the offspring of man to the next generation.837 Therefore, purity was
not solely related to women. Instead, it was associated with the purity of the
lineage, which will come from her and her prospective husband. Hence, if
young girls would have sexual intercourse and lose their virginity, they
would not only destroy themselves. They would also harm society by
staining the pureness of the lineage and, consequently, distorting the moral
values.838
Virginity as a complementary concept of honor formed one of the most
powerful control and regulative mechanisms for women’s sexuality. On the
one hand, doctors, as the main actors, gained substantial authority over the
female body through physical examinations and with the help of medicine
as a scientific discipline. On the other hand, writers of the popular press
worked for the inauguration of the social and moral values regarding
virginity. They do not state the norms for the proper behaviors of young
women. They have also assessed and classified acceptable limits for women
as a part of the regulative process. However, at most, young women were
held responsible for regulating their behaviors, protecting their virginity,
their honor, and their family’s honor. Safa criticized the forced measures
and control mechanisms of despotic fathers (müstebit babalar), whose
efforts were to no avail in protecting virginity and their honor. Safa argued
that fathers could protect young women from sexual traps (cinsi tuzaklar) by
imprisoning them in the house or forbidding them from going outside. He
asked, “what is the worth of chastity that is protected by force?” (zorla
korunan bir namusun değeri nedir ?) For him, “moral is a choice between
good and bad.” Hence, young women should be prepared sufficiently for the
837 Carol Delaney, Tohum ve Toprak, trans. Selda Somuncuoğlu and Aksu Bora (İstanbul:
İletişim Yayınları, 2001).
838 Tahincioğlu, Namusun Halleri, 79-80. Afsaneh Najmabadi, “Sevgili ve Ana olarak Erotik
Vatan: Sevmek, Sahiplenmek, Korumak,” in Vatan-Millet-Kadınlar, ed. Ayşegül Altınay
(İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2004), 129-167. Najmadi discusses the relation between the
pureness of woman and pureness of the nation. Hence, protecting the honor of woman was
narrated as “protecting the nation.” In the texts of the 1930s, the analogy between woman’s
honor and nation became more apparent while the relation was established between the
woman’s honor and society in the 1950s.
221
issues of the twentieth century, to the “new society and moral system which
is called civilization” (medeniyet dediğimiz bu yeni cemiyet ve ahlak
düzeni). According to Safa, young women should be educated to discipline
themselves and choose appropriately to protect their honor and, as well as,
their virginity.839
Peyami Safa’s another article referred to his book “Sözde Kızlar.” In his
article, Safa categorized the young women who experienced sexuality
before marriage.840 The first group was considered as daughters of good
families or good women or good-will women who were naïve enough to
believe or to reply to the sexual demands of their boyfriends due to their
marriage expectations. The other group, however, was labeled as “hafif”
girls (easy girls), who mixed being free with being “düşük ahlaklı” (low
moral). These girls did not have an awareness of the personal and social
importance of protecting virginity. In both categories, girls were presented
as emotional beings lacking rational mind. Accordingly, young women were
interpreted as mindless and irrational beings who could not protect their
virginity or control their sexuality and pleasure.841 If girls could be educated
within a scientific (rational) framework by an expert (rational mind), they
may learn to distinguish the proper behaviors from immoral ones regarding
sexuality. Safa stated that “only powerful moral manners can prevent a
furious sexual desire.”842 By teaching sexual manners, girls could change
their way of thinking from emotional to rational by understanding the
necessities and reasons behind the honor codes. Moreover, they could
perceive and internalize what was expected from them and act accordingly,
not because they were forced to behave in a chaste way. Instead, they would
choose to behave due to their love and loyalty to their fathers and family.843
839 Peyami Safa, “Müstebit Babalar,” Seksoloji, 56 (1953), 1-2.
840 Peyami Safa, ““Sözde Kızlar ve Çeşitleri,” Seksoloji, 49 (1953), 1-3.
841 Tahincioğlu, Namusun Halleri, 228.
842 Peyami Safa, “Müstebit Babalar,” Seksoloji, 56 (1953), 1-2. “eğer kuvvetli bir ahlak
terbiyesinin de faydası yoksa, azgın bir cinsi arzunun önüne hiç bir şey geçemez.”
843 İpek İlkkaracan and Gülşah Seral, “Kadının İnsan Hakkı Olarak Cinsel Haz: Türkiye’deki
Bir Taban Eğitimi Programından Deneyimler,” in Müslüman Toplumlarda Kadın ve
Cinsellik, ed. İpek İlkkaracan (İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2003), 198. Tahincioğlu,
Namusun Halleri, 116.
222
Safa’s argument sounded, at first glances, like a pro-autonomy argument
which also supported his emphasis on freedom in his discourse. However, as
Nevin Tahincioğlu stated, this strategy held the women responsible for
protecting their honor through self-disciplining and self-censorship from
their clothes to their behaviors.844 As Safa mentioned followingly in his
article, a young woman could be tested according to her behaviors in the
public sphere when she was alone and where all the evil was around her.845
Following the 1930s changing social and economic conditions, women
continued to share public space with men in the 1950s. Hence, protecting
their virginity and honor could not be achieved through force or violence.
Safa’s argument was rather a call to women for chaste and virtuous
behaviors to gain their consent. As Dr. Schweisheimer stated, “honor and
clean moral values” came from the inside of a person.846 Hence, consent and
self-disciplining were presented as prerequisites and essential values for
women to exist in the public sphere without a chaperon.847
Virginity was not only associated with physical sexual intercourse. It
was also associated with pure spirituality and a clean mind. Like physical
virginity, spiritual virginity was narrated as an immeasurable value and a
powerful attraction for men for centuries. Women were asked whether not
to have any feelings towards a man before their husbands or to forget any
memories of a previous relationship to reach their spiritual virginity.848 Last
but not least, mental virginity was seen as necessary as physical virginity.
Kisch argued that some physical virgins have bad morals full of erotic
imaginations. According to him, although these young girls managed to
844 For self-disciplining, see: Tahincioğlu, Namusun Halleri, 116. Tahincioğlu’s study was
conducted in Şanlıurfa and focused on the differences between rural and urban perception
regarding sexuality and honor. She discusses the differences between the women who are
living in the rural areas and the women who are coming from middle class and living in the
cities. Such a differentiation and categorization did not exist in the sexuality related
literatüre of the 1950s in Turkey.
845 Peyami Safa, “Müstebit Babalar,” Seksoloji, 56 (1953), 1-2.
846 Dr. Schweisheimer, “Ruhi Bekaret,” Seksoloji, 15 (1950), 37.
847 Tahincioğlu, Namusun Halleri, 116.
848 Dr. Schweisheimer, “Ruhi Bekaret,” Seksoloji, 15 (1950), 36-37. “Gerek ruhi bekaret,
gerekse bedeni bekaret, asırlardan beri erkekler için ölçüsüz bir kıymet ve kuvvetli bir
cazibe unsuru olmuştur.”
223
keep their hymen intact, they could not raise healthy children since they
lacked moral consciousness, genuine decency, and manners.849
Both the spiritual and mental virginity were situated in front of the
anatomical virginity and physical control.850 The importance, which was
given to the spirit and mind in protecting virginity, implied women's consent
and compliance to overcome their bodily impulses with rational educated
choices and spiritual devotion to their families and husbands. On the one
hand, women were asked to regulate themselves due to their love and
affection towards their families and their (future) husbands.851 The new
development regarding virginity lay in the shift, which gave equal
importance to mind and spirit virginity with physical virginity. With this
shift, the attempts to keep virginity under control moved from (physical)
coercion to persuasion.852 On the other hand, the discursive location of
virginity in hymen, mind, and spirit turned virginity into a state of being and
humanized as a female role.
The discussions regarding virginity were not limited to consensual
relations. Rather, sexual abuses or offenses were become a part of public
discussion due to their threat to social order. “Girl abduction” (kız kaçırma)
and sexual assaults on girls and women (kız ve kadınlara) have found
significant space on the second or third pages of the newspapers.853 Also,
there were numerous articles about the increasing number of the sexual
assaults in the big cities. In the newspapers, writers asked the government to
punish these crimes immediately and strictly to protect “our women,” “our
849 Enoch Heinrich Kisch, Kadın: Seksüel Hayatı ve Evliliğe Sadakatsizliği (Ankara: Berkalp
Kitabevi, 1944), 96-97. “cismen bir bakire ama ahlaken tamamile bozulmuş…muhayyilesi
erotik sahnelerle dolu”, “ahlaki şuurdan, hakiki edep ve terbiye mefhumundan ve kadınlık
faziletinden nasibini…”
850 Ayşe Parla, “The "Honor" of the State: Virginity Examinations in Turkey,” Feminist
Studies 27, 1 (2001), 83-84.
851 Tahincioğlu, Namusun Halleri, 249.
852 For a detailed discussion about the dichotomies of coercion/persuasion and mind/body, and
forms and methods of power, domination and resistance, see: Timothy Mitchell, "Everyday
Metaphors of Power," Theory and Society 19, 5 (1990): 545-577. Parla, “The "Honor" of
the State: Virginity Examinations in Turkey,” 88.
853 “Arnavutköyünde gece yarısı bir kadın kaçırma davası,” Milliyet, 09.06.1950. Doç. Dr.
Nurullah Kunter, “Hukuki Meseleler: Irza Geçme Suçları,” Cumhuriyet, 01.06.1954.
224
Turkish family,” and “our society.”854 The legislation regarding the sexual
assaults and sexual offenses was based on the 1926 Criminal Law, including
indecent behavior in public, sexual intercourse in public, prostitution,
"deflowering" under the promise of marriage, abduction, pornographic acts,
and adultery.855
All forms of assaults that aimed at single persons were grouped under
the heading “Crimes against Individuals” in the Criminal Law. According to
the Criminal Code, the attacks on the body were considered a breach of
individual integrity. However, the above-mentioned sexual assaults,
particularly sexual assaults against women, were assessed under the
“Crimes against Public Decency and Family Order.” In other words, the
sexual attacks on the female body were considered a threat to public and
familial order. The heading of the law was another sign that female bodies
did not only belong to women. But rather, they belonged to the society
(nation) and the family. Although the punishment for sexual assault in the
Turkish Criminal Code did look dissuasive, it had several exceptions for
abatement. The penalty for the perpetrator was differentiated according to
the marital status of women in the abduction cases. If the abducted woman
is married, the minimum sentence is seven years. If not, the penalty can be
reduced to three years. The ruling could be reduced if the abducted person is
a sex worker. As seen from the differences in the duration of the sentences,
the status of women, which was defined based on their relationship with
men, determined the severity of the punishment. While a sexual assault on a
woman, who was considered to belong to a certain man, formed a longer
sentence, a sexual assault on a “fallen” woman was not considered a threat
to the public. Hence it was lessened to two to third of the sentence.856
Pre-marriage sexual intercourse had a special article in the legislation.
The woman's status regarding her sexual activity –as a virgin, non-virgin, or
married– played a significant role in how a crime against woman would be
854 For the analysis of period’s newspapers about sexual crimes, see: Sancar, Türk
Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyeti, 259-260.
855 Yalçın Tuna, “Irza Geçme,” Adalet Dergisi, 5 (1955): 446-476. The articles focus on sexual
assualt are the articles from 414 – 447 of the Turk Ceza Kanunu (Turkish Criminal Code).
856 Yalçın Tuna, “Irza Geçme,” Adalet Dergisi, 5 (1955), 468-469.
225
interpreted.857 According to Article 423, “if someone deceives a girl who is
older than fifteen years old with the promise of marriage and deflowers her,
he will be sentenced a minimum of six months to a maximum one year.”858
This article applies to all types of pre-marriage sexual relations between
man and woman, and, as well as, to the abduction cases. In the article, “girl”
(kız) and “girlhood” (kızlık) were used linguistically instead of virgin and
virginity. The identification of girl and virgin in the article had an important
symbolic meaning which could be followed from the next sentence of the
article. According to Article 423, if the perpetuator displayed his intention
to marry the woman he has “deflowered” or attempted to rape, he can
escape the liability and avoid serving a sentence. In a lawsuit, which was
heard in the Supreme Court in May 1950, the court reached a verdict about a
man, Hasan Gürle, who has abducted a minor, Hatice Kübra Gürle, with the
intention of marriage. Hatice Kübra Gürle was engaged with someone else
when she was abducted. Although the details about the current status of the
relationship between Hasan Gürle and Hatice Kübra Gürle were not written
in the sentence, based on their shared surnames, it could be assumed that
they have been married after the abduction. Also, the lawsuit was about the
abduction part. The court decided the reversal the abduction-related
sentence based on the "marriage intention" of the perpetrator and his
following actions.859 With the provision and related article of the Criminal
Code, virginity and sexuality were kept within the limits of marriage.
Additionally, the woman’s honor and family honor were protected from
illegitimate sexual actions. Last, but not least, the possible and potential
outcome, being pregnant and having a child, was constrainted in a legitimate
and legal family.
857 Parla, “The "Honor" of the State: Virginity Examinations in Turkey,” 79.
858 Turk Ceza Kanunu (Turkish Penal Code), Article 423: Whoever deceives him by deceiving
him to take a girl who turns fifteen years old will be imprisoned for six months to a year. In
the event of marriage, the penalty is silent. As long as there is a divorce case within five
years without an acceptable reason, the law will precede the general lawsuit.
https://www.mevzuat.gov.tr/MevzuatMetin/5.3.765.pdf (06.03.2022)
859 “Yargıtay Beşinci Ceza Dairesi Esas 4837-5082 – Karar: 49/3537,” Adalet Dergisi 41, 5
(1950), 709.
226
The two other forms of female sexuality, which were discussed under
the out-of-marriage sexuality, were identified with the status of women in
relation to marriage. The first discussion was about the women who were
married and having affairs. The other form was women whose marriage was
ended due to the death of their spouses or divorce. Yet, either pre-marriage
(virginity), during the marriage (adultery), or after marriage, out-ofmarriage
sexuality was associated and assessed directly with reproduction.
Illegitimate children became one of the concerns and, also, topics for the
popular discussions and, as well as, for the governing practices which was
reflected in the legislative documents.
Illegitimate Children
Besides the concerns regarding female honor, one of the threatful
outcomes of out-of-marriage sexuality was considered as having illegitimate
children. The boundaries of marriage were not only drawn to point to a
proper space for sexuality. But, marriage was also structured as the
fundamental institution for the reproductive activities of the individuals.
Pregnancy and children, who could be born out of wedlock (marriage), were
considered as the embodied version of threats and problems against the
social order of the society. The writers have argued that sexuality needs to
be experienced in an institution, marriage, to protect the purity and the order
of society. Predominantly, numerous writers strictly advised young people
to stay abstinent and not to fall into pre-marriage sexuality to avoid
unintended pregnancies.860 In the cases where women became pregnant out
of sexuality, illegitimate children were seen both as the symbols and
outcomes of immoral sexual behavior.861 Particularly for women, they
became the “scarlet letter.” While female sexuality lived in marriage was
considered a natural and normal phenomenon, women who experienced
sexuality out-of-wedlock were considered the doom of society since they
brought downfall to the culture and honor of society. The women who had
860 Dr. Claud Henderson, “Bekar İnsanın Cinsi Hayatı,” Seksoloji, 9 (1949), 3.
861 “Kaza yapan çiftler evlenmeli mi?,” Seksoloji, 52 (1953), 8. “Gayri Meşru Çocuklar,”
Seksoloji, 1 (1949), 43.
227
out-of-marriage children were considered as scapegrace (hayırsız).862
Moreover, they were accused or suspected of having multiple sexual
partners, whether simultaneously or consecutively, which led to discussions
and uncertainties about the identity of the fa ther.
The writers stressed that the uncertainty of the father's identity is a
problem for the child, the woman, and society, not only because of moral
reasons. But also father's presence and support were considered a necessity
to ensure the psychological and economic wellbeing of the child.863 Even if
the identity of the father was known and recognized by the father, the
writers assumed that these men would ignore their children and reject them.
In that case, children will be rootless, since fathers are considered the true
owner of the offspring and carriers of the bloodline.864 The children were
known as bastards throughout their lives, which will taint and hold them
back.865 Even in the legislation, the father was defined as the sole guardian
of the children.866 To determine fatherhood, a new method was mentioned in
the publications. "Blood type" tests were introduced as a new scientific
method for fatherhood problem. However, it was stated that blood type tests
served to determine who could not be father of the child instead of finding
out who the father is.867 Seniha Tunakan explained the role of anthropology
and anthropology institutes in determining paternity in an academic article.
According to Tunakan, anthropologist do not only analyze blood type of the
child. But, they also examine physically child and tried to determine the
similarities and link between the child and father.868
862 “Gayri Meşru Çocuklar,” Seksoloji, 1 (1949), 44. - wanton (hafifmeşrep) and immoral
(ahlaksız).
863 “Kaza yapan çiftler evlenmeli mi?” Seksoloji, 52 (1953), 9. “Gayri Meşru Çocuklar,”
Seksoloji, 1 (1949), 43.
864 Muammer Aksoy, “Evlad Edinme,” İstanbul Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi, 282-283
865 “Gayri Meşru Çocuklar,” Seksoloji, 1 (1949), 45.
866 The Civil Law, Article 263 - While the marriage is in existence, the parents exercise
custody together. If they cannot agree, the father's opinion is valid.
867 “Fen Aleminde: Kimyanın Polise Yardımı Etrafında,” Milliyet, 26.10.1950. “…Kan tahlili
çocuğun asıl babasını bulmaktan ziyade o çocuğun babası olamıyacakları katiyetle
töhmetten kurtarılmaktadır…” Dr. Roger Michel, “Kan Grupları ile Çocuğun Babasını
Tayin,” Seksoloji, 18 (1950): 49-51.
868 Dr. Seniha Tunakan, “Antropoloji ve Babalık Tayini,” Antropoloji, 1 (1963): 1-4.
228
The illegitimate children were diagnosed as the source of inheritance
problems. According to Muammer Aksoy, even if the mother claims and the
father accepts the child as his own, inheritance will remain a problem to be
solved after the death of the father.869 Apart from the father’s identity,
another social problem caused by the illegitimate children is abortion and
miscarriage.870 Writers have mentioned that women who got pregnant outof-
marriage are committing double sins. Out of her shame or out of
protecting their families from sorrow, they could commit abortion,
miscarriage, suicide, or even murder. Milliyet gave place on its front page to
a story of a judicial case that covered almost every aspect of the story, from
the out-of-marriage sexuality to the illegitimate child situation. The lawsuit
was against a daughter and mother, Zihniye and Zehra Birol, who were on
trial due to homicide. The newspaper went into details of the story and
provided the background in order to display what kind of “stink and fester
social wound” the society face.871 Zihniye, a 22 years old young woman,
married a man two years ago and divorced after a short while due to
incompatibility. Afterward, she started a relationship with a barber, Cevat,
who promised Zihniye to get married. Zihniye became pregnant by Cevat
after a while. However, Cevat asked and insisted that Zihniye would have a
miscarriage. Zihniye tried to have a miscarriage by using Gripin several
times, which she failed to achieve. After seven months of pregnancy, she
threatened Cevat by suing him if he would not get married to her. According
to Zihniye, Cevat accepted to register the child under his name without
marriage.872 After she gave birth in the Workers’ Insurance Hospital last
Friday, she went to the Bahariye graveyard with her mother and left her
child in a ditch. Zihniye added that she was forced to abandon her child
869 Muammer Aksoy, “Evlad Edinme,” İstanbul Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi, 282-
283.
870 Illegitimate children and abortion will be discussed in detailed in the Birth Control chapter.
871 “Bir ana 3 günlük çocuğunu öldürdü,” Milliyet, 24.01.1955. “.... derinleştirecek olursak
nasıl bir sosyal dava, ufunetli ve cerahatli bir içtimai yara ile karşı karşıya olduğumuzu
kolayca anlarız.
872 “Bir ana 3 günlük çocuğunu öldürdü,” Milliyet, 24.01.1955. “…Ver dedi. Maksat çocuğuna
baba olmak değil mi? Evlenmeden de onu kabul eder ve nüfusuma kaydettiririm. Daha
başka ne yapabilirim?”
229
since her older brother had threatened to kill her if she brought a “bastard”
home.873 The piece ended with four questions that asking whether to blame
the brother who threatened his mother and his sister for bringing a bastard to
home; the mother and grandmother who left the child to death; the candidate
fugitive husband who caused all the problems or the society that did not
have any social institution which could welcome illegitimate children.874 A
law academic, Aytekin Ataay, suggested adoption to deal with the
illegitmate child problem.875 Although reproduction was promoted and
celebrated during the 1950s in Turkey, the unwed (out-of-marriage)
reproduction was differentiated from the wed (in-marriage) reproduction
drastically due to the moral codes and laws. Therefore, sexuality out-ofmarriage
was considered a terrible act that can cause devastating
implications for whole society, and more severely for the illegitimate
children.
Male Sexuality
In addition to the “illegitimate children” issue, another concern
regarding out-of-marriage sexuality was associated with the spread of the
STDs. Out-of-marriage sexuality was associated frequently with prostitution
and, also with STDs. Sex trade and any advanced level of flirting were
considered possible suspects of STDs. Male sexuality, which was
experienced out-of-marriage, was considered as the source of prostitution
and, the spread of the STDs. Although out-of-marriage male sexuality was
overlooked by the writers, they kept repeating their concerns and warnings
due to the STDs. A reader asked Seksoloji “what is the purpose of using
873 “Bir ana 3 günlük çocuğunu öldürdü,” Milliyet, 24.01.1955. “..Abim “eğer eve piç
getirirsen seni delik deşik ederim.” Dedi. Ya kendi hayatımdan, ya da çocuğumun
hayatından vazgeçmeye mecbur kaldım.”
874 “Bir ana 3 günlük çocuğunu öldürdü,” Milliyet, 24.01.1955. “…Anasını ve kardeşini eve
piç getirmemesi için ölümle tehdit eden ağabey mi? Çocuğunu, torununu, gözünü
kırpmadan ölümün kucağına atan anne ile anneanne mi? Bütün bunlara meydan veren koca
namzedi, kaçak berber mi? Yoksa?... Yoksa evladını eve alamıyacak durumda olan
gayrimeşru çocuk sahibi ana babaların yavrularını bağrına bassacak bir içtimai müessesesi
bulunamayan cemiyet mi?”
875 Dr. Aytekin Ataay, “Medeni Hukukta Evlad Edinme,” İstanbul Hukuk Fakültesi Mecmuası
21, 1-4 (1957), 275.
230
condom?” Reply of editorial team was “condom can be used for two
purposes: a) Not taking a venereal diseas from woman, b) to prevent a
woman from getting pregnant.”876 Mazhar Osman underlined the dangers of
STDs against the health of society and, as well future generations since
STDs could be transferred hereditarily.877 Also, the editorial team of
Seksoloji warned young men about the possibility of infertility due to STDs
even after the proper treatment in Sual ve Cevaplar (Question and
Answers). The spreading threat and possibility of STDs were assessed
regarding the reproductive practices of the individuals.
The experts suggested out loud keeping sexuality in marriage which was
assumed to accommodate monogamous sexual practices of the individual.
Marriage was seen as a guarantee for a monogamic relationship that could
prevent the spread of STDs and, consequently, ensure the health of future
generations. Out-of-marriage sexuality for men, like women, was
disapproved of and condemned by the era's writers. Dr. Bowen Partington
invited men, like women, to practice total abstinence from sex before
marriage.878 However, sexuality that was experienced pre-marriage or
during marriage with another woman was considered as a potential and
ordinary incident not only due its frequent occurrence in society. But also,
writers argued that men were forced to seek alternative solutions to quiet
their will due to their nature and instincts.879
In the “İşte Evlendiniz,” and “Mükemmel İzdivaçın Şartları,” writers of
the manuals argued that another reason for men to seek and experience outof-
marriage sexuality was related to their duty to their future wives. In “Aşk
Sanatı,” it was stated that the husband is the responsible figure for his wife’s
sexuality, starting from introducing her to sexuality to her sexual pleasure.
Different than the previous decade, female sexual pleasure was considered
as a part of nature and affirmed by the writers.880 Women had been provided
876 “Sual ve Cevaplar: Sual 101,” Seksoloji, 15 (1950), 62.
877 Mazhar Osman, “Tenasüli Hastalıklar Üzerine,” Seksoloji, 1 (1949).
878 Dr. Bowen Partington, “Cinsi Münasebet sıhhat için zaruri midir?” Seksoloji, 20 (1950):
56-60.
879 Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı: Fuhuş (İstanbul: Hadise Yayınları, 1959)
880 Dr. Le Mon Clark, İşte Evlendiniz.
231
the right to experience sexual desire.881 However, for the satisfaction of the
woman’s desire, she was not encouraged for an autonomous search. Rather,
the woman was assumed to be sexually passive and asleep by nature.882 Her
husband would turn her switch on after the marriage. Once a woman's
sexual desire has been "awakened" by her husband, her satisfaction and her
sexual pleasure were left to the hands of men.883 Hence, being sexually
experienced was seen as a desired asset for man.
Therefore, the pre-marriage sexual actions of a man could be overlooked
and understood since they would become future-husbands. Based on this
assumption, the man was provided detailed explanations about sexuality.
They were provided detailed information about how to lead their future
wives to sexual pleasure. Husbands were equipped with proper information
to satisfy their wives and to ensure female pleasure.884 Marriage manuals on
sexual manners provided technical and descriptive information about female
pleasure, the actions to take, the timing and durations of these actions, and
the process to reach a mutually happy and satisfying end.885 Almost in a
Taylorist order, steps of sexual intercourse were explained and described to
potential grooms to reach the most efficient outcome. Frigidity, which was
described as a female sexual problem, was discussed in relation to the
sexual skills of man in the articles. Therefore, husbands and future husbands
were provided the necessary information to make their future wives happy,
and to save them from sexual abnormalities.
Male out-of-marriage sexuality was overlooked due to his biological
needs and, as well as for the sake of future happy marriages.886 However,
men cannot experience sexuality with “good women.” Public houses
881 Gordon and Shankweiler, “Different Equals Less: Female Sexuality in Recent Marriage
Manuals,” 465.
882 Dr. Le Mon Clark, İşte Evlendiniz.
883 Gordon and Shankweiler, “Different Equals Less: Female Sexuality in Recent Marriage
Manuals,” 461.
884 Gordon and Shankweiler, “Different Equals Less: Female Sexuality in Recent Marriage
Manuals,” 462. Thurman B. Rice, “Zifaf Gecesini Nasıl Geçirmeli,” Seksoloji Yıllığı, 1
(1952), 54. “… gelinin işini kolaylaştırmak için güvey icabeden herşeyi yapmalıdır.”
885 Thurman B. Rice, “Zifaf Gecesini Nasıl Geçirmeli,” Seksoloji Yıllığı, 1 (1952), 52-59.
886 T. Bowen Partington, “İhtiraslara Nasıl Hakim Olmalı?” Seksoloji, 5 (1949), 2.
232
(umumi evler) were suggested as a place to fulfill the needs of young single
men.887 Prostitution was narrated as an element and a natural outcome of
manhood.888 However, the solution for men to experience pre-marital
sexuality became a heated subject in the public discussion in the early
1950s. The parliament accepted a law regarding women trafficking in May
1949.889 As a result of this law, public figures started to discuss the positive
and negative aspects of closing the public houses.890
Some writers argued that closing public houses would not solve the
prostitution problem. Instead, it would cause loss of control over the women
who were working in these settings. Hence, the spread of STDs may
increase due to uncontrolled sex trade. The public houses were narrated as
“public” spaces that were under state control, particularly regarding
STDs.891 Some writers argued about necessity of public houses (umumi
evler) given that they were controlled with administrative, medical, and
legal mechanisms.892 In 1953, Ata Tokgöz conducted interviews with the
director and head doctor of the Venereal Diseases Director of the Istanbul
Municipality. As the interviewer stated, he wanted to inform the public
about the precautions in fighting and preventing STDs in order to set the
public mind at rest.893 Kept in the dark and out of reach of the authorities,
887 Sancar, Türk Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyeti, 270.
888 Cantek, Cumhuriyetin Büluğ Çağı, 242. Sancar, Türk Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyeti, 237.
889 According to Saymen, the Turkish Government signed an international agreement about
women and children in 12 November 1947 in Geneva as a member of the United Nations.
The parliament accapted the agreement and turned to 5394 numbered law. Prof. Dr. Ferit H.
Saymen, “Türkiye’de Fuhuşla Mücadele,” Seksoloji, 21 (1950), 4.
890 “Genelevlerin kent dışına taşınması tartışması,” Hürriyet, 21.12.1954. “Suşa paşanın
konuşması,” Milliyet, 09.09.1950. The head of the East Mediterrean Health Organization,
Suşa Paşa, was asked what he was thinking about the current debate regarding the brothels.
He replied based on his experiences in Egypt and emphasized the decrease in the venereal
diseases after the closing of the brothels in Egypt.
891 “Zührevi hastalıkların artmasına mani olunmalıdır.” Milliyet, 20.10. 1950. For a similar
discussion, see: Sancar, Türk Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyeti, 268, 271.
892 Ord. Prof. M. Şekip Tunç, “Psikolog gözü ile: Fuhuş Meselesi,” Seksoloji, 5 (1949), 14.
893 Ata Tokgöz, “İstanbul Zührevi Hastalıklarla Nasıl Mücadele Ediyor,” Seksoloji, 48 (1953),
23-27. “Bizi kimse basamaz diyen 3 randevu evi basıldı.” Hürriyet, 13.10.1955.
233
rendezvous houses became a more concerning issue for the writers.894
Therefore, women in the rendezvous houses may escalate the spread of
STDs. “Businessmen, who are coming from different parts of Anatolia, may
infect their families, when they go back.”895 The discussion continued
throughout the 1950s.896 Turkish Women Union was not convinced with
these justifications. They organized protests and campaigns to close
brothels.897 In the end, the Turkish governance decided to regulate public
houses and prostitution with strict laws and practices.898
The limits of appropriate sexuality, which were situated in the marriage,
were narrated in association with the well-being of the society. Like the
question on “illegitimate children,” STDs were pointed to as important
problems which could harm not only individuals. However they have been
considered as fundamental erosions for the order, future, health and wellbeing
of the population. Hence, the efforts focused on the necessities to
correspond to the well-being of society with the help of settling the
fundamentals of sexual manners.
Sexuality and related discussions became emerging and visible subjects
in the popular press and academic articles in the 1950s in Turkey. Sexuality
came out of the private space and became a part of the public discussions. In
parallel to the visibility of sexuality, sexual manners became a central
894 Rendezvous Houses were spaces where prostitution performed without state control. Reşad
Enis, “Şehirden Röportajlar: İstanbulda gizli fuhşun önüne niçin geçilemiyor,” Cumhuriyet,
28.12.1953.
895 “Zührevi hastalıkların artmasına mani olunmalıdır.” Milliyet, 20.10.1950. Reşad Enis,
“Şehirden Röportajlar: Emrazı Zühriviye hastanesinde neler gördüm ve neler dinledim?”
Cumhuriyet, 30.12.1953.
896 “Fuhuş Tarifesi İndirildi,” Hürriyet, 22.04.1955. “Ankarada Olay Çıkan 19 Genelev
Kapatılıyor, 30 kadın başka illere sürülüyor.” Milliyet, 13.09.1959. During these
discussions, the well-being of women who were labelled as prostitutes, were not
problematized except their possibility and risk of infecting men. They were whether
objectivized to be examined medically or became anonymous to refer as “bad women”
(kötü kadın). Another study about the prostitution in Turkey during the 1950s will be
illuminating in future.
897 “TKB fuhuşla mücadele kararı aldı.,” Hürriyet, 07.01.195. Ezgi Sarıtaş and Yelda Şahin,
“Ellili Yıllarda Kadın Hareketi,” in Türkiye’nin 1950’li Yılları, ed. Mete Kaan Kaynar
(İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2015).
898 “Kadın ticaretini önlemek için tedbirler,” Vatan, 03.04.1954.
234
concept to define the norms and limits of appropriate sexuality with the help
of the newly emerging experts from different fields, starting from medicine
to law. Sexuality was considered, on the one hand, a personal matter which
affected the health of the individuals. On the other hand, it was underlined
as an important subject for the well-being of society. Hence, sexual
manners, which was the regulative concept for sexuality, found a place in
every aspect of the individual life cycle. Moreover, appropriate sexuality
was defined with reference to the sexual manners in Turkey in the 1950s.
Appropriate sexuality was restrained in the limits of heterosexual
marriage for the well-being of society and for reproductive purposes in the
era’s contemporary academic and popular literature, as developed by the
Turkish writers or translated from foreign languages. However, although
this principle applied equally to man and woman by asking them to practice
abstinence to protect their virginity due to personal, familial, and social
reasons, the difference between male and female sexuality was accepted and
even explained with rational reasoning by the writers of the era. While
female sexuality and pleasure were limited within the strict lines of the
marriage through various regulative explanations and mechanisms, male
sexuality was overlooked due mainly, to his nature and social expectations.
Defining the limits of the appropriate sexuality also served to define the
roles of manhood and womanhood based on their sexual practices.
Additionally, female sexuality and male sexuality were constructed in
relation to each other.899
The discussions regarding sexuality significantly influence the
structuring of reproductive policies on different levels. On the individual
level, women and men had been informed about the lines they can cross and
also about the medical, social, and legal consequences that they may face if
they step out of their designated behaviors and choices. On the institutional
level, the policy framework was structured according to the lines mentioned
above with the support of the Civil Law and Criminal Law. Hence, it also
gave an idea about the power struggle on the bodies of, particularly, women.
899 For the mutual construction of woman and man sexuality, see: Porter and Hall, The Facts of
Life.
235
Marriage and family turned to regulative institutions which hosted the
appropriate sexuality. The next chapter analyzes the marriage institution and
the woman's role in marriage and family to discuss the effects of changes
regarding sexuality.
236
237
3
Construction of Marriage and Family
Marriage was considered the proper and legitimate institution where
sexuality should be experienced. Thus, marriage as an institution was
mentioned in countless arguments during the discussions about the sexual
and reproductive practices of individuals. Surely, it was neither an
unknown, undiscussed, nor a new institution in the 1950s. However, it was
an institution affected by the political, social, and economic changes in
Turkey and the world. Moreover, the changing understanding of sexuality
and reproductive practices in the 1950s also influenced the construction of
marriage. Some of the era’s writers were well aware of the changes in the
marriage institution. They even discussed the effects of these changes on the
marriage institution and the family.1 Nihat Sami Banarlı argued that the
1 For a critical reading, see: Betty Friedan, The Feminine Mystique (New York: Norton,
1963). For an early discussion about family in Turkey, see: Hilmi Ziya Ülken, “Aile,” in
Aile Yazıları 1: Temel Kavramlar, Yapı ve Tarihi Süreç, ed. Beylü Dikeçligil and Ahmet
Çiğdem, (Ankara: T.C: Başbakanlık Aile Araştırma Kurumu Başkanlığı Yayınları, 1991),
268-278. The article was written in 1943.
238
Turkish family was going through a change and crisis (buhran) in 1953.2
The change in the marriage institution and, accordingly, in the family
affected the relationship between the spouses, including their sexualities and
the roles of the spouses, along with the construction of a new womanhood
as wives and mothers. Therefore, marriage (and family) turned into a
regulatory framework that produced and reinforced accepted and
appropriate behaviors and roles of spouses.3 This chapter focuses on the
discourses and practices that re-defined the marriage institution and, in
relation to it, the understanding of the family in the 1950s. This chapter
examines the development of the legal and social framework for marriage
and family, from its formation to its dissolution.
Marriage as an “institution” was highly praised in the publications of the
1950s.4 Popular writings in newspapers and magazines presented marriage
as a "union" whose sanctity is paramount.5 One of the most recurring
themes in the era’s popular newspapers and magazines was marriage life
and the virtues of marriage. Hayat, one of the most popular magazines, was
not excluded from this trend. The magazine started to be published on April
6, 1956, with a high circulation rate. The first issue sold 170,000 copies
within days.6 As the numbers have also demostrated, the magazine was
widely in circulation and consumed, particularly by the women of the era.
Therefore, the portrayal of marriage in Hayat has a significant influence on
forming the image of the “desirable” marriage. Hayat provided the readers
with the definition of an ideal marriage and spouses, including the duties of
the spouses, the way marital relationships should be formed, and how
parenthood should be handled.7 Also, its content included a variety of
2 Nihat Sami Banarlı, “Kadın Anlayışımız ve Örnek Aile,” Seksoloji Yıllığı, 2 (İstanbul:
Seksoloji Yayınları, 1953), 2.
3 For a detailed discussion on the regulatory power of family, see: Chloe Taylor, “Foucault
and Familial Power,” Hypatia 27, 1 (2012): 201-218.
4 Koçer, “Demokrat Parti Döneminde Kadın.” Okur, “Conspicuous Consumption in Turkey.”
For the United States, see: Elaine Tyler May, Homeward Bound.
5 Nihat Sami Banarlı, “Kadın Anlayışımız ve Örnek Aile,” Seksoloji Yıllığı, 2 (İstanbul:
Seksoloji Yayınları, 1953), 2-7.
6 Okur, “Conspicuous Consumption in Turkey,”10-12. As Okur quated from Şevket Rado,
the editor of the magazine, the normal circulation rate of the magazine was near 500,000.
7 Okur, “Conspicuous Consumption in Turkey,” 3.
239
subjects, such as fashion, home decoration, health, history, fiction, movies,
and movie stars, as well as celebrity gossip and travel memoirs.8 In other
words, Hayat's discourse was not limited to the topic of marriage and
family. It also provided perspective and suggestions regarding the lifestyle
of individuals.9 In order to form its discourse, Hayat has benefited from
numerous types of documents, such as articles, news from the country and
the world, surveys, questionnaires, and tests about marriage-related topics,
stories about good marriages, celebrity comments on the issues of marriage,
photos and illustrations.
In the published materials, marriage was presented as the fundamental,
core, and prior unit of society since the authors equated marriage with being
the first step of "building a family" or "family" both in popular publications,
academic studies, and legislative documents.10 Marriage in the Civil Code
was described as the legal institution that granted permission to the partners
to mate. Article 151 of the Turkish Civil Code, enacted in 1926, defined the
essence of marriage as a unit in which a husband and wife become
responsible towards each other to continue the marriage and to raise and
educate children.11 The link between marriage and family builds on the
assumption that spouses in a marriage union will have children eventually.
In order to complete the marriage union, spouses are asked to have children.
In Hayat magazine, parenthood was represented as an essential part of being
a couple and building a family. In other words, being a family is equated
8 Okur, “Conspicuous Consumption in Turkey,” 12.
9 Marriage and family did not only regulate sexuality and the role of the spouses. They also
regulate the daily practices of the individuals including their consumption habits. See for a
detailed discussion: Sancar, Türk Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyeti, 233.
10 “Gayri Meşru Çocuklar,” Seksoloji 1, 1 (1949), 43. “İzdivaç, çocuk sahibi olmak isteyen
çiftler için şarttır.”
11 The Civil Law, Article 151: Marriage union comes into being with the execution of the
marriage ceremony. Husband and wife are obligated to ensure the happiness of this union
against each other and take care of the food and education of the children together.
Husband and wife are obliged to each other with loyalty and cooperation. Yaprak
Zihnioğlu, Kadınsız Inklap (İstanbul: Metis Yayınları, 2003), 182.
240
with having children in the magazines,12 as well as in the legislative
documents, as in Article 151 of the Civil Code. In various magazines,
articles regarding the education, care, and well-being of children addressed
parents in order to provide “valuable” information to fulfill their roles as
fathers and mothers efficiently.13 At least good and desirable marriages are
considered as blessed with children. The ones who do not have children
were discussed in an article on infertility. Nihat Baydur defined a childless
family as a “fruitless tree.” Although the writer does not define childless
coupless as “non-familial,” he underlined the risk of unhappiness and
unfulfillment in childless marriages. 14
In an academic article on child adoption, Aytekin M. Ataay classified
the reasons for adoption and named one of them as sentimental. According
to him, individuals and families have the need (ihtiyaç) and the thirst
(iştiyak) to feel love for a child. “Adoption emerges as a hope for those who
could not fulfill their needs in natural ways.”15 Although marriage is
technically not a prerequisite for having children or building a family, it was
defined as the only legitimate host. Having children out-of-marriage bond
was seen as an immoral act that could not be blessed with a sacred entityfamily
(familial).16
Another magazine was also published with the name Aile (Family). Aile
was the quarterly periodical of Yapı Kredi Bank (Structure and Credit
Bank), which was published between 1947 and 1952.17 Yapı Kredi Bank
published another magazine before Aile. Aile followed the magazine of
12 Okur, “Conspicuous Consumption in Turkey,” 36. In Hayat and Aile magazines had
articles about child care almost in every issue, as if the magazines confirm that family could
be complete with children.
13 Louis E. Bisch, “Kadınlık Güç bir Sanattır,” Seksoloji Yıllığı, 2 (1953), 94-101.
14 Nihat Baydur, “Kısırlığın Sebepleri,” Seksoloji, 21 (1950), 28.
15 Aytekin M. Ataay, “Medenî Hukukda Evlâd Edinme,” İstanbul Hukuk Fakültesi Mecmuası
21, 1-4 (1957), 286-287.
16 “Gayri Meşru Çocuklar,” Seksoloji, 1 (1949): 41-46.
17 The periodical was sold for 50 kuruş between 1947 and 48, and later its price went up to
100 kuruş. According to Arzuk, “there were advertisements and information about the
services of the bank embedded within the short stories and articles, sometimes at the cost of
damaging their flow.” Deniz Arzuk, “Vanishing Memoirs: Doğan Kardeş Children’s
Periodical between 1945 and 1993” (MA Thesis, Boğaziçi University, 2007), 79.
241
Doğan Kardeş, which was first published by the bank in 1945 and was
aimed at the children of middle-class urban families.18 Doğan Kardeş,
similar to the following magazine – Aile -, was published as a cultural
service of the Yapı ve Kredi Bank under the consultancy (of culture and arts)
and editorship of Vedat Nedim Tör.19 In Doğan Kardeş, children were
presented as dutiful and responsible sons and daughters for their families as
well as their country, with a touch of nationalist values. In other words,
children were situated in a good family context. Following its success, Aile
was published by the same partnership. Aile was an American magazine,
Reader’s Digest, and contained articles on a great variety of subjects, from
literature to popular subjects like sports, movies, theatre, animals, and
nature, to more domestic ones like health, child-care, education, cooking,
fashion, housewifery, relationships, handicrafts, and inventions.20 Similar to
other magazines of the period, Aile also translated from different foreign
magazines such as Women’s Digest, Atlantic Monthly, Harper’s Magazine,
Magazine Digest, Better Homes and Collier.21
Aile was the predecessor of Hayat magazine, which was inspired by
another American magazine, Life. “After Aile was closed down in 1952,
Neşriyat Inc., of which Yapı Kredi Bank was the biggest shareholder, began
to publish Resimli Hayat (Illustrated Life) family magazine, which later
turned into Hayat (Life) in 1956.”22 Aile was one of the first publications
18 Özge Ertem, “The Republic’s Children and Their Burdens in 1930s and 1940s Turkey”
(MA Thesis, Boğaziçi University, 2005), 166. Okur quoted from Şevket Rado’s article
“Türk Matbaacılığında ve Mecmuacılığında Yenilikler.” Okur, “Conspicuous Consumption
in Turkey,” 13.
19 Arzuk, “Vanishing Memoirs,” 10-11.
20 Arzuk, “Vanishing Memoirs,” 16-17. Ertem, “The Republic’s Children and Their
Burdens,” 166.
21 Aile has also translated texts from Britannia Eve, Changing Times, Christian Herald,
Companion, Coronet, Die Lupe, Everybody’s, Good Housekeeping, Healthy, Holiday,
Hygeia, L’Illustre, La Femme, Ladies’ Home Journal, Les Nouvelles Litteraires, Life Can
Be Beautiful, Look Magazine, McCalls, Modern Motoring, New York Start, Pageant,
Parent’s Magazine, Recreation, Redbook, Science Digest, Selection, Success To-day, The
American Mercury, The Star, This Week, Today’s Woman, Week, Woman’s Home
Companion, Your Dreams, Your Life.
22 Arzuk, “Vanishing Memoirs,” 17.
242
which presented the ideal form of a family with photographs and
illustrations in its pages. As the successor, Hayat has continued to contain
the perfect picture of family. In the perfect picture, the family was presented
as a unit consisting of a mother/wife, a father/man, and two children,
preferably one son and one daughter.23 The editorial piece of the first
volume claimed that Aile aimed to provide its readers with the secrets of the
“art of living” (yaşama sanatı) starting with how to leisure. Moreover, it
aimed to be beneficial to its readers by enhancing their pleasure in life.24
This idealized portrayal of family was used and normalized in a variety of
publications, including the newspapers Milliyet and Hürriyet, as well as the
magazines Aile, Kadın Gazetesi, and Seksoloji.25
During the 1950s, the publications continued to include more subjects
about marriage and family in their pages. In 1953, even Seksoloji announced
that they would become more of a family magazine gradually since they had
fulfilled the first curiosity with their content focusing on the technical side
of sexual life in their first issues and quarterly supplements (marriage
manuals).26 One of the remarkable changes in the magazine after the
announcement of its change was the involvement of the new columns with
their titles containing family, such as "Health in Family."27 Marriage and
family became two intermingled subjects that covered a range of topics,
starting from ways to find a suitable spouse, the definition of a good
marriage, being a good wife or husband, to ways of taking care of and
raising children in the articles, interviews, and advice columns. During the
process, the woman became an actor who was situated in the family in both
the visual materials and the narratives.
23 “Biz bir Aile oluyoruz: Bir Genç Anne Anlatıyor,” Aile 1, 1 (1947), 19. “Fakat ancak ikinci
çocuğumuzun dünyaya gelmesiyle “bir aile olmayı” öğrenmiye başladık.”
24 “Aileyi Kurarken,” Aile 1, 1 (1947), 1.
25 Okur, “Conspicuous Consumption in Turkey,” 44.
26 “Aile Mecmuası,” Seksoloji, 48 (1953), front page. “İlk sayılarında ve ciltlerinde hemen
tamamiyle cinsi hayatın teknik tarafiyle meşgul olan mecmuamız, üç ayda bir çıkan ek
yayınlarının da yardımiyle bu sahadaki ilk tecessüsleri [merakı] tatmin ettikten sonra, şimdi
yavaş yavaş tam bir aile mecmuası olma yoluna girecektir.”
27 “Ailede sağlık,” Seksoloji, no. 39 (1952).
243
The representation of the family as a four-member unit was, relatively, a
change regarding the family ideal in Turkey. Although the image of small
families began to appear in publications in the 1930s28 (and in legislation
with the Civil Code), the desire for large families remained loud and
preferable in the narratives. In the 1930s, the extended family with
grandmothers and grandfathers was portrayed as a symbol and carrier of
traditional Turkish values in literature and everyday discourse in the
1930s.29 Extended families implied a connection to the past, tradition, and
culture of Turkishness since they bring together the memory (the
grandparents) and the future (the grandchildren) together in the same space
(household). The extended family and konak life was associated with the
values of Turkish society.30 Early republican literature had already started to
raise the discussion about the conflicted change of the expected family size
– from extended to nuclear family –and proper living arrangements– from
big mansions (konak) to apartments or separate houses (müstakil ev)–
starting with the late 1920s.31 Starting from the early republican literature,
apartment life was a symbol of newness, westernization and modernity, with
both positive and negative connotations. In the 1930s, some authors brought
the potential dangers of apartment life against the values of Turkish
society.32 The loss of ties with the extended family was represented as
losing one’s roots to its history, traditions, and essence. Writers have
warned the public about the degeneration of culture, especially among
young people, as a result of loss or disconnection with their roots.33 Banarlı,
as a supportive argument, stated that the Turkish family was staggering and
losing its connection with its culture and history in the last 150 years. He
made references to certain names and titles from Turkish literature from the
28 Yurttagüler, “Social Policies on Female Body in the 1930s in Turkey,” 88-89.
29 Sancar, Türk Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyeti, 135-137.
30 The relation between marriage (and family) and house is quite interesting. The word
Marriage (evlilik) in Turkish was derived from the word, house (ev).
31 Alan Duben and Cem Behar, İstanbul Haneleri, Evlilik, Aile ve Doğurganlık 1880-1940, 2.
edition (İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 1998), 83.
32 For Konak and Apartment dichotomies, see: Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoğlu, Kiralık Konak,
and Peyami Safa, Fatih Harbiye
33 Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoğlu, Kiralık Konak. Behar and Duben, İstanbul Haneleri.
244
middle of the nineteenth century and early twentieth century, such as Namık
Kemal with Intibah (Renaissance), Sami Paşazade Sezai with Sergüzeşt
(Escapade), Recaizade Ekrem with Araba Sevdası (Love for Car), Reşat
Nuri Güntekin with Yaprak Dökümü (Shedding Leaves) for moral crisis and
with Eski Hastalık (Old Illness) for economic crisis, all narrating the crisis
of the Turkish family in their books due to the severity of the problem.34 As
a concluding remark, he suggested that the ideal norms for the Turkish
family should be determined by the experts.35 Followingly, according to
Banarlı, society should be educated according to these consensual ideals and
“aile terbiyesi” (family manners), which were connected to Turkish history
and culture, starting from school in order to have happy families.36 Family,
like sexuality, was viewed as a subject best left to experts to regulate and reestablish
in accordance with the needs of Turkish society, culture, and
history.
In the 1950s, concerns regarding nuclear families and, accordingly,
apartments (or separate houses) started to decrease distinguishably.
Moreover, apartments and separate houses became symbols of the proper
places to host modern nuclear families.37 Parr’s concept of “home dreams”
referred to the nuclear family that was idealized as the norm, with a modern
designed house, two children, and a perfectly happy married couple.38 The
real estate advertisements in Aile magazine used the association between
marriage-family and home in their presentation.39 With the illustrations,
34 Nihat Sami Banarlı, “Kadın Anlayışımız ve Örnek Aile,” Seksoloji Yıllığı, 2 (1953), 3-4.
35 Nihat Sami Banarlı, “Kadın Anlayışımız ve Örnek Aile,” Seksoloji Yıllığı, 2 (1953), 6 “…
hukukçuların, cemiyeti bir laboratuar alimi bakışıyla inceleyip, onu doğru veya yanlış
terkip eden bütün unsurları meydana koyacak hakiki içtimayat alimlerinin ve kanun
yapıcılarımızın, üzerinde ısrarla durmaları gereken büyük problem budur…”
36 Nihat Sami Banarlı, “Kadın Anlayışımız ve Örnek Aile,” Seksoloji Yıllığı, 2 (1953), 6-7.
37 Vala Nureddin, “İnsan, ev sahibi olunca,” Aile 1, 1 (1947), 15-17.
38 Joy Parr, “Introduction,” in A Diversity of Women: Ontario, 1945-1980, ed. Joy Parr
(Toronto, ON: University of Toronto Press, 1995), 4.
39 “Advertisement,” Aile, 1 (1947), 3. “evlenmek, dünyanın hiç bir dilinde, izdivaç
mefhumunu yuva kurmakla bir tutan evlenmek kelimesi yoktur. Türkler, yeni bir ailenin
doğması için muhakkak yeni bir yuvanın da kurulması gerektiğini “evlenmek” kelimesi ile
ne güzel ifade etmesini bilmişler. Bir ev sahibi olmak, her Türk’ün yüreğinde yatan bir
arslandır.”
245
couples were asked to buy a house to complete their families, where the
family was presented in its nuclear form. As a result of the efforts to
promote the nuclear family, its visibility has expanded and it has replaced
other types of family in the 1950s.
3.1. Family as the core unit
The presentation of the nuclear family in a house formed the ground for
two related discourses. First, the family, like the house, was associated with
the private sphere, privacy (mahremiyet), and intimate relations.40 Second,
the family was considered as a single unit, like the house, with a separate
space for each element. In Aile magazine, the advertisement of Yapı Kredi
Bank (Structure and Credit Bank) promoted the motto: “A house for every
single family.”41 Accordingly, the family was regarded as the primary and
smallest unit of society (rather than the individual) in popular discourse,
articles, and policy documents. In an article, Ziyaedin Fahri Fındıkoğlu
defined the family as the smallest and fundamental unit of society.
Fındıkoğlu discussed the transformation of the family in parallel to the
states' developments. He defined the family as the founding element of a
society.42 The nuclear family was presented as an independent and selfsufficient
entity that was solely liable to the state in legal matters.43 This
narrative has strong similarities with the individualistic narrative of
American discourse regarding the family that promotes the soleness,
independence, and self-determination of each family.44 In other words, each
family was assessed as an individual unit. Its independence and freedom
40 Sancar, Türk Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyeti, 196. Davidoff, “Aile Paradoksu: Tarihçilere Bir
Çağrı,” 52.
41 Aile: individual house for per family
42 Ziyaedin Fahri Fındıkoğlu, “Türk Aile Sosyolojisi,” İstanbul University Hukuk Fakultesi
Mecmuası 11, 3-4 (1945), 264.
43 Mustafa Şekip Tunç, “Eski Aileden Yeni Aileye,” Aile 1, 1 (1947), 14. Okur, “Conspicuous
Consumption in Turkey,” 45-46.
44 May, Homeward Bound, 1-18. This narrative was not only produced by the popular
publishings of the American press and translated to Turkish. The academic discourse also
has the tendency to define family as independent, self-sufficient and self-determined unit.
See, “Marriage and Living” Journal of the 1950s.
246
were seen as the building blocks of a functioning democracy, which was
promoted as a precondition along with the “free world” (hür dünya)
discourse.45
In addition to defining the family as the central and smallest unit of
society, the family was also pointed to as the core unit, the fundamental
nucleus, and the essence of society.46 Particularly, the procreation function,
which was situated in the marriage and family institutions as if naturally,
was seen as proof of being the “core unit” since the continuum of society
depended on the reproduction of the individuals. The family was the main
host for the reproduction and care of the new generations. In Büyük Doğu,
one of the conservative-leaning journals, the family was pointed out as the
main host in which the new generations, from a baby to a grown girl,
complete their education regarding the manners and customs in the family.47
Moreover, the sole role and responsibility of the family were justified by the
analogies derived from nature.48 These analogies strengthened the link
between family and nature. On the one hand, as in nature, the reproductive
function of the individuals was located in the family.49 On the other hand,
the family had turned into a form that exists both in human society and
nature. This discursive construction portrayed the family as ahistorical and
unchanging in time and space.50 This ahistorical position of the family due
to its reference to nature was strengthened by scientific knowledge.
45 May, Homeward Bound, 152. Okur, “Conspicuous Consumption in Turkey.”
46 For the discussions in Turkey during 1950s, see, Sancar, Türk Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyeti.
For a general conceptualization, see, Horn, Social Bodies: Science, Reproduction, and
Italian Modernity, 73.
47 “Yeni nesiller, kundaktaki çocuktan gelinlik kıza kadar, terbiye ve örf-ü-adet müktesebatını
burada tamamlar.” Reşat Feyzi Yüzüncü, “Aile Müessesi,” Büyük Doğu, 02.04.1948, 3.
48 Ord. Prof. Dr. Şekip Tunç, “Cinsi olgunluğun evlilikteki kıymeti,” Seksoloji, 11 (1950), 1.
“Aile nedir? Tabii bir oluş mu yoksa hukuki bir müesse midir? Hiçbir hukuk tabii, hayati
bir hadise yaratamaz, olsa olsa bu hadiseye içtimai bir şekil verir.” “Gayri Meşru
Çocuklar,” Seksoloji, 1 (1949), 44-46.
49 “Gayri Meşru Çocuklar,” Seksoloji, 1 (1949), 41.
50 Michele Adams, “Women’s Rights and Wedding Bells: 19th Century Pro-family Rhetoric
and (Re)Enforcement of the Gender Status Quo,” Journal of Family Issues, 28 (2007), 501–
528. Horn, Social Bodies: Science, Reproduction, and Italian Modernity, 73. Davidoff,
“Aile Paradoksu: Tarihçilere Bir Çağrı,” 50.
247
Due to the caregiving role of the family, the institution was located at
the center of the value system of society. Since the family was assigned the
role of taking care of the children, it was also held responsible for future
generations' education. Taking care of children did not merely cover the
physical well-being of the children. However, in the numerous articles,
parents, particularly mothers, were held responsible for the proper
education, discipline, and manners (talim-terbiye) of their children.51 The
transference of national values to the next generation was seen as one of the
most important subjects as a part of the children’s education, which was left
to the privacy of the family. Family, as the smallest and the central forming
unit of the society, was situated in the center of the Turkish society's value
system, hosting the essence of the nation. The family was pointed to as the
source, producer, and protector of the nation’s values with its association
with privacy and the private sphere.52 Davran stated that familial relations
were dominated by culture and traditions rather than legislation.53 While the
family was considered as the host and protector of the national cultural
values, it was also portrayed as the tool to carry society into modern
practices.54
As the core of society, the family was pointed to as the “starting point”
of all societal changes. Sancar stated that the modernization attempts were
supported by the new ideal of the modern family in the 1950s in Turkey.55
Halide Edip Adıvar stated that the necessities of civilized (modern) society
should be practiced in the family. Moreover, Adıvar stated that
modernization of the country would start within the family and with the
children.56 In the publications of the era, the nuclear family was presented as
an image of being modern with its form, appearance, behaviors,
51 Perihan Parla, “İçtimai Bahisler: Cemiyette, ailede kadının rolü,” Zafer, 28.01.1950.
52 Prof. Dr. İhsan Şükrü Aksel, “Ailenin Sağlığı: Evde sinir muvazenesi,” Aile 1, 2 (1947), 31.
53 Bülent Davran, “Münevver Türk genci, hayat arkadaşını seçerken nasıl zorluklarla
karşılaşıyor?” Seksoloji, 25 (1951), 1.
54 Sancar, Türk Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyeti, 191
55 Sancar, Türk Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyeti, 191.
56 Halide Edip Adıvar, “Sohbet: Kıymetli muharrir bu konuşmasında bilhassa genç
kızlarımıza hitap ediyor,” Aile 2, 6 (1948), 4-5.
248
consumption habits, and attributed values. Thus, the nuclear family was
presented with a middle-class and urban image.
The discussion on modernization often associated with being democratic
during the 1950s. Hence, the family was also pointed out as the first and
fundamental place to produce and practice democratic values.57 The family
was expected to contribute to the enrichment and development of
democratic values in society as the fundamental unit for values.58 Füsun
Üstel argued that family was presented as the right place to teach
“democracy manners” to the children. The discussion about “democracy in
the family” was also related to the re-regulation of family life. As a matter
of fact, in a school textbook, “Democratic Life in the Family,” family and
democracy were presented and discussed together.59 However, this
presentation also produced the idea that age and gender hierarchy are
ingrained in democratic societies like families. In other words, the
association between family and society in terms of democracy justified a
comparable division of labor, which legitimized the age- and gender-based
division of labor in society.60
The overlapping references to the family created invisible tensions
regarding the role of the family. On the one hand, the family was defined as
a historical institution with its preserving role of the values. On the other
hand, it was expected to set and practice the modern practices of the day.61
Kandiyoti claimed that the urban middle class swayed between modern and
57 The democratization of family was not emerged first time during the 1950s. According to
Behar and Duben, Ziya Gökalp has built a similar analogy between the democracy of the
state and democracy of the family in 1917. He also shared his concern regarding the
transformation of the Turkish family considering moral values. Ziya Gökalp, “Aile Ahlakı,”
Yeni Mecmua, 10, 13.09.1917, 181. Quoted from Duben and Behar, İstanbul Haneleri, 210.
Another article with a title “democracy in the family” discussed the relation between
spouses which was published in Sevimli Ay, in 1926. “Ailede Demokrasi,” Sevimli Ay, 3,
May 1926. Quoted from Duben and Behar, İstanbul Haneleri, 235-236.)
58 Okur, “Conspicuous Consumption in Turkey,” 46.
59 Üstel, Makbul Vatandaş’ın Peşinde, 269-270.
60 Sancar, Türk Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyeti, 257. Üstel, Makbul Vatandaş’ın Peşinde, 269-
270.
61 Sancar, Türk Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyeti, 212-216.
249
traditional values.62 This sway has also influenced the construction of
gender roles, the selected values and adopted practices. Therefore, she
underlined the urgency of regulating urban middle-class families during the
1950s. The potential threats and possible erosions of modernity towards the
Turkish culture and Turkish family were repeated in a different medium
with varying severity. In the 1950s, family was seen as a protective shield
against these threats.63 Yet, again, one of the biggest concerns regarding
modernity was related to the dissolution of the family. Because the family
was regarded as the source of culture and nation, its dissolution has been
regarded as a threat to the survival of Turkish society.
In addition to the dangers of modernity, in the 1950s especially,
communism was seen as the new and emerging threat to the values of
Turkish society and the family.64 Communism was considered a reason for
moral decline in a society.65 Hence, it was narrated as a threat against moral
and national values. Since the family was designated as the core of the
nation, the main target of communism became the Turkish family in order to
destroy this sacred institution and spoil its inner values.66 Therefore,
strengthening the family and its values were seen as the antidote to the
potential and possible dangers of Russia (and also communism).67
In addition to the benefits to society, building a family was defined as
the ultimate goal for individuals. Being married was the default
62 Deniz Kandiyoti, “Erkeklik Paradoksları: Ayrımcılığın Yaşandığı Toplumlar Üzerine Bazı
Düşünceler,” in Cariyeler, Bacılar, Yurttaşlar (İstanbul: Metis, 1997), 193.
63 Meltem Ahıska, Radyonun Sihirli Kapısı: Garbiyatçılık ve Politik Öznellik (İstanbul: Metis
Yayınları, 2005), 257-300.
64 For a discussion about communism and family, see, Özkan Kerestecioğlu and Öztan ed.,
Türk Sağı: Mitler, Fetişler, Düşman İmgeleri.
65 May, Homeward Bound, 94-102. Similar analogies were also built in USA regarding the
effects of communism on family life and moral values.
66 Yıldırmaz, “Nefretin ve Korkunun Rengi: “Kızıl,” 63. Quoted from, Richard D. Robinson;
“38-communism in the villages,” Letters from Turkey, September 25, 1949 (Istanbul:
Robert college, reprinted for the Peace Corp by Permission of the Insitute for Current
World Affairs, 1949)
67 May, Homeward Bound, 91. Özkan Kerestecioğlu and Öztan ed., Türk Sağı: Mitler,
Fetişler, Düşman İmgeleri.
250
mainstreaming norm for the 1950s, not only in Turkey but almost globally.68
In other words, getting married and starting a family was seen as a desirable
and necessary part of growing up and becoming an adult. Marriage was
considered as the ultimate goal and a need to reach “happy end” in
individuals’ lives. Hence, happiness of individuals was closely associated
with marriage.69 As a result, obtaining a "happy marriage" was equated with
people's ultimate happiness. In an interview with Hayat, Gönül Akın, a
singer of the era, talks about her chance at happiness. She said that she
would be getting married soon. “As I am to be married soon, it seems I have
come close to ‘happiness’.”70 Since reproduction (having children) was
considered blessed and possible only in the marriage, marriage is considered
a “first step to happiness” in the magazines.
Marriage and family were presented as the fundamental and responsible
institutions of Turkish society since they have long been considered
constitutive elements of the “social.”71 Marriage and family became the core
unit to preserve and enhance the cultural and moral codes of Turkish
society. They also contributed to the development of the country through
work, the workforce through reproduction, and wellbeing by keeping
individuals away from unhealthy practices and occurences of the country
such as STDs. In particular, the family's assigned role in raising and
educating children transformed the institution into a focal point for the now
and future of the social. Protecting children and raising them as productive
and efficient individuals would remain a continuous quest for the
68 Stephanie Coontz, The Way We Never Were: American Families and the Nostalgia Trip
(New York: Basic Books, 1992), 23-41. Anne Revillard, “Stating Family Values and
Women’s Rights: Familialism and Feminism within the French Republic,” French Politics,
5 (2007), 211. May, Homeward Bound, 9-16.
69 Okur, “Conspicuous Consumption in Turkey.”
70 Interview with Gönül Akın, Hayat, 119, 16.01.1959, 20-21. “Gönül Akın saadet konusunda
diyor ki: ‘saadeti bulamamanın üzüntüsü içinde kıvranıyorum. İlk evliliğimde mesut
olamamıştım. «saadeti» uzun yıllar aradım. Bulduktan sonra evlenmeğe karar vermiştim.
Yakında evleneceğime göre «saadete» yaklaşmış sayılırım.’ ” Gönül Akın says: ‘I am
suffering from the despair of not finding happiness. I was not able to be happy in my first
marriage. I searched for ‘happiness’ for long years. I decided to get married after finding it.
As I am to marry soon, it seems I have come near to ‘happiness’.”
71 Horn, Social Bodies: Science, Reproduction, and Italian Modernity.
251
government. Furthermore, the metaphor, which associated children with the
future of the society and country, had strengthened the importance of the
family. Therefore, the family was considered as a unit to regulate and also a
framework to exercise the disciplinary (educative) practices inside this unit
and on the individuals (members of the family).
The first step in establishing regulatory practices for marriage was
setting the legal framework, which included the legal establishment of the
marriage and the family, the legal responsibilities of husband and wife, and
the legal position of the children. The regulatory aims did not end with the
judicial framework. The opinion leaders of the era also provided the norms
for a good and accepted marriage.
Marriage (and family), which defined the relationship between man and
woman in a “socially recognized and accepted (institution) structure” was
inextricably linked to the expectations, particularly, regarding the
reproduction of society. Since marriage was accepted as the only structure
for the sexual activity of women, it turned out to be the one and only
possibility to procreate. Family with its regulating power over sexuality,
reproduction and womanhood became the realm where the “appropriate”
bodies for man and woman were defined, structured and promoted. The
ideal and model family were promoted on different levels and mediums
during the 1950s, since it was the era when the family as an institution was
on the rise both in Turkey and around the world.72 The promotion of the
model family served to create common norms and values regarding the
family, both on an individual and societal level. Along with regulating the
family as a unit, inside of the unit was also interfered by defining the proper
norms and values for the members, particularly for womanhood as a wife
and mother since woman and family were closely associated under the
realm of private.73
72 Sancar, Türk Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyeti. May, Homeward Bound.
73 For the regulative mechanism in constructing citizenship in Turkey, see, Didem Ünal and
Dilek Cindoglu, “Reproductive citizenship in Turkey: Abortion chronicles,” Women's
Studies International Forum 38 (2013), 24. Nükhet Sirman, “The Making of Familial
Citizenship in Turkey,” in Challenges to Citizenship in a Globalizing World: European
Questions and Turkish Experiences, edited Fuat Keyman and Ahmet İçduygu (London:
Routledge, 2005), 209.
252
Marriage and family were not only portrayed by the new and modern
social values. Marriage and family were regulated with the new legislation,
the Civil Code, which was implemented in 1926. The introduction of the
Civil Code supported the social transition with the legislative framework.
The 1926 Civil Code established the legal framework of the topics such as
marriage agreement, the legal status, and the relationship between the
spouses and their families, including their rights and responsibilities, the
sexual relationship between the spouses, the benefits of joint property for
the spouses and their children, and their custody.74 In the end, the new
legislation regulated almost all the steps of the marriage process since
marriage as an institution was assumed to provide a legitimate and legal
framework for sexuality and, eventually, procreation.75
Marriage, in particular, was primarily regulated by the 743 numbered
article in the Civil Code.76 According to this article, marriage was defined as
a legal unification for a continuous life partnership or, in general, a legal
agreement between a woman and a man.77 The Civil Code was claimed to
introduce equality among the spouses in a marital agreement, which was the
most highlighted characteristic of the new legislation. The equality principle
was referred to in the constitution of the new Republic, which “announced
equality among man and woman, and removed and banned every kind of
group, class, family, and individual privilege.”78 The official marriage act
was presented as a guarantee that provides equality and economic protection
for women.79 The equality among the spouses became one of the most
discussed topics among women and women’s organizations such as Türk
74 Ferit H. Saymen, “Evlilikte Eşitlik,” Seksoloji, 37 (1952), 19-22.
75 Horn, Social Bodies: Science, Reproduction, and Italian Modernity, 70.
76 Türk Kanunu Medenisi ve Borçlar Kanunu (İstanbul: İsmail Akgün Matbaası, 1946), 473-
479. Turkish Civil Code (Türk Kanunu Medenisi),
http://www.mevzuat.gov.tr/MevzuatMetin/5.3.743.pdf (29.04.2019)
77 Gürol Cantürk, “Evlilik ve boşanma ile ilgili adli psikiyatrik uygulamalar,” Journal of
Forensic Medicine 3, 3 (2006): 58-64.
78 Ferit H. Saymen, “Evlilikte Eşitlik,” Seksoloji, 37 (1952), 19. “…kadın erkek müsavatı ilan
edilmiş ve her çeşit grup, sınıf, aile ve şahıs imtiyazı kaldırılmış ve yasak edilmiştir.”
79 Ferit H. Saymen, “Evlilikte Eşitlik,” Seksoloji, 37 (1952), 19.
253
Kadınlar Birliği during the 1950s.80 Although some of the writers were
quite aware that the equality between men and women was not maintained
thoroughly, they argued that this imbalance was grounded on natural and
social causes. Moreover, Saymen added that the imbalance due to natural
and social causes could be repaired and reinforced to achieve equality.81
The official marriage was used for the union when it was conducted by a
public officer in the name of the state and documented with a marriage
license. Therefore, the union was legalized by the recognition of a
representative who was assigned (and described) by the Turkish Republic
and the Civil Code. With this change, the Turkish state aimed to regulate
“private matters” in the name of the social good, which was predominantly
related to the legal situation of children. With the new legislation,
monogamy became the legal situation in marriages where polygamous
marriages, in which a man marries more than one woman, were legally
banned with the 1926 Turkish Civil Code.82 This law also included a legal
prohibition on polygamous marriage, which was permitted by the religious
code (Islamic code). However, this change did not completely prohibit
religious marriages. Instead, according to the Civil Code, religious
marriages were allowed if they were actualized separately and after the
official marriages. Again, according to the criminal code, imams and the
spouses who conducted religious marriages before the official one were
considered to be committing an offense.83
80 Sarıtaş and Şahin, “Ellili Yıllarda Kadın Hareketi,” in Türkiye’nin 1950’li Yılları, ed. Mete
Kaan Kaynar (İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2015).
81 Ferit H. Saymen, “Evlilikte Eşitlik,” Seksoloji, 37 (1952), 19. “Tabiattan ya da sosyal
olarak kaynaklanan zaruretler yüzünden. Ancak bunlar yüzünden olan, oluşan eşitsizlikler,
eşitliği teyit ve takviye içindir.”
82 Ziyaedin Fahri Fındıkoğlu, “Türk Aile Sosyolojisi,” İstanbul University Hukuk Fakultesi
Mecmuası 11, 3-4 (1945), 273-274.
83 The Criminal Law, Article 237, if two people marry according to the religious codes before
(or without) marrying officially, they could be sentenced from two months to six months.
(Aralarında evlenme akdi olmaksızın evlenmenin dini merasimini yaptıran erkek ve
kadınlar iki aydan altı aya kadar hapis cezasile cezalandırılır.) If a person performs a
religious marriage ceremony before seeing a the official marriage act, the person could be
sentenced from one month to three months. (Evlenme akdinin kanuna göre yapılmış
olduğunu gösteren kağıdı görmeden bir evlenme için dini merasim yapanlar hakkında da
254
The monogamous marriage of the Civil Code was an attempt to inject
modern family into social life with laws. Moreover, the new Civil Code
ensured several rights for women, such as property rights and legal custody
of children.84 The legal characteristics of the official marriage were stressed
by a legal expert with an analogy. Saymen resembled a wife without an
official marriage contract (nikahsız karı) to a deedles field (tapusuz tarla).85
In this analogy, he did not only refer to the legal recognition of marriage at
the state level. But, he also equalized a woman to a property such as a field,
which could not be claimed without an official document. Moreover, the
legal situation of the children who were born in a religious marriage was
discussed quite frequently due to the inheritance problems. Saymen noted
that these children would not be recorded under their father’s name without
an official marriage contract, which would cause them to lose their
inheritance in the future86 Official marriage was presented as an opportunity
and right for equality while focusing on children and reproductive practices
of spouses.
The marriage age of the spouses was also regulated by the Civil Code. In
the 1926 Civil Code, men who had reached the age of eighteen and women
who had reached the age of seventeen could get married without any
permission from their parents (Article 88).87 The marriage age of the
spouses was modified in 1938 and decreased to seventeen for men and
fifteen for women. The decrease in marriage age was closely related to the
bundan evvelki fıkrada yazılı ceza verilir.) If muhtars learn that a religious marriage act
occurs before an official act, he is obliged to report to responsible authority. If muhtar does
not inform to public authorities, muhtar could be sentenced from 5 Turkish Lira to 100
Turkish Lira. (Muhtarlar aralarında evlenme akdi yok iken evlenmenin dini merasimini
yaptıklarına muttali oldukları kimseleri salahiyetli makama bildirmeğe mecburdurlar. Bu
hususta ihmal gösterenler beş liradan yüz liraya kadar ağır para cezasile cezalandırılır.)
www.mevzuat.gov.tr/MevzuatMetin/5.3.765.pdf (01.08.2022)
84 Prof. Dr. Ferit H. Saymen, “Evlilikte Eşitlik IV: Karının Durumu,” Seksoloji, 40 (1952),
20-23.
85 Prof. Dr. Ferit H. Saymen, “Dünyada ve Türkiyede Evlilik Buhranı,” Seksoloji, 16 (1950),
22 – 23.
86 Prof. Dr. Ferit H. Saymen, “Evlilik ve cali evlenmeler,” Seksoloji, 36 (1952).
87 Türk Kanunu Medenisi ve Borçlar Kanunu (İstanbul: İsmail Akgün Matbaası, 1946), 473-
479.
255
pronatal policies of the Turkish state. The relation between early marriages
and number of births was already established during the 1930s. Marriage
age determined women’s age at first child and number of children that a
couple could have in a marriage.
Although it was not discussed in the 1930s, the right age for sexuality
also became a subject in marriage age discussions in the 1950s. These ages
were the minimum limits for when a person could experience sexuality
legally. Since sexuality was assumed to be experienced in marriage, writers,
including doctors, psychologists, and sociologists, tried to decide the proper
age for sexuality. According to a sociologist of the period, Hans Ohl,
claimed that the right age for marriage is thirty for men and twentyfive for
women.88 The sociologist linked marriage age with maturity of the potential
spouses.89 Ohl argued that maturity of spouses may determine whether a
marriage would survive, or end in divorce.90 Another issue regarding
marriage was related to duties and responsibilities of spouses in a marriage.
The designated ages were chosen according to the aptitude of the
individuals to participate in the labor market, along with their capacity to
shoulder their own responsibility.91 Uraz and Kırçal stated that a man could
only marry if he could carry the responsibility of earning sufficiently to take
care of his family. A woman should be able to carry the responsibility of
care work not only for her children but also for the household.92According
to Samira Berksan, average of first marriage age was 19.62 for women and
23.73 for men in 1945. In 1960, although average age for first marriage in
urban areas changed to 20.24 for women and 24.20 for men, total average
age for first marriage remained almost same for women and men.93 Later in
88 Hans Ohl, “Hangi Yaşta Evlenmeli?,” Seksoloji, 42 (1952), 41.
89 Ferit Hakkı Saymen, “Evlenme yaşı,” Seksoloji, 12 (1950), 8-9. Hans Ohl, “Hangi Yaşta
Evlenmeli?,” Seksoloji, 42 (1952), 42.
90 Hans Ohl, “Hangi Yaşta Evlenmeli?,” Seksoloji 42 (1952), 42.
91 Hans Ohl, “Hangi Yaşta Evlenmeli?,” Seksoloji 42 (1952), 42.
92 Selçuk Karçal and Kayıhan Uraz, “Türkiye’de Cinsiyet Meselesi: Evlenme Yaşı,”
Seksoloji, 46 (1953), 53. Dr. Paul Popenone, “Evlenmeye Hazır Mısınız?” Seksoloji Yıllığı,
1 (1952), 114-122.
93 Samira Berksan, “Marriage Patterns and the Effect on Fertility in Turkey,” in Turkish
Demography: Proceedings of a Conference, edited Frederic C. Shorter and Bozkurt
Güvenç (Ankara: Hacettepe University Publications, 1969), 156, 159. Behar and Duben
256
the 1960s, when birth control became a public issue, raising the age of
marriage became a strategy to regulate reproduction.94 Marriage age did not
affect fertility rates due to the women’s age at their first birth. Rather, it had
an important impact on the power dynamic between spouses. Greer Litton
Fox discussed the effect of marriage age of women in controlling their
reproductive practices in an article based on the Ankara Family Study’s data
conducted by David Goldberg. Fox argued that the relative power of women
in marriage increases with the marriage age of wife.95
The Civil Code also regulated the restrictions regarding the marriage
such as marriage with minors,with relatives, with mentally disabled people,
and eligible partners for Turkish soldiers.96 All the restrictions were justified
by the wellbeing of the future offspring and their involvement in society.
The possibility of inheriting mental disorders was seen as a threat and
burden for society The marriage act ends, foremost, with the death of one of
the spouses. Divorce also terminated the marriage act.97 Grounds for
annulment were also extended, to include marrying while suffering from
communicable veneral disease, being of unsound mind, or for women, being
impregnanted by another man. The legislative framework of marriage
equated the institution with "being a family" and "having children", which
stated that the marriage age for men was 30 years old and a bit over 20 years old for women
at the beginning of the century in Istanbul. In other words, the marriage age for the
metropolitan – Istanbul – and Turkey was significantly different. Duben and Behar,
İstanbul Haneleri, 83.
94 Mümtaz Peker, “Türkiye’de Nüfusbilimin Kurumsallaşması ve Bu Süreçte Prof. Dr. Nusret
H. Fişek’in Yeri,” Fişek Ensitüsü, 20.01.2013.
http://sosyalpolitika.fisek.org.tr/turkiyede-nufusbilimin-kurumsallasmasi-ve-bu-surecteprof-
dr-nusret-h-fisekin-yeri/
95 Greer Litton Fox, “Some Determinants of Modernism among Women in Ankara, Turkey,”
Journal of Marriage and Family 35, 3, Special Section: New Social History of the Family
(1973), 524.
96 Cass R. Sunstein, and Richard Thaler, “Privatizing Marriage,” The Monist 91, 3-4 (2008),
379. Nuti, “How should marriage be theorised?” 286, 288. Nuray Ekşi, “Türk Hukukunda
Kamu Personelinin Yabancılarla Evlenmesi,” Public and Private International Law
Bulletin 37, 2 (2017), 294–331.
97 The Civil Law – Articles related to Divorce.
257
made it the main legal and legitimate institution for sexuality. The new Civil
Code also defined the duties and responsibilities of spouses.
Family was socially, culturally, and legally located in the private sphere.
Since the private realm was associated with women, family was seen and
discussed as related to feminity. In other words, while the public sphere was
linked with masculinity and men, the private sphere was seen as an area for
women.98 The dichotomy that paired man with the public sphere and woman
with the private sphere has also formed the role of woman as wife and man
as husband. The modern roles of women as wives and men as husbands in
the family were re-structured based on public and private division.99
The division of labor in the family was also defined by the
characteristics and essences that were attributed to womanhood and
manhood. The responsibilities of a wife and husband were justified by their
nature. Women as full-time wives and mothers were often equated with the
family itself and held responsible for the care work of the family since they
were the affectionate and loving ones. Moreover, women are confined to the
private sphere of the family because they bear and rear children.100 Man, on
the other hand, was defined as the main breadwinner of the family which
made them the main actor who connected with the market and identified
with activities in a separate economic sphere.101 Husband (man) was
identified as the representative of the union regarding the decisions and
economic property of the union.102 Accordingly, he was considered liason of
98 Carole Pateman, (1989) “Feminist Critiques of the Public/Private Dichotomy,” in The
Disorder of Women (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1989), 118–140. Myra
Macdonald, Representing Women: Myths of Femininity in the Popular Media (London, and
New York: Edward Arnold, 1995).
99 Sancar, Türk Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyeti, 196.
100 Walby, Theorizing Patriarchy, 174.
101 Barrie Thorne, “Feminism and the Family: Two Decades of Thought,” in Rethinking the
Family: Some Feminist Questions, edited Barrie Thorne and Marilyn Yalom (Boston:
Northeastern University Press, 1992), 7. See: The Civil Law, Article 152 - The husband is
the head of the union. The responsibility of the house, the proper provision of the wife and
children belongs to him. “Article 152 – The husband is the head of the union. The
responsibility of the house, the proper provision of the wife and children belongs to him.”
102 Hüseyin Cahit Oğuzoğlu, "Evlilik Birliğini Temsilde Medeni Kanunumuzun Dayandiği
Esaslar," Ankara Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi 7 (1950), 312-313.
258
the union (family) with the outer world. A man was narrated as the
responsible body who was taking care of the "external relations" while a
woman was the actor who was taking care of business inside-the-family.103
Although this gendered division of labor was presented as a part of the
democratic formation of the family by the writers of the era, this division
strengthened the construction of gendered and sexual roles in the family.104
The unequal distribution of roles among men and women in the domestic
realm affects the power dynamic of their relations in the family.105 The
gendered/sexual division of labor in the family was not limited within
Turkey. It was also promoted by the written material produced by the
writers in the USA and translated then into Turkish.106
The duties and responsibilities assigned to husband and wife and
regulated the inner dynamics of the family were also defined and fortified
by the civil code in other words, by the public administration. By granting
marriage licenses, the new civil code of the Turkish state establishes a
particular form of intimate and communal existence for the individuals in
the marriage agreement107 which determines the roles and limits of the
spouses. In other words, the civil code redefined the familial roles and
responsibilities of wife and husband, which were located in the private
sphere, with a regulatory instrument, law. The legislative definition of
marriage turned an intimate care-giving union into a state-defined
cooperation.108
According to civil code articles 152 and 154, the husband was the
union's head and representative. Since the husband was the head of the
family, taking the husband’s surname became compulsory for women
103 Daniele Villars, “Eşref Saatini Kollayınız,” Aile 1, 2 (1947), 46. “Ama kadın evde “İçişleri
Bakanı” değil midir?”
104 Sancar, Türk Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyeti, 195.
105 Nuti, “How should marriage be theorised?,” 291.
106 “Gayri Meşru Çocuklar,” Seksoloji 1, 1 (1949), 43. (man as breadwinner, woman as
housewife) “… anne… malı sıkıntılardan uzak ve bütün faaliyetini evine, ailesine
hasretmiş. … aile reisi olarak mali meseleleri hal ve para temin etmek, yani yuvasını refaha
kavuşturmak.”
107 Nuti, “How should marriage be theorised?,” 287.
108 Tamara Metz, Untying the Knot: Marriage, the State, and the Case for Their Divorce
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2010), 113.
259
according to article 153. Again, according to article 152, the husband was
held responsible for electing a place of residence and taking care of his wife
and children. If the husband failed to respond to the care of his wife and
children, then, according to article 175, the woman (wife) has the right to
ask for a divorce. A woman, on the other hand, was held responsible for
taking care of the household according to article 153.109 Moreover, article
159 stated that a woman has to receive her husband’s permit if she wants to
work outside of her household. Moreover, the authority of ahusband over
his wife, children, and household was not only recognized legally.110 But, it
was also strengthened by public surveys and expert opinions. In an
interview published in Milliyet and translated from an American magazine,
Look, the experts stated that the husband should have the last word in the
household. According to the surveys, among the families where final
decisions were made by women, 53% of the families could not be happy,
while 61% of the families where husbands made the last decision could
definitely achieve happiness.111 Although the family was expected to serve
the development and internalization of democratic values, the roles and
relations in the family which formed by cultural, academic and legal norms,
were not approached with “democratic values.” There was a clear hierarchy
of the husband or father’s word over the family. While marriage and family
were presented as a part of natural flow in human life, they were narrated as
if they were free of power struggles. In other words, marriage and family
were narrated as institutions full of love and affection (with natural human
beings). However the power relations in the marriage and family were either
ignored or hidden by the “division of labor.”
109 Turkish Civil Law, Article 153: A woman is her husband's assistant and counselor as much
as she can to ensure joint happiness. The woman looks after the house.
110 Nancy F. Cott, Public Vows: A History of Marriage and the Nation (Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press, 2000), 3.
111 “İktibas: Evliliğe dair sual ve en doğru cevaplar,” Milliyet, 24.07.1952. “evde son söz
kocanın olmasıdır. Kadının oldukça ehemmiyet kazandığı birleşik amerikada bile en
mühim kararlar koca tarafından alınır. Bu hususta yapılan anketler, son kararın kadına
tanındığı ailelerden yüzde 53 ünün kati surette saadet yüzü görmediği açığa çıkarmıştır.
Buna karşılık son kararları kocanın aldığı ailelerin yüzde 61i saadete kavuşmaktadır.”
260
3.2. Marriage as a Process in the Making
Marriage was not only narrated as a part of the natural cycle and as
reaching for happiness. But it was also set as a responsibility to strengthen
the inner values of Turkish society, to ensure the order of the community
and to raise healthy generations. Hence, the ones who did not get married –
because they did not want to or did not have the opportunity – were seen as
the outcasts of society. In other words, bachelorhood was seen as a phase, if
not a condition, that should be overcome with the proper approach and
measures. Like sexuality and marriage, the perception of bachelorhood
changed from the 1930s to the 1950s in Turkey. During the 1930s,
bachelorhood was seen as an obvious threat to the livestock of society. It
was considered the main reason for delaying procreation. In the 1950s,
however, bachelorhood was narrated as a phase which should be overcome
by young people to start their lives. In the articles, "starting their lives" was
associated with getting married and having children for young people. In
other words, young people were expected to get married in order to enter
adulthood. Also, bachelorhood was considered an abnormal state – an
anomaly – if it was prolonged.112 The discourse, on the one hand, claimed
that bachelorhood was not a natural and normal state if it was not ended at
the proper period. On the other hand, it suggested that being married was the
proper state for grown-ups. Since bachelors did not follow the natural flow,
it could not be good for the individual's psychological well-being.
Moreover, the abnormality and unnaturallness of bachelorhoods was
associated with experiencing sexuality. As mentioned before, sexuality was
narrated as a natural part of the human life cycle and biology. However, its
practice was limited to the marriage institution. Hence, if they continued to
stay bachelors, first, they may stay abstinent, which can cause severe
problems. In Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, the writer argued that old virgins
would experience terrible agonies such as "rahim tümörü" (uterine tumor)
112 Ord.Prof. M.Şekip Tunç, “Cinsi Olgunluğun Evlilikteki Kıymeti,” Seksoloji, 11 (1950), 1.
“Daimi bekarlık türlü anomalilerden doğan istisnai bir haldir.”
261
and "vulva takallüsü” (constriction of the vulva).113 Second, bachelorhood
increased the possibility for young people to experience sexuality out-ofmarriage,
which could endanger the moral values of Turkish society.
Although bachelorhood was considered as an individual "problem," a
personal status and related to private life, it was narrated as a common
problem for young people and, therefore, had a social dimension besides
being a possible threat to the moral values of society. Yet, it should be noted
that the concern regarding the state of bachelorhood in Turkey was
overestimated by the writers.
The reasons for remaining as bachelors were also discussed in the
articles. One of the main reasons was related to the economic conditions of
young people, particularly young men. Bülent Davran claimed that young
men could not dare to get married due to economic difficulties. Davran
stated that they were afraid of getting married since their income would not
be sufficient to take care of their families. Another reason for late marriages
was a lack of opportunities to meet with the right partner.114 Davran stated
that young people did not want to get married with the old methods, which
referred to match-making (görücülük). They wanted to meet with their
mates and build a friendship before taking steps towards marriage.
However, they could not acquire the right opportunities to meet with each
other.115 Another writer wrote about his own desire to get married.
However, he stated that since he is a lonely person, he could not find the
proper mate.116 On the one hand, young people, were encouraged to search
for a proper mate who would be in harmony with each other’s tastes, ideas,
and interests. However, on the other hand, they had limited opportunities for
meeting with their prospective spouses for two reasons. First, the encounters
113 Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 3: Genç kızlığın En Esrarlı Tarafı: Bakirelik (İstanbul:
Hadise Yayınları, 1959), 22-27.
114 Dr. Bülent Davran, “Bir Cinsiyet Buhranı İçinde miyiz?” Seksoloji, 19 (1950), 4.
115 Bülent Davran, “Münevver Türk genci, hayat arkadaşını seçerken nasıl zorluklarla
karşılaşıyor?” Seksoloji, 25, (1951).
116 Hasan Yılmazer, “Şehirden Notlar: Bekarlık Sultanlık, evlilik padişahlıktır,” Milliyet,
05.05.1951. “- Neden evlenmezsin yahu? … – Birader aradığımı bulamıyorum. Şöyle
huyuma suyuma, yaşıma boyuma uygun bir şey bulsam hiç durmam evlenirim. Fakat, ben
yalnız bir adamın biriyim, nasıl arar nasıl bulurum? yoksa evlenmeğe can atıyorum …”
262
between men and women were quite limited, though they, relatively, shared
more public spaces. Second, the norms for male-female friendship were still
in the transformation process. The stress on selecting a "proper mate" was
not only related to encouraging marriages. But it was also seen as one of the
important measures to prevent divorces. The main reason for divorce was
grounded on the unwise choices of mates.117 As a result, “selecting the
proper mate” became a popular subject in the publications in order to reduce
bachelorhood, and sustain good marriages.
Before the Marriage: “How do we meet?”
While bachelorhood was outcast, marriage was praised by the public
figures of the era. Therefore, the steps that built and functionalized the
marriage were taken into consideration and discussed one by one. Selecting
the proper match was the first step of the process. "How to select a proper
mate?" became a common subject for different texts in journals such as
Seksoloji, Hayat, and as well as in the marriage manuals.118
Hayat published a 15-week-long "How Did They Marry" series, in
which 52 marriage stories are shared with its readers. Hayat displayed the
marriage stories as exemplary cases, particularly for young women. It aimed
to guide the young women to meet with the "right" spouse and question
whether this match would make the spouses happy. In the series, the
marriage stories are enriched with guidelines to follow for starting a happy
marriage. In the editorial, the aim of the series was set as "to guide our
readers who want to marry to happy marriages through displaying how our
readers met with their spouses."119 The presentation of the stories consisted
of two parts. While in the first part, how the couple met was presented, in
117 For the similar discourse in the same period in the United States, May, Homeward Bound,
116.
118 “Nişanlınızı iyi seçtiniz mi?,” Seksoloji, 19 (1950), 26-27. “Kocanızla nerede tanıştınız?”
Aile 1, 1 (1947), 47.
119 “Eş Bulma Anketi,” Hayat, 41 (1957), 26-27. “Okuyucularımızın eşleriyle nasıl
tanıştıklarını ve bu tanışmadan nasıl bir netice doğduğunu mecmuamızda neşretmekle
evlenmek isteyen okuyucularımıza yardım etmek istiyoruz. Evlenmek bahsinde hangi
yoldan gidenlerin mesut oldukları anket sonunda belli olacaktır.”
263
the second part, the "desirable" characteristics for a future spouse were
listed. The authenticity of the stories is, unavoidably, under question. Yet,
whether the stories are authentic or fabricated, they display the meeting
patterns of the spouses in the 1950s since, if nothing else, they contain a
representation of the partners' meeting habits.
"The harmony among the spouses" was the most frequently mentioned
characteristic to make a marriage successful and sustainable, which the
majority of the writers agreed with. Therefore, writers advised young
women and young men to search for a partner with whom they could live in
harmony, with respect and love.120 In an article published in Look magazine
and translated to Turkish, experts – doctors and physicians – answered the
question of whether the statement "opposites attract each other" was true.
The experts based their response on surveys and added that the long-lasting
and happy couples were those whose personalities, interests, ideas, ideals,
and living styles resemble each other.121 W.E. Sargent, a well-known writer
on marriage, said that if a couple loses harmony, respect, affection, or love
in their marriages, some men or women may start looking for their ideal
partner. However, Sargent suggested that people should search for their own
identity rather than search for an ideal partner in order to avoid
disappointment. The writer claimed that one should know her or his own
true self and choose her or his partner accordingly. In this manner, she or he
may avoid cheating and divorce.122 In the articles, divorce and cheating
were not narrated as the causes of ending a marriage. Rather, it was
presented as the outcome of unharmonious and unhappy relationships. The
"partner selection" process was classified into two types. One was called as
arranged marriage, which was also discussed under the name of matchmaking.
The second was getting to know the partner, which was also called
flirting or friendship (arkadaşlık etmek).
120 Dr. Abraham Stone, “Geçimsizliğin Sebepleri,” Seksoloji, 45 (1952), 1-2.
121 “İktibas: Evliliğe dair sual ve en doğru cevaplar,” Milliyet, 24.07.1952. “En çok zıt tipler
birbirini çekermiş. Bunun ölçüsü nedir? – Olaylar bunun aksini gösteriyor. Anketlerden
çıkan neticeye göre evlilik saadetine uzun müddet eren çiftler, şahsiyetleri, menfaatleri,
düşünüşleri, idealleri ve yaşayış tarzları hissedilir derecede birbirinin aynı olan insanlardır.”
122 W.E. Sargent, Evlilik Hayatında Daha Bahtiyar Olmanın Yolları, trans. Ömer Rıza Doğrul,
(Istanbul: Arif Bolat Kitabevi, 1942), 23.
264
Matchmaking was described as an "old-style" marriage. In the popular
press, matchmaking without the consent of the future spouses was even
assessed as a traditional (not-up-to-date) act.123 As Davran explained in
detail, an arranged marriage was facilitated by the formal procedures of the
extended family. In an arranged marriage, responsible figures of authority
figure encourages the parties to the marriage. The authority figures could be
parents of the partners (mothers), family members and the elderly (sisters or
aunts), or religious officials.124 In an arranged marriage, the parties are made
to meet through a third party (through a family member or family friend). In
some cases, a professional matchmaker could be engaged to find a suitable
spouse.125 Greer Litton Fox conducted a survey with 803 married couples in
villages near-Ankara in 1966. Among the respondents, 73.2% of women
were in arranged marriages. The percentage of arranged marriages
decreased with women get younger. While 80.7% of women over 45 years
old were in arranged marriages, 71.7% of women under 30 years old
responded that their marriages were arranged by a third party.126
According to Fox, marriages in rural areas were often formed through
arranged marriages.127 In arranged marriages, the consent of the young
people, particularly young women, becomes a most concerning issue. The
dowry for women (başlık parası) was seen as the main and, also, enforcing
123 Bülent Davran, “Münevver Türk genci, hayat arkadaşını seçerken nasıl zorluklarla
karşılaşıyor?” Seksoloji, 25, (1951), 1.
124 Bülent Davran, “Münevver Türk genci, hayat arkadaşını seçerken nasıl zorluklarla
karşılaşıyor?” Seksoloji, 25, (1951), 1.
125 Selçuk Karçal and Kayıhan Uraz, “Türkiye’de Cinsiyet Meselesi: Görücü, dönür, söz
kesme, nişan ve nikah,” Seksoloji, 42 (1952), 48, 50.
126 Greer Litton Fox, “Love Match and Arranged Marriage in a Modernizing Nation: Mate
Selection in Ankara, Turkey,” Journal of Marriage and Family 37, 1 (1975), 184.
According to the 1966 study, 80.7% of women above 45 years old, 71.9% of women
between 30 and 44 years old and 71.7% of women under 30 years old responded that their
marriages were arranged marriages.
127 Greer Litton Fox, “Love Match and Arranged Marriage in a Modernizing Nation: Mate
Selection in Ankara, Turkey,” 180-193. For an anthropological assessment for the
marriages in the Black Sea Region during the 1940s, see: Nermin Erdentuğ, “Türkiye'nin
Karadeniz Bölgesinde evlenme görenekleri ve törenleri,” Antropoloji, 5 (1969), 27-64.
https://dergipark.org.tr/en/pub/antropolojidergisi/issue/60317/874363#article_cite
(29.08.2022).
265
factor for forced arranged marriages.128 Again, the dowry became a symbol
of the husband's ownership of the wife's sexuality and fertility.129 Parental
pressure was represented as one of the fundamental reasons for arranged
and, consequently, unhappy marriages. In Hayat’s "How Did They Marry?"
series, a woman from Ankara complained in her letter about the state of her
marriage and her unhappiness. She stated that she had married someone she
had never known due to the pressure of her parents.130 In the same series,
another reader from İzmir wrote that he married a woman he did not love
because he did not want to decline the wishes and insistence of her
mother.131 Davran criticized the “matchmaking” style due its inadequacy of
knowing each other. Davran questioned how can a young man decide in
such a short period of time whether young woman is a suitable partner
(hayat arkadaşı). He added that “we can not give up this unpleasant
marriage method. If there would be no arranged marriages, meeting with a
partner would be more difficult for people who want to marry.”132
Flirting, also called "being friends" (arkadaşlık etmek) among men and
young women (kız-erkek arkadaşlığı),133 was stated in opposition to
arranged marriages. While arranged marriages were narrated as traditional,
pre-modern, old-fashioned, and even eastern style by the writers, flirting
was pointed out as a new, modern, and western way of meeting the
128 Tahincioğlu, Namusun Halleri. Some of the arranged marriages was based on the dowrybased
inheritance, where parents of the young women received a part of male wealth in
exchange of marrying their daughter. Therefore, parents, particularly fathers have interest
in their daughters' marriages.
129 Pınar İlkkaracan, “Türkiye’nin Doğu Bölgelerinde Kadın Cinselliği Bağlamının
İncelenmesi,” in Müslüman Toplumlarda Kadın ve Cinsellik, ed. Pınar İlkkaracan (İstanbul:
İletişim Yayınları, 2003), 140.
130 Hayat, 55 (25.10.1957), 26 “Ebeveynimin tazyiki ile hiç tanımadığım bir kimse ile evliyim.
Çok bedbahtım. Mesut olmaya çalışıyorum, fakat olamıyorum.”
131 Hayat, 56 (01.11.1957), 26. “Askerliğimin sonunda, çok ufak yaşta ölen babamın
yokluğunu belli etmeden beni büyüten,hayatını bana vakfeden annemin ısrarı ve arzusunu
kıramıyarak evlendim. İstemiyordum. Sevmiyordum . . .”
132 Bülent Davran, “Münevver Türk genci, hata arkadaşını seçerken nasıl zorluklarla
karşılaşıyor?” Seksoloji, 25, (1951), 2.
133 Turhan Aytul ed., Türkiye’de Cinsiyet Problemi (İstanbul: Varlık Yayınevi, 1964), 45.
266
couples.134 The discussing parties inquired about all aspects of flirting,
starting from meeting the partner to the duration of flirting. Aytul classified
different types and phases of flirting, including in the eyes of adolescents,
university students, and also parents.135
A lot of writers advised young people to first meet with their future
spouses and, after spending some time, to assess whether they were suitable
for each other.136 Among the 52 marriage stories in Hayat, only 6 of them
occurred through matchmaking methods, in which half of them ended
bitterly.137 In most of Hayat’s stories, prospective spouses met, built
friendships, and decided by themselves to get married. So in these stories,
young people to be married are encouraged and counselled to meet their
future partners before the marriage and to spend some time with them
instead of having a third-party as a matchmaker to intervene.138
The friendship among young people was supported since it would
contribute to the harmony in marriage, which would serve the well-being of
the individuals and society in general. Thus, pre-marital friendship was
supported by a rational argument that established a link between a happy
marriage and getting to know each other. Some writers suggested that young
people could select a proper mate if they met with their significant other
before marriage.139 However, the lack of joint and proper spaces to meet
with a possible partner was presented as one of the main problems. The
134 Bülent Davran, “Münevver Türk genci, hata arkadaşını seçerken nasıl zorluklarla
karşılaşıyor?” Seksoloji, 25, (1951), 1-2. Naşid Erez, “Sosyal ve Biyolojik Açılardan Flirt:
Endişeye Lüzum Yok,” Milliyet, 06.01.1963. Same article was also published as: Naşid
Erez, “Sosyal ve Biyolojik Açılardan Tahlil: Flört Faydalıdır,” ed. Turhan Aytul,
Türkiye’de Cinsiyet Problemi (İstanbul: Varlık Yayınevi, 1964), 59. For a discussion from
the literature: Brooke Wagner, “Becoming a Sexual Being: Overcoming Constraints on
Female Sexuality,” Sexualities 12, 3 (2009), 291. Wagner referred to the Yalom’s study,
see: Marilyn Yalom, The History of the Wife, (New York: Harper Collins, 2001).
135 Turhan Aytul, “Cinsel ve Sosyal Davranışlarıyla Kadın no:1,” Milliyet, 06.01.1963.
136 Bülent Davran, “Münevver Türk genci, hata arkadaşını seçerken nasıl zorluklarla
karşılaşıyor?” Seksoloji, 25 (1951), 2-3.
137 Okur, “Conspicuous Consumption in Turkey.” 31.
138 Okur, “Conspicuous Consumption in Turkey.” 26-27.
139 Bülent Davran, “Münevver Türk genci, hata arkadaşını seçerken nasıl zorluklarla
karşılaşıyor?” Seksoloji, 25 (1951), 2-3.
267
early republican period witnessed changes in the relations between men and
women. In the 1930s, men and women of the Republic started to come
together in the social spaces such as hospitals, schools, stores, in the balls
and in the ceremonies. The places where men and women mixed appeared
as sexualized social spaces since those people were unrelated and started to
recognize each other with their sex and sexuality.140 In the 1950s, the
physical "togetherness" of unrelated men and women in social spaces
became familiar to the eyes of the public. Yet, the extent of this practice was
still limited to the upper-middle classes.141
As a way of verifying the numbers, young people were complaining
about the absence of appropriate places where future spouses could meet.
One of the solutions became "meeting clubs" in the era. In an interview
published in Milliyet in 1954, reporter of the newspaper announced the
establishment of a new club, "The Bachelor Club," in Istanbul. One of the
founders of the club explained their goals as "accustoming young women
and young men without a friend to social life and letting them gain an
refined circle."142 The eligibility criteria for membership was being of legal
age and not having been married before. Their motto was "proper home"
and their coat of arms was "crib." The aim of the club was stated as
"bringing together the young people who wanted to get married, but could
not find the opportunity for different reasons."143 Another attempt to bring
young people together was the "Society for Facilitating Marriage"
(Evlendirmeyi Kolaylaştırma Cemiyeti). The head of the society, Zekiye
Ergenç, explained the aim of the society as "bringing young people together
who wanted to marry, yet could not find the type they wanted or could not
find the courage." She stated that they wanted to serve bachelors who
140 Reynolds, “Salesclerks, Sexual Danger, and National Identity in Egypt, 1920s–1950s,” 72.
141 Turhan Aytul ed., Türkiye’de Cinsiyet Problemi (İstanbul: Varlık Yayınevi, 1964).
142 Fahir Ersin, “Röportaj: Bekarlık sultanlıktır, diyenlerin kulağı çınlasın,” Milliyet,
10.02.1954. “…bizim gayemiz, hayatta arkadaşsız kalmış, sıkılgan, genç kız ve erkekleri
toplumsal hayata alıştırmak, onlara yalnızlıklarını giderek nezih bir muhit kazandırmaktır.”
143 Fahir Ersin, Röportaj: Bekarlık sultanlıktır, diyenlerin kulağı çınlasın,” Milliyet,
10.02.1954. “Bundan da anlaşılacağı üzere bir gayemiz de, evlenmeyi arzu eden, fakat türlü
sebepplerle imkan bulmaıyan gençleri bir araya toplamaktır.”
268
wanted to marry and also fulfill a national duty. Ninety percent of the
society's 1000 registered members had already married.144
Two questions were raised regarding the process of selecting the right
partner. One was related to the selection criteria. In other words, the
fundamentals of marriage were divided into two sides, as love marriage and
rational marriage (marriage of convenience)145 and were open to discussion
in order to guide young people. The second discussion was related to the
flirting process, in which norms were not established and the process left in
a gray area. Although flirting was advised by the writers to build a solid and
durable marriage, the limits and content of flirting were uncertain. In other
words, the intimacy level during flirting was a subject on which the
consensus was not crystalized. Surely, having sex or living together before
marriage was not acceptable during the period.146 But Davran stated that it
should not be approached as a reaction to a decent relationship between a
man and a woman. He gave the example of Circassian villages and
Circassian culture, where young people can meet before marriage. However,
he added that there is no doubt about the honor of young Circassian girls.147
The writers of sexual manners approve of innocent love while constantly
warning young people about restraining their sexual desires.148
144 Hasan Yılmazer, Şehirden Notlar: Bekarlık Sultanlık, evlilik padişahlıktır,” Milliyet,
05.05.1951. “Cemiyetin başkanı zekiye ergenç “cemiyet, evlenmeyi arzu edip te
kendilerinde cesareti bulamıyanlar veya aradığı tipe rastlıyamayanlara yardımlarda
bulunmak ve böylece hem evlenmek istiyen bekarlara hizmette bulunmak hem de milli bir
vazifeyi ifa etmek için kurulmuştur. Şimdiye kadar cemiyete 1000e kadar aza kaydolmuş
ve hemen hemen bunların yüzde doksanı ev bark sahibi olmuştur.”
145 “Münazara haberi, Mantık mı Aşka, Aşk mı Mantığa Hakim?” Cumhuriyet, 08.05.1953.
146 “Histeri Bir Huydur,” İkimiz, 3, 03.01.1955, 23.
147 Bülent Davran, “Münevver Türk genci, hayat arkadaşını seçerken nasıl zorluklarla
karşılaşıyor?” Seksoloji, 25 1951), 3-5. “Batı'daki gibi çiftlerin evlenmeden birlikte
yaşamaları kabul edilemez; fakat kadın-erkek arası nezih münasebetler'e de gerici bir
tutumla yaklaşmamalıdır.”
148 Marc Lanval, “Evlilikten önceki cinsi münasebetler,” Seksoloji, 1 (1949), 28. “…masum
aşkı tatmış olanlar için bu nefis bir tecrübe teşkil eder. Ancak, flört, cinsi istekleri tatmin
arzusu doğurduğu takdirde tehlikelidir.”
269
The tension regarding flirting lies between allowing, even encouraging,
young people to flirt before getting married and limiting their possible
sexual acts during the flirting period.
Although a consensus was established about the inappropriateness of
sexuality before marriage, the acceptable level of intimacy between partners
was not clearly described by the writers. In 1950, Milliyet shares in its pages
the views of an American actress about flirting. According to Milliyet, she
declared that a clever woman should not show her affection immediately
even if she likes the man. She adds that she is completely against the fact
that young girls in the United States are kissing the men with whom they
have recently met.149 While young women were strictly asked to stay
abstinent, young men were, slightly, disapproved of when they performed
out-of-marriage sexuality. Young women were especially warned against
the extreme sexual attraction displayed during flirting, which could cause
them to lose their virginity. In the marriage advice, women were asked to
make themselves sexually desirable. However, they were obliged to be
approachable only in a legal marriage. Peyami Safa criticized young women
for acting in extreme "modern" ways. In his article, he stated that young
women felt too sexually engaged with young men to get married.150
Arat states that in Turkey, women's sexuality before marriage is a point
of tension between being alaturka and being unchaste (iffetsizlik).151 Yet,
the same tension came out in the translated articles, which were mostly
published in the American press.152 In the articles, flirting was displayed as
a dangerous process for young women that could destroy the rest of their
lives. Young women who lost their virginity before marriage were
characterized as victims of their innocence, naivety, or irresponsibility.
Victim as a concept was structured by individual and social values, which
149 N.P., Milliyet, 07.05.1950 “Akıllı bir kadın erkekten hoşlansa da hemen belli etmemelidir.
Amerikada genç kızların önlerine çıkan erkeklerle hemen öpüşmelerinin tamamen
aleyhindeyim.”
150 Peyami Safa, “Sözde Kızlar ve Çeşitleri,” Seksoloji, 49 (1953), 1-3.
151 Kadıoğlu, “Cinselliğin İnkârı: Büyük Toplumsal Projelerin Nesnesi Olarak Türk
Kadınları.”
152 “Ahlaksızlık yapmaya mecburlar mı makalesini,” Seksoloji.
270
were used as a social control tool.153 In the eyes of the writers, for by
women, losing one’s virginity was considered to be a victim. Yet, women
were also blamed due to their choices, which turned them into untrustable
and unreliable actors.154
Advice columns not only provided technical information about sexual
and marital issues. But, they also offered the "right" way to find a husband,
select the proper partner, and behave properly during the flirting period and
in marriage. In these columns, the answers were blurred between womanly
advice (or big brother’s advice, in some cases)155 and information from an
expert. In sexual manners, the tone of the advice was more certain and
alleged to refer to scientific findings and facts. Marital advice had the tone
of a "heart-to-heart" discussion.
3.3. What kind of marriage is imagined?
Love as the fundamental basis of a marriage has become visible since
the second half of the nineteenth century. Although most marriages were
still arranged by the families, the idea of love started to have a strong hand
in forming marriages and families.156 When it comes to the 1950s, love was
an important aspect of building relations among partners. Okur stressed that
Hayat covers love marriages in its articles and its stories with
153 Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian, “Tecavüzün Kültürel Bir Tanımına Doğru: Filistin
Toplumunda Tecavüz Mağdurlarıyla Çalışırken Karşılaşılan İkilimler,” in Müslüman
Toplumlarda Kadın ve Cinsellik, ed. İpek İlkkaracan (İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2003),
208.
154 Bülent Davran, “Münevver Türk Genci, Hayat Arkadaşını Seçerken Ne gibi Zorluklarla
Karşılaşıyor?” Seksoloji, 25 (1951), 1-5.
155 Bashford and Strange, “Public Pedagogy: Sex Education and Mass Communication in the
Mid–Twentieth Century,” 86.
156 Duben and Behar, İstanbul Haneleri, 101-118. According to Kocaoğlu, “being in romantic
love” was the only appropriate place in a woman-man relation for women to express
themselves freely and as autonomous individuals. Yet, they need to act according to the
certain limits, create heterosexual, monogamic families and raise “good children” who will
be beneficial for nation and country. Dicle Koğacıoğlu, “Gelenek Söylemleri ve İktidarın
Doğallaşması: Namus Cinayetleri Örneği,” Kültür ve Siyasette Feminist Yaklaşımlar, 3
(2007).
271
appreciation.157 Love stories dominated the popular literature of the era with
the contributions of Muhazzez Tahsin, Kerime Nadir, and Esat Bozkurt.158
Popular articles and books frequently emphasized the importance of love in
the formation of marriage and family life. Peyami Safa underlined the
power of love in marriage, which tames sexuality, gives sexuality more
meaning and supports the continuation of marriage.159 Yet, some writers
approached love marriages with caution. They claimed that being in love is
unrestrained and therefore an irrational state. Particularly, they warned
young women about the consequences of love relations, which let them live
their feelings uninhibited.160
Another warning was about eloping couples who were not permitted to
get married by their parents. Although the elopement and, followingly,
marriage were assumed to be actualized out-of-love, the writers displayed
their concerns about the sudden, unprepared, and irrational act of running
away with the lover. Aile warned his readers that eloping couples could end
up with inappropriate partnerships in disharmonious marriages. Moreover,
they added that without the consent of the grown-ups or parents, the
marriage could not be blessed.161 However, it should be noted that eloping
did not only occur because of irrational and sudden decisions. Rather, it
could be a strategy where young people actualize if they cannot receive
consent from their parents.162 In this strategy, the virginity of the woman
157 Okur, “Conspicuous Consumption in Turkey,” 36.
158 Özkurt, “Tracing Modernity In The Popular Romances Of The Early Republican Period
(1930-1945).” Güneş, “Kemalist Modernleşmenin Adab-ı Muaşeret Romanları: Popüler
Aşk Anlatıları.”
159 Peyami Safa, “Sözde Kızlar ve Çeşitleri,” Seksoloji, 49 (1953), 2-3.
160 Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 9: Genç Kızlarda Sevilmek Arzusu (İstanbul: Hadise
Yayınları, 1959)
161 Dr. James F. Bender, “Evlilik Bahislerinde Çok Bilen Az Yanılır,” Aile 2, 8 (1949), 48.
162 “Cumhuriyetin Anketi: Kanunlarımızla ananelerimiz arasında büyük bir mücadele cereyan
ediyor.” Cumhuriyet, 13.10.1950. Cumhuriyet interviewed experts and received their views
and opinions about increasing number of criminal assaults. This interview was conducted
with a crimonologist Mehmed Ali Sebük. Mehmet Ali Sebük desribes sexual assault and
eloping (kız kaçırma) as a strategy to get married in rural areas. “Irza geçme ve kaçırma
fiilleri de, efkarı umumiyeye aksettirilen şekilde değildir. Daha ziyade köyün malı olan bu
suçlar, evlenme etrafındaki formalite ile, köyde tatbik kabiliyeti olmıyan medeni kanunun
272
was particularly used against parental control. Even though the couple did
not have sex, they could use the suspicion about the loss of the woman’s
virginity in order to force the parents and elders of the family to give their
consent to their marriage.163
Love as the basis of a marriage was narrated from two perspectives
which contradicted each other. On the one hand, love was stated as a
regulating and taming factor of sexuality. Love was discussed as a state that
distinguished itself from "animal instincts." Hence, it has a taming effect on
the biological drives that enable human beings to control their sexuality.164
On the other hand, love has been described as a very powerful emotion that
can lead people to do extreme and dangerous things. Hence, it was strongly
suggested that individuals should experience love in a moderate way.
Rational marriage, on the other hand, refers to choices where the heart is
balanced with the mind. For a rational choice of a marriage, authors
advocated selecting partners with proper economic, social, and cultural
status. Regardless of whether the marriage was built on match-making or
flirting, it was considered that the best marriages came out of those formed
between spouses coming from similar, if not the same backgrounds.165 The
Hayat marriage stories have implicitly stressed that same-class marriages
tend to be happy unions.166 The marriage between the suitables was blessed
since it had the potential to contribute to the country's well-being because
the couple would raise both psychologically and physically balanced
children.167 Second, the writers also encouraged young people to look for
affection and respect in marriage instead of love. It was frequently repeated
eseridir. Şurası bir hakikattir ki, medeni kanunun hemen hiçbir maddesi, köyde tatbik
kabiliyetini haiz değildir. Eski kanun ve eski ananeler, yaşamakta ve canlı kaideler halinde
ayakta durmaktadır.”
163 Blank, Bekaretin El Değmemiş Tarihi, 179. Pınar İlkkaracan, “Türkiye’nin Doğu
Bölgelerinde Kadın Cinselliği Bağlamının İncelenmesi,” in Müslüman Toplumlarda Kadın
ve Cinsellik, ed. Pınar İlkkaracan (İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2003), 143.
164 Peyami Safa, “Cinsi Terbiye,” Seksoloji, 26 (1951).
165 Helen Branson, “Evlilikte Yaş Farkı,” Seksoloji, 27 (1951), 8.
166 “Eş Bulma Anketi,” Hayat, 41 (19.07.1957), 26-27.
167 “Aşk ve cinsiyet meseleleri,” Seksoloji, 27 (1951), 9. “Bunun içindir ki çocukların evlilik
hayatında mesut veya bedbaht olmaları, ana ve babalarının mesut bir izdivaç hayatı
geçirmiş olup olmadıklarına çok yakından bağlıdır.”
273
that love comes to an end at one point. Yet, affection and respect remain
between spouses until death.168 Although love was quite popular during the
era, the irrational and uncontrollable features of love made it not only
dangerous. But also, there was no room for love in the civilized picture of
marriage.
While the common patterns of marriage were changing, the adoption of
the transformation process took time. Starting from using the joint spaces to
build proper relations between a woman and a man, the transformation
process has brought new questions and discussions regarding proper
womanhood. Young people are asked to select carefully within a balance
between rational thought and emotional involvement to enjoy their
marriages and avoid divorces. Thus, they were encouraged to meet and get
to know their partners. In this narrative, young people were recognized as
agents of their own lives who can choose. However, they were constantly
warned to form their choices with the help of rational thought and not to fall
for their emotions. Although the agency of young people to choose their
proper partners was supported in the articles, the writers carried the fear of
extensive freedom. Therefore, young people, especially women, were
constantly warned against the dangers of this unregulated and uncontrolled
process, which could end with unwelcome results. In other words, young
women were held responsible for their honor when the honor of young
women was transferred from their fathers to themselves. They were asked to
behave as expected for the well-being of themselves, their families, and
their society.
The articles about marriages often aimed to define the characteristics of
"good marriages", from selecting the right mates to behaving properly
according to their roles. Although marriage was narrated as a private bond
between two individuals, the characteristics of a "good marriage" appeared
frequently in the written media. The "good marriage" image was
168 Prof. Dr. İhsan Şükrü Aksel, “Ailenin Sağlığı: Evde sinir muvazenesi,” Aile 1, 2 (1947), 30.
“…nihayet karı koca arasında zamanla doğan ve kuvvetlenen canyoldaşlığı, arkadaşlık
sevgisi almış bulunmaktadır.” Nükhet Sirman, “The Making of Familial Citizenship in
Turkey,” in Challenges to citizenship in a globalizing world: european questions and
turkish experiences, ed. Fuat Keyman and Ahmet İçduygu (London: Routledge, 2005), 254-
255.
274
strengthened by popular and scientific advice.169 In addition to articles,
quizzes and checklists were shared with the readers to compare their
marriages and assess whether they are happy in their married lives.170 These
articles, quizzes, and checklists aimed to guide their readers to the path of
"happy and good marriage." The value of marriage was, mainly, determined
by the quality of the relationship between the spouses. Harmony between
the spouses was regarded as the most important component of a good
marriage.
Harmony among the spouses was linked to several factors. The main
factors for harmony were related to the attitudes and behaviors of the
spouses. While the writers favored and promoted certain spouse behaviors,
others were criticized and described as detrimental to a harmonious and
happy marriage. Jealousy, lack of respect, negative criticism, lack of
appreciation and personal care were primarily listed as the determining
variables.171 Favored behaviors for a harmonious and happy marriage were
narrated in the articles with exemplary cases, which were taken sometimes
from the lives of famous foreign people like American artists172 and
sometimes from fictive stories.173
Another factor, which can destroy or enhance marriage life, was related
to sexual harmony among the spouses. In a translated article, Clifford R.
Adams suggested that one of the important reasons for marital struggles lay
in sexual struggles. He claimed that sexual harmony should be seen as a
169 Popular texts on “good marriage” were mostly publsihed as short stories in the magazines
such as in Hayat, Aile and Seksoloji, or as series (tefrika) in the newspapers such as
Demokrasi Güllesi (Roses of Democracy) by Bedii Faik in Milliyet or Aşk Esirleri
(Captives of Love) by Tarık Buğra. For the series of Tarık Buğra’s Aşk Esirleri, see
October 1950, Milliyet. For Bedii Faik’s Demokrasi Gülleri, see May 1950, Milliyet.
170 “Evlenmeye hazır mısınız?” Seksoloji, 42 (1952), 36-38.
171 Andre Maurois, “Evliliğin Temeli İyi Hareketlerdir,” Seksoloji, 25 (1951), 6-8.
172 “Karılarını niçin severler?” Seksoloji, 25 (1951), 25-27. This is an article which collected
ideas and comments about “why they do love their wives?”from the American famous male
artists such as Bob Hope, Van Heflin, Fred Astaire, Tyrone Power, Gary Cooper, James
Stewart, Donald O’Connor, Robert Taylor, Bing Crosby, Alan Ladd, Edie Cantor, Victor
Mature and Gregory Peck.
173 For the discussion about the fictive stories, see chapter 3.
275
necessity for preserving marriage even though it is not sufficient.174 In the
articles, equality among spouses was presented as a desirable aspect to
embrace necessities of the modern era.175 Husband and wife were expected
to encounter the problems and obstacles of modern life "shoulder to
shoulder." On the one hand, writers advocated sharing the burden in a
marital relationship. On the other hand, they underlined the importance of
roles that were assigned to a wife and husband in a marriage. While the
values and norms for women's roles were shifting, writers of the period
struggled to define the limits of women's liberties in marriage. Therefore,
they suggested a moderate balance regarding the liberties of women and
fulfillment of their roles as "good mothers and wives."
Women were asked to follow their roles, which were defined by nature
or tradition. Women were asked to act in moderation, which was frequently
used as a concept for subjects such as democracy or sexuality in public
discourse. However, women were also asked to adopt the modern ways of
marriage and life.176 Women were encouraged to balance their behavior and
avoid extremes, either falling into eastern or western ways. A "happy and
good marriage" was represented as a combination of a modern lifestyle and
traditional values.177 While marriage was stated as the ultimate goal for
young people in their adult lives, having children was presented as the
complementary aspect of marriage. Having children was stated as a way to
achieve a happy marriage. In the "How did they marry?" series, a couple
from İzmir expressed "Now we are very happy. We are sure that the baby
we are expecting will reinforce our happiness."178 Another reader, Şükrü
Ateşli, stated that after seven years of marriage "… we can honestly confess
174 Clifford R. Adams, “Niçin Kavga ediyoruz?” Seksoloji, 22 (1951), 50.
175 Dr. James F. Bender, “Evlilik Bahislerinde Çok Bilen Az Yanılır,” Aile 2, 8 (1949), 47.
“Karı koca arasındaki tahsil seviyesi farkı, saadete engel olur mu? Evet…”
176 Bülent Davran, “Münevver Türk genci, hayat arkadaşını seçerken nasıl zorluklarla
karşılaşıyor?” Seksoloji 25, (1951), 1.
177 Fatma Berrin Okur gave the example of the Hayat magazine. Şevket Rado, in Hayat,
emphasizes the importance of the modern lifestyle and traditional values. Okur,
“Conspicuous Consumption in Turkey,” 24.
178 “Şimdi çok mesuduz. Gelmesini beklediğimiz yavrunun saadetimizi daha da
perçinleyeceğine eminiz.” Hayat, 45, 16.08.1957, 26. Quoted from Okur, “Conspicuous
Consumption in Turkey,” 38.
276
to each other that we started to love each other after the birth of our
child."179
Another concern regarding harmonious marriages was related to the age
difference between the spouses. The writers expressed their opinions on
how much age difference a marriage can tolerate to become a harmonious
and durable marriage. Although the discussion centered around "being at the
proper ages," most of the writers did not define a particular age
difference.180 Some writers defended the idea that men should be older than
women. They contended that men will mature and settle later in terms of
economic circumstances, the male mind, and life experiences. The writers
added that the reproductive reasons for women’s childbearing age ended
earlier than men’s reproductive functions.181 The "late maturity of men"
turned into a reason for legitimizing the age difference between men and
women. In fact, this age difference also helped men (husbands) to
incorporate their hierarchical position into the marriage due to their
economic, educational, and experience accumulation.
Another condition for a good marriage was based on the privacy of the
marriage. "The privacy of the marriage" refered to keeping the relationship
between the spouses private. The relationship between wife and husband
was defined as private, sacred, and intimate. Hence, any third party intrusion
was seen as inappropriate and dangerous for the sake of the marriage.182
Friends and neighbors were represented as the third party actors - besides
the extended family - who could intervene in marital relations. Some
husbands complained about the (potential) tempting attempts and/or efforts
of friends and neighbors. In one of the reader’s letters, the husband claims
that his ex-wife was influenced by their neighbor, who she was very fond of
179 “…Şimdi, birbirimize, «Ben seni çocuk doğduktan sonra sevmeğe başladım» diye samimi
olarak itirafta bulunabiliyoruz.” Hayat, 50, 20.09.1957, 27. Quoted from Okur,
“Conspicuous Consumption in Turkey,” 38.
180 Duben and Behar stated that “age in marriage and for marriage” was a discussion as early
as 1910s. Duben and Behar, İstanbul Haneleri, 235.
181 Hans Ohl, “Hangi Yaşta Evlenmeli?” Seksoloji 42 (1952), 41-43.
182 Andre Maurois, “Evliliğin Temeli İyi Hareketlerdir,” Seksoloji, 25 (1951), 6-8. Herbert
Willoughby, “Niçin Mesut Olamazlar?” Seksoloji, 42 (1952), 31.
277
and started fights that ended the marriage.183 Obviously, husbands (men)
were quite aware of the women’s network. The women’s network, which
consisted of their neighbors (friends) and families, provided a
communication and safety net for women. This circle enables opportunities
for women to connect with different resources which were not limited
within the boundaries of their husbands.
Mothers-in-law were seen as a constant intrusive force to mingle in
"family" relations. In Hayat magazine, a male reader stated in his letter that
his marriage had ended due to the bad influence of his mother-in-law. He
asked the readers of the magazine to prevent their mothers-in-laws from
visiting their homes frequently if she had ill thoughts.184 Another "bad"
effect of the mother-in-law was nearly caused by the mother-in-law's ill
treatment of the wife. He stated that he saved his marriage by separating the
house with the intervention of his friends.185 As Okur mentioned, in order to
have a "good marriage," living in a separate house—in a separate space—
was stated as solid advice. This particular advice was also parallel to the
"nuclear family" imagination, which was highly promoted during the 1950s.
The ideal nuclear family was described as a household isolated from outside
actors and controlled by the husband.
Socioeconomic status had become the deciding factor in successful
marriages. In the Hayat survey, it was stated that the majority of marriages
happened between men and women of the same social status. Moreover,
readers also displayed their concerns regarding the inequality among the
spouses and/or spouses-to-be to have good and harmonious marriages.186
The writers listed the disadvantageous aspects of a marriage that occurred
among spouses coming from very different backgrounds.187 Writers said
that young people should marry their "equivalents" in order to keep their
183 “Bu kız komşulara çok düşkündü. Onlar zamanla evde kavga çıkarıyorlardı. O kadar ileri
gitti ki neticede evi terkedip İstanbul’a gitti ve ayrıldık.” Hayat, 57, 08.10.1957, 26.
184 “Kayınvalidenizin huyuna göre hareket edin. Yanlış düşünceli ise sık sık evinize gelmesine
mani olun.” Hayat, 47, 30.08.1957, 27.
185 Hayat, 53, 11.10.1957, 27.
186 Okur, “Conspicuous Consumption in Turkey,” 31, 41.
187 One of the earliest versions is Aşk-ı Memnu and its main character, Bihter. Sancar, Türk
Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyeti, 130.
278
marriages happy and raise healthy children. While the mobility of the whole
population was increasing, the relations between different classes were
changing, and governing attempts to regulate new mobility were increasing.
3.4. Divorce as a possible, but un-wanted practice
The "good marriage" was often described and discussed with its
opposite situation, which was terminating the marriage by the will of one
and/or both parties, the divorce. Divorce, as a part of the marriage act, was
regulated from article 129 to article 150 in the Civil Code. In the articles,
the reasons for divorce, the divorce process, and post-divorce claims such as
alimony and custody of the children were regulated.188 Even though divorce
was regulated in the legislation and recognized as a right for citizens, it was
presented as a situation where people should avoid to protect and ensure
their individual and social well-being. Divorce as a social concern was not a
new subject for the 1950s. In the magazines, articles and novels of the
1930s, divorce was narrated as a disaster for the wellbeing of individuals
and society, which had destructive consequences.189 In the 1950s, this
narrative was in continuum and became a vital concern for the monitoring
generation (denetleyici kuşak). Public figures were emphasizing the
increasing number of marital breakdowns in the 1950s.
In an interview, one of the most well-known divorce lawyers of the time
said that the number of divorces was increasing.190 Even the perception that
divorce cases were increasing prompted writers to title "divorce
pandemic,"191 "divorce disaster" or "divorce/marriage crisis."192 Divorce
was also announced as an earth-shattering social problem.193 According to
188 Turkish Civil Code. http://www.mevzuat.gov.tr/MevzuatMetin/5.3.743.pdf
189 Işıklar Koçak, “Problematizing Translated Popular Texts on Women’s Sexuality,” 14.
Yurttagüler, “Social Policies on Female Body in the 1930s in Turkey.”
190 Cantek, Cumhuriyetin Büluğ Çağı, 83, 93
191 “Boşanma Salgını,” Seksoloji, 29, (1950), 22.
192 Ferit H. Saymen, “Dünyada ve Türkiyede Evlilik Buhranı,” Seksoloji, 16 (1950), 21-23.
Ferit H. Saymen, “Evlilik Buhranı,” Seksoloji, 17 (1950), 10. Ferit H. Saymen, “Evlilik
Buhranı,” Seksoloji, 18 (1950), 28.
193 “Karı-koca anlaşmazlıkları ve bunu önleyecek çareler,” Milliyet, 06.11.1951.
279
Ömer Türkeş, family was seen as an institution which kept the values of
society. Therefore, the dissolution of families was associated with the
emergence of moral problems such as losing ties with tradition and social
decline and was named as a disaster.194
In Büyük Doğu, family was seen as one of the fundamental elements of
society. Hence, divorce was considered as one of the main detrimental
possibilities against the family and also society.195 Although the relationship
between spouses was considered as a private subject that was confined to
the private sphere, divorce was presented as a social crisis. Preventing
divorces and preserving marriages (families) had become both the
prerequisite and goal for the protection of society. The discourse which
encouraged the couples to remain together was not exclusive to Turkey.
However, in other countries such as the United Kingdom, France, and the
United States, decision makers used policies, laws, and even discourses to
keep spouses together by discouraging divorce.196
According to Türker Alkan, the divorce rate increased slightly between
1951 and 1960. In 1944, the divorce rate was 3.2 per ten thousand, whereas
it increased to 4.5 in 1956 and, again, decreased to around 4 in 1960.197
Karçal and Uraz prepared a series on marriage patterns for Seksoloji in
1953. They gave the numbers of marriages and divorces in ten different
194 Ömer Türkeş, “Muhafazakar Romanlarda Muhafaza Edilen Neydi?” in Modern Türkiye’de
Siyasi Düşünce: Muhafazarkarlık, ed. Ahmet Çiğdem (İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2003).
Ömer Türkeş gave Tarık Buğra’s Küçük Ağa (1964) and Samet Ağaoğlu’s novel for big
family. There were rare writers who were more confident about the stability and sağlamlığı
of the family. Şekip Tunç argued that families were trying to keep up with the necessities of
the era. In the process, some people may fail and make mistakes. However, since family
continued due to the law of life (hayat kanunu), the dissolvement of famiy is impossible.
Şekip Tunç, “Cinsî olgunluğun evlilikteki kıymeti” Seksoloji, 11 (1950), 2-3.
195 “Dünyamızda, aile müessesi, hiçbir devirde, bu derece azim bir sarsıntıya maruz
kalmamıştır.” Reşat Feyzi Yüzüncü, “Aile Müessesi,” Büyük Doğu, 02.04.1948, 3.
196 See for Britain as an example, Porter and Hall, The Facts of Life, 265.
197 Türker Alkan, Kadın Erkek Eşitsizliği Sorunu (Ankara: A.Ü. SBF Yayınları, 1981), 95-100.
According to the 1950 census, the population over 15 years old was 12.923.709. Among
them, the married ones were 8,708,585, while divorcees were 98.785. Türkiye Nüfusu: 22
Ekim 1950, Genel Nüfus Sayımı, Publication no: 410, (İstanbul: T.C. Başbakanlık İstatistik
Genel Müdürlüğü, 1961), 101.
280
cities along with the total numbers for Turkey. They stated that the divorces
were increased 10% compared to marriages. They also had 3% of married
individuals who were living separately, though not divorced. According to
their calculation, every 13 marriages out of 100 ended in divorce in 1953.
Although the divorce tendency and rates in Turkey were pretty low
compared to rich countries, it increased from 11 divorces in 1939 to 16 in
1950. They invited sociologists and, also, sexologists to attend the subject
due to the regular and increase of 0.4% in divorce rates annually.198
Official marriage (resmi nikah) could be actualized by the municipality
(mayor or an officer assigned by the mayor),199 which was a symbol of
public recognition. However, the end of a marriage could only be decided
by a judge. According to Article 138, a judge is the only legal person to
decide on the continuation or termination of a marriage in the name of the
Turkish Republic.200 In an article translated from Figaro Litteraire, Andre
Maurois, a French author, urged the state to make divorce more difficult.
According to Maurois, the state could ease the cases where divorce was
necessary while it could prevent abrupt divorce requests by prolonging
them.201 The Turkish Civil Law was already developed in parallel to this
proposition. According to Article 138, the judge can decide on marital
198 Selçuk Karçal ve Kayıhan Uraz “Türkiye'de cinsiyet meselesi XII: Boşanmalar,” Seksoloji,
47 (1953): 46 – 47. Saymen also gave the same numbers of divorces in Turkey and
additionally divorce numbers in different countries such as USA, Germany, France,
Sweden in which divorce numbers were also increasing. Ferit Saymen, “Dünyada ve
Türkiyede Evlilik Buhranı,” Seksoloji, 16 (1950), 22.
199 Article 97 - This decision is announced when the man and woman who will marry each
other declare their marriage decision to the mayor or his deputy in the municipal office,
which is assigned by the chief, and to the council of elders in the villages.
200 Article 138 - When one of the reasons of divorce will be determined, the judge will be in
control whether to separate the couple or to divorce them or keep them together. Turkish
Civil Code, http://www.mevzuat.gov.tr/MevzuatMetin/5.3.743.pdf (29.04.2019)
201 “Karı koca anlaşmazlıkları ve bunu önleyecek çareler,” Milliyet, 06.11.1951. “Mesela
boşanmayı güçleştirebilir. Bunların yanında hiç şüphe yok ki, boşanmanın son derece
lüzumlu olduğu haller mevcuttur. Işte devletin vazifesi, bu gibi boşanmaları kolaylaştırmak
ve ani olarak düşünmeden kararlaştırılan geçici boşanma taleplerini muamelesini mümkün
mertebe uzatarak, bu gibi hiçten boşanmalara engel olmaktır.”
281
separation without actualizing judicial separation.202 The civil code enabled
divorce in the cases where adultery (Article 129), attempt on life and ill
treatment (Article 130), offense and dishonor (Article 131), abandonments
(Article 132), mental disease (Article 133) and breakdown of marriage or
inability to form a joint life (Article 134).203
"Irretrievable breakdown" was the most frequent reason for divorce. In a
survey where 187 divorced women answered the question, "Why did they
want to divorce?", 165 women applied to court for divorce with the reason
of "irreconcilable differences."204 According to Article 134, if the marriage
union is shaken at its foundation, which prevents the spouses from
continuing a joint life, then each of the spouses can file a lawsuit.205 The
approach of the law was based on protecting the well-being of the child and
public morals through keeping the family together. Hence, if the judge
decided to divorce the spouses, then the reason behind the verdict was not to
ensure their wills. Rather, it aimed to protect the value of marriage for
society since, in a shaken marriage, neither the well-being of the children
nor the values of marriage could be protected. According to Article 134, the
judge can decide to divorce the spouses when there will be no benefits
worth protection for the children and the complainant in the continuum of
marriage.206 Divorce could be based on mutual consent of the parties with
the main reason of "irreconcilable differences."207 If mutual consent was not
reached, then the divorce law interpreted one party as innocent and the other
as guilty.208 The classification of innocent and guilty could be followed
202 Article 138 - In the divorce case, if there is a possibility that the husband and wife can
reconcile, separation can be ruled.
203 Turkish Civil Code, http://www.mevzuat.gov.tr/MevzuatMetin/5.3.743.pdf
204 Turhan Aytul, Türkiye’de Cinsiyet Problemi (İstanbul: Varlık Yayınevi, 1964), 145.
205 Article 134 - If the marital union is shaken to such an extent that it is not expected of the
spouses to continue a joint life, each of the spouses can file a divorce case.
206 Article 134 - If it is not worthy in the continuation of the marriage union for the benefit of
the defendant and the children, a divorce may be decided.
207 Porter and Hall, The Facts of Life, 241. Porter stated that the mutual consent for divorce
was accepted as a right for women in England in 1923 after a long struggle.
208 May, Homeward Bound, 45. May gave the example of the USA starting with the 1930s.
Roy Porter also gave the England for the beginning of the 20th century for the innocent and
guilty classification. Porter and Hall, The Facts of Life, 240.
282
clearly in the articles which regulated compensation when marriage ended
in divorce. According to Article 143, the spouse without a fault209 has the
right to ask for pecuniary and non-pecuniary compensation from the one
with a fault. 210 The judge decides that one party of the spouses is at fault in
terminating (not-maintaining the marriage) the marriage in the name of
society and in the name of the state.
Among the reasons for divorce, Karçal and Uraz set adultery as the
fastest reason for divorce. In the Civil Code, it was set as the forthcoming
reason for divorce.211 According to article 129, the spouses (husband and/or
wife) could file charges against the other spouse if one of the spouses
committed adultery. If the spouse forgave the other, then, the file would not
be heard.212 Karçal and Uraz stated that divorces increased from 3863 in
1939 to 6816 in 1948, where adultery was the main reason for 810 divorces
in 1939 to 1829 divorces in 1948.213 According to Aytul’s edition, 69
women out of 187 divorcee women wanted to divorce due to adultery, even
though only 11 women filed their complaints due to adultery.
The main reason and, also, the outcome of adultery were seen as the
distortion in the family’s and society’s moral values.214 Another reason was
a breakdown in the marriage's harmony between the spouses. An article
209 According to Turkish Criminal Law, there is a difference between fault and crime.
210 Article 143 - A blameless wife or husband whose existing interest is damaged by divorce is
entitled to a claim for appropriate financial compensation from the offending party. In
addition, if the events that caused the divorce seriously harmed the personal interests of the
innocent wife or husband, the judge may even order a certain amount of compensation for
non-pecuniary damages.
211 Selçuk Karçal and Kayıhan Uraz, “Türkiye'de cinsiyet meselesi XII: Boşanmalar,”
Seksoloji, 47 (1953), 45.
212 Adultery: Article 129 - Each of the spouses (husband and wife) can file for divorce because
the other has committed adultery. The divorce case becomes invalid after six months from
the day on which the husband or wife, who has the right to sue, becomes aware of the
reason for the divorce, and in any case, five years from the date of the adultery. In case of
amnesty (forgiving), the lawsuit is not valid.
213 Selçuk Karçal and Kayıhan Uraz, “Türkiye'de cinsiyet meselesi XII: Boşanmalar,”
Seksoloji 47 (1953), 45.
214 İrfan Emin “Niçin boşanıyorlar? Ata Tokgöz ile söyleşi,” Seksoloji, 52 (1953), 12. Ferit
Saymen, “Kanun karşısında kadın ve erkeğin zinası,” Seksoloji, 11 (1950), 7. “zira ailenin
dağılması cemiyeti zaafa düşürür …”
283
based on Kinsey’s research stated that spouses lose the harmony in their
marriages due to a lack of respect and/or affection for each other. Hence,
they would, eventually, search for affection and love in other people.215
According to Uraz and Karçal, 1365 cases were female adultory cases
among the 1829 cases of adultory, whereas 464 cases were for male
adultory, which were set as the reason for divorce in 1948.216 Surely, it
could not be concluded that married men experienced less out-of-marriage
sexuality compared to women during the period. However, men’s out-ofmarriage
sexuality was most likely ignored while women’s adultery became
a reason to terminate marriages.217 In parallel to this perception, the laws in
Turkey also approach adulterous parties differently. Although marriage
loyalty was defined equally for husband and wife, the Criminal Law defined
different sentences for adultery for men and women. Based on the Civil
Law, the equality principle gave the right for both parties to ask for a
divorce if one of the spouses cheated on the other. However, the conditions
of adultery were determined differently for men and women in the Criminal
Law, which were supposed to be equal based on their citizenship status. The
Criminal Law turned adultery into a criminal act. According to the Criminal
Law, sexual intercourse should have been actualized in order to define an
act as adulterous. The activities of kissing, petting, lesbianism (sevicilik),
and anal sexual activity were not viewed as grounds for punishment.
Article 440 of the Criminal Law considers a woman's one-time
sexual activity with a man other than her husband to be an adulterous act.
The penalty for the wife and the other man was determined to be between
three months and thirty months imprisonment if the other man was aware of
the marital status of the woman. The conditions for the penalty were
different for a husband than for a wife. According to the Criminal Law
Article 441, a husband should have continuous sexual activity with another
woman to be considered an adulterous act. The husband should live with a
woman other than his wife in a separate and publicly known house or in the
215 “Kadınlar ve erkekler niçin ihanet eder?” Milliyet, 17.05.1961.
216 Selçuk Karçal and Kayıhan Uraz, “Türkiye’de Cinsiyet Meselesi XII: Boşanmalar,”
Seksoloji, 47 (1953), 45.
217 Marcelle Segal, “Aldatılan Bir Kadının İtirafları,” trans. Orhan Karavel, Seksoloji Yıllığı, 1
(1952), 26-33.
284
house that he shared with his wife. The penalty for the husband and the
other woman was determined to be between three months and thirty months
imprisonment, if the other woman was aware of the marital status of the
man.218
Different legal treatment of men and women in the case of adultery was
justified by distinguishing individual and social consequences. On the
individual level, Saymen219 claimed women’s adultery acts have more
severe consequences on men compared to vice versa. Saymen argued that if
a woman cheated on her husband, the husband would be ridiculed, mocked
by the public, and his honor and reputation would be shaken. However, if a
husband cheated on his wife, people would show her affection, mercy, and
pity.220 Even for a law professor, who was defending equality among the
spouses in the same text, a man’s honor and reputation were given more
importance than a woman’s dignity. On the social level, the adultery of a
woman was narrated by Saymen as an act which shook the fundamentals of
family institution. He stated that a woman may bring another man’s child
(strange child) to the family.221 Also, the punishment for murdering a wife
due to her adulterous relationship was lessened for the husband with Article
462 since the husband’s actions were considered an act to protect the
"family’s honor and dignity.”222 These differences and exceptions were
closely related to the perception of women’s sexuality, her reproductive
function and her motherhood role. The law related to adultery was formed
with a male mind, which normalized the flings of men while scandalizing
218 Ferit Saymen, “Kanun karşısında kadın ve erkeğin zinası,” Seksoloji, 11 (1950), 6.
219 Ferit Hakkı Saymen was a law professor in Istanbul University, who started his career as an
assistant in the same university in 1934. He specialized first in Civil Law. He was in charge
of the Civil Law department starting 1952. Besides he prepared the “Türk Hukuk Kroniği
Mecmuaları” and “Türk Hukuk Kroniği” between 1942 and 1960 which was the only law
bibliography of the period. He wrote in Seksoloji periodically and prepared articles about
civil law such as marriage, adultery, age for marrige. See: Ferit Hakkı Saymen, Türk
Medeni Hukuku, Umumi Prensipler I (Istanbul: Kenan Matbaası, 1948).
220 “… umumi efkar tarafından rahim ve şefkatle karşılanır, ona acınır” Ferit Saymen, “Kanun
karşısında kadın ve erkeğin zinası,” Seksoloji, 11 (1950), 7.
221 Ferit Saymen, “Kanun karşısında kadın ve erkeğin zinası,” Seksoloji, 11 (1950), 7.
222 Ece Göztepe, ““Namus Cinayetlerinin” Hukuki Boyutu: Yeni Türk Ceza Kanunu’nun Bir
Değerlendirmesi,” Türkiye Barolar Birliği Dergisi Dergisi, 59 (2005), 35.
285
women’s extramarital sexual relations. In other words, adultery was
structured as a gendered crime.223 The importance given to adultery also
pointed the intricated position of sexuality in marriage. Ironically, marriage,
an institution in which sexuality was tried to be contained, was threatened,
again, by sexuality itself.
In an article entitled “Kadınlar niçin boşanıyorlar?” (Why do women
divorce?), the writer stated some of the reasons for divorce. According to
the writer, women asked for divorce due to the disloyality of their husbands
and to their inappropriate sexual demands.224 In another article, the
dysfunction in sexual life was another strong reason for divorce, as
discussed in the "Why do we need sexual manners?" section. The impotence
of men and infertility of women were also listed as divorce reasons, which
were closely related to the reproductive practices of the spouses. Last but
not least, sexuality, virginity, was an issue, which caused the termination of
marriages. However, in the case of virginity, annihilation of marriages was
more common.
Another reason for divorce was related to the duties of the spouses. The
women complained about the inability or insufficiency of their husbands as
breadwinners.225 Also, some of the women stated that their work and efforts
at home were invisible in the eyes of their husbands. Hence, they wanted to
get rid of their maid work at home and achieve their freedom.226 One of the
forthcoming reasons was about the insufficiency of women in taking care of
their homes either due to their lack of skills or due to their laziness. Another
husband stated that he wanted to divorce because he could not afford the
never-ending demands and extravagance of his wife.227 In an article, which
was translated from English (or presented as translated from English), the
writer answered the question of “why men cheat on their wives?” She stated
that while wives do not dress up after marriage, other women smarten up to
223 Cintia Kozonoi Vezzani, Prohibited Pleasures: Female Literacy, Sex and Adultery in Turnof-
the-Century Brazilian Fiction (Ph.D. Dissertation, Northwestern University, 2021), 15.
224 Samuel G. Kling, “Kadınlar niçin boşanıyorlar,” Seksoloji, 7 (1949), 27.
225 Herbert Willoughby, “Niçin Mesut Olamazlar?” Seksoloji, 42 (1952), 30.
226 Samuel G. Kling, “Kadınlar niçin boşanıyorlar,” Seksoloji, 7 (1949), 29. “… evdeki
çekilmez hizmetçilik vaziyetinden kurtulup hürriyetine kavuşmalarıdır.”
227 Cantek, Cumhuriyetin Büluğ Çağı, 83.
286
attract men’s attention.228 In another article translated from the Women
magazine, wife was obliged to be careful “about her clothes, smiling face,
her words in order to be pretty and attractive all the time.” The writer stated
that, otherwise, the husband may go to another woman at any time.229
In parallel to the narrative of “harmonious marriage,” the behaviors and
attitudes of the spouses were held responsible for a divorce. Ferit Saymen
claimed that spouses, who were supposed to be part of the marriage union,
believed more in their own personalities and did not accept the idea of
"melting in a family." Therefore as soon as the family could not respond
their needs, they escaped from family and sought for other experiences.230
Samuel G. Kling stated that women wanted to reach their freedom and
therefore they wanted to divorce.231 Irfan Emin stated that intolerant women
and irresponsible men were the reasons for divorce.232 Last but not least,
bad habits such as alcohol and gambling were more commonly discussed
reasons where the divorce request was made by women.
Aile prepared a “question and answer” column for legal issues, “Ailenin
Avukatı.” One of the questions from Mrs. F.Ö., from Fatih asked the
magazine whether his nightly drinking husband could be a reason for
228 Jules Archer, “Erkekler karılarını neden aldatırlar?” Seksoloji, 27 (1951), 44- 48,
229 “Kocanızı karşılamayı biliyor musunuz?” Seksoloji, 9 (1949), 65-66. “bir zevce tıpkı bir
sevgili gibi giyimine, kuşamına ve bu arada güler yüzüne ve sözlerine dikkat etmelidir. Her
zaman cazip ve çekici olmalıdır.”
230 Ferit Saymen, “Dünyada ve Türkiye’de Evlilik Buhranı,” Seksoloji, 16, (1950), 22. “….
Evlilik birliğini teşkil eden eşlerden her biri kendi şahsiyetlerine inanmışlar,
bağlanmışlardır ve bunun aile içerisinde eriyip kaynaşmasına bir türlü razı olmamışlardır;
bilakis bu şahsiyetleri evlilik içerisinde tatmin edildikçe, gelişme ve kökleşme imkanlarını
buldukça evliliğe riayet etmişlerdir. Aile çemberi bu ihtiyaçları karşılayamaz bir vaziyet
arzedince eşlerden birisi veya her ikisi, savuşarak başka tecrübelere atılmak iştiyakı ile bu
çemberi kırmaktan çekinmemektedir.”
231 Samuel G. Kling, “Kadınlar niçin boşanıyorlar,” Seksoloji, 7 (1949), 26. “bir çok genç,
ihtiyar, zengin, fakir, çocuklu, çocuksuz, ve yirmi seneden fazla evli bulunan veyahut
henüz izdivaç etmiş olup ta boşanmak isteyen bir çok kadınlarla konuştum. Hepsinin de
müşterek bir derdi vardı. O da hürriyetlerine kavuşmak idi.”
232 İrfan Emin “Niçin boşanıyorlar? Ata Tokgöz ile söyleşi” Seksoloji, 52 (1953): 12. “Bunun
nedeni, aile ahlakının bozulması, vicdanların sarsılması, kadınların tahammülsüz erkeklerin
ise sorumsuz hale gelmeleridir.”
287
divorce.233 The editorial team answered: “Luckily, no.” Same answer
adviced Mrs. F.Ö. to avoid divorce at all costs to protect her children and
her family. Mrs. F.Ö. was warned about taking the risk of divorce. The
editorial team tried to persuade Mrs. F.Ö. to abandon the idea of
divorcing.234 May assessed similar developments in the USA during the
1950s as an attempt to escape from their depressive or oppresseive
marriages and emancipate with divorce. However, they may experience
economic difficulties, even poverty, loneliness, difficulties in caring for
their children, and the exhausting life of a single parent.235 Another reason
for convincing women was related to their status in society. Milliyet
claimed that women who wanted to divorce or were already divorced were
not welcome by society and, also, were considered them as lacking moral
values. Even Hollywood stars such as Shirley Temple fell from grace after
she divorced her husband and was not proposed by the movie companies.236
Some writers even warned women about the risk of losing their virtue
due to economic reasons.237 Elaine Tyler May observed the same situation
in USA during the 1950s and added that “those who divorced faced a
powerful stigma that cast their personal virtue and even their status as
mature adults into question."238 This warning, in fact, contained the
concerns about possible “emancipated” female sexuality. Since divorced
women had already experienced sexuality and were no longer virgins, they
could experience sexuality with their own will and seek for their own
pleasure without considering social limitations.
Women were particularly addressed by the writers of the period about
the divorce issue due to their assigned role in good marriages. The proper
and desirable woman was described with her proper domestic and individual
skills at home as a "good wife" and a "good mother." Some of the writers
even claimed that women could prevent divorce if they fulfilled their duties
233 “Ailenin Avukatı,” Aile 2, 5 (1948), 61.
234 “Ailenin Avukatı,” Aile 2, 5 (1948), 61. “Bereket versin ki etmez.”
235 May, Homeward Bound, 213.
236 “Sinema,” Milliyet, 07.05.1950. “... bilhassa kocasından ayrıldıktan sonra halkın gözünden
çok düşmüş ve şirketler tarafından fazla aranmamaya başlamıştır.
237 Sancar, Türk Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyeti, 263.
238 May, Homeward Bound.
288
properly.239 Moreover, women whose marriages ended in divorce were
narrated as selfish, irresponsible, and immature.240 They were blamed for
failing their roles as “good wives,” their responsibilities and/or duties if
divorce happened in their marriages. That would affect their "good mothers"
role negatively since children would be forced to grow up in broken
families. In other words, when a woman asked for a divorce, she openly
rejected the assigned role for them. Moreover, “divorce contributed to the
sense that women were not only wives and/or mothers but also independent
persons.”241 This new perception may lead women to question their assigned
roles, the division of labor in marriage and even the family institution.
Another reason for avoiding divorce was associated with the well-being
of the children. The family has been identified as the most important
influencer in raising children and shaping their identities in both popular and
academic publications. In an academic article, Nephan Atav compared the
effects of a "normal" family and an "irregular home" on the formation of the
identities of children. The normal family was defined as a union of mother,
father, and children that was necessary for the development of the normal
identity. The irregular homes were the families where they could not
provide care for the welfare of the children due to the breakup of the family
union.242 Another academic, at a later date, claimed that divorce could cause
negativity in raising healthy children since they would be lacking proper
education (terbiye) due to the absence of one of the parents.243 Atav claimed
239 “Boşanmanın 7 kapısı! Mesut veya Bedbaht olmak kendi elinizdedir,” Seksoloji, 11 (1950),
10-16. The article was translated from Paris Match.
240 May, Homeward Bound, 15. May also discussed the stigmatization of women due to their
divorce choices. May, Homeward Bound, 193-194.
241 Christina Simmons, Making Marriage Modern: Women’s Sexuality: from the Progressive
Era to World War II, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 112.
242 Nephan Atav, “Şahsiyetin Gelişiminde Aile Çevresinin ve Ailedeki Gerginliklerin
Etkileri,” Ankara Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi Dergisi 10, no. 4 (1955), 143-144.
https://dergipark.org.tr/download/article-file/37815 (30.04.2019)
243 Birsen Gökçe, “Çocuk Kişiliğinin Gelişiminde Aile, Okul, ve Dış Çevrenin Rolü,” Sosyal
Hizmetler Dergisi 2, 2-3 (1966), 39-43. Birsen Gökçe, “Çocuk Kişiliğinin Gelişiminde
Aile, Okul, ve Dış Çevrenin Rolü,” in Aile Yazıları 3: Birey, Kişilik ve Toplum, ed. Beylü
Dikeçligil and Ahmet Çiğdem (Ankara: T.C. Başbakanlık Aile Araştırma Kurumu
Başkanlığı, 1991).
289
that children who were raised in irregular homes displayed mild and severe
symptoms starting with stress, anxiety, low self-esteem, a decrease in school
achievement, anti-social behaviors, even criminality among children244 and
identified them as "problem children" which was a term borrowed from
American social psychology literature.245 Erez pointed out that divorce
cases were fewer among children of happily married parents compared to
divorced ones. Additionally, Erez claimed that children would copy the
behavior of their parents. Therefore, parents should remember that their
behaviors would effect their children and strived to be good examples.246
Similar suggestions and concerns have been raised for divorce cases in the
United States. In the 1950s, May stated, parents were encouraged to set
good examples for their children, stay together, and not divorce in order to
keep the families together and continue with their proper roles.247 The
academics of the era considered that divorce had a negative impact on the
present wellbeing of the child (the identity formation of the child), as well
as her or his future happiness (their future happiness and marriage).
According to them, the child should be raised in a normal family in order to
have a healthy child and also to contribute to the happiness of society in the
future.
Writers also proposed possible preventive measures to save marriages.
First and foremost, specific articles were published in the newspapers,
journals, and/or manuals about the reasons for the divorce, such as
cheating248 along with preventive measures to keep happy and healthy
marriages. Vedat Nedim Tör mentioned courses on family relations given
by sociologists and psychologists in American universities. The courses
244 Atav, Şahsiyetin Gelişiminde Aile Çevresinin ve Ailedeki Gerginliklerin Etkileri, 145-147.
245 Atav, Şahsiyetin Gelişiminde Aile Çevresinin ve Ailedeki Gerginliklerin Etkileri, 145-147.
May gave similar examples from the American publishing in which “disasterous effects” of
divorce on children were discussed. May, Homeward Bound, 194.
246 Naşit Erez, “Sosyal ve biyolojik açıdan geçimsizlik: boşanma sebepleri,” in Türkiye’de
Cinsiyet Problemi, edited Turhan Aytul, (İstanbul: Varlık Yayınevi, 1964), 153. “… kızının
evlendiği zaman mesut olmasını isteyen ana ve baba, bu bakımdan kendi davranışlarının
çok etken olduğunu hatırlayarak, iyi bir misal teşkil etmeye çalışmalıdır. Çünkü, mesut
ebeveynin çocukları arasında boşanma daha nadir olarak görülmektedir.”
247 May, Homeward Bound, 104.
248 “Kadınlar Niçin İhanet Ederler?” (İstanbul: Hadise Publishing, 1956).
290
aimed to educate the students and to sustain family life.249 Nezahat Nurettin
Ege wrote instructive articles on marriage counseling centers along with the
advice from doctors to prevent divorces.250 Again, another article announced
the opening of a marriage counseling center by a psychologist, Josef Zillner
in Duisburg, Germany as a new development.251 Zillner aimed to transform
the center into a “marriage school” in the process.252 In sum, the writers
advocated that receiving training about marriage and/or self-education for
marriage is a necessary step for happy and healthy marriages. Based on this
flow of thought, if an individual can have the necessary knowledge, which
will be provided by an expert – marriage counselor –, and if that person
disciplines himself/herself accordingly, then he/she can build a happy and
healthy marriage. Marriage was narrated as an institution that could be
managed with proper knowledge. Hence, the spouses, mostly wives, who
failed to learn and apply this knowledge were held responsible for the
divorce.
In the narratives, having a good marriage was set as a goal and as a
process for the individuals for their personal health and happiness and, also,
for the well-being of society. In order to achieve this goal, the process was
described in detail, starting from the goal of the marriage—such as having
children—to the division of labor in the marriage. As a part of the "division
of labor," the articles started the process by "selecting the proper spouse"
and continued with giving advice about how to manage the marriage
properly and efficiently. In continuum of the previous era, the 1930s,
marriage and roles of the spouses were defined and narrated in relation to
their reproductive and care roles. However, unlike the previous period,
sexuality became a topic for the formation and continuation of marriage.
249 Aile 3, 12 (1949), 9.
250 Koçer, “Demokrat Parti Döneminde Kadın: 1950-1960 Arası Kadın Dergilerinde Kadın
İmajı.”
251 For the reference to marriage counselling centers, see, Prof. Dr. İhsan Şükrü Aksel,
“Ailenin Sağlığı: Evde sinir muvazenesi,” Aile 1, 2 (1947), 31. Marriage counseling centers
in Germany, see: Atina Grossman, Reforming Sex: The German Movement for Birth
Control and Abortion Reform, 1920-1950 (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1995).
252 “Evlilik mektebi,” Milliyet, 18.09.1953.
291
Moreover, discussions regarding the "division of labor" covered role of the
spouses related to their sexualities. Like the formation of the union, the
dissolution of marriage, divorce, turned to a vital discussion topic. Divorce
did not only become a concern due to the reproductive roles of the spouses
or future of children. Divorce was identified as dissolution of a unity, which
reserved sexuality under control.

293
4
,
Conclusion
Sexual manners continued to appear in the pages of periodicals and
marriage manuals throughout the 1950s and early 1960s. Writers of sexual
manners produced texts about various issues, from the “art of love” to the
“science of procreation.” The beginning of the 1960s witnessed a
noteworthy development about the discussions regarding the reproduction
and consequently sexuality of individuals. The first Five-Year Development
Plan, which was prepared by the State Planning Agency founded in 1960,
emphasized the necessity of a birth control program and a shift to anti-natal
policies for the well-being of the population and the development of the
country. The Population Planning Law (PPL) was passed by the Assembly
and the Senate, and was signed by the president in April 1965 under the
Justice Party government. With the PPL, the Turkish government has started
to practice anti-natal policies officially and actively, first time ever, since
the establishment of the Republic. The PPL permitted the import and export
of contraceptive devices and medicines. Hence, the Scientific Committee
294
under the Ministry of Health licensed oral contraceptives for sale and
allowed the use of the IUD in 1965 and 1966. In the early days after the
enactment of the law, a new plan was launched to achieve the goals set out
in the First Five-Year Development Plan. The Ministry of Health prepared
educational programs in collaboration with the Ministry of Education,
Ministry of Defense, and Ministry of Rural Affairs and Agriculture, which
named the programs “famiy planning.” Family planning education covered
subjects such as the mechanics of sexuality, conception, and contraception.
Alongside with its content, the title of sexual manners was transformed to
sexual knowledge (cinsel bilgiler). The road of sexual manners divided into
two lanes. While family planning education overtook the normal, natural,
and healthy parts of sexuality, illnesses and abnormalities were left in the
field of sexual knowledge. Throughout the years, family planning education
established its mainstream position in providing sexual knowledge, while
sexual knowledge was relegated to the periphery in sexuality-related
discussions.
This study has focused on the discursive and practical construction of
sexual manners discourse in Turkey between the years 1945 and 1965, a
period characterized by profound political, economic, and social
transformations. In this study, I tried to display and examine the emergence
of sexual manners’ discussions, its contents, and its relational dynamics
among the authors and its audience in the period when the sexuality of the
citizens was considered invisible and muted in the public sphere. This study
aimed to analyze the impact of the sexual manners on the formation of new
citizens and on the governing practices of intimate relations.
In the 1930s, in Turkey, sexuality was an invisible subject except for
fighting against venereal diseases and prohibiting contraception; those
served to improve of the population’s health and quantity. The concerns
regarding the sexuality of individuals were limited to their reproductive
capacities, which could be considered a process for the construction of
reproductive citizenship. The social sciences literature emphasized the
significance of reproduction and population policies in Turkey until the
mid-1960s, when a shift regarding natal policies occurred. However, those
studies mentioned the invisibility regarding the sexuality of the citizens.
295
As shown in the second chapter, right after the Second World War,
sexuality became more visible in the popular press and public sphere. The
visibility of sexuality has mobilized two discussions. On the one hand,
opinion leaders, academics, and decision-makers started to discuss the
naturalness of sexuality as a part of human life in Turkey and globally. On
the other hand, the increasing visibility of sexuality has become a concern
and has received important criticism among different circles. Hence, the
visibility of sexuality went hand in hand with the emergence of cinsi terbiye
(sexual manners) discourse in the public sphere in Turkey in the 1950s.
Sexual manners discourse was presented as a response of the increasing
public visibility of sexuality. Authors and publishers of sexual manners
claimed the sexuality discussions. Furthermore, they discussed sexual
matters in the popular media openly. Hence, my findings about the visibility
of sexuality in the 1950s led me to question the views that placed emphasis
on the invisibility of sexuality in the public sphere and the asexual identity
of women in academic studies.
The sexual manners had similarities with the other manners’ discourses,
such as democracy manners (demokrasi terbiyesi), regarding its emergence
and content. The opinion leaders of the era (the monitoring generation)
aimed to educate the citizens of the Republic about sexuality by
disseminating knowledge about sexual manners. They aimed to provide
necessary information about the norms and boundaries of experiencing
sexuality. Hence, they tried to intervene and regulate the “intimate
relations” of the citizens. The emphasis of the 1930s on citizens’ sexuality
shifted from reproductive to intimate citizenship in the 1940s with sexual
manners discourse.
Different than the previous decade, with the sexual manners discourse,
opinion leaders of the era encouraged citizens to develop self-learning and
self-regulating mechanisms and processes about their sexualities. Instead of
disciplining individuals with external enforcements, the opinion leaders ask
the citizens to assess themselves and comply with the norms with their own
“will.” Hence, this study argued that a new perspective, “self-regulating
citizen” was launched in between the lines of sexual manners discussion.
The authors and publishers of the discourse on sexual manners accepted
sexuality as a natural, normal, and healthy necessity of human life. They
296
underlined the importance of a healthy sexuality for individuals and,
consequently, for a society. First of all, they defined the limits of
experiencing sexuality while highlighting its significance for psychological
and physiological well-being. They tried to inform the public about the lines
between normal and abnormal, healthy and sick, appropriate and
unacceptable sexual practices. In other words, sexual manners became the
foundational discourse for sexuality.
Appropriate sexuality was defined as a conduct that should be in a
“heterosexual relationship,” “in marriage,” and “for reproductive purposes.”
Hence, marriage was designated as the central institution where individuals
could experience appropriate sexuality. Marriage has also become a point of
convergence for sexuality and reproduction. The discourse on sexual
manners extended to defining the characteristics of a good marriage and the
roles of the spouses. With the era's changing conditions, marriage’s steps
were opened to critical discussions and re-structuring. From “finding the
proper spouse” to “spousal roles,” every step of marriage was discussed in
relation to sexuality and reproductive practices. During the process, the
writers warned the readers particularly about two areas: flirting and divorce,
which were connected with out-of-marital sexuality. The content of sexual
manners discussed the individuals’ legal, moral and social appropriateness
based on their sexualities ranging from their single sexual conduct to their
on-going spousal responsibilities.
Another finding from this study concerns the creators of sexual
manners discourse. First of all, sexual manners as a discussion was raised by
a group of experts who were gathered around publishing houses such as
Seksoloji Publication. Interestingly, the discussions, which became visible in
a short period of time in popular publications, were raised, produced, and
disseminated by private companies, not state-led institutions. In the
literature, the 1950s Turkey was associated with conservative political and
social tendencies. However, contrary to the 1950s narrative in the literature,
private individuals and companies took sexual manners into their own hands
without state intervention or support. The authors and publishers laid their
legitimacy on informing the citizens with scientific knowledge. Along with
the scientification of life during the period, on the one hand, they recreated a
terminology on sexual matters. On the other hand, they used the
297
“intangibleness” of science to reinforce their position regarding sexuality.
Another interesting finding of this study is related to the connectedness of
the authors and publishers with the world-wide’s sexology literature. They
brought contemporary sexology literature to the magazines as translations or
referred to them in their authentic articles. In the historiography of sexuality,
social scientists emphasize global network sexology. Parallel to this
analysis, sexual manners authors and publishers established relationships
with their foreign counterparts in Turkey in the 1950s.
As mentioned before, the sexual manners discourse served two
purposes. On the one hand, sexual manners tried to promote public wellbeing
by focusing on topics such as venereal diseases. Sexual manners, on
the other hand, were presented as essential knowledge for individuals'
physical and psychological health. The emphasis on population was not new
to the 1950s. In the previous decade, the intervention methods and language
were based on watching over the well-being of the population. However, the
emphasis on the health of individuals was a newly emerging subject in the
1950s. Although adult sexual activity in marriage is considered private by
law, health became a convenient excuse and reason to advise citizens about
their sexualities and intervene in their private lives. As a result, sexual
manners became a regulative and operational discourse that linked the
governing policies of individual and collective bodies.
There are several limitations to this study, which leads me to ask
additional questions for further studies. First and foremost, this study aimed
to demonstrate the emergence of sexuality in the public sphere under the
guise of "sexual manners." As a result, this study's research was primarily
limited to what was found on the pages of newspapers and magazines.
Consequently, the voice in this research is mostly articulated by male
experts. However, there is little information how individuals experience
sexuality during the 1950s. There is a need for further research to
understand individual experiences regarding sexuality.
Another finding of my study is related to the women of the 1950s.
Reproductive policies were planned and regulated around female bodies.
Since the establishment of the Republic, legislation has been used to
intervene in female bodies regarding their sexuality and reproduction. The
1950s were narrated as a silent period in women’s history. Moreover,
298
women were portrayed as passive recipients of the regulations. However, as
displayed by the discussions about virginity and extramarital relations,
women were not always in complete compliance, either with the norms
regarding sexuality or with the legislation. My analysis of female bodies
was limited to the scope of virginity and extramarital relations, which only
pointed to an alternative perspective for women’s history. Clearly, more
research is needed to determine what kinds of strategies women used to
respond to social norms and state regulations.
This study was built on the sexuality-related discussions, which were
situated at the intersection point with medical expertise. Medicine,
particularly psychiatry, became the prominent discipline to determine the
norms of appropriate sexuality. Developments in psychiatry could have
been affected the creation of a narrative regarding sexual manners, which
requires further studies related to the formation of the discipline.
My research did not extend its scope to the discussions regarding
natal policies. Authors of sexual manners texts, on the other hand, create
texts and discussions about the conception process and contraception use
during the period. Moreover, they took part in the public anti-natal
discussions, which had been pioneered by doctors since 1958. Hence, there
is a link between the public visibility and accumulation of sexual manners
discourse and the shift in natal policies that began to be discussed in the
early 1960s. Another study is needed to investigate the role of sexual
manners discourse and physicians in shifting toward anti-natal policies.
This study aimed to display the invisible history of sexuality discussions
in Turkey during the 1950s. I tried to examine the impact of sexual
manners’ authors on the formation of intimate relations. Cantek’s metaphor
regarding the 1950s Turkish Republic as an adolescent (buluğ) period suits
the political, economic, and social transformations of the period. Pursuing
this metaphor, the citizens of the adolescent (buluğ) period experienced
transformations in the formation and construction of their sexualities, which
became a governing practice for private and intimate relations.
299
Bibliography
PRIMARY SOURCES
NEWSPAPERS
Cumhuriyet
Milliyet
Zafer
PERIODICALS
Adalet Dergisi
Aile
Akis
Hayat
Kadın Dünyası
Sağlığımız
Seksoloji Yıllığı
Seksoloji
Sıhhi Sahifalar
300
301
SECONDARY SOURCES
40ından sonra Cinsi Hayat. İstanbul: İstanbul Klinik Dersleri Yayınevi,
1960.
200 Sual 200 Cevap. İstanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları, 1952.
Doğumu Tanzim. Translated by Muzaffer Aşkın. İstanbul: Seksoloji
Yayınları, 1952.
Abu-Obeh, Lama. “Arap toplumlarında namus cinayetleri ve toplumsal
cinsiyetin inşası.” In Müslüman Toplumlarda Kadın ve Cinsellik, edited
by Pınar İlkkaracan. İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2003.
Adak, Hülya. “Otobiyografik Benliğin Çok Karakterliliği: Halide Edip’in
İlk Romanlarında Toplumsal Cinsiyet.” In Kadınlar Dile Düşünce,
edited by Sibel Irzık and Jale Parla. İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2004.
Adams, Michele. “Women’s Rights and Wedding Bells: 19th Century Profamily
Rhetoric and (Re)Enforcement of the Gender Status Quo.”
Journal of Family Issues, no. 28 (2007): 501–528.
Adcock, Robert and Mark Bevir. “Political Science.” In The History of the
Social Sciences since 1945, edited by Roger E. Backhouse and Phillippe
Fontaine. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010.
Ahıska, Meltem. Radyonun Sihirli Kapısı: Garbiyatçılık ve Politik Öznellik.
İstanbul: Metis Yayınları, 2005.
Ahmad, Feroz. Demokrasi Sürecinde Türkiye 1945-1980. Translated by
Ahmet Fethi, 2nd Edition. İstanbul: Hil Yayınları, 1996.
. The Making of the Modern Turkey. London, New York: Routledge,
1993.
Akın, Yiğit. Gürbüz ve Yavuz Evlatlar: Erken Cumhuriyet’te Beden
Terbiyesi ve Spor. İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2004.
Aksoy, Muammer. “Evlad Edinme,” İstanbul Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi
Dergisi, 282-283.
302
Akşit, Elif Ekin. Kızların Sessizliği: Kız Enstitülerinin Uzun Tarihi.
İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2005.
Alemdar, Yalçın. Siyasal ve Sosyal Değişmeler Açısından Cumhuriyet
Dönemi Turk Romanı. Ankara: Akçağ Yayınları, 2002
Ali Eşref Bey. “İçtimai Dertlerimizden Biri.” In Sıhhat Almanağı. Edited by
Mazhar Osman. İstanbul: Kader Basımevi, 1933.
Alkan, Türker. Kadın Erkek Eşitsizliği Sorunu. Ankara: A.Ü. SBF
Yayınları, 1981.
Allan, Jonathan A. “Circumcision Debates in Sexology Magazine (1934–
1975).” Journal of Men’s Studies 29, no.3 (2021).
Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and
Spread of Nationalism. London, New York: Verso, 1983.
Andreas, Gottfried. Görgü: 1. En Yeni ve İleri Muaşeret Usulleri. Trans.
Turan Aziz Beler. İstanbul: İnkılâp Kitabevi, 1943.
Appleton, Lynn M. “Rethinking Medicalization: Alcoholism and
Anomalies.” In Images of Issues, edited by Joel Best, 59-80. New York:
Aldine de Gruyter, 1995.
Arat, Yeşim. “The Project of Modernity and Women in Turkey.” In
Rethinking Modernity and National Identity in Turkey, edited by Sibel
Bozdoğan and Reşat Kasaba. Seattle: University of Washington Press,
1997.
. “Türkiye’de Toplumsal Cinsiyet ve Vatandaşlık.” In 75. Yılda
Tebaa’dan Yurttaşa Doğru, edited by Artun Ünsal. İstanbul: Tarih Vakfı
Yayınları, 1998.
Arpacı, Murat. “Hastalık, Ulus ve Felaket: Türkiye’de Frengi ile Mücadele
(1920-1950).” Toplum ve Bilim, no. 130 (2014): 59-86.
Arzuk, Deniz. “Vanishing Memoirs: Doğan Kardeş Children’s Periodical
between 1945 and 1993” Master’s Thesis, Boğaziçi University, 2007.
303
Aşkın, Muzaffer. “Giriş.” In Doğumu Tanzim. Translated by Muzaffer
Aşkın. İstanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları, 1952.
Ataay, Aytekin M. “Medenî Hukukda Evlâd Edinme.” İstanbul Hukuk
Fakültesi Mecmuası 21, no. 1-4 (1957).
Atav, Nephan. “Şahsiyetin Gelişiminde Aile Çevresinin ve Ailedeki
Gerginliklerin Etkileri.” Ankara Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi
Dergisi 10, no. 4 (1955): https://dergipark.org.tr/download/articlefile/
37815 (30.04.2019)
Attwood, Feona edited. Mainstreaming Sex: The Sexualisation of Western
Culture. New York: I.B. Tauris, 2009.
Aykaç, Çağla Elçin. “Kemalist Utopia, Study of the Propaganda Magazine:
La Turquie Kemaliste (1934-1948)” Master’s Thesis, Boğaziçi
University, 2003.
Aytul, Turhan edited. Türkiye’de Cinsiyet Problemi. İstanbul: Varlık
Yayınevi, 1964.
Bailey, M.E. “Foucauldian Feminism: Contesting Bodies, Sexuality and
Identity.” In Up Against Foucault, edited by Caroline Ramazanoğlu.
London: Routledge, 1993.
Bashford, Alison and Carolyn Strange. “Public Pedagogy: Sex Education
and Mass Communication in the Mid–Twentieth Century.” Journal of
the History of Sexuality 13, no. 1 (2004): 71-99
Basu, Srimati. "Judges of Normality: Mediating Marriage in the Family
Courts of Kolkata, India," Signs 37, no. 2 (2012): 469-492.
Bauer, Heike. Sexology and Translation: Cultural and Scientific Encounters
across the Modern World, 1880–1930. Philadelphia: Temple University
Press, 2015.
304
Beccalossi, Chiara. “Latin Eugenics and Sexual Knowledge in Italy, Spain,
and Argentina: International Networks across the Atlantic.” in A Global
History of Sexual Science, 1880–1960, edited by Veronika Fuechtner,
Douglas E. Haynes, and Ryan M. Jones. Oakland, California: University
of California Press, 2018.
Benhabib, Seyla. “Models of Public Space: Hannah Arendt, the Liberal
Tradition, and Jürgen Habermas.” In Habermas and the Public Sphere,
edited by Craig Calhoun. Cambridge, Massachusetts, London: MIT
Press, 1996.
Bennett, Linda Rae. Single Women, Sexuality and Reproductive Health in
Contemporary Indonesia. London and New York: Routledge, 2005.
Bergmann, Sven. "Fertility Tourism: Circumventive Routes That Enable
Access to Reproductive Technologies and Substances." Signs 36, no. 2
(2011): 280-289.
Berksan, Samira. “Marriage Patterns and the Effect on Fertility in Turkey.”
In Turkish Demography: Proceedings of a Conference, edited Frederic
C. Shorter and Bozkurt Güvenç. Ankara: Hacettepe University
Publications, 1969.
Berktay, Fatmagül. “Batılılaşma.” In Modern Türkiye'de Siyasi Düşünce,
Modernleşme ve Batıcılık, Cilt 3, edited by Murat Gültekingil and Tanıl
Bora. İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2002.
. “Türkiye’de Toplumsal Değişim Sürecinde Kadın.” In 75. Yılda
Kadınlar ve Erkekler, edited by Ayşe B. Hacımirzaoğlu, 1-12. Istanbul:
Türk Tarih Vakfı Yayınları, 1998.
. “Yeni kimlik arayışı, eski cinsel düalizm: Peyami Safa’nın
romanlarında toplumsal cinsiyet.” Kadın Araştırmaları Dergisi, no. 9
(2006):77-90.
http://www.iudergi.com/tr/index.php/kadin/article/view/337.
Bernard, Sandie and Pierre Clement, “Teaching Human Reproduction and
Sexuality: A Historical Approach in France since 1950,” unpublished
paper.
305
Besim Ömer, Doğum Tarihi, (İstanbul: Ahmet İhsan Matbaası, 1932).
Bess, Roch. Evli Kadınlar için Metres Tehlikesi Nedir? İnsan Hayatı Dizisi,
9.
Translated by Selim Yetkili. Istanbul: Hadise Yayınları, 1956.
Beyinli, Gökçen. Elleri Tılsımlı: Modern Türkiye’de Ebelik. Ankara: Ayizi
Kitap, 2014.
Bisch, Louis E. Kadınlar Niçin İhanet Ederler, İnsan Hayatı Serisi, 7.
Translated by Selim Yetkili. Istanbul: Hadise Yayınları, 1956.
Bland, Lucy and Laura Doan. “General Introduction” In Sexology
Uncensored: The Documents of Sexual Science, edited by Lucy Bland
and Laura Doan, 1-7. Chicago: University of Cfhicago Press, 1998.
Blank, Hanne. Bekaretin El Değmemiş Tarihi. Trans. Emek Ergün. İstanbul:
İletişim Yayınları, 2007.
Bloomfield, Brian P. and Theo Vurdubakis, “Re-Engineering the Human:
New Reproductive Technologies and the Specter of Frankenstein.”
International Journal of Social Sciences 1, no. 1 (2006): 19-24.
Bora, Aksu. “Türk modernleşme sürecinde annelik kimliğinin dönüşümü”
In Yerli bir Feminizme Doğru, edited by Aynur İlyasoğlu and Necla
Akgökçe, 77-107. İstanbul: Sel Yayınları, 2001.
Bora, Tanıl. “Analar, Bacılar, Orospular: Türk-Milliyetçi Muhafazakar
Söyleminde Kadın,” in Şerif Mardin’e Armağan, edited by Ayşe Öncü
and Orhan Tekelioğlu, 241-282. İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2005.
. “Cumhuriyet, Demokrasi ve Muhafazakar Türk Cumhuriyetçiliği.”
In Medeniyet Kaybı Milliyetçilik ve Faşizm Üzerine Yazılar. İstanbul:
Birikim Yayınları, 2006.
Bora, Tanıl and Necmi Erdoğan. “Muhafazakar Populizm.” In Modern
Türkiye’de Siyasi Düşünce: Muhafazakarlık, Cilt 5, edited by Tanıl Bora
and Murat Gültekingil, 632-644. İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2003.
306
Boran, Behice. Türkiye ve Sosyalizmin Sorunları. İstanbul: GünYayınları,
1968.
Bordo, Susan. “Feminism, Foucault and the Politics of Body.” In Up
Against Foucault: Explorations of Some Tensions between Foucault and
Feminism, edited by Caroline Ramazanoğlu. London: Routledge, 1993.
Bosley, Jocelyn. "From Monkey Facts to Human Ideologies: Theorizing
Female Orgasm in Human and Nonhuman Primates, 1967–1983." Signs
35, no. 3 (2010): 647-671.
Bosworth, Richard. "Nations Examine Their Past: A Comparative Analysis
of the Historiography of the "Long" Second World War." The History
Teacher 29, no. 4 (1996): 499-523.
Boulos, Margaret. “The global biopolitics of the IUD: How science
constructs contraceptive users and women’s bodies Chikako Takeshita.”
Feminist Theory 16, no. 1 (2015): 113 – 116.
Boyer, Kate. “‘Neoliberal Motherhood’: Workplace Lactation and Changing
Conceptions of Working Motherhood in the Contemporary US.”
Feminist Theory 15, no. 3 (2014): 269 – 288.
Bozdoğan, Sibel and Reşat Kasaba edited. Rethinking Modernity and
National Identity in Turkey. Seattle: University of Washington Press,
1997.
Briggs, Laura. Somebody’s Children: The Politics of Transracial and
Transnational Adoption. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2012.
Bristow, Joseph. Sexuality. London and New York: Routledge, 1997.
Browne, Victoria. "Feminist Philosophy and Prenatal Death: Relationality
and the Ethics of Intimacy." Signs 41, no. 2 (2016): 385-407.
Browner, Carole H. "The Politics of Reproduction in a Mexican Village."
Signs 11, no. 4 (1986): 710-724.
Bulut, Selda. “Hürriyet Gazetesi: 1948-1953 Döneminin Yayın Politikası.”
PhD Dissertation, Ankara University, 2007.
307
Butler, Judith. Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity.
New York and London: Routledge, 1999.
Campbell, Beatrix. “A Feminist Sexual Politics: Now you see it, now you
don’t.” Feminist Review, no. 5 (1980): 1-18.
Canaday, Margot. “Thinking Sex in the Transnational Turn: An
Introduction.” American Historical Review 114, no. 5 (2009).
Cantek, Levent. Cumhuriyetin Büluğ Çağı: Gündelik Yaşama Dair
Tartışmalar (1945-1950). İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2008.
Cantürk, Gürol. “Evlilik ve boşanma ile ilgili adli psikiyatrik uygulamalar.”
Journal of Forensic Medicine 3, no. 3 (2006): 58-64.
Carabine, Jean. ““Constructing Women”: Women’s Sexuality and Social
Policy.” Critical Social Policy 34, no. 1 (1992): 23-37.
Chavernac, Laurent. On Derste Cinsiyet. Translated by A. Kahraman.
Istanbul: Çağlayan Yayınevi, 1957.
Chavez, Leo R. "A Glass Half Empty: Latina Reproduction and Public
Discourse." Human Organization 63, no. 2 (2004): 173-188.
Chiang, Howard Hsueh-Hao. “Double Alterity and the Global
Historiography of Sexuality: China, Europe, and the Emergence of
Sexuality as a Global Possibility.” E-pisteme 2, no. 1 (2009): 33-52.
Chickedel, Maurice. Bekarlarda Cinsi Hayat. Translated by Semih
Yazıcıoğlu. Istanbul: N.P., 1952.
. Nişanlılarda Cinsi Hayat. Translated by Semih Yazıcıoğlu.
Istanbul: N.P., 1952.
. Evlilikte Cinsi Hayat. Translated by Semih Yazıcıoğlu. Istanbul:
N.P., 1953.
Cindoğlu, Dilek. “Modern Türk Tıbbında Bekaret Testleri ve Suni Bekaret.”
In Müslüman Toplumlarda Kadın ve Cinsellik, edited by Pınar
İlkkaracan. İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2003.
308
. “Reproductive citizenship in Turkey: Abortion chronicles.”
Women's Studies International Forum, no. 38 (2013)
Clark, Le Mon. İşte Evlendiniz. Translated by Muzaffer Aşkın. 3rd edition.
İstanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları, 1951.
Cocks, Harry G. “Saucy stories: pornography, sexology and the marketing
of sexual knowledge in Britain, c.1918-70.” Social History 29, no. 4
(2004): 465-484.
Cohler, Deborah. Citizen, Invert, Queer: Lesbianism and War in Early
Twentieth-Century Britain. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press,
2010.
Cook, Hera. “Sex and the Doctors: the Medicalization of Sexuality as a
Two-way Process in Early to Mid-Twentieth-century Britain.” In
Cultural Approaches to the History of Medicine, edited by Willem de
Blécourt, Cornelie Usborne. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004.
. The Long Sexual Revolution: English Women, Sex, and
Contraception 1800-1975. Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press,
2004.
Coontz, Stephanie. The Way We Never Were: American Families and the
Nostalgia Trip. New York: Basic Books, 1992.
Conrad, Peter. “Medicalization and Social Control.” Annual Review of
Sociology, no.18 (1992): 209–232.
Conrad, Peter and Joseph W. Schneider. Deviance and Medicalization:
From Badness to Sickness. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992.
Cott, Nancy F. Public Vows: A History of Marriage and the Nation.
Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000.
. “1920’lerin Modern Kadını, Amerikan Tarzı.” In Kadınların
Tarihi: Yirminci Yüzyılda Kültürel bir Kimliğe Doğru, Vol. V, edited
Georges Duby and Michelle Perrot, 80-93. Istanbul: Türkiye İş Bankası
Yayınları, 2005.
309
Crozier, Ivan Dalley. “Introduction: Havelock Ellis, John Addington
Symonds and the Construction of Sexual Inversion.” In Havelock Ellis
and John Addington Symonds. Sexual Inversion: A Critical Edition,
edited by Ivan Crozier, 1-86. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire:
Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.
Çağlar, Kemal. “Gençlik Artık Yürüdüğü Yolu Biliyor!” In Seksoloji ve
Gençlik Hayatı, no. 3: Gençkızların Cinsi Bilgisizlikleri, 3. İstanbul:
Hadise Yayınları, 1959.
Daniels, Cynthia R. and Erin Heidt-Forsythe. "Gendered Eugenics and the
Problematic of Free Market Reproductive Technologies: Sperm and Egg
Donation in the United States." Signs 37, no. 3 (2012): 719-747.
Daniş, Remzi Korok. Çocuklu ve Çocuksuz Dullar. Istanbul: Bozkurt
Basımevi, 1937.
. Dul Kadın ve Erkeklerle Gizli Konuşmalar. Istanbul: Bozkurt,
Basımevi, 1937.
. Dul Kadınlara Rağbet ve Sebepleri. Istanbul: Bozkurt Basımevi,
1937.
. Dullarda Aşk ve İhtiras. Istanbul: Bozkurt Basımevi, 1937.
. Dullarda İhtiyarlık ve Izdırap. Istanbul: Bozkurt Basımevi, 1937.
. Dullarda İzdivaç ve Neticeleri. Istanbul: Bozkurt Basımevi, 1937.
. Dullarda Serbest Hayat ve Sefalet. Istanbul: Bozkurt Basımevi,
1937.
. Dulluk ve Zararları. Istanbul: Bozkurt Basımevi, 1937.
. Erkek ve Kadında Cinsi İktidarsızlık. Istanbul: Bozkurt Basımevi,
1936.
. Evli Kadınlara Göre Memnu Meyva. Istanbul: Bozkurt Basımevi,
1937.
. Evli Kadınlarla Gizli Konuşmalar. Istanbul: Sebat Basımevi, 1936.
310
. Evli Kadınlarda Son Gençlik ve İhtiras. Istanbul: Bozkurt
Basımevi, 1937.
. Genç Evli Kadınlarla Gizli Konuşmalar. 2nd edition. Istanbul:
Bozkurt Basımevi, 1937).
. Genç Kadınlar 45 Yaşına Kadar. Istanbul: Bozkurt Basımevi,
1937.
. Genç Kızlara Gizli Tavsiyeler. Istanbul: Bozkurt Basımevi, 1935.
. Genç Kızlara Göre İzdivaç ve Zifaf. Istanbul: Bozkurt Basımevi,
1937.
. Genç Kızlarla Gizli Konuşmalar. Istanbul: Sebat Basımevi, 1936.
. Genç Kızlarda Fena Adetler. Istanbul: Nümune Basımevi, 1937.
. Genç Kızlarda Sevişme ve Muaşaka Arzusu. Istanbul: Bozkurt
Basımevi, 1937.
. Hamile kalmak için gizli konuşmalar. Hamile kalmamak için gizli
konuşmalar. Istanbul: Bozkurt Basımevi, 1936.
. Kadın nasıl erkek ister. Istanbul: Özeniş Basımevi, 1937.
. Kızlar Onaltı Yaşına Kadar. Istanbul: Bozkurt Basımevi, 1937.
. Kızlar Onsekiz Yaşına Kadar. Istanbul: Bozkurt Basımevi, 1937.
Danziger, Kurt. “A question of identity: Who participated in psychological
experiments?” In The rise of experimentation in American psychology,
edited by Jill G. Morawski, 35-52. New Haven, CT: Yale University
Press, 1988.
Davaz Mardin, Aslı edited. Kadın Süreli Yayınları: Hanımlar Aleminden
Roza’ya (1929-1996). Istanbul: K.E.K.B.M.V & T.E.T.T.V., 1998.
Davidoff, Leonore. “Aile Paradoksu: Tarihçilere Bir Çağrı.” In Feminist
Tarihyazımında Sınıf ve Cinsiyet. İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2002.
311
Dean, Mitchell. “The Malthus Effect: Population and the Liberal
Government of Life.” Economy and Society 44, no. 1 (2015): 18-39.
Delaney, Carol. Tohum ve Toprak. Translated by Selda Somuncuoğlu and
Aksu Bora. İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2001.
Demirci; Nuray and Çağatay Üstün. “Monograph: Prof. Dr. Hulusi
Behçet’in (1889-1948) frengi akkındaki bir radyo konuşması.” Lokman
Hekim Journal 3, no. 1 (2013): 56-58.
Demirel, Tanel. Türkiye’nin Uzun On Yılı: Demokrat Parti İktidarı ve 27
Mayıs Darbesi. İstanbul: İstanbul Bilgi Yayınları, 2011.
Denbow, Jennifer M. "Abortion as Genocide: Race, Agency, and Nation in
Prenatal Nondiscrimination Bans." Signs 41, no. 3 (2016): 603-626.
Devellioğlu, Ferit. Osmanlıca – Türkçe Ansiklopedik Lugat, 22nd edition.
İstanbul: Aydın Kitabevi, 2005.
Dewey, John. Demokrasi ve Terbiye. Translated by Avni Başman. Ankara:
Devlet Matbaası, 1928.
Donath, Orna. "Regretting Motherhood: A Sociopolitical Analysis." Signs
40, no. 2 (2015): 343-367.
Donchin, Anne. "Toward a gender-sensitive assisted reproduction policy."
Bioethics 23, no. 1 (2009): 28–38.
Douglas, Ann. "Periodizing the American Century: Modernism,
Postmodernism, and Postcolonialism in the Cold War Context."
Modernism/Modernity 5, no. 3 (1998): 71-98.
Dreyfus, Hubert and Paul Rabinow. Michel Foucault: Beyond Structuralism
and Hermeneutics. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983.
Drucker, Donna J. The Classification of Sex : Alfred Kinsey and the
Organization of Knowledge. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press,
2014.
Duben, Alan and Cem Behar. İstanbul Haneleri, Evlilik, Aile ve
Doğurganlık 1880-1940. 2. Edition. İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 1998.
312
Duggan, Lisa. Sapphic Slashers: Sex, Violence, and American Modernity.
Duke: Duke University Press, 2000.
Durakbaşa, Ayşe. Halide Edib: Türk Modernleşmesi ve Feminizm. Istanbul:
İletişim Yayınları, 2002.
. “Türk Modernleşmesinin Kamusal Alanı ve “Kadın Yurttaş.” In
Birkaç Arpa Boyu, 21. Yüzyıla Girerken Türkiye’de Feminist Çalışmalar
Cilt 1, edited by Serpil Sancar. İstanbul: Koç Üniversitesi Yayınları,
2011.
Egemen, Bedi Ziya. Terbiye İlminin Problemleri ve Terbiye Felsefesi.
Ankara: Ankara Üniversitesi Basımevi, 1965.
Ekşi, Nuray. “Türk Hukukunda Kamu Personelinin Yabancılarla
Evlenmesi.” Public and Private International Law Bulletin 37, no. 2
(2017): 294–331.
Elias, Norbert. Uygarlık Süreci, Cilt 1. Translated by Ender Ateşman. 11th
edition. İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2021.
Emre Kaya, Ayşe Elif. “Demokrat Parti Politikalarının Cumhuriyet
Gazetesinde Ele Alınış Biçimleri 1950-1960” PhD Dissertation, Ankara
University, 2009.
Engster, Daniel. The Heart of Justice: Care Ethics and Political Theory.
Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007.
Ercilasun, Bilge. “Türk Edebiyatında Popülerlik Kavramı ve Başlıca
Eserler.” Yeni Türk Edebiyatı Üzerine İncelemeler no. 1. Ankara: Akçağ
Yayınları, 1997.
Erdentuğ, Nermin. “Türkiye'nin Karadeniz Bölgesinde evlenme görenekleri
ve törenleri,” Antropoloji, 5 (1969): 27-64.
Erduran, Refik. İblisler, Azizler, Kadınlar. Istanbul: Dünya Kitapları, 2005.
Erez, Naşit. “Sosyal ve Biyolojik Açılardan Tahlil: Flört Faydalıdır.” In
Türkiye’de Cinsiyet Problemi, edited Turhan Aytul. İstanbul: Varlık
Yayınevi, 1964.
313
. “Sosyal ve biyolojik açıdan geçimsizlik: boşanma sebepleri,” In
Türkiye’de Cinsiyet Problemi, edited Turhan Aytul. İstanbul: Varlık
Yayınevi, 1964.
. “Önsöz.” In Resimli Seksoloji Ansiklopedisi, edited by Naşit Erez,
Sadi Irmak, Mansur Sayın, Çevik Alp, Kemal Çağlar, Turgut Metiner,
Naci Berkay. İstanbul: Arkın Kitabevi, 1963.
Erez, Naşit, Sadi Irmak, Mansur Sayın, Çevik Alp, Kemal Çağlar, Turgut
Metiner, Naci Berkay edited. Resimli Seksoloji Ansiklopedisi. İstanbul:
Arkın Kitabevi, 1963.
Ergün, Emek “Önsöz: Türkiye’de Bekaretin “El Değmemiş” Tarihi,” in
Bekaretin El Değmemiş Tarihi, written by Hanne Blank. Translated by
Emek Ergün. İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2007.
Ericksen, Julia A. (with Sally A. Stefen). Kiss and Tell: Surveying Sex in the
Twentieth Century. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University
Press, 1999.
Erkaya Balsoy, Gülhan. Kahraman Doktor İhtiyar Acuzeye Karşı: Geç
Osmanlı Doğum Politikaları. İstanbul: Can Yayınları, 2015.
Ertem, Özge. “The Republic’s Children and Their Burdens in 1930s and
1940s Turkey” Master’s Thesis, Boğaziçi University, 2005.
Exner, Max Joseph. Mükemmel İzdivacın Şartları. Translated by Muzaffer
Aşkın. Istanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları, 1950.
. Mükemmel İzdivacın Şartları. Translated by Muzaffer Aşkın, 3rd
edition. İstanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları, 1951.
. Mükemmel İzdivacın Başlangıcı. Translated by N.P. Istanbul: Yeni
Seksoloji, 1962.
Fannin, Maria. “Placental Relations.” Feminist Theory 15, no. 3 (2014): 289
– 306.
Fındıkoğlu, Ziyaedin Fahri. “Türk Aile sosyolojisi,” İstanbul University
Hukuk Fakultesi Mecmuası 11, no. 3-4 (1945), 264-274.
314
Foster, Gwendolyn Audrey. Troping the Body: Gender, Etiquette, and
Performance. Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois
University Press, 2000.
Foucault, Michel. The Birth of The Clinic: an Archaeology of Medical
Perception. Translated Alan Sheridan. London: Tavistock, 1973.
. The History of Sexuality, Vol. I: An Introduction. Translated by
Robert Hurley. New York: Pantheon Books, 1978.
. “The Confession of the Flesh.” In Michel Foucault:
Power/Knowledge, edited by Colin Gordon. Hemel Hempstead:
Harvester, 1980.
. “Truth and Power.” In Power/Knowledge Selected Interviews and
Other Writings 1972-1977, edited by Colin Gordon, 109-133. Translated
by Colin Gordon, Leo Marshall, John Mepham, Kate Soper. New York:
Pantheon Books, 1980.
. “The Subject and Power.” Critical Inquiry 8, no. 4 (1982): 777-
795.
. “The Subject and the Power.” In Michael Foucault: Beyond
Structuralism and Hermeneutics, edited by Hupert Dreyfus and Paul
Rabinow. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982.
. The History of Sexuality, Vol. III: The Care of the Self. Translated
by Robert Hurley. New York: Pantheon, 1986.
. The History of Sexuality, Vol. II: The Use of Pleasure. Translated
by Robert Hurley. New York: Vintage Books, 1990.
. Discipline and Punish the Birth of Prison. Translated by Alan
Sheridan. New York: Vintage Books, 1995.
. “Söylemin Düzeni.” In Ders Özetleri, 9-42. Translated by
Selahattin Hilav. Fifth edition. İstanbul: Yapı Kredi Yayınları, 2001.
315
Fraser, Nancy. “Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the
Critique of Actually Existing Democracy.” in Habermas and the Public
Sphere, edited by Craig Calhoun, 109-142. Cambridge, Massachusetts,
London: MIT Press, 1996).
Frey, Frederick W. The Turkish Political Elite. Cambridge: MIT Press,
1965.
Friedan, Betty. The Feminine Mystique. New York: Norton, 1963.
Fuechtner, Veronika, Douglas E. Haynes, and Ryan M. Jones.
“Introduction: Toward a Global History of Sexual Science: Movements,
Networks, and Deployments.” In A Global History of Sexual Science,
1880–1960, edited by Veronika Fuechtner, Douglas E. Haynes, and
Ryan M. Jones, 1-25. Oakland, California: University of California
Press, 2018.
Georges, Eugenia. Bodies of Knowledge: the Medicalization of
Reproduction in Greece. Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 2008.
Geppert, Alexander C. T. “Divine Sex, Happy Marriage, Regenerated
Nation: Marie Stopes’s Marital Manual Married Love and the Making of
a Best-seller, 1918-1955.” Journal of the History of Sexuality 8, no. 31
(1998): 389-433.
Gibson, Margaret F. "Adopting Difference: Thinking through Adoption by
Gay Men in Ontario, Canada." Signs 39, no. 2 (2014): 407-432.
Giddens, Anthony. Mahremiyetin Dönüşümü, 2nd edition. İstanbul: Ayrıntı
Yayınları, 2010.
Gilmartin, Mary and Allen White. "Interrogating Medical Tourism: Ireland,
Abortion, and Mobility Rights." Signs 36, no. 2 (2011): 275-280.
Ginsburg, Faye and Rayna Rapp edited. Conceiving the New World Order:
The Global Politics of Reproduction. London: University of California
Press, 1995.
Ginsburg, Faye and Rayna Rapp. “The Politics of Reproduction.” Annual
Review of Anthropology, no. 20 (1991): 311-343.
316
Gordon, Michael and Penelope J. Shankweiler. “Different Equals Less:
Female Sexuality in Recent Marriage Manuals.” Journal of Marriage
and Family Sexism in Family Studies 33, no. 3 (1971).
Gökçe, Birsen. “Çocuk Kişiliğinin Gelişiminde Aile, Okul, ve Dış Çevrenin
Rolü.” In Aile Yazıları 3: Birey, Kişilik ve Toplum. Edited by Beylü
Dikeçligil and Ahmet Çiğdem. Ankara: T.C. Başbakanlık Aile
Araştırma Kurumu Başkanlığı, 1991.
Göztepe, Ece. ““Namus Cinayetlerinin” Hukuki Boyutu: Yeni Türk Ceza
Kanunu’nun Bir Değerlendirmesi.” Türkiye Barolar Birliği Dergisi
Dergisi, no. 59 (2005): 29-48.
Greenlee, Jill S. The Political Consequences of Motherhood. Ann Arbor:
University of Michigan Press, 2014.
Grewal, Inderpal and Caren Kaplan. “Global Identities: Theorizing
Transnational Studies of Sexuality.” Gay and Lesbian Quarterly, no. 7
(2001).
Grossman, Atina. Reforming Sex: The German Movement for Birth Control
and Abortion Reform, 1920-1950. New York and Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1995.
Grosz, Elizabeth. “Notes Towards a Corporeal Feminism.” Australian
Feminist Studies, Feminism and the Body 2, no. 5 (1987): 1-16.
. Volatile Bodies: Toward a Corporeal Feminism. Bloomington and
Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1994.
Gunnarsson Payne, Jenny. "Grammars of Kinship: Biological Motherhood
and Assisted Reproduction in the Age of Epigenetics." Signs 41, no. 3
(2016): 483-506.
Gupta, Kristina. “Compulsory Sexuality: Evaluating an Emerging Concept.”
Signs 41, no: 1 (2015): 131-154.
Gutting, Gary. “Foucault and History of Madness.” In The Cambridge
Companion to Foucault, edited by Gary Gutting, 47-67. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2005.
317
Günal, Asena. “Health and Citizenship in Republican Turkey: An Analysis
of the Socialization of Health Services in Republican Historical
Context” PhD Dissertation, Boğaziçi University, 2008.
Güneş, Aslı. “Kemalist Modernleşmenin Adab-ı Muaşeret Romanları:
Popüler Aşk Anlatıları” Master’s Thesis, Bilkent Üniversitesi, 2005.
Güngör, Nazife. “Türkiye’de Popüler Kültür ve Çizgi Roman.” Gazi
University Journal of Economics and Administrative Sciences 12, no. 1-
2 (1996): 337-354.
Gürbilek, Nurdan. “Erkek Yazar Kadın Okur.” In Kadınlar Dile Düşünce,
edited by Sibel Irzık and Jale Parla. Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2004.
. “Kadınlaşma Endişesi: Efemine erkekler, hadım oğullar, kadın
adamlar.” In Kör Ayna, Kayıp Şark. 51-74. İstanbul: Metis Yayınları,
2004).
H. B. edited. Evli kadınlara tavsiyeler (Seksoloji bahisleri 3). Istanbul:
Beküs, 1955.
Haeri, Shahla, “İran’da Geçici Evlilik ve Devlet: Kadın Cinselliği Üzerine
İslami Bir Söylem.” In Müslüman Toplumlarda Kadın ve Cinsellik,
edited by Pınar İlkkaracan. İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2003.
Hall, Lesley A. “Heroesorvillains? Reconsidering British fin de siècle
sexology.” in New Sexual Agendas, edited by Lynne Segal. London:
MacMillan, 1997.
. Sex, Gender and Social Change in Britain Since 1880. Houndmills,
Basingstoke, Hampshire, London: Macmillan, 2000.
Harder, Lois. "The State and the Friendships of the Nation: The Case of
Nonconjugal Relationships in the United States and Canada." Signs 34,
no. 3 (2009): 633-658.
Harraway, Donna. Primate Visions Gender, Race and Nature in the World
of Modern Science. New York, London: Routledge, 1989.
318
Hart, Graham and Kaye Wellings. “Sexual behavior and its medicalization:
in sickness and in health,” in BMJ Clinical Research 324, no. 7342
(2002): 896-900.
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1122837/#B6
(26.11.2021)
Hawkes, Gail. A Sociology of Sex and Sexuality. Milton Keynes: Open
University Press, 1996.
Herrn, Rainer. “Magnus Hirschfield’s Onnagata.” In A Global History of
Sexual Science, 1880–1960, edited by Veronika Fuechtner, Douglas E.
Haynes, Ryan M. Jones. Translated by Micheal T. Taylor. Oakland,
California: University of California Press, 2018.
Hilliard, David. “Church, family and sexuality in Australia in the 1950s'.”
Australian Historical Studies 27, no. 109 (1997): 133 — 146.
Hobsbawm, Eric. Age of Extremes: the Short Twentieth Century 1914-1991.
London: Abacus, 1995.
Holliday, W. Kimseye Söyleyemiyorum, İnsan Hayatı Dizisi, 2. Translated
by C. Arhan. Istanbul: Hadise Yayınları, 1956.
Hoppeler, Jean. Evlenmeden Önce. Translated by Muzaffer Aşkın. Istanbul:
Seksoloji Yayınları, 1951.
Horn, David G. Social Bodies: Science, Reproduction, and Italian
Modernity. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1995.
Huber, Valerie J. and Michael W. Firmin. “A History of Sex Education in
the United States since 1900.” International Journal of Educational
Reform 23, no. 1 (2014): 25-51.
Hulusi Behçet, “Frengi Niçin Ayıp Görülür? Frengiyi Neden Gizli Tutmak
Adet Olmuştur? Tabiatta Ayıp Denen Hastalık Var mıdır?” in İstanbul
Radyosunda Verilen Konferans. İstanbul: İstanbul Halkevi, 1935.
319
Hutton, Patrick H. “Foucault, Freud, and the Technologies of Self,” in
Technologies of the Self, A Seminar with Michel Foucault, edited by
Luther H. Martin, Huck Gutman and Patrich H. Hutton. London:
Tavistock Publications, 1988.
Ikemoto, Lisa C. "Eggs as Capital: Human Egg Procurement in the Fertility
Industry and the Stem Cell Research Enterprise." Signs 34, no. 4 (2009):
763-781.
İlkkaracan, İpek and Gülşah Seral. “Kadının İnsan Hakkı Olarak Cinsel
Haz: Türkiye’deki Bir Taban Eğitimi Programından Deneyimler.” In
Müslüman Toplumlarda Kadın ve Cinsellik, edited by İpek İlkkaracan.
İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2003.
İlkkaracan, Pınar. “Giriş: Müslüman toplumlarda kadın ve cinsellik.” In
Müslüman Toplumlarda Kadın ve Cinsellik, edited by Pınar İlkkaracan.
İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2003.
. “Türkiye’nin Doğu Bölgelerinde Kadın Cinselliği Bağlamının
İncelenmesi.” In Müslüman Toplumlarda Kadın ve Cinsellik, edited by
Pınar İlkkaracan. İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2003.
Irni, Sari. "Steroid Provocations: On the Materiality of Politics in the
History of Sex Hormones." Signs 41, no. 3 (2016): 507-529.
Irvine, Janice M. Disorders of Desire: Sexuality and Gender in Modern
American Sexology. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2005.
Isambert, Fenande. Evliliğin İlk Basamağında Neler Bilmelidir, İnsan
Hayatı Dizisi, 6. Translated by Selim Yetkili. Istanbul: Hadise Yayınları,
1956.
Irzık, Sibel and Jale Parla. “Önsöz.” In Kadınlar Dile Düşünce, edited by
Sibel Irzık and Jale Parla. İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2004.
Işıklar Koçak, Müge. “Problematizing Translated Popular Texts on
Women’s Sexuality: A New Perspective on the Modernization Project in
Turkey from 1931 to 1959.” PhD. Dissertation, Boğaziçi University,
2007.
320
Jackson, Margaret. ““Facts of Life” or the Eroticization of Women’s
Oppression? Sexology and the Social Construction of Heterosexuality.”
In The Cultural Construction of Sexuality, edited by Pat Caplan.
London: Tavistock, 1987.
Jackson, Stevi and Sue Scott. Theorizing Sexuality. Berkshire, England:
Open University Press, 2010.
Jayawardena, Kumari. Feminism and Nationalism in the Third World.
London, New Jersey: Zed Book, 1989.
Jewett, Andrew. Science, Democracy and the American University: From
the Civil War to the Cold War. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2012.
Kaçmazoğlu, H. Bayram. Demokrat Parti Dönemi Toplumsal Tartışmaları.
İstanbul: Doğu Kitabevi, 2012.
Kadıoğlu, Ayşe. “Cinselliğin İnkârı: Büyük Toplumsal Projelerin Nesnesi
Olarak Türk Kadınları.” In 75. Yılda Kadınlar ve Erkekler, edited by
Ayşe B. Hacımirzaoğlu. Istanbul: Türk Tarih Vakfı Yayınları, 1998.
Kahn, Fritz. Tenasül Hayatımız: Herkes ve Aile için Bir Rehber. Translated
by Cemil Cahit Cem. İstanbul: TürkiyeYayınevi, 1940.
Kalkınma Planı (Birinci 5 yıl) 1963-1967. Ankara: T.C. Başbakanlık Devlet
Planlama Teşkilatı, 1963.
Kamer, Tunay and Ramazan Alabaş. “Ahlâk Terbiyesi Kongresi ve Basına
Yansımaları.” Kastamonu Eğitim Dergisi 25, no. 2 (2017): 821-848.
Kandiyoti, Deniz. “Cariyeler, Fettan Kadınlar ve Yoldaşlar: Türk
Romanında Kadın İmgeleri.” In Cariyer, “aşlar, Bacılar, 133-147.
İstanbul: Metis Yayınları, 1997.
. “Erkeklik Paradoksları: Ayrımcılığın Yaşandığı Toplumlar Üzerine
Bazı Düşünceler.” In Cariyeler, Bacılar, Yurttaşlar, 181-201. İstanbul:
Metis, 1997.
321
. “Kimlik Kavramı ve Yetersizlikleri.” In Cariyer Bacılar Yurttaşlar.
148-166. İstanbul: Metis Yayınları, 1997.
. “Modernin Cinsiyeti: Türk Modernleşmesi Üzerine Çalışmalarda
Gözden Kaçırılan Yönler.” In Cariyer, Yurttaşlar, Bacılar, 202-221.
İstanbul: Metis Yayınları, 1997.
Karaincioğlu, Nihal. "Türkiye'de Çok Partili Sisteme Geçis ve Demokrasi
Sorunları." In Tarih ve Demokrasi: Tarık Zafer Tunaya'ya Armagan,
edited by Üniversite Ögretim Üyeleri Dernegi. İstanbul: Cem Yayınevi,
1992.
Karaömerlioğlu, Asım. "Turkey's 'Return' to Multi-Party Politics: A Social
Interpretation," East European Quarterly 40, no. 1 (2006): 89-107.
Karaveli, Orhan. Bir Ankara Ailesinin Hikayesi. İstanbul: Doğan Kitap,
2011.
Katz, Jonathan Ned, Vidal Gore and Lisa Duggan. The Invention of
Heterosexuality. New York: Dutton, 1995.
Kazancıgil, Tevfik Remzi. “Eser hakkında bir (Takriz-beğenti).” In Tenasül
Hayatımız: Herkes ve aile için bir rehber. Written by Fritz Kahn.
Translated by Cemil Cahit Cem. İstanbul: TürkiyeYayınevi, 1940.
Kelly, Kimberly. "In the Name of the Mother: Renegotiating Conservative
Women’s Authority in the Crisis Pregnancy Center Movement" Signs
38, no. 1 (2012): 203-230.
Keyder, Çağlar. "Türkiye Demokrasisinin Ekonomi Politiği." In Geçis
Sürecinde Türkiye, edited by Irvin Cemil Schick and Ertugrul Ahmet
Tonak. İstanbul Belge Yayınları, 1990.
. Türkiye'de Devlet ve Sınıflar. Translated by Sabri Tekay. 5th
Edition. İstanbul: İletisim Yayınları, 1999.
Kinsey, Alfred C. Kadınların Cinsi Hayatı Hakkında Kinsey Raporu
(Seksoloji Yayınları Yeni Seri, 1). Translated N.P. Istanbul: Seksoloji
Yayınları, 1955.
322
Kinsey, Alfred, et al.. Sexual Behavior in the Human Male. Philadelphia:
W.B. Saunders, 1948.
Kirkpatrick, Clifford, Sheldon Stryker and Philip Buell. “An Experimental
Study Of Attitudes Towards Male Sex Behavior With Reference To
Kinsey Findings.” American Sociological Review 17, no. 5 (1952).
Kisch, Heinrich. Evlilikte Cinsiyet (Yeni Seksoloji Kitapları, 2). Istanbul:
Yeni Seksoloji, 1961.
. Kadın: Seksüel hayatı ve Evliliğe Sadakatsizliği. Ankara: Berkalp
Kitabevi, 1944.
. Kadın ve Evlilik Hayatı Cilt 1. Translated by Şevket Dilmaç and
Ayet Altuğ. Istanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları, 1951.
. Kadın ve Evlilik Hayatı Cilt 2. Translated by Şevket Dilmaç and
Ayet Altuğ. Istanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları, 1951.
Koca, Bayram. “Ellili Yıllarda Merkez Sağ: Demokrat Parti’nin Özgürlük
ile İstismar Arasındaki Dini Politikaları.” In Türkiye’nin 1950’li yılları.
Edited by Mete Kaan Kaynar, 293-319. İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları,
2015.
Koçak, Cemil. CHP İktidarının Sonu Türkiye’de İki Partili Siyâsî Sistemin
Kuruluş Yılları (1945-1950) Cilt 6. İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2017.
. İktidar ve Demokratlar Türkiye’de İki Partili Siyasi Sistemin
Kuruluş Yılları (1945-1950), Cilt 2. İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2018.
Koçer, Dilara Nergishan. “Demokrat Parti Döneminde Kadın: 1950-1960
Arası Kadın Dergilerinde Kadın İmajı” PhD. Dissertation, Marmara
University, 2009.
Koğacıoğlu, Dicle. “Gelenek Söylemleri ve İktidarın Doğallaşması: Namus
Cinayetleri Örneği.” Kültür ve Siyasette Feminist Yaklaşımlar, no. 3
(2007).
Koloğlu, Orhan. “Sedat Simavi: Kadın Resmini Basına Yerleştiren
Gazeteci.” Tarih ve Toplum, no. 231 (2003).
323
Köymen, Nusret. Demokrasiyi Kurtaralim: Demokrasiyi Kurtaracak Halk
Eğitimidir. Istanbul: Türkiye Basimevi, 1952.
LaFollette, Marcel C. “A Survey of. Science Content in U.S. Television
Broadcasting, 1940s through 1950s: The Exploratory Years.” Science
Communication 24, no. 1 (2002): 34–71.
Leinaweaver, Jessaca B. "Practice Mothers." Signs 38, no. 2 (2013): 405-
430.
Leng, Kirsten. "Permutations of the Third Sex: Sexology, Subjectivity, and
Antimaternalist Feminism at the Turn of the Twentieth Century." Signs
40, no. 1 (2014): 227-254.
Leng, Kirsten and Katie Sutton. “Histories of sexology today: Reimagining
the boundaries of Scientia Sexualis.” History of the Human Sciences 34,
no. 1 (2021): 3-9.
Litton Fox, Greer. “Love Match and Arranged Marriage in a Modernizing
Nation: Mate Selection in Ankara, Turkey.” Journal of Marriage and
Family 37, no. 1 (1975): 180-193.
. “Some Determinants of Modernism among Women in Ankara,
Turkey.” Journal of Marriage and Family 35, no. 3, Special Section:
New Social History of the Family (1973): 520-529.
Liu, Monica. “Surrogate Dating and the Translation of Gendered Meanings
across Borders: The Case of China’s E-mail-Order Brides.” Signs 41,
no: 1 (2015): 29-53.
McMauldin, Fred. Her Nişanlı Genç Kız Neler Bilmelidir? Yarın
Evleneceksin. Translated by Selim Yetkili. Istanbul: Hadise Yayınevi,
1956.
. Buluğ Çağında Bir Kız Neler Bilmelidir. Translated by Selim
Yetkili. Istanbul: Hadise Yayınları, 1956.
. Kızıma Nasıl Söyliyeyim: Her genç kız neler bilmelidir, İnsan
Hayatı Dizisi, 1. Translated by Selim Yetkili. Istanbul: Hadise Yayınları,
1956.
324
Macdonald, Myra. Representing Women: Myths of Femininity in the
Popular Media. London, and New York: Edward Arnold, 1995.
Maniglier, Patrice. “The Order of Things.” In A Companion to Foucault,
edited by Christopher Falzon, Timothy O’Leary, and Jana Sawicki, 104-
121. Malden, Oxford, West Sussex: Wiley-Blackwell Publishing, 2013.
Markens, Susan. Surrogate Motherhood and the Politics of Reproduction.
Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007.
Marmor, Judd. “Homosexuality and Cultural Value Systems.” American
Journal of Psychiatry, no. 130 (1973): 1208-1209
Martin, John F. [et. all], “Changing Sex Ratios: The History of Havasupai
Fertility and Its Implications for Human Sex Ratio Variation [and
Comments and Reply],” Current Anthropology 35, no. 3 (1994): 255-
280.
Martin, Luther H., Huck Gutman and Patrick H. Hutton edited.
Technologies of the Self: A Seminar with Michel Foucault. London:
Tavistock Publications, 1988.
Martion, Emily. “Grafting Together Medical Anthropology, Feminism, and
Technoscience.” In Medical Anthropology at the Intersections:
Histories, Activisms, and Futures, edited by Marcia C. Inhorn and Emily
A. Wentzell. Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2021.
May, Elaine Tyler. America and the Pill: A History of Promise, Peril, and
Liberation. New York: Basic Books, 2010.
. Homeward Bound American Families in the Cold War Era. 3rd
edition. New York: Basic Books, 2008.
May, Josephine. “Secrets and Lies: Sex Education and Gendered Memories
of Childhood’s End in an Australian Provincial City, 1930s– 1950s.”
Sex Education 6, no. 1 (2006): 1-15.
Mazhar Osman edited. Sıhhat Almanağı. İstanbul: Kader Basımevi, 1933.
325
Mazower, Mark. Dark Continent: Europe’s Twentieth Century. New York:
Penguin, 1999.
McRobbie, Angela. “‘More! New Sexualities in Girls’ and Women’s
Magazines.” In In the Culture Society: Art, Fashion and Popular Music.
London: Routledge, 1999.
Mendes, Kaitlynn. “Reading Chatelaine: Dr. Marion Hilliard and 1950s
Women’s Health Advice” Canadian Journal of Communication, no. 35
(2010): 515-531.
Mernissi, Fatima. “Bekaret ve Ataerki.” in Müslüman Toplumlarda Kadın
ve Cinsellik, edited by Pınar İlkkaracan. İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları,
2003.
Metz, Tamara. Untying the Knot: Marriage, the State, and the Case for Their Divorce.
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2010.
Mitchell, Timothy. “Everyday Metaphors of Power.” Theory and Society 19,
no. 5 (1990): 545-577.
Moddelmog, Debra A. “Modernism and Sexology.” Literature Compass 11,
no. 4 (2014): 267–278.
Mullings, Leith. "Resistance and Resilience: the Sojourner Syndrome and
the Social Context of Reproduction in Central Harlem." Transforming
Anthropology 13, no. 2 (2005): 79–91.
Muzaffer, Süheyla. 2. Subay, Asker, Memur, Mektepli ve Umumiyetle
Herkes için Modern Adabı Muaşeret. İstanbul: İnkılâp Kitabevi, 1940.
Naciye Emin Hanım, “Sütninelerin, Ahçılarınızın, Hizmetçilerinizin
Kanlarını Mutlak Muayene Ettiriniz.” In Sıhhat Almanağı. Edited by
Mazhar Osman. İstanbul: Kader Basımevi, 1933.
Najmabadi, Afsaneh. “Contested Veils, Veiled Contestations: Power and the
Public Female.” (paper presented at the conference on “Women, Work
and Power in the Middle East.” University of California at Los Angeles,
12-13 April, 1991).
326
. “Sevgili ve Ana olarak Erotik Vatan: Sevmek, Sahiplenmek,
Korumak.” In Vatan-Millet-Kadınlar, edited by Ayşegül Altınay, 129-
167. İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2004.
Nordqvist, Petra. “Feminist heterosexual imaginaries of
reproduction:Lesbian conception in feminist studies of reproductive
technologies.” Feminist Theory 9, no. 3: 273–292.
Nuti, Alasia. “How should marriage be theorised?” Feminist Theory 17, no.
3 (2016): 285 – 302.
O’Donnell, Kelly Suzanne. "Reproducing Jane: Abortion Stories and
Women’s Political Histories." Signs 43, no. 1 (2017): 77-96.
O’Malley, Pat. “Governmentality and Risk.” In Social Theories of Risk and
Uncertainity, an Introduction, edited by Jens O. Zinn, 52-75. Malden,
Oxford, and Victoria: Blackwell Publishing, 2008.
Oğuzoğlu, Hüseyin Cahit. "Evlilik Birliğini Temsilde Medeni
Kanunumuzun Dayandığı Esaslar." Ankara Üniversitesi Hukuk
Fakültesi Dergisi no. 7 (1950): xxx.
Okur, Fatma Berrin. “Conspicuous Consumption in Turkey in the 1950s: an
Examination of Hayat Magazine” Master’s Thesis, Boğaziçi University,
2007.
Oktay, Ahmet. Türkiye’de Popüler Kültür. İstanbul: YKY Yayınevi, 1997.
Orhon, Alaettin. Kadın Sağlığı: Doğuştan Adet Kesilmesine Kadar. Ankara:
Ankara Üniversitesi Tıp Fakültesi Yayınları, 1962.
Owen, Roger and Şevket Pamuk. A History of Middle East Ecnomies in the
Twentieth Century. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999.
Örnek, Cangül. “1950’li yıllarda ABD ile bluşma: Anti-komünizm,
Modernleşmecilik ve Maneviyatçilik.” Ph.D. Dissertation, Marmara
University, 2010.
327
Özbay, Cenk, Ayşecan Terzioğlu, and Yeşim Yasin. “Türkiye’de
Neoliberalleşme ve Mahremiyetin Dönüşümü.” In Neoliberalizm ve
Mahremiyet, edited by Cenk Özbay, Ayşecan Terzioğlu, and Yeşim
Yasin, 9-30. İstanbul: Metis Yayınları, 2011.
Özbay, Ferhunde. “Nüfus Hareketleri ve Devlet Politikaları.” In Dünden
Bugüne Aile, Kent ve Nüfus. İstanbul:İletişim Yayınları, 2015.
Özkan Kerestecioğlu, İnci and Güven Gürkan Öztan edited. Türk Sağı:
Mitler, Fetişler, Düşman İmgeleri. İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2012.
Özkır, Yusuf. “Hürriyet Gazetesi’nin Kimliği.” Iğdır University Journal of
Social Sciences, no. 3 (2013): 45-70.
Özkurt, Kerem. “Tracing Modernity In The Popular Romances Of The
Early Republican Period (1930-1945): The Novels Of Kerime Nadir,
Esat Mahmut Karakurt and Muazzez Tahsin Berkand” Master’s Thesis,
Boğaziçi University, 2007.
Özsan, Gül. “Türkiye’de Modernleşme ve Kadın Sağlığı Politikaları” PhD.
Dissertation, Mimar Sinan Güzel Sanatlar Üniversitesi, 2007.
Öztamur, Pınar. “Defining a Population: Women and Children in Early
Republican Turkey, 1923-1950” Master’s Thesis, Boğaziçi University,
2004.
Özman, Aylin and Aslı Yazıcı Yakın. “Anti-Komünist Fantaziler: Doğa,
Toplum, Cinsellik.” In Türk Sağı: Mitler, Fetişler, Düşman İmgeleri,
edited İnci Özkan Kerestecioğlu and Güven Gürkan Öztan. İstanbul:
İletişim Yayınları, 2012.
Parker, Richard. “Sexuality, culture and society: shifting paradigms in sexuality
research.” Culture, Health and Sexuality 11, no. 3 (2009): 251-266.
Parla, Ayşe “The "Honor" of the State: Virginity Examinations in Turkey.”
Feminist Studies 27, no. 1 (2001): 65-88.
Parr, Joy. “Introduction.” in A diversity of women: Ontario, 1945-1980,
edited by Joy Parr. Toronto, ON: University of Toronto Press, 1995.
328
Pateman, Carole. “Feminist Critiques of the Public/Private Dichotomy.” In The
Disorder of Women, 118–140. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1989
. The Sexual Contract. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988.
Peker, Mümtaz. “Türkiye’de Nüfusbilimin Kurumsallaşması ve Bu Süreçte
Prof. Dr. Nusret H. Fişek’in Yeri.” Fişek Ensitüsü (20.01.2013).
http://sosyalpolitika.fisek.org.tr/turkiyede-nufusbiliminkurumsallasmasi-
ve-bu-surecte-prof-dr-nusret-h-fisekin-yeri/
Pekman, Cem. İstanbul Radyosu: Anılar, Yaşantılar. İstanbul: Yapı Kredi
Publishing, 2000.
Pınar, Mehmet. “Fuhuş ve Zührevi Hastalıkların (Frengi) TBMM’de
Tartışılması ve Resmi Raporlara Yansımaları (1920-1932).” Van
Yüzüncü Yıl Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi, Salgın
Hastalıklar Özel Sayısı 1, no. 6 (2020): 15-42.
Pilcher, Jane. “School Sex Education: Policy and Practice in England 1870
to 2000.” Sex Education 5, no. 2 (2005), 153-170.
Pigg, Stacy Leigh and Vincanne Adams. “Introduction: The Moral Object of
Sex.” In Sex in Development: Science, Sexuality, and Morality in Global
Perspective, edited by Vincanne Adams and Stacy Leigh Pigg. Durham
and London: Duke University Press, 2005.
Plummer, Ken. “Studying Sexualities for a Better World? Ten Years of
Sexualities.” Sexualities 11, no. 1-2 (2008): 7-22.
Povinelli, Elizabeth A. and George Chauncey. “Thinking Sexuality
Transnationally: An Introduction.” Gay and Lesbian Quarterly, no. 5
(1999).
Plumwood, Val. Feminizm ve Doğaya Hükmetmek. Translated by Başak
Ertür. İstanbul: Metis Yayınları, 2004.
R.Y. edited. Genç kızlara tavsiyeler (Seksoloji konuları 1). Istanbul: Beküs,
1953.
329
Rabinow, Paul. “Introduction.” In The Foucault Reader, edited by Paul
Rabinow. London: Penguin Books, 1991.
Repo, Jemima. The Biopolitics of Gender. New York: Oxford University
Press, 2016.
Reuman, Miriam G. American Sexual Character: Sex, Gender, and National
Identity in the Kinsey Reports. Berkeley, London, LosAngeles:
University of California Press, 2005.
Revillard, Anne. “Stating Family Values and Women’s Rights: Familialism
and Feminism within the French Republic.” French Politics, no. 5
(2007): 210-228.
Reynolds, Nancy Y. “Salesclerks, Sexual Danger, and National Identity in
Egypt, 1920s–1950s.” Journal of Women’s History 23, no. 3 (2011): 63–
88.
Ritchie, Rachel. “The Housewife and the Modern: The Home And
Appearance in Women’s Magazines, 1954 – 1969.” PhD. Dissertation,
the University of Manchester, 2010.
Rivkin-Fish, Michele. "Conceptualizing Feminist Strategies for Russian
Reproductive Politics: Abortion, Surrogate Motherhood, and Family
Support after Socialism." Signs 38, no. 3 (2013): 569-593.
Robinson, Richard D. “38-Communism in the Villages.” Letters from
Turkey, September 25, 1949. Istanbul: Robert College, reprinted for the
Peace Corp by Permission of the Insitute for Current World Affairs,
1949.
Rosario, Vernon A. Homosexuality and Science: A Guide to Debates. Santa
Barbara, Denver and Oxford: ABC-CLIO, 2002.
Porter, Roy and Lesley Hall. The Facts of Life: the Creation of Sexual
Knowledge in Britain, 1650-1950. New Haven and London: Yale
University, 1995.
Rosenblatt, Louise M. Literature as Exploration, 5th edition. New York:
MLA, 1995.
330
Rubin, David A. "The Classification of Sex: Alfred Kinsey and the
Organization of Knowledge by Donna J. Drucker, Gentlemen’s
Disagreement: Alfred Kinsey, Lewis Terman, and the Sexual Politics of
Smart Men by Peter Hegarty, Fuckology: Critical Essays on John
Money’s Diagnostic Concepts by Lisa Downing, Iain Morland, and
Nikki Sullivan." Signs 41, no. 2 (2016): 464-471.
Rupp, Leila J. “Toward a Global History of Same-Sex Sexuality.” Journal
of the History of Sexuality, no. 10 (2001).
Ryan, Maura A. "The Introduction of Assisted Reproductive Technologies
in the “Developing World”: A Test Case for Evolving Methodologies in
Feminist Bioethics." Signs 34, no. 4 (2009): 805-825.
Saktanber, Ayşe. “Kemalist Kadın Hakları Söylemi.” In Modern Türkiye’de
Siyasi Düşünce: Kemalizm cilt: 2, edited by Murat Gültekingil and Tanıl
Bora, 323-334. İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2001.
Sancar, Serpil. Türk Modernleşmesinin Cinsiyeti. İstanbul: İletişim
Yayınları, 2012.
Sanger, Alexander. Beyond Reproductive Freedom in the 21st Century
Choice. New York: PublicAffairs, 2004.
Sanz, Veronica. "No Way Out of the Binary: A Critical History of the
Scientific Production of Sex." Signs 43, no. 1 (2017): 1-27.
Saraçoğlu, Kemal. “Gençlik ve Seksoloji Bilgisi.” In Seksoloji ve Gençlik
Hayatı, no.1: Genç Kızlığın En Esrarlı Tarafı: Bakirelik, 3. İstanbul:
Hadise Yayınları, 1959.
Sargent, W.E. Evlilik Hayatında Daha Bahtiyar Olmanın Yolları. Translated
by Ömer Rıza Doğrul. Istanbul: Arif Bolat Kitabevi, 1942.
Sarıtaş, Ezgi. “Seksoloji: 1945-1955 arası Türkiye'de Cinsel Terbiye.” Fe
Dergi 4, no. 2 (2012): 57-71.
Sarıtaş, Ezgi and Yelda Şahin. “Ellili Yıllarda Kadın Hareketi.” In
Türkiye’nin 1950’li Yılları, edited by Mete Kaan Kaynar. İstanbul:
İletişim Yayınları, 2015.
331
Saymen, Ferit H. Türk Medeni Hukuku, Umumi Prensipler I. Istanbul:
Kenan Matbaası, 1948.
Scales, Peter. “Sex Education in the '70s and '80s: Accomplishments,
Obstacles and Emerging Issues.” Family Relations 30, no. 4, Family Life
Education (1981): 557-566.
Schrift, Alan D. “Discipline and Punish.” In A Companion to Foucault,
edited by Christopher Falzon, Timothy O’Leary, and Jana Sawicki, 137-
153. Malden, Oxford, West Sussex: Wiley-Blackwell Publishing, 2013.
Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no.1: Genç Kızlığın En Esrarlı Tarafı:
Bakirelik. İstanbul: Hadise Yayınları, 1959.
Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 2: Genç erkekte cinsiyet fırtınası. İstanbul:
Hadise Yayınları, 1959.
Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no.3: Gençkızların Cinsi Bilgisizlikleri .
İstanbul: Hadise Yayınları, 1959.
Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 4: Genç erkeğin tehlikeli evreleri. İstanbul:
Hadise Yayınları, 1959.
Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 5: Kızlık Merdivenleri. İstanbul: Hadise
Yayınları, 1959.
Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 6: Genç erkeklerde rüya Kadınları.
İstanbul: Hadise Yayınları, 1959.
Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 7: Genç Kızlarda Cinsi Rüyalar. İstanbul:
Hadise Yayınları, 1959.
Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 8: Genç erkeklerde aşk korkusu. İstanbul:
Hadise Yayınları, 1959.
Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 9: Genç Kızlarda Sevilmek Arzusu.
İstanbul: Hadise Yayınları, 1959.
Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 10: Her genç erkeğin gözüyle Kadın.
İstanbul: Hadise Yayınları, 1959.
332
Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 11: Her Genç Kızın Gözüyle Erkek.
İstanbul: Hadise Yayınları, 1959.
Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı, no. 12: Fuhuş ve Fahişeler. İstanbul: Hadise
Yayınları, 1959.
Shalhoub-Kevorkian, Nadera. “Tecavüzün Kültürel Bir Tanımına Doğru:
Filistin Toplumunda Tecavüz Mağdurlarıyla Çalışırken Karşılaşılan
İkilimler.” In Müslüman Toplumlarda Kadın ve Cinsellik. Edited by
İpek İlkkaracan. İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2003.
Shanley, Mary Lyndon and Adrienne Asch. "Involuntary Childlessness,
Reproductive Technology, and Social Justice: The Medical Mask on
Social Illness." Signs 34, no. 4 (2009): 851-874.
Shannon, Christopher. “Sex, Science, and History.” Journal of Policy
History 12, no. 2 (2000).
Shorter, Frederic C. “The Population of Turkey after the War of
Independence,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 17, no. 4
(1985): 417-441.
Sigel, Lisa Z. “Name Your Pleasure: The Transformation of Sexual
Language in Nineteenth Century British Pornography.” Journal of the
History of Sexuality 9, no.4 (2000), 395-419.
. “Filth in the Wrong People's Hands: Postcards and the
Expansion of Pornography in Britain and the Atlantic World, 1880—1914.”
Journal of Social History 33, no. 4 (2000), 859-885.
. Making Modern Love: Sexual Narratives and Identities in Interwar
Britain. Philadelphia: Temple UP, 2012.
Simmons, Christina. Making Marriage Modern: Women’s Sexuality from
the Progressive Era to World War II. Oxford: Oxford University Press,
2009.
Sirman, Nükhet. “Kadınların Milliyeti.” In Milliyetçilik: Modern Türkiye’de
Siyasi Düşünce, cilt 4, edited by Tanıl Bora, 226-245. İstanbul: İletişim
Yayınları, 2002.
333
. “Önsöz: Namusun Arka Planı.” In Haremler ve Kuzenler, written
by Germaine Tillion, 21-28. Translated by Şirin Tekeli, Nükhet Sirman.
İstanbul: Metis Yayınları, 2006.
. “The Making of Familial Citizenship in Turkey.” in Challenges to
Citizenship in a Globalizing World: European Questions and Turkish
Experiences, edited by Fuat Keyman and Ahmet İçduygu. London:
Routledge, 2005.
Smith, Anna Marie. "Reproductive Technology, Family Law, and the
Postwelfare State: The California Same‐ Sex Parents’ Rights
“Victories” of 2005." Signs 34, no. 4 (2009): 827-850.
Smyth, Lisa. “The Cultural Politics of Sexuality and Reproduction in
Northern Ireland.” Sociology, no. 40 (2006).
Stone, Hannah and Abraham Stone. Evlilik Rehberi (Seksoloji Yayınları,
Yeni Seri, 2). Translated by N.P. Istanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları, 1955.
Stone, Hannah and Abraham Stone. 200 Sual 200 Cevap. Istanbul: İtimat,
1963.
Sunstein, Cass R. and Richard Thaler, “Privatizing Marriage,” The Monist
91, no. 3-4 (2008), xxxx.
Sutton, Katie and Kirsten Leng. “Forum Introduction: Rethinking the
Gendered History of Sexology.” Gender & History 31, no. 2 (2019):
256–265.
Szasz, Ivonne. "Fertile Matters: The Politics of Mexican‐ Origin Women’s
Reproduction by Elena R. Gutiérrez." Signs 34, no. 4 (2009): 1008-
1010.
Şenol-Cantek, Funda. “Ellili Yıllar Türkiye’sinde Basın.” In Türkiye’nin
1950’li Yılları, edited by Mete Kaan Kaynar, 423-450. İstanbul: İletişim
Yayınları, 2015.
334
Şentürk, Ayşegül. “1931 Matbuat Kanunu’ndaki Değişiklikler Üzerine
Kronolojik Bir Değerlendirme: Basın Hürriyeti Bağlamında Meclis
Tartışmaları ve Basındaki Yankılar” Tarih İncelemeleri Dergisi 30, no.
1 (2015): 199-230.
Tahincioğlu, A. Nevin Yıldız. Namusun Halleri. İstanbul: Postiga, 2011.
Tahir-Gürçağlar, Şehnaz.“Tercüme Bürosu Nasıl Doğdu. Birinci Türk
Neşriyat Kongresi ve Çeviri Planlaması.” In Çeviriyi Düşünenler, edited
by M. Rıfat, 48-58. Istanbul: Dünya Yayıncılık, 2003.
. “The Politics and Poetics of Translation in Turkey 1923-1960”
PhD. Dissertation, Boğaziçi University, 2001.
Taylor, Chloe. “Foucault and Familial Power.” Hypatia 27, no. 1 (2012):
201-218.
Tevetoğlu, Fethi. Faşist Yok, Komünist Var. İstanbul: Komünizmle
Mücadele Yayınları, 1962.
Thomson, Rachel. “Moral Rhetoric and Public Health Pragmatism: The
Recent Politics of Sex Education.” Feminist Review, no. 48 (1994).
Thorne, Barrie. “Feminism and the Family: Two Decades of Thought.” In
Rethinking the Family: Some Feminist Questions, edited Barrie Thorne
and Marilyn Yalom. Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1992.
Tiefer, Leonore. “New Perspective on Sexuality: from rigor (motris) to
richness.” The Journal of Sexuality 28, no. 4 (1991).
Toledano, Sarah Jane and Kristin Zeiler, “Hosting the Others’ Child?
Relational Work and Embodied Responsibility in Altruistic Surrogate
Motherhood.” Feminist Theory 18, no. 2 (2017): 159 – 175.
Toury, Gideon. “The Notion of 'Assumed Translation' - An Invitation to a
New Discussion.” In Letterlijkheid, Woordelijheid/Literality, Verbality,
edited by Henri Bloemen, Erik Hertog and Winibert Segers. Antwerpen,
Harmelen: Fantom, 1995.
335
Truog, Robert D. “Patients and Doctors — The Evolution of a
Relationship,” The New England Journal Of Medicine 366, no. 7 (2012):
581-585.
Tuna, Yalçın.“Irza Geçme.” Adalet Dergisi, no. 5 (1955): 446-476.
Tunakan, Seniha. “Antropoloji ve Babalık Tayini.” Antropoloji, no. 1
(1963): 1-4.
Turner, Bryan S. “Citizenship, Reproduction and the State: International
Marriage and Human Rights.” Citizenship Studies 12, no. 1 (2008).
TÜİK, İstatistik Göstergeler 1923-2009. Ankara: Türkiye İstatistik Kurumu,
2010.
Türkent, Münir. “Cinsi hayat ve Gençlik.” In Seksoloji ve Gençlik Hayatı,
no.1: Genç Kızlığın En Esrarlı Tarafı: Bakirelik, 1-2. İstanbul: Hadise
Yayınları, 1959.
Türkeş, A. Ömer. “Aşk Romanlarının Unutulmaz Yazarları Ask Olsun!”
Virgül, no. 18 (1999).
. “Romana Yazılan Tarih.” Toplum ve Bilim, no. 91 (2002): 166-
212.
. “Cinsel Özgürlük Neden Masum Değildir?” Milliyet Sanat (2004).
. “Muhafazakar Romanlarda Muhafaza Edilen Neydi?” In Modern
Türkiye’de Siyasi Düşünce: Muhafazarkarlık. Edited by Ahmet Çiğdem.
İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2003.
Türkiye Nüfusu: 22 Ekim 1950, Genel Nüfus Sayımı, Publication no: 410.
İstanbul: T.C. Başbakanlık İstatistik Genel Müdürlüğü, 1961.
Tyler, Melissa. “Managing between the Sheets: Lifestyle Magazines and the
Management of Sexuality in Everyday Life.” Sexualities 7, no. 1 (2004):
81-106.
Ullman, Sharon R. Sex Seen: The Emergence of Modern Sexuality in
America. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997.
336
Urban, Rudolf (Rudolph) von. Aşk Sanatı. Translated by Muzaffer Aşkın.
Istanbul: Seksoloji Yayınları, 1950.
. Evlilikte Cinsi İstek (Seksoloji Yayınları). Translated by N.P.
Istanbul: İtimat, 1963.
Ülken, Hilmi Ziya. “Aile,” in Aile Yazıları 1: Temel Kavramlar, Yapı ve
Tarihi Süreç, edited by Beylü Dikeçligil and Ahmet Çiğdem, 268-278.
Ankara: T.C: Başbakanlık Aile Araştırma Kurumu Başkanlığı Yayınları,
1991.
Üstel, Füsun.”Makbul Vatandaş”ın Peşinde, II. Meşruiyet’ten Bugüne
Vatandaşlık Eğitimi. İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2004.
Varsa, Eszter. “Sex Advice East and West: Sex education and Family
Planning in Cold War Austria and Hungary.” The History of the Family
25, no. 4 (2020): 649-670.
Velde, Theodor Hendrik van de. Cinsi Münasebetler (Yeni Seksoloji
Yayınları, 3). Translated by .N.P. Istanbul: Yeni Seksoloji, 1961.
Vezzani, Cintia Kozonoi. “Prohibited Pleasures: Female Literacy, Sex and
Adultery in Turn-of-the-Century Brazilian Fiction” PhD. Dissertation,
Northwestern University, 2021.
Wagner, Brooke. “Becoming a Sexual Being: Overcoming Constraints on
Female Sexuality.” Sexualities 12, no. 3 (2009).xxxx
Walby, Sylvia. Theorizing Patriarchy. Oxford and Cambridge: Blackwell
Publishers, 1997.
Waters, Chris. “Sexology.” In Palgrave Advances in the Modern History of
Sexuality, edited by Harry G. Cocks and Matt Houlbrook. Houndmills,
Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006.
Weeks, Jeffrey. Making Sexual History. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2000.
Whiting, Betty. Her Dul Kadın Neler Bilmelidir, İnsan Hayatı Serisi, 4.
Translated by Selim Yetkili. Istanbul: Hadise Yayınları, 1956.
337
Wieringa, Saskia E. "Portrait of a Women’s Marriage: Navigating between
Lesbophobia and Islamophobia." Signs 36, no. 4 (2011): 785-793.
Williams, Christine L and Arlene Stein. “Introduction.” In Sexuality and
Gender, edited by Christine L Williams and Arlene Stein. Oxford:
Blackwell Publishers, 2002.
Wohlmann, Anita. "Of Termites and Ovaries on Strike: Rethinking Medical
Metaphors of the Female Body." Signs 43, no. 1 (2017): 127-150.
Wolf, Joan B. "Framing Mothers: Childcare Research and the
Normalization of Maternal Care." Signs 41, no. 3 (2016): 627-651.
Yapar Gönenç, Aslı. “Türkiye’de Dergiciliğin Tarihsel Gelişimi,” İletişim
Fakültesi Dergisi, 29 (2007): 63-78.
Yapça, Talha. “Gençliğe Doğru Yolu Gösterme Ümidi.” In Seksoloji ve
Gençlik Hayatı, no. 3: Gençkızların Cinsi Bilgisizlikleri , 2. İstanbul:
Hadise Yayınları, 1959.
Yıldırım, Umut. “The Representation and the Perception of the United
States,” Master’s Thesis, Boğaziçi University, 2002.
Yıldırmaz Sinan. “Demokrat Parti ve Dönemi: Sol Tarihyazımında “Kayıp”
Zamanın İzinde.” Praksis, no. 18 (2009): 23-42.
. “From "Imaginary" to "Real": A Social History of the Peasantry in
Turkey” PhD. Dissertation, Boğaziçi University, 2009.
. “The Mass Mobilization in the Elections of the Democrat Party
Period.” Master’s Thesis, Boğaziçi University, 2002.
. “Nefretin ve Korkunun Rengi: “Kızıl.”” in Türk Sağı: Mitler,
Fetişler, Düşman İmgeleri, edited İnci Özkan Kerestecioğlu and Güven
Gürkan Öztan. İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2012.
Yıldız, Nuran. “Demokrat Parti İktidarı (1950-1960) ve Basın.” Ankara
Üniversitesi SBF Dergisi 51, no: 1 (1996): 481-505.
Yurttagüler, Laden. “Social Policies on Female Body in the 1930s in
Turkey” Master’s Thesis, Boğaziçi University, 2004.
338
Yuval Davis, Nira and Floya Anthias, Woman-Nation-State. London:
MacMillan, 1989.
Zeisel, Hans. “Book Review on “Sexual Behavior in the Human Female by
Alfred C. Kinsey,” The University Of Chicago Law Review, no. 21
(1954): 517-525.
Zihnioğlu, Yaprak. Kadınsız Inkilap. Istanbul: Metis Yayınları, 2003.
Zimmerman, Jonathan. “A Family of Man? Sex Education in a Cold War
World, 1940-1964.” ın Too Hot to Handle: A Global History of Sex
Education, edited by Jonathan Zimmerman. Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 2015.
Zola, Irving Kenneth. “Medicine as an institution of social control.” Social
Review 20, no. 4 (1972): 487-504.