453

THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY
SOCIAL SCIENCES UNIVERSITY OF ANKARA.............................................................................................. xi
INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................ 1
1.1. BACKGROUND.................................................................................................... 1
1.2. RESEARCH PROBLEM, QUESTIONS AND OBJECTIVES............................. 3
1.3. MAIN ARGUMENT ............................................................................................. 4
1.4. LITERATURE REVIEW....................................................................................... 4
1.4. SCOPE AND METHODOLOGY.......................................................................... 6
1.5. PRIMARY SOURCES........................................................................................... 6
1.6. STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS ........................................................................... 7
SCHNELLER’S MISSIONARY ACTIVITIES IN JERUSALEM.................................. 8
2.1. BEFORE THE SYRIAN ORPHANAGE ............................................................ 11
2.2. SYRIAN ORPHANAGE (SYRISCHES WAISENHAUS) ................................ 12
2.2.1. Profile of the Orphans ................................................................................... 13
2.2.2. Education in the Orphanage .......................................................................... 16
2.2.3. Lessons in the Orphanage .............................................................................. 19
2.2.4. Graduation ..................................................................................................... 20
2.2.5. Colonization .................................................................................................. 21
2.3. SCHNELLER’S IMPACT ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF JERUSALEM ....... 24
2.3.1. Religion ......................................................................................................... 24
2.3.2. Language ....................................................................................................... 25
vi
2.3.3. Culture ........................................................................................................... 26
2.3.4. Education ....................................................................................................... 26
2.3.5. Industry .......................................................................................................... 27
2.3.6. Architecture ................................................................................................... 28
2.4. CONCLUSION .................................................................................................... 29
TEMPLARS’ ACTIVITIES IN JERUSALEM .............................................................. 30
3.1. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE TEMPLAR SOCIETY ........................................ 32
3.2. GENERAL LINES OF DEVELOPMENT FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE COLONIZATION UNTIL WWII ............................................................................... 33
3.3. THE TEMPLARS’ COLONIZATION PROCESS IN THE FIELDS OF RELIGION, EDUCATION, AGRICULTURE, ARCHITECTURE, TRANSPORTATION, AND LANGUAGE ............................................................... 35
3.3.1. Religion: Moderation of the Templars’ Beliefs ............................................. 36
3.3.2. Education ....................................................................................................... 37
3.3.3. Agriculture ..................................................................................................... 38
3.3.4. Architecture ................................................................................................... 38
3.3.5. Transportation ................................................................................................ 39
3.3.6. Culture and Language .................................................................................... 40
3.4. THE TEMPLARS’ IMPACT ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF JAFFA .............. 41
3.4.1. Population of the Templar Colony in Jaffa ................................................... 42
3.4.2. Industry and Professions in the Jaffa Colony ................................................ 43
3.5. THE TEMPLARS’ IMPACT ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF SARONA ......... 46
3.5.1. Population of the Templar Colony in Sarona ................................................ 46
3.5.2. Industry and Professions in the Sarona Colony ............................................. 47
3.6. THE TEMPLARS’ IMPACT ON THE DEVELOPMENT JERUSALEM ........ 49
3.6.1. Population of the Templar Colony in Jerusalem ........................................... 49
3.6.2. Industry and Professions in the Jerusalem Colony ........................................ 50
3.7. CONCLUSION .................................................................................................... 52
ACTIVITIES OF THE KAISERSWERTHER DEACONESSES IN JERUSALEM AND THE TALITHA KUMI SCHOOL AND ORPHANAGE ..................................... 54
4.1. BACKGROUND.................................................................................................. 56
4.2. MISSIONARY ACTIVITIES OF THE KAISERSWERTHER HOSPITAL IN JERUSALEM .............................................................................................................. 59
4.3. NATIONALITIES OF THE PATIENTS WHO CAME TO THE HOSPITAL FROM 1876 TO 1909 ................................................................................................. 62
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4.4. CLINICAL TREATMENT BETWEEN 1876-1909 ........................................... 67
4.5. THE TALITHA KUMI SCHOOL AND ORPHANAGE .................................... 67
4.5.1. Education ....................................................................................................... 68
4.5.2. Enrolled Students ........................................................................................... 69
4.5.3. Official Reactions .......................................................................................... 70
4.5.4. Influence of the School .................................................................................. 70
4.6. CONCLUSION .................................................................................................... 71
CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................... 73
BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................................................................................... 78
ANNEX .......................................................................................................................... 84
viii
ABSTRACT
This study examines the impact of the German Protestant missionary organizations (the Syrian Orphanage, the Templar colonies, the Kaiserswerther Deaconesses, and the Talitha Kumi School and Orphanage) on the Mutassarıflık of Jerusalem during the period 1876-1909. The reason these organizations were selected for study is that they were in a position to contact relatively the largest proportion of the local population through their missionary activities, and also that they were active in diverse fields: the Schneller and Talitha Kumi Orphanages in education, the Kaiserswerther Deaconesses in health, and the Templar colonies in agriculture and manufacturing.
The study relies primarily on the examination and interpretation of documents, records, and reports by individuals who lived through the events that occurred in Ottoman Jerusalem between 1876 and 1909. Using these materials, an attempt is made to investigate the impact of these German missionary organizations on contemporary Palestine in the fields of education, health, technology, language, religion, and identity formation.
This research reveals that the German missionary organizations that settled in Palestine did not simply go to that region to preach the Protestant religion to the local people, but they also had an important impact on the region in terms of language, culture, technology, and architecture.
Keywords: Ottoman Empire, Palestine, Jerusalem, German Missionary Organizations, Protestants
ix
ÖZ
Bu çalışmada Alman Protestan misyoner örgütlerinin (Suriye Yetimhanesi, Templar Kolonileri, Kaiserswerther Diyakonezliği ve Talitha Kumi Okul ve Yetimhanesi) 1876-1909 yılları arasında Kudüs Mutasarrıflığı üzerindeki etkileri incelenmiştir. Bu örgütlerin seçiliş sebebi, yerel nüfus arasında görece en geniş kesime ulaşacak durumda olmaları ve farklı alanlarda etkinlik göstermeleridir: Schneller ve Talitha Kumi Yetimhaneleri eğitim, Kaiserswerther Diyakonezleri sağlık ve Templar Kolonileri de tarım ve imalat alanında faaldiler.
Çalışma, ağırlıklı olarak 1876-1909 yılları arasında Osmanlı Kudüsü'nde meydana gelen olayları yaşayan kişilerin belge, kayıt ve raporlarının incelenmesi ve yorumlanmasına dayalıdır. Söz konusu kaynak malzemesine dayanarak eğitim, sağlık, teknoloji, dil, din ve kimlik oluşumu alanlarında Alman misyoner örgütlerinin Filistin üzerindeki etkisi araştırılmaktadır.
Bu araştırma, Filistin'e yerleşen Alman misyoner örgütlerinin bölgeye sadece Protestanlığı yerel halka vaaz etmek için gitmediklerini, aynı zamanda dil, kültür, teknoloji ve mimari alanlarında bölge üzerinde önemli bir etki gösterdiklerini ortaya koymaktadır.
Anahtar Kelimler: Osmanlı İmparatorluğu, Filistin, Kudüs, Alman Misyoner Örgütleri, Protestanlar
x
LIST OF TABLES
Table 2.1. The Religions from the Children of the Orphanage in 1876. ........................ 14
Table 2.2. The Origin from the Children of the Orphanage in 1876. ............................. 14
Table 2.3. The Languages from the Children of the Orphanage in 1876. ...................... 15
Table 2.4. The Professions of the Families from the Children of the Orphanage in 1876. ........................................................................................................................................ 15
Table 2.5. The Familial Status of the Children in the Orphanage in 1876. .................... 16
Table 2.6. A Schedule Applied in the Orphanage by 1876. ........................................... 18
Table 3.1 Population, Animals, and Buildings of the Jaffa Colony. .............................. 42
Table 3.2. Professions in the Jaffa Colony. .................................................................... 43
Table 3.3 Population, Animals, and Buildings of the Sarona colony. ............................ 46
Table 3.4 Professions in the Sarona Colony. .................................................................. 47
Table 3.5 Population and Buildings of the Jerusalem Colony. ....................................... 49
Table 3.6. Professions in the Jerusalem Colony. ............................................................ 50
Table 4.1. Nationalities of the Patients from 1884-1889. ............................................... 62
Table 4.2. Nationalities of the Patients from 1890-1898. ............................................... 64
Table 4.3. Nationalities of the Patients from 1901-1907. ............................................... 65
Table 4.4. Religion of the Patients in 1901. .................................................................... 66
Table 4.5. Religion of the Students. ................................................................................ 69
xi
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 2.1. Schneller’s Institutions. .................................................................................. 9
Figure 3.1 The Settlements of the Templar Society. ...................................................... 35
xii

CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
1.1. BACKGROUND
Institutions established by Christian churches to spread Christianity in non-Christian countries are called “missions,” and those who are responsible for spreading religion, especially Christianity, are called “missionaries.” Christian missionaries mainly carried out activities to teach the Bible, to bring non-Christians to this religion, or to include those from different sects of Christianity within their own denominations.1 People who took on the task of spreading Christianity went to various parts of the world. According to Celal Öney, the Ottoman Empire was one of the areas most exposed to missionary activities in the world with its cosmopolitan population structure, strategic location, places considered sacred to Christianity, and the Eastern (Oriental) churches that the Western Church desired to bring under its control. In the 19th century, the Ottoman Empire hosted Catholic, Orthodox, and Protestant missionaries.2 As a result of the activities of the latter, the Protestants were recognized as a millet3 in 1850.
1 Muttalip Şimşek, “Alman Misyonerliğinin Yakın Doğu’daki En Büyük Müessesesi: Suriye Yetimhanesi (1860-1917),” Belleten 82 (2018): 325.
2 Celal Öney, Osmanlı Suriyesi’nde Misyonerlik Faaliyetleri (Ankara: Maarif Mektepleri, 2019), 13.
3 The Ottoman Empire grouped the non-Muslims, whom they described as dhimmis, not for their ethnicity but for their religious distinctions based on their religion. These millets were given political, religious, and social freedoms so that they could fulfill their religious practices. Every nation that lived in the Ottoman state and was officially accepted by the state as a millet was free to choose their own religious leader. The heads of these millets were responsible for collecting and transferring all kinds of problems of nations and taxes to the state. Öney, Osmanlı Suriyesi’nde, 17-18.
2
The Mutasarrıflık of Jerusalem,4 a part of the Ottoman Greater Syria,5 was an important place for missionary organizations, and especially for the Protestant ones. The origins of Christianity, with its holy places and the Jewish community, were concentrated in this region. For these reasons, Jerusalem was a preferred destination for Protestant missionaries. The annexation of Greater Syria by the Egyptian Governor Mehmet Ali Pasha in the 1830s, as well as the reform initiatives led by Ibrahim Pasha in the region, opened Greater Syria to the influence of the western states. Because of these reforms, Catholic and Protestant missionary organizations, which were active in Palestine Ottoman Syria, not only expanded their areas of activity in the region but also effected the physical development of the missionary institutions they had created.6
As a result, the interest shown in the region, which emerged from the beginning of the 19th century among Christians, was the driving force for the Protestant missionary organizations to establish permanent missions in Palestine. Starting in 1810, many Protestant missionaries from different countries began to visit Jerusalem. The aim of the first missionaries who came to the region was to survey the environment and the religious and ethnic characteristics of the people living in this region by making research trips and reporting what the options could be for the permanent Protestant missions about to be established in the region. The most important reason behind the increasing interest in the Holy Land in the 1800s was the Evangelical Awakening that took place in Europe and the USA. While the Protestant movement that emerged as a result of the religious awakening era in America was comparable to that of England and most other European countries, it differed from that of certain European countries like Germany, the Netherlands, Switzerland, and other Scandinavian countries. But, at the heart of it all, was the desire to preach the Protestant faith to other countries around the world.7
4 The Mutassarıflık of Jerusalem, which was an Ottoman district with distinctive administrative status, founded in 1872. The district included Jerusalem as well as Hebron, Jaffa, Gaza, and Beersheba. The Mutassarıflık, along with the Sanjak (district) of Nablus and the Sanjak of Akka (Acre), formed the region known as “Palestine” during the late Ottoman Empire. Lamia Rustum Shehadeh, “The name of Syria in Ancient and Modern Usage,” in The Origins of Syrian Nationhood: Histories, Pioneers and Identity, ed. Adel Beshara (London and New York: Routledge, 2011), 23.
5 Greater Syria, also known as Bilad-ı Şam, was the name given to the area that covers today's Syria, Palestine, Lebanon, and Jordan. See Cengiz Tomar, “Şam,” TDV İslâm Ansiklopedisi (İstanbul: Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslam Araştırmaları Merkezi, 2010), cilt 38, 311-315.
6 Alex Carmel, Palästina-Chronik (1853 bis 1882) (Ulm: Vaas Verlag, 1978), 14-17.
7 Öney, Osmanlı Suriyesi’nde, 25-27.
3
Many missionary organizations preferred to begin their work in Jerusalem, the birthplace of the Christian religion.8 Unlike other missionary organizations, German Protestants used the method of working and organizing in fields such as agriculture and social services, specifically through schools, orphanages, and hospitals in the Palestinian region.9 Their aim in this was to gain the sympathy of the local people, and to ensure that the German colonizers settled and lived peacefully with the Arabs of the region. It was not observed that the German Protestants had any conflicts with the Ottoman authorities.10
1.2. RESEARCH PROBLEM, QUESTIONS AND OBJECTIVES
The activities of the Protestant missionary organizations in a wide range of fields make it necessary to address the problem of their impact on the development of the region as well as on the local population. To shed light on this problem, the present study will address the following research questions: What kind of methods and tools did the German missionary organizations use in the Mutassarıflık of Jerusalem between 1876 and 1909? How did German missionary organizations affect the Jerusalem region through their missionary activities in the period between 1876 and 1909? Finally, how did the Jerusalem residents react to the German missionary organizations’ activities from 1876 to 1909?
In keeping with these questions, the first objective of the study is to analyze the organizations established by German missionaries in the Mutassarıflık of Jerusalem and the methods and tools they used while carrying out their activities between the years 1876 and 1909. The second objective is to determine the outcomes obtained by the German missionary organizations in their activities in Jerusalem in the same period. The third objective is to investigate the reaction and approach of the local people of the
8 Öney, Osmanlı Suriyesi’nde, 33.
9 The Catholics and the Orthodox also had schools, orphanages and hospitals. What distinguished the Protestants’ institutions is that they provided social work that other people could also benefit from. Among such work was the Templars’ contribution to the construction of roads in Jerusalem. For the work of Catholic and Orthodox Christian missionary organizations see Serkan Gül, The French Catholic Missionaries in Lebanon Between 1860 and 1914, (PhD diss., METU, 2015); Stephen Tromp Wayn Hayes, Orthodox Mission Methods: A Comparative Study, ( PhD diss., University of South Africa, 1998).
10 İlber Ortaylı, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nda Alman Nüfuzu (İstanbul: Kronik Kitap, 2019), 154.
4
Mutassarıflık of Jerusalem to the activities of the German missionary organizations in the period under consideration.
1.3. MAIN ARGUMENT
Attempting to answer the questions above, this research will reveal that the German missionary organizations that settled in Palestine did not simply go to that region to preach the Protestant religion to the local people, but they also had an important impact on the region in terms of language, culture, technology, and architecture.
1.4. LITERATURE REVIEW
What prompted me to work in this field was that there were very few studies in the English scholarly literature examining the work of German missionary organizations in Ottoman Jerusalem, while there were plenty of works on American-British missionary organizations in the region. A small number of Turkish researchers have also focused on German protestant missionary organizations, using Ottoman archival documents as their primary source material. My primary contribution lies in drawing on the primary sources that the Germans themselves produced in the period under consideration. In this way, I have had the opportunity to analyze the activities of German missionary organizations from their own perspective.11 I also focus specifically on the Mutasarrıflık of Jerusalem and cover as wide a data set (number of students, patients etc.) as possible from the years between 1876 and 1909.
The relevant works on the individual subjects of the main chapters are handled at the beginning of each chapter. What follows in the rest of the present section is a series of notes about some of the more relevant works, intended to illustrate the points made above.
In the Turkish scholarly literature Kevser Topkar’s work Osmanlı Filistini’nde Alman Kolonileri (1869-1917) [German Colonies in Ottoman Palestine (1869-1917)], published in 2015, covers only the activities of the Templar organization in Haifa and
11 Since the main objective of this study was to evaluate the organizations in question by drawing on the contemporary German sources that they themselves had produced, Ottoman archival documents, already used by previous researchers on the subject, were not drawn into consideration. On the other hand, the scholarly literature in Arabic was examined to find any works that might be dwelling on the German missionary organizations, but no relevant studies were found.
5
relies on Ottoman documents. The Templars’ colonies in Palestine are not included. Unlike Topkar’s book, my work examines the Templar colonies in Sarona, Jaffa, and Jerusalem based on Alex Carmel’s edited volume of historical newspapers published by the Templar organization.
Another specific study, Muttalip Şimşek’s article entitled “Kaiserswerther Diyakonezleri'nin Kudüs'teki Faaliyetleri ve Talitha Kumi Okulu” [Kaiserswerther Diaconesses’ Activities in Jerusalem and the school of Talitha Kumi] (2019), goes into great depth about the stages leading to the opening of the hospital in Jerusalem, as well as some information about the patients who benefited from the health services. The author then goes on to describe the activities of the Talitha Kumi School. While he only supplies the nationalities of the patients in the Kaiserswerther Hospital in 1887, my research focuses on the years between 1883 and 1908.
In a more general work, Osmanlı Devleti’nde Almanların Protestan Misyonerlik Faaliyetleri [Protestant Missionary Activities of the Germans in the Ottoman Empire] published in 2015, Uğur İnan deals with the Protestant missionary activities of the Germans overall the Ottoman Empire. He bases his research on documents from the Ottoman Archives. My work, on the other hand, focuses on the Mutassarıflık of Jerusalem and the time span from 1876 to 1909, and relies on primary sources of German provenance.
In another Turkish work of yet wider scope, Osmanlı Suriyesi’nde Misyonerlik Faaliyetleri (Missionary Activities in Ottoman Syria) published in 2019, Celal Öney dwells on the struggles of American, British, German, and Russian missionaries to gain a place in Ottoman Syria and to establish political influence. He mentions the German missionary organizations only in passing, while my work provides an in-depth study of the German missionary organizations in the Mutassarıflık of Jerusalem.
In the relevant English literature, Fruma Zachs’s 2019 article “The Children in War Time: The First Pupils of the Syrian (Schneller) Orphanage in Jerusalem 1860-1863” examines the educational model used at the Schneller Orphanage. The main emphasis of the research, however, is on the background and emotional state of the children residing at the institution. Zachs uses Schneller's annual reports from 1861 to 1863 to conduct these assessments, whereas in my thesis the activities of the orphanage from 1876 to 1909
6
are examined. More importantly, I also discuss Schneller’s impact on the development of Jerusalem in terms of religion, language, culture, education, industry, and architecture.
1.4. SCOPE AND METHODOLOGY
In this study, the activities of the German Protestant missionary organizations in the Mutassarıflık of Jerusalem between 1876 and 1909 are examined. The activities of the Catholic German missionary organizations have not been taken into consideration, because they were not as widespread around Jerusalem as the German Protestant missionary organizations.12
I have tried to select the missionary organizations that were in a position to reach the largest audience through their missionary activities. For better representation they had to be active in diverse fields, so the Schneller and Talitha Kumi Orphanages in the sector of education, the Kaiserswerther Deaconesses in health, and the Templar colonies in agriculture have been chosen for study.
The study relies primarily on the examination and interpretation of documents, records, and reports by individuals who lived through the events that occurred in Ottoman Jerusalem between 1876 and 1909. Using these materials, an attempt is made to investigate the impact of these German missionary organizations on contemporary Palestine in the fields of education, health, technology, language, religion, and identity formation.
1.5. PRIMARY SOURCES
As in the case of secondary sources, the primary sources relevant to the subject of each chapter are discussed at the beginning of that chapter, and so the remainder of this section will content itself with offering some examples for the various types of primary sources used for the study.
In addition to Carmel’s aforementioned collection of the Templars’ historical newspapers, there is the book entitled Blätter aus meinem Reise-Tagebuch: 1881-1883 [Pages from my Travel Diary: 1881-1883], written by Hans Meyer in 1883. It is a travel diary that spans the years from 1881 to 1883. The author visited Athens, Jerusalem, Cairo,
12 Öney, Osmanlı Suriyesi’nde, 194.
7
Istanbul, and South India, among other places. He noted the importance of the Sarona Templar colony in the expansion of the German language in the region, as well as the fact that they were mostly farmers and provided transportation between Jaffa and Jerusalem.
Reports of the organizations under consideration have also been used extensively for the present study. Such an example is “Sechszehnter Jahresbericht des Syrischen Waisenhauses in Jerusalem vom Jahre 1876” [Sixteenth Annual Report of the Syrian Orphanage in Jerusalem from 1876], published by Pilger Missions Buchdruckerei auf St. Chrischona in 1877. It is an annual report of the Syrian Orphanage for the year 1876, describing the nationalities of the children who came to the orphanage and the professions and courses taught there.
1.6. STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS
The three main chapters of the thesis deal respectively with the Schneller Orphanage, the Templars’s activities in Jerusalem, and the Kaiserswerther Deaconesses as well as the Talitha Kumi School. In the second chapter, the activities of the Schneller Orphanage are examined as follows: Firstly, the background of the orphanage is analyzed. Then general information about the orphanage is given. Finally, Schneller’s impact on the development of Jerusalem is examined in six subsections: religion, language, culture, education, industry, and architecture.
In the third chapter, the Templar organizations’ activities are analyzed as follows: Firstly, the background of the society is examined. Secondly, general lines of development from the beginning of colonization until WWII are analyzed. Thirdly, the Templars’ colonization process in the fields of religion, education, agriculture, architecture, transportation, and language are examined. Lastly, the Templars’ impact on the development of Jaffa, Sarona, and Jerusalem is examined in separate sections.
Finally, activities of the Kaiserswerther Deaconesses and the school and orphanage of Talitha Kumi in Jerusalem are examined. Firstly, a background is given. Secondly, the nationalities of the patients who came to the hospital from 1876 to 1909 are analyzed. Thirdly, clinical analysis between 1876–1909 is examined. Finally, the Talitha Kumi School and Orphanage is analyzed with regard to the influence it exercised in Jerusalem.
8
CHAPTER 2
SCHNELLER’S MISSIONARY ACTIVITIES IN JERUSALEM
When a missionary orphanage is mentioned, an institution that provides religious education comes to mind. However, the Syrian Orphanage was different from the other orphanages in that it provided vocational and handicraft training to the orphans. In contrast to the prevailing practice, here orphans were given the chance to determine their future with their own decisions.
The reason for this difference was the founder of the Syrian Orphanage, Johann Ludwig Schneller (1820-1896). Schneller became a teacher at the age of eighteen. Before launching his career in the orphanage, he worked as a teacher and a preacher in different places. Schneller learned handicrafts at Kinder-Rettungsanstalt (Children's rescue facility) in Göppingen, which he visited to make observations in the workshops where the students were trained. The crafts he learned here would help him a lot in the future.13
A general examination of Schneller’s life reveals that he took the crucial step of his career by opening the Syrian Orphanage in Jerusalem. By the end of Abdulhamid’s reign, Schneller’s institutions had grown to a vast complex whose area exceeded that of the old city of Jerusalem (See Figure 1).14 During the British Mandate period the activities of the orphanage temporarily stopped till 1921.15 In 1948 the orphanage was occupied by the British, became the principal British army camp, and then an Israeli military facility
13 Ludwig Schneller, Vater Schneller: Ein Patriarch der Evangelischen Mission in Heiligen Land (Leipzig: Komissions Verlag, H.G. Wallmann, 1904), 20-32.
14 Roland Löffler. “Die langsame Metamorphose einer Missions- und Bildungseinrichtung zu einem sozialen Dienstleistungsbetrieb. Zur Geschichte des Syrischen Waisenhauses der Familie Schneller in Jerusalem 1860-1945.” In In Europäer in der Levante- Zwischen Politik, Wissenschaft und Religion (19.-20. Jahrhundert), ed. Dominique Trimbur, (München: Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag, 2004), 94, https://doi.org/10.1524/9783486835700-005.
15 Muttalip Şimşek, “Alman Misyonerliğinin Yakın Doğu’daki En Büyük Müessesesi: Suriye Yetimhanesi (1860-1917),” Belleten 82, no. 293 (April 2018): 351
9
for the next 60 years. The building in Jerusalem is now vacant, but the Johann Ludwig Schneller School in Lebanon and the Theodore Schneller School in Amman, which opened during the occupation, follow in the footsteps of Ludwig Schneller.16
Figure 2.1. Schneller’s Institutions.17
16 “Response to False Information in Wikipedia”, Johann Ludwig Schneller Schule Education for Peace since 1860, accessed February 05, 2022, http://www.jlss.org/response_to_wikipedia.aspx
17 Schneller, Vater Schneller, 127-29.
10
In light of these considerations, this chapter addresses the following question: “What was the impact made on Jerusalem, in terms of religion, language, culture, education, industry, and architecture, by the institutions that Schneller founded in an effort to spread Protestantism?” At first sight it might be supposed that the influence of Schneller’s institutions would be confined to the spread of Protestantism. But what was in question here was a new Protestant institution that spread over a huge area, and it seems reasonable to surmise that this institution must have had a wider impact on the local people as well, bringing about various important changes in different fields.
These changes have received insufficient attention in the secondary literature. There is an article by Muttalip Şimşek on the Syrian Orphanage and a chapter in Uğur Inan’s book about German Protestant Missionary Activities in the Ottoman Empire.18 Şimşek, in his study, generally focused on the development of the Syrian Orphanage and the training provided there. The chapter about the Syrian Orphanage in Inan’s book is mainly based on Abdel Sinno’s thesis about German interests in Syria and Palestine, 1841-1898.19 These works are generally similar in content, and do not examine the changes wrought by Schneller’s institutions in Jerusalem.
Fruma Zachs is another author who has written on the Syrian Orphanage. Zachs published an article in which he examined the education model applied in the Schneller Orphanage. The main focus of the inquiry, however, was the background and emotional status of the children residing in the institution. While making these analyses Zachs used Schneller’s annual reports covering the years from 1861 to 1863.20
While writing this section, I drew heavily on Schneller's annual report for the year 1876, particularly in terms of the nationalities of the children who came to the orphanage and the professions and courses taught there. Schneller's biography, written by Schneller's son, was extremely helpful in learning about Johann Ludwig Schneller's life experience
18 Şı̇mşek, “Alman Misyonerliğinin,” 325-355; Uğur Inan, Osmanlı Devleti’nde Almanların Protestan Misyonerlik Faaliyetleri, IV/A-2.2.1. 29 (Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, 2015).
19 Abdel-Raouf Sinno, Deutsche Interessen in Syrien und Palästina, 1841-1898 (Berlin: Baalbek Verlag, 1982).
20 Fruma Zachs, “Children in War Time: The First Pupils of the Syrian (Schneller) Orphanage in Jerusalem 1860–1863,” Middle Eastern Studies 55, no. 6 (June 2019): 958-973.
11
and the difficulties he endured in the Palestine region prior to the foundation of the Syrian Orphanage.21
In order to fill this gap in the literature, the present chapter examines the development of the Syrian Orphanage in Jerusalem with a focus on the change and transformations it brought about in the region. It considers Schneller’s impact on Jerusalem in six categories; Religion, language, culture, education, productivity and technology, and architecture.
2.1. BEFORE THE SYRIAN ORPHANAGE
Before proceeding to relate Johann Ludwig Schneller’s career, it is worth mentioning briefly Christian Friedrich Spittler (1782-1867) who played an important role in his professional development and settlement in Jerusalem.
Spittler was the secretary of the Pilgermission St. Chrischona in which an environment was created where missionaries could live in poverty and seclusion so that they could prepare themselves for the places where they would go. In addition to these, they were provided with specialization in a business branch by giving them training in various crafts and farming.22
He founded the Basel Mission and thirty other organizations, including institutions for epileptics and a home of education for deaf people. He conceived the idea of spreading Protestantism by establishing in Palestine twelve colonies, which he called “twelve apostle houses,” inhabited by German immigrants. These colonies would engage in trade, and Spittler felt that these efforts would affect the region in such a way that the local people would get closer to the colonies, and ipso facto to the Protestants.23
In 1847, Schneller became the teacher and father of a house for twenty pupils in St. Chrischona. In 1854 Spittler sent Schneller and his wife to Jerusalem with the tasks of
21 “Sechszehnter Jahresbericht des Syrischen Waisenhauses in Jerusalem vom Jahre 1876” (Basel: Pilger Missions Buchdruckerei auf St. Chrischona, 1877); Schneller, Vater Schneller.
22 Inan, Protestan Misyonerlik, 125.
23 Inan, Protestan Misyonerlik, 124-132; “C F Spittler,” Friends of Conrad Schick, accessed October 21, 2020, https://conradschick.wordpress.com/om/c-f-spittler/.
12
establishing colonies, re-activating the Basel Brother House24 (Brüderhaus), and educating the six Mission pupils they took along.25
By the end of his first year in Jerusalem Schneller realized that he was not satisfied with his job in the Pilgermission, so resigned and decided to use his money to buy a piece of land outside the old city of Jerusalem. He built a house on the land to start charitable missionary work among the people of Jerusalem.26
2.2. SYRIAN ORPHANAGE (SYRISCHES WAISENHAUS)
Thus Schneller decided to go his own way, as felt he would be more satisfied with the task of spreading Protestantism. Not long after his decision civil war broke out in Lebanon. At Splitter’s request, Schneller went to the Syrian coast to receive orphans from the Christian families affected by war, and it was with some of these orphans that Schneller opened the Syrian Orphanage.27
Schneller was unable to start the orphanage, as he had originally planned, with a great number of orphans because the local people in Lebanon, distrustful of him, prevented the children from following him to Jerusalem and took back 61 of the 70 children he had originally received.28
In Inan’s book the reason for Schneller's return from Beirut with so few children is stated as the distrust for the Protestants, influenced by the propaganda of the French Catholic missionaries among the Maronite refugees living there.29
Schneller established the Syrian Orphanage in his house on 11 November 1860. The orphanage was described in the annual report as a Protestantization institution where
24 Schneller re-activated the Brother House, previously founded by Conrad Schick and Ferdinand Palmer who were the first missionaries send by Spittler to Jerusalem. “Syrian Orphanage,” Friends of Conrad Schick, accessed October 21, 2020, https://conradschick.wordpress.com/jerusalem/syrisches-waisenhaus/.
25 “Jahresbericht,” 8-9.
26 Inan, Protestan Misyonerlik, 135-136.
27 The name of the orphanage was Syrian Orphanage due to the name of the region from which where he took the orphans. Roland Löffler, Protestanten in Palästina: Religionspolitik, Sozialer Protestantismus und Mission in den Deutschen Evangelischen und Anglikanischen Institutionen des Heiligen Landes 1917-1939 (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2008), 251; “Jahresbericht,” 12; Jakob Eisler, “Syrisches Waisenhaus Jerusalem,” last modified December 17, 2014, https://www.wkgo.de/institutionen/syrisches-waisenhaus-jerusalem.
28 Löffler, “Die Langsame,” 83; Schneller, Vater Schneller, 82,88; Löffler, Palästina, 252; “Jahresbericht,” 13.
29 Inan, Protestan Misyonerlik, 137.
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poor children were raised to become useful members of human society, so that they could become “a Protestant leaven” for their people.30
Schneller’s educational system was based in the beginning on Christian Heinrich Zeller's education method.31 Zeller turned mainly to children from the lower classes as he wanted to rescue the lower class from the vicious circle of poverty and stabilize it spiritually by the help of religiously based craft training.32 Schneller initially received only poor and orphaned children into the orphanage. According to the annual reports, the children came in a miserable, dirty and sometimes sick condition. However, later on he realized that the children of more well-to-do families had to be received as well, considering that they were more promising than the poorer children from the country who were not only less educated but also more disobedient. Children in the former group served Schneller’s purpose better as they had more prospects and seemed worthier of the efforts to give them a good education. Another motivation of his in accepting these children was to form a Protestant Arab middle class made up of teachers, clergy, and some academics in Jerusalem, so that a change for the better could be brought about in the comportment of the people in the region.33
According to the annual report, the children entrusted to the orphanage were from Jerusalem and other countries of the Levant. They had to be between six and twelve years old. Education was free of charge even for children from better-off families. The main reason for this was that the local people were not quite aware of the value of the education given in the orphanage.34
2.2.1. Profile of the Orphans
Of the children received into the orphanage until 1876, 202 were boys and 8 were girls. Of these, 12 were from Jerusalem, 10 from Bethlehem, and 23 from Jaffa. As for their religion, 4 were irreligious, 32 Muslims, and 174 Christians (29 Roman Catholics,
30 “Jahresbericht,” 20.
31 More information about Zeller Deutsche Biographie, “Zeller, Christian Heinrich,” Deutsche Biographie, accessed October 21, 2020, https://www.deutsche-biographie.de/pnd118772473.html#adbcontent.
32 Löffler, “Die Langsame,” 86; Löffler, Palästina, 254–55.
33 Şı̇mşek, “Alman Misyonerliğinin,” 335; “Jahresbericht,” 14,30; Löffler, “Die Langsame,” 92.
34 “Jahresbericht,” 21,30.
14
29 Maronites, 87 Orthodox Greeks, 8 Copts, 1 Gregorian Armenians, and 19 Protestants).35
Table 2.1. The Religions from the Children of the Orphanage in 1876.
We know that when Schneller went to pick up the first orphans in Beirut, he had difficulties because of the Maronites, and that he came with few orphans due to the French Catholic influence on them. When we look at the table above, it was probably pleasing for Schneller that by 1876 there were 29 Maronites in the orphanage.
According to their origin, 129 of them were city dwellers, 66 rural residents, 2 Bedouins, 6 African slaves, and 7 Abyssinian Christians.36
Table 2.2. The Origin from the Children of the Orphanage in 1876.
Origins
Numbers
City dwellers
Rural residents
Bedouins
African slaves Abyssinian Christians
129
66
2
6
7
35 “Jahresbericht,” 29; One Christian was missing in the numerical distribution.
36 “Jahresbericht,” 29.
Religions
Numbers
Irreligious
Muslims
Roman Catholics
Maronites
Orthodox Greeks
Copts
Gregorian Armenians
Protestants
4
32
29
29
87
8
1
19
15
According to their native language, 191 spoke Arabic, 4 German, 13 Abyssinian and Galla,37 1 Armenian, and 1 Turkish.38
Table 2.3. The Languages from the Children of the Orphanage in 1876.
Languages
Numbers
Arabic
German
Abyssinian and Galla
Armenian
Turkish
191
4
13
1
1
The professions of the families of these children were as follows: 88 were countrymen, 64 craftsmen, 16 merchants, 12 scholars, 20 beggars, and 10 slaves.39
Table 2.4. The Professions of the Families from the Children of the Orphanage in 1876.
Professions
Numbers
Countrymen
Craftsmen
Merchant
Scholar
Beggar
Slaves
88
64
16
12
20
10
Ninety were whole orphans, 61 were fatherless, 46 were motherless and 13 were not orphans. 185 of the orphans came from poor families and 25 from well-to-do families.40
37 A language spoken by a group in Abyssinia. The Galla Language is also called Oromo language. For more information see Cornelius J, Jaenen. "The Galla or Oromo of East Africa" Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 12, no. 2 (1956): 171-90.
38 “Jahresbericht,” 30.
39 “Jahresbericht,” 30.
40 “Jahresbericht,” 30.
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Table 2.5. The Familial Status of the Children in the Orphanage in 1876.
Familial Statuses
Numbers
Whole orphans
Fatherless
Motherless
Not orphans
Poor families
Well to do families
90
61
46
13
185
25
It was only from 1872 onwards that girls were admitted to the orphanage.41 In 1882 the first blind children were received to the orphanage, on the request of the residents in the surrounding regions.42 The orphanage’s admission policy changed after the Armenian incidents in 1896, and mostly Armenian students gained admittance. More and more Armenian refugee children were taken in, so that the number of boys rose to 280. On the other hand, few Arab orphans were admitted. In 1897, for example, the orphanage accepted 28 Arabs applicants and rejected 130 others. Up to 1905 a total of 3,000 Arabs were denied admission.43 It could be deduced from these numbers that the local people became gradually aware of the good-quality education being delivered in the orphanage.
2.2.2. Education in the Orphanage
The upbringing of the children in the orphanage was Protestant and religion constituted the core of the education given to the children.44
The teaching of children's craft-vocational education was essential for Schneller. He stated that they could even close down the orphanage without that education.45 According to Schneller, education without the teaching of a profession was equivalent to raising beggars. His exact words:
41 According to Fruma Zachs girls started education in the dormitory from the year 1869; Zachs, “Children in War,” 3.
42 Şimşek, “Alman Misyonerliğinin,” 349.
43 Sinno, Deutsche Interessen, 74.
44 “Jahresbericht,” 23.
45 Löffler, “Die Langsame,” 90.
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Work, work is what we still have to teach this people. What is the point of teaching the children if we do not enable them afterwards to eat their own bread with honor? Should we raise beggars? … If they wanted to erase hand and vocational training from our educational plan, we would close our orphanages.46
The importance that Schneller attached to education was also noticeable from the gradual increase in the duration of the education. Basic education started with four years, but then it was increased initially to five and then, by 1881, to six years.47
In the 1880s the school offered education on two levels. The first was primary school and the second was vocational training. Vocational training started after the end of primary school, by which time students were about 15 years old.48 In the year 1888 the seminar school was added to these as a high school. It came to fulfil an important role in the upbringing of qualified personnel. Those who graduated from the seminar school had two choices: either being a teacher or a pastor.49 Depending on their talent, the children who completed the basic education with good grades could proceed to the Seminar School while the others had the chance of continuing with vocational, commercial or agricultural training.50
Schneller’s educational activities were based primarily on applied education in handicraft and agriculture. According to him, the children had to be taught these crafts within the framework of “Protestant religious formation,” and by the time they were 18 years old, the children no longer ought to be a burden on anybody.51
According to the daily routines of the children, as described in the annual report of the Syrian Orphanage for 1876, they woke up by sunrise, cleaned the house, and then did their homework until 7am. The school lessons were between 8 am and 12 pm. Afterward, if there was need for any help in the kitchen, like bringing water etc., the
46 “Arbeit, Arbeit ist’s vor allem was wir diesem Volke noch beibringen müssen. Wofür lehren wir die Kinder, wenn wir sie nicht in den Stand setzen, hernach mit Ehren ihr eigen Brot zu essen? Sollten wir etwa Bettler erziehen? … Wollte man uns die Hand- und Berufsarbeit in unserem Erziehungsplane streichen, so würden wir unsere Waisenhäuser schließen. Löffler, “Die Langsame,” 90.
47 Şı̇mşek, “Alman Misyonerliğinin,” 343.
48 “Jahresbericht,” 23–24
49 Löffler, “Die Langsame,” 91.
50 Şı̇mşek, “Alman Misyonerliğinin,” 344; Löffler, “Die Langsame,” 91.
51 Şı̇mşek, “Alman Misyonerliğinin,” 345.
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children provided assistance. Otherwise they played outside until 1 pm. Then, school lessons continued until 3pm and then an hour of lunch break and play hour followed. From 4 pm to 7 pm the orphans did manual labor in the house, yard, and garden, and learnt a profession. From 7 pm to 8 pm they had dinner and allowed free time to repeat their daily lessons. This was followed by the prayer time, following which the children moved into the dormitory at 9 pm, sang there, and went to bed.52
Table 2.6. A Schedule Applied in the Orphanage by 1876.
Hours
Schedule
6.00-7.00
8.00-12.00
12.00-13.00
13.00-15.00
15.00-16.00
16.00-19.00
19.00-20.00
20.00-21.00
Waking up, cleaning home and homework
School lessons
Helping in the household or playing outside
School lessons
Lunch/playing
Learning a profession
Dinner, homework
Prayer time/ Sleeping
Unfortunately, this daily routine could not be applied immediately after vacations. It is stated in the annual report that after holidays it proved very difficult to bring together the children at the same time, since their relatives did not want to send them back immediately. According to the annual report, this stemmed from the lack of awareness on the part of the families who behaved according to the Arab adage "It doesn't matter whether the children sit with you or with me.” As a result, a long time passed until the children could be brought together again, leading to a few weeks’ loss in the curriculum.53
The annual report of 1877 also reveals how a planned, programmed and disciplined education system was implemented to instill a Protestant lifestyle in children. As Sinno indicates, the orphanage's program can be summarized as "pray and work.”54 It is evident from this disciplined religious education planned by Schneller that he desired
52 “Jahresbericht,” 26.
53 “Jahresbericht,” 39–40.
54 Sinno, Deutsche Interessen, 58.
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the children to leave the orphanage with a new identity, namely that of an exemplary Protestant Christian to inspire the people of Palestine and the surrounding districts.55
2.2.3. Lessons in the Orphanage
The teachers who partook a role in Schneller’s education system were selected with care in accordance with Schneller's belief that the teachers had to be the role models of the flock, without any wavering on their part.56
The following lessons were given by the teachers of the orphanage in primary school: Religion, languages, reading, writing, drawing, arithmetic, music (singing), geography, natural science, and history (bible, history of the church, and other subjects). In the year 1880 world history, geometry, life sciences (biology), and piano playing lessons were added to the course curriculum.57 The lessons given in the orphanage were much the same as in ordinary German primary schools.58
At the vocational school students were taught a profession based on at least one handicraft, by which they could earn their life in the future, while in the seminar school they received lectures on religious subjects as well as the English and French languages.59 The languages used for the lessons were German and Arabic, but other languages were taught as well according to the needs of the field chosen by the student. In the 1900s the Ottoman government committed foreign schools to include the Turkish language in their curriculum.60
After blind children began to be admitted to the orphanage in 1882 they were offered lectures and workshops using the Braille alphabet for the Arabic language. In 1902 a special school was opened for them by Theodor (1856-1935), son of Schneller.61 An overview of the educational institutions for the blind shows that teaching in this field did not develop fully until the beginning of the 20th century. The primary school for blind
55 Schneller’s education style consisted of strict discipline, punishment, and manifest obedience; see Zachs, “Children in War,” 11; Şimşek, “Alman Misyonerliğinin,” 339.
56 “Jahresbericht,” 23.
57 Şimşek, “Alman Misyonerliğinin,” 343; “Jahresbericht,” 23–24.
58 “Jahresbericht,” 33.
59 Şimşek, “Alman Misyonerliğinin,” 344–45.
60 Inan, Protestan Misyonerlik, 158.
61 Eisler, “Syrisches Waisenhaus Jerusalem,” 3; Şı̇mşek, “Alman Misyonerliğinin,” 346–48.
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boys was established in 1902, followed by a home for the blind in 1905. Finally, the school for the girls was opened in 1906, albeit in a building separate from the orphanage.62
2.2.4. Graduation
Orphans were preferred to stay in the orphanage as long as possible. At the beginning the age of graduation was 14. It then increased to 18, and finally to 20.63 The consideration behind this lengthening, it might be surmised, was that the more time the students spent in the orphanage, the more qualified they would be, and therefore more likely to succeed in life after graduation. Of course, there were students who failed to complete the education program. According to the Syrian annual report, some students left the orphanage after only four years, while there were even some who left following the first few weeks.64 Some students were dismissed from the orphanage by Schneller himself as they had bad habits, used foul language, were prone to fighting, and addicted to drugs. Schneller had to struggle with these old habits of the children. Those children who could not be reformed in the orphanage despite the strict upbringing methods and beatings, and also those who were categorized as boy-molesters, were expelled from the orphanage.65
The students who made it to the end graduated with various different professions. In the annual report of 1877, it is observed that 2 of the alumni were writers66 in Jaffa and Gaza; 2 were surgeons in Jaffa and Sidon; 11 were cobblers in Jerusalem, Bethlehem, Nablus, Jaffa, Beirut, and Port Said; 9 were carpenters and turners in Jerusalem, Jaffa, and Beirut; 2 were bakers and cooks in Jaffa, and Beirut; 6 were servants in Jaffa and Beirut; 13 were merchants and clerks in Jaffa, Beirut, Nazareth, and Damascus; 4 were dragomans in Jaffa and Beirut; and 18 were business assistants with monthly wages in the cities of Syria, Palestine, and Egypt.67
The links with the children who had graduated from the orphanage were not severed, and they were visited at regular intervals. Sometimes these young people were
62 Sinno, Deutsche Interessen, 71.
63 Sinno, Deutsche Interessen, 58.
64 “Jahresbericht,” 31.
65 “Jahresbericht,” 34; Zachs, “Children in War,” 10.
66 Details about the writer were not given in the source. The word writer could be referring to as a journalist or a clerk.
67 “Jahresbericht,” 31–32.
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invited to the evening meetings held in the orphanage on certain days of the week and asked to recount anecdotes that would serve as moral examples for young children. Therefore, it was attempted to keep alive the missionary awareness of the alumni. Schneller was aware of the dangers that awaited children outside, dangers that could alienate them from their religion. So, it was thought that marrying the graduates with Protestant girls from Talitha Kumi68 and from the Syrian Orphanage itself could keep them safe by enabling them to set up homes with strong Protestant morals.69
Schneller knew that his plans to Protestantize Palestine could not be realized only by raising children in the orphanage. So, he made plans for establishing colonies to target a wider audience. Striving to Protestantize the region, the colonies would not only spread the religion, moreover, but also help create a more favorable environment for the graduates to preserve their morals and religion.70
2.2.5. Colonization
Johann Ludwig Schneller believed that the colonization of Palestine by Germans would not only ensure the protection of the orphanage and its graduates and provide them with various economic and business opportunities, but also help with the establishment of a Protestant Arab community. It was also in this context that he approached the construction of the Protestant Arab church, which he saw as a crucial step on the road to establishing a separate Protestant society under the administration of the German diocese.71
Schneller thought of two types of colonies: agricultural colonies and commerce and craft colonies.
68 It’s a Protestant school for girls opened by Theodor Fliedner; “History,” Talitha Kumi Deutsche Ev.-Luth. Schule in Beit Jala/Palästina n.d., accessed January 13, 2022, https://www.talithakumi.org/en/school-kindergarten/542-2/.
69 Şimşek, “Alman Misyonerliğinin,” 335,347-348; Sinno, Deutsche Interessen, 62; Ludwig Schneller, Die Kaiserfahrt Durchs Heilige Land, neunte (Komissionsverlag Wallmann, 1900), 169.
70 Sinno, Deutsche Interessen, 62.
71 Inan, Protestan Misyonerlik, 161; Şimşek, “Alman Misyonerliğinin,” 334–35; Sinno, Deutsche Interessen, 98.
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2.2.5.1. The Agricultural Colony 'Bir Salem'
Schneller rented the land of Bir Salem from the Remle municipality with the aim to provide the children with practical training in agriculture.72 Much effort was spent to prepare the field for agriculture, cleaning the weeds, solving the problem of irrigation, and struggling with swarms of locusts.73 A large investment was made to import “Deutz” brand water pumps from Germany and so to use the latest irrigation techniques to irrigate the fields.74
According to Schneller's original plan, the children in the orphanage were to become farm workers and all were to be assigned pieces of land to work on. The children were to cultivate these lands under the supervision of the agronomist, and they were to get paid as much as they produced. But students wanted to have their own lands instead of being agricultural workers. Schneller himself was a tenant on miri75 land, so, as a solution, he decided to rent a certain portion of this land to the children. The system thus applied conformed to the murabah76 system which was in place during the Ottoman period. The students continued working and sent three-quarters of the harvest to the orphanage for the rent of the land.77
The Schneller family also strove hard to purchase a piece of land to build an agricultural school on it. In the end, the land was purchased with the help of the German consulate and the agricultural school was opened before long in Bir Salem. Thirty students from the Syrian Orphanage were transferred in 1906 to Bir Salem to receive education there.78
72 Şı̇mşek, “Alman Misyonerliğinin,” 346.
73 Sinno, Deutsche Interessen, 66.
74 Inan, Protestan Misyonerlik, 154.
75 Public domain - the owner of such land was the Ottoman Empire; see M. Macit Kenanoğlu, “Miri Arazi”, TDV İslâm Ansiklopedisi (İstanbul: Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslam Araştırmaları Merkezi, 2020), cilt 30, 157-160.
76 A type of fiduciary sale contract with a specified profit addition on the purchase price or cost; see İbrahim Kafi Dönmez, “Murabaha,” TDV İslâm Ansiklopedisi (İstanbul: Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslam Araştırmaları Merkezi, 2020), cilt 31, 148-152.
77 Sinno, Deutsche Interessen, 66; Inan, Protestan Misyonerlik, 150–51.
78 Sinno, Deutsche Interessen, 67–68; Dr. Lamec Saad, “Deutschland in Palästina,” in Deutsche Erde: Zeitschrift Für Deutschkunde: Beiträge zur Kenntnis Deutschen Volkstums aller orten und Allerzeiten, ed. Paul Langhans (Gotha: Perthes, 1907): 138.
23
2.2.5.2. The Commerce and Craft Colony
In the beginning, the children in the orphanage had only few options to learn among the crafts, including gardening, tailoring, shoemaking, carpeting, turnery, etc. The lack of suitable teachers was a reason for this, so they decided to send some children to Germany to learn different crafts like pottery.79 Once these children had learned new crafts in Germany, they had the chance to teach these to other children in the orphanage, and thus the crafts that the children could learn were diversified as time went on.80
As a result, workshops began to be opened one after another in early twentieth century. The Syrian Orphanage owned a workshop for the blind, a printing house, a locksmith’s, a tailor’s, a carpenter’s, a shoemaker’s a tile manufactory, and a workshop for pottery.81 In these workshops not only children but also interested local people received education.82
Schneller believed that the rural population ought to be given the chief role in the creation of an exemplary Arab society. It was for this purpose that the rural people were admitted to receive education in the workshops, where they would learn at least one handicraft by which they could earn their life, as was Schneller’s desire.83 In the various workshops, a large number of craftsmen and merchants were trained. So, two years before his death, Schneller was finally able to start building the houses for the long-planned commerce and craft colony which were named after German provinces.84
According to the journal of the Commission for the Study of Palestine (Kommission zur Erforschung Palästinas), which provides an overview of the Mission Houses of the Syrian Orphanage until 1907, it consisted of 10 institutions. The first to be opened was the large orphanage for boys from Palestine and Syria, in which 2000 children from the country were raised as Protestants. The second was the girl orphanage with 36 children. The third institution to be established was the Armenian orphanage with 70 pupils. The fourth was a large industrial establishment and the fifth was the Protestant primary school, in which 400 children from the city were taught. The sixth was the
79 “Jahresbericht,” 37.
80 Arthur Ruppin, Syrien Als Wirtschaftgebiet, Der Tropenpflanzer Beihefte (Berlin, 1916), 351.
81 Löffler, “Die Langsame,” 92.
82 Şı̇mşek, “Alman Misyonerliğinin,” 347.
83 Şı̇mşek, “Alman Misyonerliğinin,” 347.
84 Sinno, Deutsche Interessen, 70.
24
seminary where Arab teachers, preachers, and missionaries were trained and the seventh was the home for the blind with 50 orphans. The eighth was the congregation of the former pupils and other local Christians who had settled around the motherhouse. The ninth was the agricultural colony of Bir Salem, and the tenth was the recently opened Bir Salem Orphanage where children were brought up on farm work.85
Of course, it was not easy to acquire the lands where these institutions were established. Besides bureaucratic obstacles, the London Jews Society (LJS), a Protestant organization, was trying to prevent Schneller from land purchases. Schneller himself described the fight against LJS as the most painful due to their moves against the orphanage. For instance, they complained to the Ottoman authorities that the orphanage was established without permission. The main reason for this negative attitude of the LJS may be inferred from a statement made by missionary John Nikolayson to Schneller: “You are doing an injustice in purchasing and expanding your land here because it belongs to the Jews.”86
2.3. SCHNELLER’S IMPACT ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF JERUSALEM
In this section, the Schneller’s impact on the development of Jerusalem will be examined in six subsections: religion, language, culture, education, industry, and architecture.
2.3.1. Religion
The core of Schneller’s education system consisted of instilling the orphans with a new lifestyle imbued with the values of Protestantism. The main steps in this direction were baptism and confirmation. The first confirmation, with four orphans, took place in Zions’s church three years after the orphanage was founded. One of these four was a Muslim. In the following years, up to thirty or forty people, including former Muslims, Greek Orthodox, Catholics, Armenians, and Jews, were confirmed in a year.87
85 “Palaestina: Organ für die wirtschaftlische und kulturelle Erschliessung des Landes,” Kommission zur Erforschung Palästinas 4, no. 6/8 (June-August 1907): 218.
86 Sinno, Deutsche Interessen, 60,64; Inan, Protestan Misyonerlik, 141,146.
87 “Jahresbericht,” 15–16; Sinno, Deutsche Interessen, 58.
25
It must be noted here that Schneller attached special importance to the Protestantization of Muslims. But he could not achieve much success in this venture due to the public pressure, and from time to time Abdulhamid II warned the provincial administrators not to let Muslim children enter missionary schools and orphanages.88
The data given by Löffler reveals that confirmation played a much more important role than baptism in assessing the "success of the mission." According to him, 1,169 pupils had passed through the Syrian Orphanage by 1911 (since some of these had died of illness, some had escaped and some had been taken by the Jesuits, this number was not the same as that of graduated orphans). Of these, only 11 were baptized, while 376 were confirmed. Of the confirmed, 171 came from the Protestant Church, 151 from the Greek Orthodox Church, 24 from the Catholic Church, 21 from the Gregorian Church, and 9 from other Oriental Churches.89
The Syrian Orphanage was able to show a respectable record during its century-long life. During the first 25 years, 414, during the first 40 years 1,200 and during the first 80 years 3,500 students graduated from its institutions. Even though not all the students who graduated from the orphanage converted to the Protestant religion, they got closely acquainted with that religion during their stay at the orphanage.90
It may be argued that Schneller’s efforts did bear fruits by pointing out the pupils confirmed in Protestantism. Although they did not represent a huge increase in the Protestant population of Jerusalem, their presence could be regarded as a good start for a gradual process of Protestantization considering that there had been very few Protestants in the region before the establishment of the orphanage.
2.3.2. Language
The languages of the lessons given in the orphanage were German and Arabic. As the number of the students who graduated from the orphanage increased year by year and as they spread around Great Syria (Syria and Palestine), tourists from Germany found themselves able to go around speaking German, as the son Schneller indicates in his book Vater Schneller: “Many visitors met with former students of the Schneller Orphanage in
88 Şı̇mşek, “Alman Misyonerliğinin,” 341.
89 Löffler, “Die Langsame,” 94; “Jahresbericht,” 31.
90 Löffler, “Die Langsame,” 94.
26
almost every part of Syria and communicated in German.”91 As well, the graduated orphans may have spread German in their personal circles and contributed to a gradual increase in German-speaking people in Jerusalem.
2.3.3. Culture
The children in the orphanage received a disciplined, well-programmed education. They were not only raised with German discipline, but also influenced by German culture. The orphans celebrated the Christmas, Easter, confirmation days, and birthdays. The annual report of the Syrian Orphanage allows a closer glimpse into these fests and days: The children looked forward all year long to the Christmas to have a Christmas tree, fully decorated with lights and an angel over it. The Easter was celebrated joyfully by painting Easter eggs. The confirmation days of the elder students were celebrated by everyone in the orphanage. As for the birthdays, since celebrating them was not a custom in Palestine often the orphans didn’t know their birthday. So, the date of their registration at the orphanage was celebrated as their birthday. Besides, the Kaiser Wilhelm birthday in spring was celebrated as well.92 Presumably, after graduation the alumni continued this custom and probably in the process influenced those around them.
2.3.4. Education
It could be argued that in the field of education Schneller and his family served as a bridge between the East and the West. They not only brought the German education model and European production techniques to Palestine, but also sent some orphans to Germany for them to receive vocational training.93 Thus the orphans had the opportunity to see Europe, which otherwise they would not have ever seen. They were able to observe at first hand German culture, architecture, technology, and way of life. It seems reasonable to argue that after their period of education in Germany the children returned to Palestine with a wider horizon, and that this contributed in some degree to the reshaping of Palestine.
91 Schneller, Vater Schneller, 142.
92 “Jahresbericht,” 44–45; Johannes Baumgarten, Ostafrika, der Sudan und das Seeengebiet: Land und Leute; Naturschilderungen, Charakteristische Reisebilder und Scenen aus dem Volksleben, Aufgaben und Kulturerfolge der Christlichen Mission, Sklavenhandel; Die Antisklavereibewegung, Ihre Ziele und ihr Ausgang; Kolonialpolitische Fragen Der Gegenwart; 69.
93 “Jahresbericht,” 37.
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2.3.5. Industry
The Syrian Orphanage provided children with theoretical and practical training in a total of thirteen different fields. These were agriculture, viniculture, gardening, tailoring, turnery, shoemaking, tile and brick manufacturing, carpentry, farrier/blacksmithing, pottery, printing, sewing, and bakery. Later, other units needed by the institution, such as milling (steam processing) and a machinery repair shop, were added.94
This is the point to have a closer look at the production techniques introduced to Palestine, starting with the printing house founded in 1885. Inan argued that the success of this house could be compared with the Latin Patriarchate’s printing company in Jerusalem.95 The printing house printed books in various languages such as German, Arabic, English, French, Italian, Hebrew, Russian, and Czech, and also specialized in printing in Braille. The Syrian Orphanage also published a journal of its own called Messenger from Zion, which reported the activities of the orphanage. It is worth noting that during his visit to Palestine in 1898, Kaiser Wilhelm ordered this journal to be regularly sent to himself in Germany.96
As for the brick and tile factory, Ruppin indicates that the bricks were produced with patterns from Marseilles and that their quality was of a level that could compete with the bricks produced in France. One million bricks and various pottery were produced annually in the tile house, most of which were made to orders coming from across the country.97
In the tailor’s workshop, the children both sewed school clothes and produced to orders from Jerusalem and the surroundings. These workshops, which were established to prepare orphans for life, grew into an enterprise. By the beginning of the twentieth century, the orphanage boasted the largest vocational school and workshops in the Middle
94 Şı̇mşek, “Alman Misyonerliğinin,” 345.
95 Inan, Protestan Misyonerlik, 155.
96 Şı̇mşek, “Alman Misyonerliğinin,” 346; Schneller, Die Kaiserfahrt, 168; Sinno, Deutsche Interessen, 73.
97 Sinno, Deutsche Interessen, 68–69; Şı̇mşek, “Alman Misyonerliğinin,” 346; Ruppin, Syrien Als Wirtschaftgebiet, 406; Georg Holdegel and Jentzsch Walther, Deutsches Schaffen und Ringen im Ausland-Österreich, Ungarn, Balkan, Orient (Leipzig: Klinkhardt, 1916), 143.
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East. Therefore, not only children were trained there, but also the people living in the region were allowed to learn crafts in the workshops.98
The local people were not only inspired by the education they received in the workshops, but also learned new techniques used in the lands of the orphanage, techniques that were unique and fascinating for the Palestine of that period. For example, the modern techniques used in the drilling of water wells, as Inan notes, proved useful in setting an example for farmers and craftsmen in Palestine.99
Considering the activities carried out by the skilled craftsmen trained in the Syrian Orphanage, and the exports it made, which brought in a total of 6,560 marks, it can be argued that the orphanage made a positive contribution to the economy of Palestine.100 Thanks to the orphanage new workshops were opened in Palestine, and the modern production techniques used in these workshops played a pioneering role in contributing important innovations to the industrialization process in the region.101
2.3.6. Architecture
Another kind of impact Schneller had on Palestine was through the construction of buildings. The architecture of the buildings of Schneller’s Orphanage was quite different from that of the local buildings and indeed resembled south-German architecture.102 Teddy Kollek, who served as Mayor of Jerusalem between 1967 and 1993, noted once that Schneller had contributed more than himself to the city planning and architecture of Jerusalem .103
98 Şı̇mşek, “Alman Misyonerliğinin,” 345–47.
99 Inan, Protestan Misyonerlik, 154.
100 Inan, Protestan Misyonerlik, 155.
101 Sinno, Deutsche Interessen, 68; Inan, Protestan Misyonerlik, 156.
102 The photos from Syrian orphanage: Friends of Conrad Schick, “Syrian Orphanage,”; Ruth Kark and Michael Oren-Nordheim, Jerusalem and Its Environs: Quarter, Neighborhoods, Villages, 1800-1948 (Detroit: MI Wayne State University Press, 2001), 126.
103 Löffler, “Die Langsame,” 77.
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2.4. CONCLUSION
One could suppose at first sight that an orphanage run by a missionary would just deliver religious education to the orphans. But the case of the Syrian Orphanage shows that this assumption may not always be true.
To begin with, Schneller achieved his immediate aims in establishing the orphanage despite the adverse conditions of his period. He succeeded in spreading Protestantism as well as in establishing Protestant colonies in the region. In the orphanage, the lives of the children were completely reset and reprogrammed from the moment they stepped in the institution. Children were raised in the Protestant religion and inculcated with its morality, growing up with the principle that a good Protestant had to be hardworking and productive. It was aimed that children thus raised would be able to earn and sustain their lives by the profession they learned, and they would leave behind the psychology of poverty inherited from their past lives before entering the orphanage. The education system implemented by Schneller reset the rhythm of the children’s life in accordance with a Protestant lifestyle.
Schneller not only arranged the daily routine of the orphans who entered the dormitory, but he also planned the orphans' future. This included the children's marriages and the professions they would pursue. Schneller taught the children how to earn a living, arranged their life partners, and kept them tied to him through frequent visits so they would not stray from his path and the Protestant Church in their future lives.
However, Schneller’s impact did not remain confined to the institutions he established. Through the latest techniques he used in production as well as through the importance he attached to the establishment of an educated middle class, he also contributed to the transformation and development of Jerusalem in many fields, including religion, culture, education, language, industry, and architecture.
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CHAPTER 3
TEMPLARS’ ACTIVITIES IN JERUSALEM
The German colony of the Templar Society (Tempelgesellschaft) in Palestine influenced the country’s industrial, agricultural, architectural, linguistic, and religious development. The Templar Society contributed to the commercial and industrial growth of that region. The Templars introduced professions that had never been encountered in Palestine before.
The present chapter is dedicated to the Templars’ impact on Palestine. The Templars’ colonization process and its influence is studied in terms of religion, education, agriculture, architecture, technology, and language. Besides this, the professions performed by the Templars are examined and shown in tables to reveal the professional changes in the Templar colony during the period under consideration.
Research on German colonies, particularly Templar colonies, is still in its beginning stages in Turkey. Kevser Topkar’s book Templer ve Yahudiler: Osmanlı Filistini'nde Alman Kolonileri (1869-1917) [Templars and Jews-German Colonies in Ottoman Palestine (1869-1917)] is the only work that gives detailed information on this subject.104 It exclusively focuses on the Templar settlement in Haifa. Since the date of publication of this book, 2015, no significant study has been conducted on the Templar colonies in Turkey. The present chapter differs from Topkar’s work in two respects. Firstly, it focuses on different Templar colonies, namely those in the Mutassarıflık of Jerusalem (Jaffa, Sarona, and Jerusalem). Secondly, whereas Topkar relied in her work
104 Kevser Topkar, Templer ve Yahudiler: Osmanlı Filistini'nde Alman Kolonileri (1869-1917) (İstanbul: Taşmektep Yayınları, 2015).
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on material from the Ottoman archives, this chapter is based on German primary sources, such as travel diaries, newspapers and books published during the period.
Among these primary sources, Palästina Chronik (1853-1914), edited by Alex Carmel, is one of the most important. It comprises contemporary newspaper accounts about the Templar society from the Die Süddeutsche Warte newspaper.105
The book Handbuch des Deutschtums im Auslande is another source that has proved useful. The book investigates the numerical distribution of Germans in various countries on the European and Asian continents, as well as the number of German language speakers in these countries. It also provides information on German schools, consulates, publications, and colonies.106
Another valuable primary source for the present chapter is Occident und Orient, written by Christoph Hoffman, founder of the Templar Society. The author gives information about the purpose and establishment of the Templar colony. The book also deals with other issues like the perspective of the Christian churches in Palestine and the European impact on the Orient.107
The final primary source used for the present chapter is Hans Meyer’s travel diary, Blätter aus meinem Reise-Tagebuch: 1881-1883, published as a book and describing his travels to several cities, including Jerusalem, Athens, Cairo, Istanbul, and South India. I drew on the relevant section on Jerusalem.108
105 Die Süddeutsche Warte was a weekly newspaper that began to be published by the Templars in 1845. In 1877 the name of the newspaper was changed to Die Warte des Tempels. The newspaper’s office was in Stuttgart until 1912, when it was moved to Jerusalem with the concomitant change of its name to Jerusalemer Warte. Today its office is back in Stuttgart and it is published monthly with the name Die Warte des Tempels. Hereafter the name of the newspaper will be referred to as Warte. According to the book Palästina Chronik, the numbers of the newspaper published until 1912, while its office was based in Stuttgart, constitute an excellent source as the newspaper was then not subject to Ottoman censorship.
Alex Carmel, Palästina-Chronik (1853 bis 1882) (Ulm: Vaas Verlag, 1978); Alex Carmel, Palästina-Chronik (1883 bis 1914) (Ulm: Vaas Verlag, 1983).
106 Allgemeinen Deutschen Schulverein zur Erhaltung des Deutschtums im Auslande, Handbuch des Deutschtums im Auslande: nebst einem Adressbuch der deutschen Auslandsschulen (Berlin: Reimer, 1906).
107 Christoph Hoffmann, Occident und Orient: eine kulturgeschichtliche Betrachtung vom Standpunkt der Tempelgemeinden in Palästina (Stuttgart: Steinkopf, 1875).
108 Hans Meyer, Blätter aus meinem Reise-Tagebuch: 1881 – 1883 (Leipzig: Bibliographisches Institut, 1883)
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Among the secondary literature from outside Turkey, Die Siedlungen der Württenbergischen Templer in Palastina 1868-1918 by Alex Carmel is a seminal source for the researchers in this field, providing detailed information about the Templar community.109 It deals with later founded Templar colonies as well as the colonies in the Sarona, Haifa, Jerusalem, and Jaffa regions. In addition, the Templar community’s relations with the Ottoman and German administrations are discussed and the German settlers’ interactions with the local administrators, Arabs, and Jews are examined. Information is provided as well about the professions of the settlers in 1889. No information is given however about their professions in the following years. The present chapter aims to fill in this gap, showing the professional changes in the Templar colonies over time.
Another useful secondary source on the subject is Ruth Kark and Naftali Thalmann’s article “Die Hebung des Orients, der Beitrag der Templer zur Landesentwicklung Palestinas.”110 The article gives information about the professions carried out in Templar society and the reactions of the Jews and Arabs towards the Templar settlements.
3.1. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE TEMPLAR SOCIETY
In the year 1854, under the leadership of Gottlob Christoph Hoffmann (1815-1885), Christoph Paulus (1811-1893),111 Georg David Hardegg (1812-1879) and Louis Höhn, the group “Gesellschaft für die Sammlung des Volkes Gottes in Jerusalem” (Society for the Gathering of the People of God in Jerusalem) was established in Wüttenberg.112 The group claimed to represent original Christianity and argued that the Christianity that existed at their time was tainted.113 Due to this claim, they were
109 Alex Carmel, Die Siedlungen der Württenbergischen Templer in Palastina 1868-1918 (Stuttgart: W. KohlHammer Verlag, 1973).
110 Ruth Kark and Naftali Thalmann, “Die Hebung des Orients Der Beitrag der Templer zur Landesentwicklung Palastinas in den 80 Jahren ihrer Siedlungstatigkeit.” Der besondere Beitrag Beilage der Warte Tempels, no.10 (2003).
111 Paulus was one of the leaders of the Templar Society, successor to Hoffman as editor of the Warte newspaper in 1868. He was the head of the Templar society by 1885. See Carmel, Chronik (1853 bis 1882), 110; “Meilensteine in der Geschichte der Tempelgesellschaft,” Tempelgesellschaft-Freie christliche Gemeinschaft, accessed April 29, 2021, https://www.tempelgesellschaft.de/de/geschichte/meilensteine.php
112 “Meilensteine.”
113 Topkar, Templer ve Yahudiler, 71; K. Matthes and Franz Otto Stichart, Allgemeine kirchliche Chronik (Hamburg: Haendke-Lehmkuhl, 1879), 178.
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excommunicated from the Protestant Church.114 The group built an independent religious organization and called themselves Templar115 in 1861.116
Hoffman was the founder who drew up the constitution of the Society. The basis of his idea was not new. About two years before, a movement had started among the Protestants believing that Jesus Christ would soon come back, and Hoffman took his inspiration from them. His aim was to establish a sacred empire in Jerusalem.117 In the constitution itself, the target audience was not only Christians but also Jews.118
In 1868, Hoffmann sent a person named Hardegg to Istanbul and asked Sultan Abdulaziz for permission to establish a German colony in Jerusalem. After receiving the permission, the first group that was comprised of Wüttenberg craftsmen and farmers set foot in Haifa in 1869. The following year ten German-American families who shared the same beliefs migrated to the colony in Haifa.119
3.2. GENERAL LINES OF DEVELOPMENT FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE COLONIZATION UNTIL WWII
The Templars’ colonization process during the last fifty years of Ottoman rule in Palestine may be divided into two phases: Haifa, Jaffa, Sarona, and Jerusalem in the first phase of the establishment (1868-1878), and Wilhelma, Bethlehem in Galilaa and Waldheim in the second (1902 -1907). In total, seven settlements were established (see Figure 3.1) before the outbreak of World War I in 1914, and their total population was around 1800-2200.120 After World War I the activities of the colonies slowed down and the populations of Sarona, Wilhelma, Jaffa, and Haifa were deported to Egypt by the
114 Paul Sauer “Vom Land um den Asperg im Namen Gottes nach Palästina und Australien Die Geschichte der württembergischen Templer” Bücher und Schriften Der besondere Beitrag. No.4 (1996), 6.
115 The word Templar comes from the sentence lebendiger Baustein am geistigen Tempel Gottes (living stone at the spiritual temple of God) from the New Testament. “Spuren des Tempels,” Tempelgesellschaft-Freie christliche Gemeinschaft, accessed April 29, 2021, https://www.tempelgesellschaft.de/posts/spuren-des-tempels-407.php#Kapitel_3
116 “Meilensteine.”; Hoffmann, Occident und Orient, 10.
117 Topkar, Templer ve Yahudiler, 107.
118 “Meilensteine.”
119 Topkar, Templer ve Yahudiler, 71, 107.
120 Mahmoud Yazbak, “Templars as Proto-Zionists? The "German Colony" in Late Ottoman Haifa,” Journal of Palestine Studies 28, no. 4 (1999): 40; Kark and Thalmann, “Die Hebung,” 3.
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British forces. Later the deported Germans were allowed to return,121 but with the outbreak of World War II all of the German inhabitants of the Templar colonies were expelled.122
In the German colonies, the German Templar Society constituted a group that delivered social services and achieved tangible results with their work in various fields.123 They introduced various innovations in the fields modern technology, agricultural industry, civil engineering, consumer goods production, and infrastructure (road construction, transport services, communication, energy, banking, education, health, and social services). They believed that they could improve the social and economic conditions of Palestine’s population and develop its infrastructure by establishing model communities.124
If the German colonies in Palestine are compared in terms of urbanization, the one in Haifa was the most successful. Sarona, in turn, became the richest of the colonies engaged in agriculture. The colony of Jaffa, on its part, came to the fore with citrus production, thanks to which that town had developed, within a generation, from a small town to the second-largest city and a very important port in Palestine.125
121 Ya'acov Golan, “A Critical Analysis of the Plans for the Preservation of Four Templer Colonies in Israel” (Master’s Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1995), 55.
122 Golan, “A Critical Analysis,” 96.
123 Topkar, Templer ve Yahudiler, 90.
124 Kark and Thalmann, “Die Hebung,” 3.
125 Topkar, Templer ve Yahudiler, 106.
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Figure 3.1 The Settlements of the Templar Society.126
3.3. THE TEMPLARS’ COLONIZATION PROCESS IN THE FIELDS OF RELIGION, EDUCATION, AGRICULTURE, ARCHITECTURE, TRANSPORTATION, AND LANGUAGE
The German Templar settlers choose Haifa as their first settlement. Before long Haifa became Hardegg’s area, while Hoffman's followers turned to Jaffa.127 Until 1874 Hardegg was the head of the Haifa colony. After disagreements on certain issues, he left the Templar Society. His successor in Haifa was Jakob Schumacher (1825-1891), who had emigrated from America, while Hoffman in Jaffa remained as the sole headmaster of the Templar Society.128 Jaffa became the headquarters of the society until 1878, when it was moved to Jerusalem by Hoffman.129 The latter took advantage of the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-1878, which he believed would result in the destruction of the
126 “Spuren des Tempels.”
127 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 28; Hoffmann, Occident und Orient, 13.
128 “Meilensteine.”
129 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 41; “Meilensteine.”
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Ottoman Empire, to relocate the headquarters. His grounds for this move was that moving from Jaffa to Jerusalem would help strengthen the weakened religious feelings of the community.130
3.3.1. Religion: Moderation of the Templars’ Beliefs
With the move of the centre from Jaffa to Jerusalem, the spiritual and administrative importance of Jaffa was lost and most of the settlers moved to Wilhelma, with some moving to Africa.131 In 1883 a cooperative for trade, industry, and agriculture was founded to restore the importance of Jaffa, but due to the lack of interest among Templars it was dissolved in 1885.132
However, it was not only Jaffa that had lost its spiritual significance and religious meaning for the second-generation Templars, but whole Palestine. Farmers and craftsmen who had been born and raised in Palestine did not have to deal with religious divisions as their fathers had done back in Germany, with the result that they came to regard Palestine as an ordinary land with no particular spiritual significance. Some even moved from Palestine to Africa, where costs were lower, due to economic hardship.133 The elders of the Templar society argued with the young, claiming that the members leaving Palestine would not find its spirituality in other places, while the young people mocked the land’s spiritual value. This demonstrates how wide the intellectual and religious rift had become between the younger and older generations. One reason for this rift might be the discontinuities in their education after the settlers had arrived in Palestine. Another reason might be that it became clear after the Young Turk Revolution of 1908 that Palestine would not be left to the German settlers because of Kaiser Wilhelm II’s staunch support for Abdulhamid II.134
A comparison of two statements by leading Templars shows strikingly how the aims of the Templar society had changed in time. In 1874, Christoph Paulus claimed that the Templars had arrived in Palestine not for pursuing materialistic aims, but in order to
130 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 49, 50.
131 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 76.
132 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 57.
133 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 60, 61; Helmut Glenk, From Desert Sands to Golden Oranges, The History of The German Templer Settlement of Sarona in Palestine 1871-1947 (Australia: Tree of Life Publishing, 2014), 70-73.
134 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 61.
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assist the land’s development.135 In 1908, Hoffmann’s son Christoph Hoffmann (1847-1911) argued that meeting their own needs had become the paramount aim of the Templars.136
Observing the situation on the eve of WWI, we see that there was no longer any hostility between the Protestants and Templars. Templars were unconcerned with their children sitting in the same rows as those of the Protestants. They explained this change of mind by arguing that they wanted to reinforce the sense of shared devotion to God, the Emperor, and the Empire on both sides. In short, there had been a remarkable transformation in the Templars’ attitudes and beliefs, which were now quite different from Hoffmann's teachings.137 In the meantime, moreover, most of them had abandoned these teachings and returned to the Protestant church.138
Previous conflicts with the Catholic Church had also lost their significance by this time. By the early twentieth century, the Warte newspaper had completely abandoned the aggressive and hostile attitude against the Catholic Church that it had displayed in its articles by the beginning of the Templar colonization period.139
3.3.2. Education
The Templar settlers had schools in Haifa from 1869, near Jaffa from 1870, and in Jerusalem from 1878.140 Landau observes that the schools had a secular character. The Templars’ schools were intended in the first place for educating their own children. Local children were also permitted to receive education in the schools of the Templars, but due to the high tuition fees, only the children of a small number of high-ranking Turkish officials did so. Accordingly, 21 Turkish children attended the schools of the Templar society in 1870, and 44 children in 1877.141
135 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 61; Yazbak, “Proto-Zionists,” 40.
136 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 61.
137 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 62.
138 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 47; Alex Carmel, “The German Settlers in Palestine and their Relations with the Local Arab Population and the Jewish Community,1868-1918” in Studies on Palestine during the Ottoman period, ed. Moshe Maʻoz (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1975), 444.
139 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 62.
140 Jacob M. Landau, “The Educational Impact of Western Culture on Traditional Society in Nineteenth Century Palestine” in Studies on Palestine during the Ottoman period,
ed. Moshe Maʻoz (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1975), 505; Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 49.
141 Landau, “The Educational Impact,” 505.
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3.3.3. Agriculture
From the beginning of the Templar settlement new agricultural machines and equipment as well as new cultivation methods and crops were introduced to Palestine. Light and heavy metal ploughs from Ulm (deep-cultivation ploughs, horse-drawn ploughs, Göpel ploughs), scythes, harvesting machines, and mowers were among the devices and modern equipment thus introduced. Other machines were imported from Europe and the United States or constructed in Jaffa, Haifa or in Palestine. Modern threshing machines, as well as harvesters, sawmills, grain mowers, and cleaning mills were also introduced by the German settlers. The Templars initiated rational, intense soil cultivation by using irrigation, fertilizers, and crop rotation, as well as planting forage crops like clover. This latter allowed cattle to be fed in a barn, thus enabling the creation of dairy industry and the use of organic and chemical fertilizers.142
The Templar colonies in Palestine also featured a modern crop rotation with a wide range of crops, sophisticated tillage, and new and improved plant types. They established vineyards for the manufacture of wine and introduced disease- and pest-resistant varieties. They paved the way for the growth of a modern mixed economy in this region.143
The German settlers were essential in the shift to modern water management, which was made possible by the introduction of European technology such as deep-well drilling platforms, suction pumps, and coal-fired engines. The use of metal pipes and the building of cement-lined irrigation channels also contributed to this transformation.144
3.3.4. Architecture
German colonies were established in the region as a consequence of the Templars’ movement, with the result that the buildings constructed for these colonies, typical of Northern European architectural style, are still a distinguishing aspect of the local architecture of Galilee, Haifa, and Jerusalem.145 Indeed, according to a report by a member of the Templar society in 1871, the buildings in Jaffa resembled those in
142 Kark and Thalmann, “Die Hebung,” 4-5.
143 Glenk, From Desert Sands, 37-38; Kark and Thalmann, “Die Hebung,” 5.
144 Kark and Thalmann, “Die Hebung,” 5.
145 Topkar, Templer ve Yahudiler, 97, 98.
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European towns.146 The settlements were the products of ingenuous planning as well as of the importation and combination of native features and resources. The Templars used European land-planning principles in their settlements, dividing up spaces for community buildings, trade, handicrafts, light industry, and housing. They planned the colony, its streets, and buildings with the goal of creating a model of an elegantly designed settlement. The Templars began using European roof tiles in 1877, so that their houses were identified by their red tile roofs from then on. It was not long before wealthy Arabs in new Haifa neighbourhoods began building houses in imitation of German architectural style. Templars’ modern planned settlements inspired both Arabs, Turks, and Jews.147
3.3.5. Transportation
According to Ruth Kark and Naftali Thalmann's article, by the end of the first half of the nineteenth century there was no paved road in whole Palestine, and no wagons or carts; the journeys were undertaken on donkeys, mules, horses or camels. The American and German settlers pioneered the reintroduction of wheeled vehicles in Palestine. The colonists of Haifa were the first to introduce wheeled carts in this part of the country, and to build and maintain roads and bridges between Haifa, Acre, and Nazareth. They also organized a regular transport service between Jaffa and Jerusalem. The first modern road to connect Jaffa with Jerusalem was opened in 1869. The cars that ran on this road were imported and driven by Templars and Americans.148 The first coaches were introduced by the Templars into the region. After a time, the settlers built the coaches themselves.149
Many German settlers in Jaffa dealt with trips and transportation from early on. The Templars established the first transportation company in Palestine in 1875, with a stock of 23 horses and four carriages. A bus service was established, with two vehicles running in each direction on a frequent basis. Moreover, Thomas Cook, a well-known British travel agency, signed a contract with the German company for the transportation of its customers.150
146 Carmel, Chronik (1853 bis 1882), 130.
147 Kark and Thalmann, “Die Hebung,” 7-11.
148 Kark and Thalmann, “Die Hebung,” 8.
149 Georg Holdegel and Walther Jentzsch, Deutsches Schaffen und Ringen im Ausland: ein Quellenlesebuch für Jugend und Volk, für Schule und Haus (Leipzig: Unter Mitw. des Vereins für das Deutschtum im Ausland,1916), 135.
150 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 39, 40; Kark and Thalmann, “Die Hebung,” 8.
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With the increased demand for wagons, increasingly more settlers in Jaffa moved to the relevant professions such as car construction and car repairing. The coaches also appealed to the local people: One of the local Arabs bought a coach from the settlers and produced imitations, eventually founding his own transportation company.151
In the mid-1880s, there were many Jewish, German, and Arab carriages on the Jaffa-Jerusalem road, and Jewish drivers appeared for the first time. Profits at the German transport company in Jaffa were reduced by fierce competition, eventually leading to its closure. To overcome the profitability problem, carriage owners decided to form a cooperative in 1884. The executive council of this corporation determined regular tariffs for the trip from Jerusalem to Jaffa. The corporation was granted official government recognition, a monopoly in passenger transportation, and the authority to demand road repairs as needed. It consisted of 16 coachmen, including Germans, Jews, and local Christian and Muslim Arabs, who shared the profits each month. Additional wagons owned by German farmers and others supplemented the daily journeys in each direction during the tourist season.152
The coachmen did not only transport humans but also merchandise. For instance, the coachmen in Jaffa transported oranges to Jaffa for exportation.153 This shows us that the settlers did not content themselves with one job, a state of affairs that contributed both to the development of trade and to the increasing renown of the city of Jaffa.
3.3.6. Culture and Language
Topkar argues that the Templars aimed to spread Christianity and German culture in Palestine, whereby they would Christianize the local people, cultivate the lands, and ultimately create a paradise.154 Nevertheless, spreading Christianity does not seem to have been among the direct aims of the Templars. This is corroborated by Hoffmann's following statements about the Templars’ working method:
As far as the attitude toward the inhabitants of the country is concerned, our purpose cannot be exploiting them to our advantage but leading them as a
151 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 39, 40; Kark and Thalmann, “Die Hebung,” 10.
152 Kark and Thalmann, “Die Hebung,” 10, 11.
153 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 40.
154 Topkar, Templer ve Yahudiler, 97, 98.
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model with regard to the love of truth, justice, order, and diligence, helping them up out of their ignorance by communicating European culture, and thus contributing to the improvement of their spiritual and moral condition and their material welfare.155
If we analyse closely at this statement, it becomes clear that the Templars primarily saw themselves as role models in the fields of truth, justice, order, and diligence for the local people, and aimed to develop the region by introducing European civilization to the country. They wanted to become closer to the locals and gain access to them in this manner. They may have hoped that all these efforts, as a side-product, would also have an indirect impact on the faith of the local population as well.
The German State attached great importance to the German identity of the colonies and to the fact that the language spoken in the seven German colonies established in Palestine was German. It also considered that the resettlement of German Jews in Palestine would contribute further to the spread of the German culture in Palestine while also helping to get rid of the Jews whom it did not want any more than the German Templars themselves in Germany.156
3.4. THE TEMPLARS’ IMPACT ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF JAFFA
Around the time of the establishment of the Haifa colony, the relations between Christoph Hoffmann and David Hardegg were tense. Hoffmann and his supporters left Haifa to establish a new colony in Jaffa. 157 In 1869, Hoffmann’s society purchased five buildings from Peter Martin Metzler, who was from the Pilgermission St. Chrischona.158 These buildings were steam mill, sawmill, oil press, hospital,159 pharmacy, and a hotel with 19 rooms. They were bought from the Americans who had left Palestine.160
155 “Was das Verhältnis zu den Bewohnern des Landes betrifft, so kann unser Zweck nicht sein, dieselben zu unserem Vortheil zu auszubeuten, sondern ihnen als Muster in Bezug auf Wahrheitsliebe, Gerechtigkeit, Ordnung und Fleiß voranzugehen, ihrer Unwissenheit, durch Mittheilung europäischer Kultur aufzuhelfen und so zur Hebung ihres geistigen und sittlichen Zustandes und ihrer materiellen Wohlfahrt beizutragen.” Hoffmann, Occident und Orient, 129.
156 Topkar, Templer ve Yahudiler, 95, 101.
157 Golan, “A Critical Analysis,” 46.
158 Hoffmann, Occident und Orient, 12; Carmel, Chronik (1883 bis 1914), 223.
159 The hospital was the first German hospital under the direction of the doctor Gottlob Sandel. “Meilensteine.”
160 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 37.
42
3.4.1. Population of the Templar Colony in Jaffa
The Templars’ second settlement, Jaffa, had 110 residents by the end of 1870.161 The settler population grew to 220 in 1876. In 1889, the settlers were asked to submit a report on the current situation. According to this report, there were 60 families settled in Jaffa, some of whom lived outside the colony, with a total of 320 souls (40 non-Templars). Based on this report there were 33 houses and 15 commercial buildings.162 The colony also had a hospital and, after 1903, a school.163 The settlers had 45 horses, 18 donkeys, 60 pigs, 45 cattle, goats, and sheep among their livestock.164
In 1898, 43 families with 234 souls were living in the region.165 In 1910 the population of the Templars in Jaffa had increased to 350.166
Table 3.1 Population, Animals, and Buildings of the Jaffa Colony.
Year
Families / Souls
Animals
Buildings
1876
1889
1898
1903
1910
220 Souls (no information about non-Templars)
60 Families / 320 Souls (40 non-Templars)
43 Families / 234 Souls (no information about non-Templars)
-
350 Souls (no information about non-Templars)
-
45 Horses, 18 Donkeys, 60 Pigs, 45 Cattle, Goats, and Sheep’s
-
-
-
-
33 Dwellings, 15 Commercial Buildings and a Hospital
-
School
-
161 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 39; Carmel, Chronik (1853 bis 1882), 130.
162 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 41, 52.
163 Handbuch des Deutschtums, 201.
164 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 52.
165 Handbuch des Deutschtums, 200.
166 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 76.
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The relocation of the spiritual centre from Jaffa to Jerusalem took place in 1878.167 The population might be expected to have decreased after this year, but it did not decline soon. According to the data in Table 3.1, the population of Jaffa’s Templar colony seems to have dropped between 1889 and 1898, which is intriguing. Unfortunately, the sources yield no obvious reason for the population decrease between these years.
3.4.2. Industry and Professions in the Jaffa Colony
The hotel bought by Metzler had customers from all over the world. The correspondent from the Warte newspaper reported during the 1870s that 75 customers had lunch at the same time in the hotel. Arthur Ruppin,168 one of the leading Zionists in Palestine, claimed in 1907 that the Hotel was the best in Jerusalem.169
The following professions were carried out in the colony of Jaffa in 1889 and 1902.170
Table 3.2. Professions in the Jaffa Colony.
Professions
1889
1902
Baker
1
2
Banking
1
-
Beer brewer
1
1
Butcher
1
1
Carpenter
4
-
Distillery
1
-
Doctor
1
2
Farmer
5
2
Forger
3
-
Garden Owner
-
2
Hotelier
2
4
Innkeeper
3
3
167 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 49, 50.
168 For more detail: “Arthur Ruppin,” Jewish Virtual Library a project of Aice, accessed December 14, 2021, https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/arthur-ruppin.
169 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 39, 40.
170 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 53; Handbuch des Deutschtums, 201, 202.
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Mechanic
-
2
Merchant Store
6
5
Metal Foundry
-
1
Midwife
1
1
Painter
1
1
Pharmacist
1
2
Plasterer
-
1
Plumber
-
1
Priest
-
1
Saddler
3
-
Shoemaker
2
-
Steam Mill
5
9
Steam Saw
1
-
Stone Fabric
1
-
Tailor
1
-
Tanner
1
1
Teacher
2
3
Vineyard Owner
-
7
Wheelwright (carriage maker)
1
1
Winegrower
-
1
Analysing the chart above, the diversity in professions carried out between 1889 and 1902 indicates that the Templars were capable of meeting all their needs, from health to education to technical areas.
When comparing the two years on the table above, it is observed that some new professions, like those of the priest, plasterer, and wine grower emerged in 1902.
45
Plasterer’s profession was one of the professions that did not exist in the country before, being first introduced by German settlers.171
According to the numerical statistics on the chart, some of the professions had numerical losses from 1889 to 1902 and some professions ceased to be performed over time. In 1889, there were 280 Templars in Jaffa, but by 1898, the number had dropped to 234 (see Table 3.1). Because the population declined and new dwellings were not erected, the stone foundry may have closed, and possibly for this reason it is not shown in the column of 1902.
When comparing the Jaffa Templar colony to the colonies in Jerusalem and Sarona (see Tables 3.4 and 3.6), the presence of the banking department in 1889 as a profession carried out by the German settlers stands out as unique among the other colonies.
The attitude of the locals toward the products made by the German settlers is reflected in Carmel's study. According to Carmel, the products manufactured by German settlers rapidly gained popularity, and the wealthier locals preferred German products for which they paid double or triple the typical price of established craftsmen. As wealthy Arabs began to demonstrate an increased interest in German handicraft products made according to European standards, the Germans built a large department store, and wealthy Arabs quickly became the chief customers.172 Another example for the Arabs’ keen interest in German products is given by Christoph Paulus in a travel report from the year 1871:
The Arabs have access to European products, they buy what they like from a European just as much as from the locals, and the pleasing form of the foreign one even has something attractive for them: clocks, petroleum lamps, straw chairs, porcelain ware, etc. they sell well; beer and cigars are popular. Like every people of lower cultural level, they have something childish and want to own everything that captivates the senses.173
171 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 40.
172 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 40; Carmel, Chronik (1853 bis 1882), 179, 180.
173 “Die Araber sind für die europäische Erzeugnisse nicht unzugänglich, was ihnen gefallt kaufen sie bei einem Europäer ebenso gern als bei einem Eingebornen, die gefällige Form des Ausländischen hat sogar etwas Anziehendes für sie: Uhren, Erdöllampen, Strohsessel, Porzellanwaren etc. Finden Absatz bei ihnen,
46
3.5. THE TEMPLARS’ IMPACT ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF SARONA
In 1871, the Templar Society purchased over 500 lots in Sarona. It took an hour to get there from the Jaffa colony. The new area was divided into 18 parcels, four of which were designated for public use.174 The remaining shares were distributed to the society members who did not only have to pay the price of the land but also to demonstrate to the board of directors that they had sufficient funds to develop it economically and to finance themselves for the first two years without any profit.175 In 1875 the Germans acquired a large additional piece of land near Sarona, so that the total surface area of their lands rose to 1,500 dunams.176 The first settlers moved to Sarona in 1872.177
3.5.1. Population of the Templar Colony in Sarona
The first year in Sarona was a difficult one for the settlers, as many of them fell ill or died because of the epidemics and diseases.178 In 1875, the total number of settlers was 80.179
In 1889, the settlers were requested to sign a report on the current situation. According to this report, the Templar colony in Sarona consisted of 51 families (one of which was not Templar) and 269 souls. The Templars of the Sarona colony had 41 dwellings, 30 commercial buildings, 63 horses (including mules), 22 donkeys, 314 cattle, goats, and sheep, and 113 pigs.180 In 1898 there were 52 families with 236 souls in Sarona.181
Table 3.3 Population, Animals, and Buildings of the Sarona colony.
Year
Families / Souls
Animals
Buildings
Bier und Zigarren werden häufig gekauft. Sie haben wie jedes Volk minderer Kulturstufe, etwas Kindisches und möchten alles besitzen, was die Sinne besticht.” Carmel, Chronik (1853 bis 1882), 133.
174 Carmel, Chronik (1853 bis 1882), 144; Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 41; “Meilensteine.”
175 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 41.
176 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 44.
177 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 42.
178 Sauer “Vom Land,” 7.
179 Hoffmann, Occident und Orient, 13.
180 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 52.
181 Handbuch des Deutschtums, 200.
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1875
1889
1898
80 Souls
51 Families (1 non-Templar) / 269 Souls.
52 Families / 236 Souls
-
63 Horses (including mules), 22 Donkeys, 314 Cattle, Goats, and Sheep, and 113 Pigs.
-
-
41 Dwellings, 30 Commercial buildings
-
3.5.2. Industry and Professions in the Sarona Colony
All settlers in the Sarona colony were farmers and some of them were winegrowers.182 Furthermore, the colonists were involved in transportation between Jaffa and Jerusalem.183 The following professions were practiced in Sarona between 1889 and 1903.184
Table 3.4 Professions in the Sarona Colony.
Professions
1889
1902
Baker
1
1
Blacksmith
1
1
Butcher
1
1
Carpenter
1
1
Cheese factory
1
-
Cooper
-
1
Farmers
30
20
Innkeeper
-
1
Liquor fabric
-
1
Masons
3
2
Merchant (Store)
1
-
Midwife
1
-
Miller
-
1
182 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 43.
183 Meyer, Blätter, 43.
184 Handbuch des Deutschtums, 202; Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 53, 54.
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Pharmacist
-
1
Saddler
-
1
Shoemaker
1
1
Shopkeeper
-
1
Sparkling wine
-
1
Steam Mill
1
1
Tailor
1
-
Teacher
2
3
Wheelwright (carriage maker)
1
1
Winegrower cooperation
-
2
Wine shop
1
3
Wine technician
-
10
Following 1889, as seen in Table 3.4, new professions such as those of pharmacist, wine technologist, saddler, merchant, and cooper began to be practiced in the Sarona Templar settlement. On the other hand, no doctor appears in the table despite the crucial nature of that profession. As well, some other professions in Jaffa colony do not seem to have been practiced in the Sarona colony either. Probably the main reason for this was that the Sarona settlement was not far away from the Jaffa colony. Thanks to transportation, settlers in the Sarona colony could easily access the services of those professions not found in their own colony.
The Sarona colony also had professions not found in the Jaffa and Jerusalem colonies, namely those of blacksmith, cheese maker, and cooper. Wine technician was another profession peculiar to this colony. The numbers of the people who were engaged with this profession was surprisingly high. Ten settlers carried on this profession, being specialists in the field. This shows us that the wine industry was an especially important source of income for the Sarona colony.
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Another widely practiced profession in the Sarona colony was farming. Thirty settlers in 1889 were carrying on that profession. Over time, however, there was a decline in the numbers of people engaged with farming, with the number of farmers dropping from thirty to twenty farmers. Carmel indicates that the Templar farmers did not make a significant profit due to the low prices of the Arab agricultural products, so some of the settlers switched to viticulture.185
3.6. THE TEMPLARS’ IMPACT ON THE DEVELOPMENT JERUSALEM
As indicated above, the first headquarter of the Templar Society was situated in Jaffa. The centre was transferred from Jaffa to Jerusalem in 1878 on the orders of Hoffmann. During this transfer, as many as a hundred camels carried the equipment and furniture of the headquarters as well as of the Templar high school.186 After the transfer, Jerusalem officially became the fourth German colony and the seat of the movement.187
3.6.1. Population of the Templar Colony in Jerusalem
By 1875 there were 7 houses in the Jerusalem colony. Thus, a small community had been formed from the very beginning of the Templar settlement in Palestine.188 Some of the teachers, students, and administrators moved with the relocation of the centre from Jaffa to Jerusalem. As a result, the Jerusalem colony’s population increased to 40. As soon as the settlers’ economic situation improved, the construction of a second school started in 1882.189 In 1889, the settlers were asked to submit a report on the present state of affairs. According to this survey, there were 44 families in Jerusalem, totalling 300 people. There were 25 residential units and 21 industrial structures190 In 1898 the number of the families was unknown but it is stated that 286 souls were living in Jerusalem.191
Table 3.5 Population and Buildings of the Jerusalem Colony.
Year
Families / Souls
Buildings
185 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 54.
186 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 49, 50; Peter Lange, “Die deutschen Handwerker von Jerusalem.” Der besondere Beitrag Beilage der Warte Tempels, no.14 (February 2008), 4.
187 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 50.
188 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 44.
189 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 49, 50.
190 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 52.
191 Handbuch des Deutschtums, 200.
50
1875
1889
1898
7 Families
44 Families / 300 Souls.
286 Souls
-
25 Dwellings, 21 Commercial buildings
-
3.6.2. Industry and Professions in the Jerusalem Colony
In 1873, a certain Templar settler named Frank started building a steam mill and a house inside the Templar parcels in Jerusalem. This became the nucleus of Templar settlement in that city. Thus by 1878 there was already a Templar community in the old city, some of whose settlers were craftsmen, independent merchants and workers in various industries. When the Templar centre was transferred to Jerusalem in 1878, the original house built by Frank became the headquarters of the Templar Society.192
As for the steam mill built by Frank, it was not the first in the region as there was a number of steam mills previously built by the local people. As a contemporary report from 1874 indicated, however, when a component of these mills failed no expert could be found in the whole country to carry out the necessary repairs, and so the steam mill laid useless for years. The Templars purchased and repaired all these broken mills and used them actively.193
The following professions were carried out in the colony of Jerusalem in 1889 and 1902:
Table 3.6. Professions in the Jerusalem Colony.
Professions
1889
1902
Architect
-
1
Baker
1
2
Beer Brewer
-
1
Blacksmith
-
1
Bricklayer
-
1
Butcher
2
2
Carpenter
2
1
192 Carmel, Die Siedlungen, 44.
193 Carmel, Chronik (1853 bis 1882), 177.
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Carter
-
1
Cement Goods Manufacturer
-
1
Cobbler
-
2
Confectioner
2
-
Cutler
-
1
Distillery
1
-
Doctor
1
1
Engineer
1
-
Farmer
1
-
Fine Baker
-
1
Guest House Owner
-
1
Hotelier
1
-
Knife Forger
1
-
Locksmith
1
-
Merchant (Stores)
6
6
Meteorologist
-
1
Midwife
2
2
Mill Builder
1
-
Mill Farmer / Miller
1
1
Natural Resource Collector
-
1
Optician
-
1
Pasta Manufacturer
-
1
Pharmacist
1
1
Restaurant
1
-
Saddler
1
1
Sewing Worker
-
1
Shoemaker
2
-
Steam Mill/ Steamer
1
1
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Stone Mason/ Stonecutter
1
1
Tailor
1
1
Teacher
5
6
Vineyard Owner
-
1
Wall Paperer
-
1
Waller
2
-
Wine Merchants
-
2
Wine Shops
2
2
Wood Turner
1
1
A comparison of the years 1889 and 1902 in Table 3.5 shows that new professions like architecture had emerged by the 1900s. Neither in the Jaffa Templar colony nor in the Sarona colony was this latter profession practiced by the settlers.
Unfortunately, there is no detailed information about the main reason for the decrease or increase in the numbers of the professions carried out by the Templars in Jerusalem. The reason for the increase in the number of professions could be that new professions were learned by the settlers or that some new settlers had moved to the Jerusalem colony. The decrease in the number of professions could be attributed to the fact that some of the settlers had died or had moved to another region.
3.7. CONCLUSION
Relying chiefly on German primary and secondary sources, this chapter has explored the extent and impact of the Templar colonies in Palestine. The main purpose of the colonies in Palestine was spreading the German culture and influence. To this effect, they focused, beside spreading the German language, on transportation, agriculture, industry, construction, and health care, which had not been developed to a great extent in the region. A consideration of these professions carried out in the Templar colonies shows that the settlers practiced professions that enabled them to meet their own needs. They were capable of performing a wide range of professions and emerged as innovative
53
pioneers in many fields. Some of these professions were first practiced by the German settlers. So, some of the diverse professions carried out by the Templars also hint at the fields in which Palestine had been underdeveloped prior to their arrival. The introduction of these professions to the region may be regarded as an additional factor contributing to its development.
The local people’s attitude towards the Templar products was positive and they eagerly bought products of interest to them. Some of the local Arabs imitated the carriages designed and built by the German settlers, while some others constructed buildings modelled on the Templar houses made of red bricks. The Templar products found customers not only in the local markets but also in European countries.
The German settlers did not provide the same kinds of products and services in all colonies but their priorities varied from region to region. While the wine production was more prominent in Sarona region, Templar architects were active in the Jerusalem region.
There was a shift in the aims of the Templar settlers from the date of foundation of the first colonies to the turn of the century and beyond. The first Templars, immigrants from Germany, held up the ideal of contributing to the spiritual and economic progress of the country and its inhabitants, but the later generations born and raised in Palestine increasingly turned to meeting their own needs as well as to making profits. So, the former idealism of the Templar community was gradually replaced by economic concerns.
Even if the Templars’ aims changed over time, their overall impact on Palestine in the fields of European-style agriculture, industry, construction, language, transportation and others was significant. Machines like steam mills that could not be restored to working order by the local people were repaired by the settlers. The roads and bridges they built, as well as the swamps they dried up, were also of practical value for the development of the country.
54
CHAPTER 4
ACTIVITIES OF THE KAISERSWERTHER DEACONESSES IN JERUSALEM AND THE TALITHA KUMI SCHOOL AND ORPHANAGE
A consideration of the previous research on the Kaiserswerther Deaconesses reveals that there are very few works produced on this subject, and especially on the Kaiserswerther Hospital in Jerusalem. The operations of these organizations, which were founded under Theodor Fliedner's guidance, were not limited to a single location but spanned the globe. In Germany, America, Norway, France, Switzerland, Hungary, Austria, Italy, and the Ottoman Empire, at least one of these institutions, including hospitals, orphanages, kindergartens, and schools, were built and operated.194
Few studies have been made on this subject in Turkey. One of them is Muttalip Şimşek’s article “Kaiserswerther Diyakonezleri'nin Kudüs'teki Faaliyetleri ve Talitha Kumi Okulu” [Activities of the Kaiserswerther Diaconesses in Jerusalem and the School of Talitha Kumi]. The article gives detailed information about the stages that Fliedner went through before the hospital was opened in Jerusalem and proceeds to give information about the patients who had benefited from the health services. The author then provides details about the activities carried out in the Talitha Kumi School. Compared with this chapter, he provides the nationalities of the patients in the Kaiserswerthers Hospital only from the year 1887.195 The present chapter, on the other hand, delves into the years 1883-1908 as well. Moreover, Şimşek uses a few pages from the report “Aus dem Zehnten Bericht über die Diakonissen-Stationen im Morgenlande,” written in 1875, for the section on the Talitha Kumi School, while he does not use any reports for the section on the Kaiserswerther Hospital. The source "Berichte über die Diakonissen-Stationen im Morgenland (1876-1899)" used in the present chapter, includes comprehensive reports in German composed by the deaconesses themselves. These
194 Muttalip Şimşek, “Kaiserswerther Diyakonezleri'nin Kudüs'teki Faaliyetleri ve Talitha Kumi Okulu,” Journal of Islamicjerusalem Studies 19, 3 (2019): 271.
195 Şimşek, “Kaiserswerther,” 275.
55
reports provide detailed information about the activities of the deaconesses in the Middle East. They also yield general information about the economic, social, and cultural life of the local people. For the purpose of the present chapter, the reports in question have proved useful with their extensive information on the patients who visited the Kaiserswerther Hospital in Jerusalem as well as on the Talitha Kumi School. They also offer the opportunity to learn the views of the German deaconesses about the patients and their health conditions at the time of their arrival in the hospital, as well as about the attitudes of the patients towards the Protestant religion and the novelties they encountered in the hospital. Differently from Şimşek’s article, this chapter makes full use of the reports in question, along with another source entitled “Dank u. Denkblätter aus der Morgenländischen Arbeit (1901-1919).”196
Another work on the subject is Uğur İnan’s book Osmanlı Devleti’nde Almanların Protestan Misyonerlik Faaliyetleri [Missionary Activities of the German Protestants in the Ottoman Empire]. The work supplies detailed information on the Pilgermission St. Chrischona, Schneller’s Syrian Orphanage, the Kaiserswerther Deaconesses, and the Jerusalemsverein, all of which were situated in Jerusalem. It also dwells on the institutions established in Anatolia. In the chapter on the Kaiserswerther Deaconesses, the author describes its activities and financial structure. Nevertheless, he only provides the nationalities of the patients in the Kaiserswerther Hospital in 1887 and 1890, while the present chapter gives this information, in tabulated form, for all the years between 1884 and 1907.197 The annual distribution of the patients becomes clearer as a result, making it possible to answer the following questions and similar others: Did the number of patients increase, decrease, or remain the same over time? Was there any development that prevented patients from visiting the hospital? Such questions unaddressed in Inan’s study have been investigated in the present chapter. As pointed out above, the sources mainly utilized for this investigation are the contemporary German sources entitled “Berichte über die Diakonissen-Stationen im Morgenland (1876-1899)” and “Dank u. Denkblätter aus der Morgenländischen Arbeit (1901-1919),” which Inan has not used like
196 “Berichte über die Diakonissen-Stationen im Morgenland,” 13-23 (1876-1899); “Dank u. Denkblätter aus der Morgenländischen Arbeit,” 1-19 (1901-1919). Kaiserswerth a. Rh. Verlag der Diakonissen-Anstalt.
197 Uğur İnan, Osmanlı Devleti’nde Almanların Protestan Misyonerlik Faaliyetleri (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, 2015), 192.
56
Şimşek.198 Thanks to these detailed and well-preserved sources, it has proven possible to obtain a continuous series of data for the years 1876-1909.199
The institutions of Theodor Fliedner, founder of the Kaiserswerther Deaconesses, and especially those in Jerusalem like the Kaiserswerther Hospital, appealed to wide sections of the population. Since the latter was a health institution, a place that many people needed to visit, it is worth asking how they carried out their activities in the region. Another institution of note that is chosen for study in this chapter is the Talitha Kumi School and Orphanage, where girls were educated.
For a better understanding of Fliedner and the institutions he founded, this chapter first offers a brief biography of him before moving on to discussing his aims. Then the numbers of the patients who visited the Kaiserswerther Hospital is examined over a long time span to determine how many patients were treated. As well, brief general information is given about the patients’ initial contacts with the hospital and the Protestant faith. Additionally, the conditions of the patients who entered the hospital are given. The chapter then proceeds to dwell on the Talitha Kumi School and Orphanage, also established in Jerusalem by Fliedner. It describes the type of education the girls received at school and how they were influenced by the Protestant education given there.
4.1. BACKGROUND
Theodor Fliedner (1800-1864), founder of the Kaiserswerther Deaconesses, was a Protestant pastor.200 From the 1820s on, he maintained contact with various organizations like women shelters, orphanages, hospitals, nun schools, and an organization dedicated to the reintegration of prisoners and convicts whose sentences had ended.201 He worked in different places, one of which was a prison.202 He founded the
198 An important note should be made here. I wanted to tell the difference of this work I did, otherwise, Muttalip Şimşek and Uğur İnan’s work was an important source of inspiration before I started my research on the Kaiserswerthers hospital, and it would not be wrong to state that my work was built on the work of my colleagues.
199 “Berichte,” 13-23 (1876-1899); “Dank u. Denkblätter 1.-19, (1901-1919).
200 Abdel Ross Wentz, Fliedner the Faithful (Philadelphia: The Board of Publication of the United Lutheran Church in America, 1936), 131.
201 Şimşek, “Kaiserswerther” 269.
202 Wentz, Fliedner, 35.
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Prisoners’ Society of Germany in 1826 to help convicts after they were released from prison.203
Fliedner believed in the necessity of reintegrating Protestant women who had a troubled past. He considered winning them back to the society and putting them to work for the poor, orphans, and sick people, but education was required first. In the year 1833, he opened his own summer house in Kaiserswerther204 for the released female prisoners.205
Fliedner’s most important and well-known institution was the Deaconesses institution in Kaiserswerth, which he founded in 1836. It also comprised a hospital.206 In Wentz’s words, “He did not invent the office of deaconess, but only renewed it among Protestants and adapted it to the modern conditions.”207 What Fliedner most likely intended and accomplished was to make women’s roles in society more active and visible. His goal at this point was to provide the women who would take an active role in his institutions with education and training in the fields of nursing, medicine, youth education, prison visits, care of the mentally ill (of their gender), and fight against bad habits. It was desired that they would perform all these activities in a Christian manner.208
Fliedner did not only operate in Germany but also in North America, England, Scotland, Norway, France, Switzerland, Hungary, Austria, Italy, and parts of the Ottoman Empire (Jerusalem, İstanbul, İzmir, Beirut, and Cairo). He initiated the establishment of institutions like women and childrens’ shelters, poor houses, hospitals, orphanages, educational institutes, kindergartens, seminars for kindergarten teacher training, children’s hospitals, and rehabilitation facilities for girls and boys, among others.209
Bishop Samuel Gobat (1799-1879)210 was one of the people who played a role in Fliedner's journey to Jerusalem, asking him to send the deaconesses to the Holy Land.211
203 Theodor Fliedner, Life of pastor Fliedner of Kaiserswerth (London: Longmans, Green,and Co., 1867), 42-43, 46.
204 In Düsseldorf, Germany.
205 Wentz, Fliedner, 37, 38.
206 Wentz, Fliedner, 52.
207 Wentz, Fliedner, 137.
208 Şimşek, “Kaiserswerther” 269, 270.
209 Şimşek, “Kaiserswerther” 271.
210 For more details “Gobat, Samuel (1799-1879),” BU School of Theology History of Missiology, accessed February 26, 2022, https://www.bu.edu/missiology/missionary-biography/g-h/gobat-samuel-1799-1879/.
211 Wentz, Fliedner, 101.
58
Following that, Fliedner travelled to Jerusalem. According to Abdel Ross, after the journey, Fliedner recorded the following words: “If we can train better mothers for the nation, we can improve its family life and thus raise the level of the whole people.” He was determined that his deaconesses would be the bearers of mercy and “good news” to Muslims and Jews as well as to nominal Christians who were “spiritually dead.”212
According to Fliedner, German theology would be introduced to the East by sending missionary preachers to the region, opening hospitals, orphanages, and schools. In addition, teachers trained mainly by German educators would take charge of the institutions to be established in the East. In this regard, the working style of the London Missionary Society,213 which aimed to spread Christianity among the Jews, was used as an example. Through the work in the East, compassion and mercy would be shown to the sick and poor people of all faiths, and Protestantism would be spread within the Ottoman borders by providing religious education to young girls.214
First and foremost, Fliedner wished to establish a missionary training centre in Jerusalem to recruit personnel for the German institutions there and to educate all those who would be serving later in the region. To accomplish this, as a first step, German girls would receive education in line with the mission’s objectives. Then these educational activities would be expanded to open in Jerusalem a girls’ school that Arab girls could attend as well.215
For this purpose, Fliedner formed the association named Zionsverein and raised a major portion of the funds required for the institution he planned to found in Jerusalem. In March 1851 the pastor departed to the Holy Land with four deaconesses, two of whom would serve as nurses.216
The residence of the Prussian charity on Mount Zion was deemed suitable for the Kaiserswerther mission. It was arranged so as to house the patients and students, and inaugurated in May 1851 by Bishop Gobat in a ceremony attended by Protestant
212 Wentz, Fliedner, 102.
213 For more details “London Missionary Society,” Encyclopedia.com, accessed February 26, 2022, https://www.encyclopedia.com/history/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/london-missionary-society-0.
214 Şimşek, “Kaiserswerther” 271.
215 Şimşek, “Kaiserswerther” 272.
216 Şimşek, “Kaiserswerther” 273.
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missionaries in Jerusalem. Fliedner stayed in Jerusalem for a short time before his departure. 217
The fact that the hospital was far from the city centre and that its physical structure was not suitable for providing better health care caused a certain decline in the number of patients. For this reason, the Kaiserswerther administration began to build a new hospital in the city.218
Over time, new additions were made to the Kaiserswerther institutions in Jerusalem. By 1904 there were the Talitha Kumi School and Orphanage, Tagesschule (day school), Lehrerinnen-seminar (teacher-seminar), Die Diakonissenschule (the deaconess school) for raising oriental deaconesses, and Die Kinderschule (kindergarten).219
In 1917 the British had occupied Jerusalem and confiscated the German institutions. After the Second World War the German facilities in Jerusalem were closed and handed over to the British custodian.220
Talitha Kumi, another institution of Kaiserswerther, was an orphanage where girls were educated as well. It continued its normal activities until 1917. When Palestine came under British control, the personnel in the institution was exiled. Years later, in 1925 the building was returned to Kaiserswerther and resumed its operations. It is still active today.221
4.2. MISSIONARY ACTIVITIES OF THE KAISERSWERTHER HOSPITAL IN JERUSALEM
The Kaiserswerther Hospital was at first located on Mount Zion.222 Patients were treated for free in the beginning. Even though a maintenance fee was added much later,
217 Şimşek, “Kaiserswerther” 273, 275.
218 Şimşek, “Kaiserswerther” 276.
219 “Dank u. Denkblätter,” (Juni 1905), 16.
220 “History,” Evangelisch in Jerusalem, accessed in March 14, 2022, https://www.evangelisch-in-jerusalem.org/en/historie/.
221 Şimşek, “Kaiserswerther” 284-85; Uwe Kaminsky, “German "Home Mission" Abroad: The Orientarbeit of the Deaconess Institution Kaiserswerth in the Ottoman Empire,” in New Faiths in Ancient Lands Western Missions in the Middle East in the Nineteenth and Early Twentienth Centuries, ed. Helen Murre-van den Berg (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2006), 196.
222 Şimşek, “Kaiserswerther” 273.
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free treatment remained in force for the poor. An examination of the nationalities and religions of the people who visited the hospital reveals that all languages, religions, and colours were represented among them.223 More detail about this will be given in the next section.
Abdel-Raouf Sinno indicates that there were eleven hospitals in total in Palestine, and that ten of these hospitals belonged to Christian churches.224 Considering the extent of the inhabited regions of Palestine in the period, this number seems to have been highly inadequate.225 The fact that some patients who visited the hospital in Zion in 1890 were lying on the ground due to the lack of beds demonstrates the insufficiency of the hospital by that time.226
All kinds of patients came to the hospital, but those with eye diseases made up the majority.227 There are also some graphic descriptions in the reports. According to one, two people brought a Bedouin to the hospital on the back of a donkey. They did not stay with him, grabbed their noses, and immediately fled.
He had such a bad leg ... the leg was burnt and full of maggots. He had to have a room to himself because no one could stand him... The stinking flesh also lost its bad smell afterward. And now he is almost good.228
The locals’ initial assessment of the hospital was not very good; some went as far describing it as a “dog house.”229 Besides, the opinion of the deaconesses regarding the local people was not good either; they described the local people, most of whom were fellahs (Arab farmers), as filthy.230
Sinno's study gives to understand that the first building of the hospital was not clean and lacked the necessary equipment. In order to develop the inadequate
223 Bericht 17, (1. Juli 1884 - 30. Juni 1886), 7.
224 Abdel-Raouf Sinno, Deutsche Interessen in Syrien und Palästina, 1841-1898 (Berlin: Baalbek Verlag, 1982), 84.
225 İnan, Protestan Misyonerlik, 190.
226 Sinno, Deutsche Interessen, 87.
227 Bericht 16, (1. Juli 1882 - 30. Juni 1884), 21; Bericht 19, (1. Juli 1888 - 30. Juni 1890), 9.
228 Bericht 15, (1. Juli 1880 - 30. Juni 1882), 10.
229 Bericht 18, (1. Juli 1886 - 30. Juni 1888), 3.
230 Bericht 19, (1. Juli 1888 - 30. Juni 1890), 4; Sinno, Deutsche Interessen, 83.
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infrastructure, improve the conditions, and increase the patient capacity, a new hospital was built.231
The reports indicate that when the fellahs entered the hospital for the first time, the deaconesses drew their attention to the need to distinguish the drinking cup from the spittoon and instructed them to avoid tying handkerchiefs and towels given by the hospital around their heads as a turban. It is possible that the Arab farmers had never encountered these items before. According to the report, another strange object they met was the bedstead. They felt insecure in their beds at first, but soon grew accustomed and began to like them.232
According to the reports, the deaconesses sometimes found it difficult to communicate with the patients because the people who came to the hospital spoke different languages. They were also having difficulties studying Arabic.233
Muslim and Protestant outpatients were treated in the same clinic. Inpatients also stayed in the same rooms, regardless of religion or sect.234 Presumably the aim was to familiarize them with Protestantism and to create a bond between them.
The Kaiserswerther Hospital was indeed a cultural and religious centre as well. It is mentioned in the reports that there was a Christmas tree at the hospital for the Christmas celebration. The priest came to communicate with each patient individually. Aside from that, stories from the Bible were read out in the hospital.235 While some patients were uncomfortable with this, others found it to be enjoyable. Two cases may be cited at this point. The first goes as follows:
There was a Bedouin from the other side of the Jordan… A very strange person, tall and strong with two sparkling eyes. As the holy scriptures were read aloud, this son of the desert left the room in which he was lying. When he was asked why he was doing this he replied harshly: “I did not come to hear the Bible but to get healed.”236
231 Sinno, Deutsche Interessen, 87.
232 Bericht 19, (1. Juli 1882 - 30. Juni 1884), 15, 16.
233 Bericht 16, (1. Juli 1882 - 30. Juni 1884), 14.
234 Inan, Protestan Misyonerlik, 210.
235 Bericht 15, (1. Juli 1880 - 30. Juni 1882), 11.
236 Bericht 16, (1. Juli 1882 - 30. Juni 1884), 15.
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And the second is as follows:
There are always some who hear the gospel of Jesus Christ in our hospital and come to prefer the stories of the Bible to the stories of their storytellers and even the Koran. Others who have got to know Christianity only in Greek and Roman Catholic churches proclaim: “I can hear such words every day; they are sweeter than honey.237
There were examples of Muslim patients in the hospital who abandoned their religion and converted to Christianity.238 There were also some Muslims who started to serve in the hospital after their conversion.239
4.3. NATIONALITIES OF THE PATIENTS WHO CAME TO THE HOSPITAL FROM 1876 TO 1909
In 1876, 510 patients were treated, 325 of whom were Muslims. In 1877, this number increased to 514 patients.240 In total, 1244 patients were treated between 1878 and 1879.241 The nationalities of the patients who came to the hospital between 1884 and 1889 are given in Table 4.1 below.
Table 4.1. Nationalities of the Patients from 1884-1889.
Nationality
1884242
1885243
1886244
1887245
1888246
1889247
Abyssinian
8
7
11
5
3
2
American
-
-
1
-
-
-
Arab
608
383
426
404
459
467
Armenian
5
14
20
43
26
20
Austrian
-
-
-
-
-
4
Bulgarian
-
-
-
-
-
5
Danish
-
-
-
-
-
-
Dutch
-
1
-
1
-
-
237 Bericht 16, (1. Juli 1882 - 30. Juni 1884), 14.
238 Bericht 13, (Mitte 1876 - 1878), 15; Bericht 14, (1. Juli 1878 - 30. Juni 1880), 8.
239 Bericht 13, (Mitte 1876 - 1878), 15.
240 Bericht 13, (Mitte 1876 - 1878), 9.
241 Bericht 14, (1. Juli 1878 - 30. Juni 1880), 7.
242 Bericht 17, (1.Juli 1884 - 30.Juni 1886), 7.
243 Bericht 17, (1.Juli 1884 - 30.Juni 1886), 7.
244 Bericht 18, (1. Juli 1886 - 30. Juni 1888), 6.
245 Bericht 18, (1. Juli 1886 - 30. Juni 1888), 6.
246 Bericht 19, (1. Juli 1888 - 30. Juni 1890), 9.
247 Bericht 19, (1. Juli 1888 - 30. Juni 1890), 9, 10.
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English
1
-
1
-
-
1
German
29
31
29
30
38
38
Greek
2
6
1
4
4
4
Hungarian
1
1
-
-
-
-
Indian
1
-
-
-
-
-
Italian
5
4
-
1
1
-
Romanian
4
2
1
3
4
4
Russian
5
5
2
2
2
1
Spanish
-
1
-
-
-
-
Turkish
4
2
4
-
1
4
Sum
673
457
496
493
538
550
According to the table above, the hospital received patients from 18 different nations. In comparison to the previous or later years, the hospital treated the greatest number of patients in 1884 and accepted patients from all over the world without discrimination.
The table also reveals that the Abyssinians, Arabs, Armenians, Germans, Greeks, Romanians, and Russians came to the hospital for treatment continuously from 1884 to 1889.
The first three nations with the greatest number of cases were Arabs, Germans, and Armenians, in that order. In the table, the number of Arab patients admitted to the hospital in 1885 seems to have decreased by approximately half with respect to 1884. The likely cause of the reduction in numbers is that the hospital, which had previously provided free care to all patients, adopted in 1885 a policy requiring most patients to pay a fee. The only exception was made for the poor, who continued to receive free care.248
According to the relevant report, the motivation behind the free treatment was that the Christians had initially intended to gain the trust of the locals by creating the impression of selfless Christian charity. But, in the words of the report, “In time the Arabs, who held money dear, began to forget about their duty of love toward their sick family members, as they were only rendered stingier by the gratuitous care that was lavished on them, and led astray by the compassionate love shown to them.”249 Perceiving that the
248 Bericht 17, (1.Juli 1884 - 30.Juni 1886), 7.
249 “Aber mit der Zeit wurden die Araber denen das Geld am Herzen klebt, durch die reichlich ausgeübte unentgeltliche pflege nur in ihrem geize bestärkt und durch die ihnen entgegengebrachte erbarmende Liebe
64
free health care had thus failed to produce the desired effects on the patients, the deaconesses ended the practice and imposed a fee for treatment.
Although the number of the sick Arabs who came to the hospital was reduced by half after the introduction of this fee, in can be seen in Tables 4.2 and 4.3 that the number began to increase again in the following years. Furthermore, this paid treatment dissuaded those who came merely to have a rest, and medical service was reserved for those who were really unwell.250
Table 4.2. Nationalities of the Patients from 1890-1898.
Nationality
1890251
1891252
1892253
1895254
1898255
Abyssinian
3
4
4
4
-
American
-
-
-
-
1
Arab
555
550
621
650
698
Armenian
18
17
7
22
54
Austrian
3
6
10
6
12
Bulgarian
3
8
1
4
3
Coptic
-
-
-
-
-
Danish
-
1
-
-
-
Dutch
-
1
-
-
-
English
1
-
-
4
2
French
-
-
-
-
-
German
31
29
43
64
45
Greek
4
7
3
6
14
Hungarian
-
-
-
-
-
Indian
-
-
-
-
-
Italian
1
1
-
-
-
Jewish
-
-
-
-
-
Montenegrin
-
-
-
-
-
Polish
1
-
-
-
-
Romanian
-
-
-
-
-
Russian
1
3
1
1
1
verleitet, der eigenen Liebespflicht gegen kranke angehörige zu vergessen.” Bericht 17, (1.Juli 1884 - 30.Juni 1886), 7.
250 Bericht 17, (1. Juli 1884 - 30.Juni 1886), 8.
251 Bericht 20, (1. Juli 1890 - 30. Juni 1892), 9.
252 Bericht 20, (1. Juli 1890 - 30. Juni 1892), 9.
253 Bericht 21, (1. Juli 1892 - 30.Juni 1894), 11.
254 Bericht 22, (1. Juli 1894 -30. Juni 1896), 8.
255 Bericht 23, (1. Juli 1896 - 30. Juni 1899), 30.
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Spanish
-
-
-
-
2
Swiss
-
-
1
5
2
Turkish
3
5
-
-
-
Sum
624
632
691
766
834
Table 4.3. Nationalities of the Patients from 1901-1907.
Nationality
1901256
1902257
1903258
1904259
1905260
1907261
Abyssinian
-
6
3
1
1
1
Albanian
-
-
2
-
-
-
American
-
-
1
1
4
Arab
643
666
760
883
983
916
Armenian
29
31
38
50
52
57
Austrian
6
11
11
9
2
4
Bulgarian
4
10
8
6
4
3
Copt
4
-
Dane
-
5
2
2
-
1
Druze
1
-
Dutch
-
-
-
Egyptian
-
-
4
1
-
Englishman
4
1
1
1
1
Finn
1
-
French
2
-
German
30
32
46
54
43
38
Greek
6
3
10
4
3
13
Hungarian
-
-
-
3
Indian
-
1
1
-
Italian
-
6
11
6
7
1
Jew
3
1
-
-
Macedonian
2
-
Maghrabian
1
Montenegrin
6
-
1
-
Moroccan
1
Persian
1
-
Polish
-
-
-
2
256 “Dank u. Denkblätter,” (Juni 1902), 7.
257 “Dank u. Denkblätter,” (September 1903), 27.
258 “Dank u. Denkblätter,” (Juli 1904), 23.
259 “Dank u. Denkblätter,” (Juni 1905), 17.
260 “Dank u. Denkblätter,” (August 1906), 26.
261 “Dank u. Denkblätter,” (März 1908), 11.
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Romanian
-
1
1
-
Russian
-
-
2
Serbian
1
-
Spanish
-
-
1
-
1
Swiss
-
-
4
2
Syrian
6
3
1
3
Turkish
-
-
-
Sum
731
778
910
1027
1108
1048
A comparison of the two tables above reveals that the nationalities of the patients who visited the hospital began to diversify as the years passed, while the number of patients increased as well. This diversity shows how heterogeneous the population of Ottoman Palestine was.
The religious distribution of the patients hospitalized between 1876 and 1907, shown in Table 4.4,262 shows that people of all faiths went to the hospital to receive care. Between 1876 and 1907, Protestants and Muslims, along with the Greek Orthodox and Roman Catholics, were the greatest in number to receive service.
Table 4.4. Religion of the Patients in 1901.
Religion
Numbers
Copt
4
Greek Catholic
181
Gregorian
21
Muslims
291
Protestant
181
Roman Catholic
47
Templar
3
Jew
3
Sum
731
Beside the Kaiserswerther Hospital, there were also hospitals run by Catholics, Jews, and Muslims in Palestine.263 It's worth noting however that adherents of other
262 "Berichte,” 13-23 (1876-1899).
263 Sinno, Deutsche Interessen, 83, 84; “Good Medicine: Chapter 1 - The Development of Health Care in Israel,” Jewish Virtual Library a Project of AICE, accessed December 1, 2021, https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/good-medicine-chapter-1-the-development-of-health-care-in-israel#ottoman.
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religions preferred this facility as well. There may have been two reasons behind this preference: Either the other hospitals were even more crowded, or the patients were pleased with the service at the Kaiserswerther Hospital.
4.4. CLINICAL TREATMENT BETWEEN 1876-1909
The Kaiserswerther Hospital had a clinic and a pharmacy as well. In the clinic, patients were treated on an outpatient basis. In 1876, 2473 patients were treated; this number increased to 4300 in 1877.264 In 1881 the total number of the patients treated was 7421.265 After the construction of the new hospital building, the number of the patients who visited the clinic, which was situated in the basement, exceeded 10,000 per year.266 Comparing this numerical data with that of the hospital, it may be concluded that the clinic was as busy as the rest of the hospital.
4.5. THE TALITHA KUMI SCHOOL AND ORPHANAGE
Another aim of Fliedner’s was to establish in Jerusalem a school where local people could receive education and then serve in the region. Talitha Kumi, a girls’ school, was established with this purpose and became one of the most important institutions of the Kaiserswerther in Jerusalem. The children’s education was initially carried out in the same building on Mount Zion that served as a hospital, but it moved to another building and took the name Talitha Kumi.267 On 27 January 1868 some of the deaconesses relocated to Jaffa with 89 girls, 14 of whom were Muslims.268
The following statements reveal the deaconesses’ view about the importance of girls’ education:
264 Bericht 13, (Mitte 1876 - 1878), 9.
265 Bericht 15, (1. Juli 1880 - 30. Juni 1882), 8.
266 “Dank u. Denkblätter,” (August 1906), 26.
267 The name Talitha Kumi originated from the story in the Bible (Marcos 5:41) in which Jesus, holding the hand of a 12-year-old girl who was thought to be dead, said: “Talitha Kumi!” which means “Girl, I tell you, get up!” “Mark 5:41,” BibleGateway, accessed March 15, 2021, https://www.biblegateway.com/verse/en/Mark%205%3A41.
268 Sinno, Deutsche Interessen, 90.
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No matter whether they are poor or rich, we must instil the Christian faith in them; they will be the mothers of future generations, and the seeds we plant will sprout in their next generation.269
These sentences show that Fliedner and the deaconesses he raised did not only consider the short-term impact of their educational activities. They were aware that even if they did not immediately see the effects of the education they provided to the young, it would bear fruits in the longer run.
4.5.1. Education
Girls' education was initially free in Talitha Kumi, as treatment was at the Kaiserswerther Hospital.270 A school fee was later introduced, but because the majority of students were poor, only a few were charged.271 Education in Talitha Kumi took four years. Lessons in the German language intensified in the upper classes. The report published in 1904 mentioned the content of the education in detail.272 According to it the students took courses in the fields of handicraft, science, and religion. In handicraft education they were also taught crafts like sewing. Science education included reading, writing, math, geography, history, biography, and religious education included biblical history, biblical stories. The catechism was given in Arabic. 273 The following information was provided in the report about religious education:
First and foremost, it happens through modeling… Mr. Propst Bussmann gives catechism lessons to the children of the first class, apart from the confirmation class in house, in which our confirmands are also allowed to take part. The upper classes take part in the church service on Sunday mornings in the Church of the Redeemer. The little ones have Sunday school in the Kaisersaal. The Arab church service in the Protestant Arab chapel in the afternoon is also attended by the older children in departments. Thus, the offering of the Word of God is not lacking.274
269 Bericht 14, (1. Juli 1878 - 30. Juni 1880), 2.
270 Bericht 15, (1. Juli 1880 - 30. Juni 1882), 17.
271 Bericht 18, (1. Juli 1886 - 30. Juni 1888), 17.
272 For this part of the report see Annex 4.1; “Dank u. Denkblätter,” (Juli 1904), 8, 9.
273 Bericht 17, (Juli 1884 bis 30. Juni 1886), 16, 17.
274 “Dank u. Denkblätter,” (Juli 1904), 16.
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This passage reveals that students were given religious education from the first class onwards. In addition to education, they were assigned daily chores in the orphanage like ironing and cleaning.275
4.5.2. Enrolled Students
Table 4.5 shows the religions of the students.276 Yearly, there was an average of 117 students enrolled in Talitha Kumi. This figure remained relatively stable.277 Although there were more applicants for the dormitory, they were turned down due to lack of space in the orphanage.278
Table 4.5. Religion of the Students.
Religion
1880
1868-1903
Abyssinian
1
3
Armenian
-
13
Catholic
1
-
Copt
-
8
Arab Protestant
23
92
German Protestant
1
Arab Orthodox
62
306
Greek Orthodox
12
Muslim
7
55
Jew
-
19
Sum
107
523
Over time new units appeared in Talitha Kumi. One of this units was Tagesschule, which students visited daily to attend lectures and left afterwards without spending the night. With the Tagesschule the number of students who received education in the institution increased to 138. Other new units were the kindergarten (Kinderschule), where young children were looked after, the Lehrerinnen-seminar, where teachers were educated, and the Diakonissenschule, where oriental deaconesses were trained.279
275 Bericht 17, (Juli 1884 - 30. Juni 1886), 17.
276 Sinno, Deutsche Interessen, 90.
277 Bericht 20, (1. Juli 1890 - 30. Juni 1892), 19.
278 Bericht 19, (1. Juli 1888 - 30. Juni 1890), 16.
279 “Dank u. Denkblätter,” (Juni 1905), 16, 21.
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In order not to sever contacts with the graduates of the school, the deaconesses visited their homes on a routine basis.280 Homes of the undergraduates were also visited. The house of a pasha281 who had enrolled his daughters was also visited among others.282 After graduation from Talitha Kumi, some alumnae worked as teachers in schools and a few became servants.283
4.5.3. Official Reactions
While girls were educated in Talitha Kumi in the manner described above, they were exposed to an intense Protestant religious education in the dormitory. Indeed, some Muslim children, under the impression of this education, decided to become Protestants. This did not happen only in Talitha Kumi, but also among the children at the Schneller Orphanage.284 When the authorities learned about the conversions, they strictly instructed Talitha Kumi not to enrol Muslim children without their permission.285 Later they also prohibited Muslim children being placed in the orphanages of Christian institutions.286 In parallel to these measures, the authorities began to establish Turkish schools. Among the teachers they hired to work in these schools, there was a Muslim student from Talitha Kumi and a graduate from the school.287
4.5.4. Influence of the School
The children who grew up in Talitha Kumi learned to be organized from an early age because they had chores to do alongside their education. This discipline was continued in their future lives as well.288 Beside this, they were also influenced in terms of religious, culture, language, and tradition. Christmas was routinely celebrated in Talitha Kumi, which may be considered both a religioun and a cultural influence.289 Graduate students did not forget the German language over time. Some travellers who met with German-speaking girls in Beirut found out that these were graduates of Talitha
280 Bericht 17, (1.Juli 1884 - 30.Juni 1886), 18.
281 The name of the pasha was not mentioned in the report.
282 Bericht 13, (Mitte 1876 - 1878), 19.
283 Bericht 17, (1.Juli 1884 - 30.Juni 1886), 19; Bericht 20, (1. Juli 1890- 30. Juni 1892), 19.
284 Bericht 16, (1. Juli 1882 - 30. Juni 1884), 2, 3.
285 Bericht 16, (1. Juli 1882 - 30. Juni 1884), 26.
286 Bericht 17, (1.Juli 1884 - 30.Juni 1886), 15.
287 Bericht 16, (1. Juli 1882 - 30. Juni 1884), 3, 4.
288 Bericht 15, (1. Juli 1880 - 30. Juni 1882), 17.
289 Bericht 18, (1. Juli 1886 - 30. Juni 1888), 18.
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Kumi. This shows that owing to the education delivered in the school, Germanophones had spread around the country.290
It is stated in a report that working as a servant in someone else's house was considered as a shame in the Middle East,291 but the students of Talitha Kumi grew up in a place where housework was a duty for everyone. From young age they learned how to share duties. Thus, the negative traditional perception of working as a servant in other people’s houses diminished in the minds of children, and those who graduated from Talitha Kumi did not hesitate to work as servants.
4.6. CONCLUSION
Drawing mainly on German primary sources, this chapter has examined the Kaiserswerther Hospital and the Talitha Kumi School and Orphanage, two institutions established by Fliedner in Jerusalem. The number of patients treated in the hospital between 1884 and 1907 shows how tightly integrated it was with the region. Almost every year, an increasing number of patients, including people from different age groups, benefited from the hospital's health services. Some were outpatients while others were inpatients. The nationalities who visited the hospital most often were Arabs, Germans, and Armenians, in that order. There were also many other patients of diverse nationalities, like Albanians, Bulgarians, Copts, Danes, Egyptian, Englishmen, Frenchmen, Greeks, Hungarians, Italians, Jew, Macedonians, Persians, Russians, Spaniards, and Turks.
Even though a drop occurred in the number of patients, especially Arabs, with the introduction of a fee for health services, the number gradually increased again. While there were 624 treated patients in 1890, this number had risen to 1048 by 1907. There was also a significant number of patients who received health services as outpatients in the clinic.
Apart from the health care delivered by deaconesses, priests also took spiritual care of the patients, and the Bible was regularly read out to them. While some patients
290 Bericht 14, (1. Juli 1878 - 30. Juni 1880), 14.
291 Bericht 20, (1. Juli 1890- 30. Juni 1892), 19.
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complained about this situation, there were also some who liked it, and even some who converted to Protestant Christianity.
Some of the equipment used in the Kaiserswerther Hospital was encountered for the first time by the local people, especially by the fellahs (Arab farmers), and they had to be taught how to use these properly by the deaconesses. It also took them some time to get used to the hospital beds. But the deaconesses also went through a process of learning and familiarization, especially with the Arabic language.
Another goal of Fliedner's was to establish a school in Jerusalem to educate the personnel to work in the German organizations in the region. Talitha Kumi was founded for this purpose. Fliedner and his deaconesses believed that it was critical to instil the Protestant faith and mores in the children insofar as they would be the mothers of future generations, and the seeds planted in their minds would grow in their descendants.
Education in Talitha Kumi School was four years long. The students received education in religion, science, and handcrafts. The lessons were taught in Arabic and German. The share of German increased in the upper classes.
Religious education was very important in the school, and delivered from the first class onwards. Some of the students were so influenced that they converted to Protestant Christianity. Among them there were also a few Muslim girls. When the authorities learned about this, they took countermeasures, banning the Muslim students from entering the Talitha Kumi School and established Turkish schools for girls.
The Talitha school had a daily routine and a discipline that the students had to comply with. This routine and lifestyle seem to have changed the children’s habits, as evident from the tidy, orderly life they led in their adult lives. In general, the school influenced the children in terms of religion, culture, language, and traditions. This influence was also effective on Muslim children, but since the authorities later prohibited them from attending Talitha Kumi, the religious, cultural and other kinds of formation imposed in the school lost its impact on Muslim children.
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CHAPTER 5
CONCLUSION
Ottoman Jerusalem and Palestine, which contained the holy sites of Christianity, constituted an important place for missionary organizations. Following the acquisition of Syria and Palestine by Egyptian Governor Mehmet Ali Pasha in the 1830s, they became subject to the influence of western powers. Catholic and Protestant missionary organizations engaged in the region did not only extend their areas of activity, but also managed to expand the missionary institutions they had established.
The majority of the missionary organizations, especially the Protestant ones, preferred to launch their activities in Jerusalem, the spiritual home of Christianity. Unlike the other missionary groups, German Protestants in Palestine adopted the strategy of working in domains like agriculture and social services to attract local sympathies as well as to ensure that the German settlers would live in peace with the Arabs of the region.
The four German Protestant missionary organizations studied in this work are the Syrian Orphanage, also known as the Schneller Orphanage, the Kaiserswerther Hospital, the Talitha Kumi School and Orphanage, and the Templar colonies.
The Syrian Orphanage, a pioneer in the field of education, was established by Johann Ludwig Schneller in Jerusalem. It was initially planned to provide education for boys, but girls and blind children were eventually also accepted. Schneller based his teaching system on creating a new Protestant-based lifestyle for the children. The Protestant education delivered in German language and within a German cultural context was unique for the region at that time. For Schneller, the Protestantization of Muslims was of paramount importance but he was unable to achieve a notable success in that
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respect. The children who grew up in the orphanage developed a different outlook from that of the local people due to the disciplined German education and training they received, and contributed to the development of the region in the social and economic fields. The orphanage, which originally consisted of a single building, grew over time and developed into a complex with as many as ten institutes.
The Syrian Orphanage provided children with theoretical and practical training in various fields including agriculture, tailoring, shoemaking, tile and brick manufacturing, carpentry, pottery, and bakery. The workshops, originally established to provide the orphans with a means of earning their living, grew into enterprises that locals could attend as well.
By the beginning of the twentieth century, the orphanage boasted the largest vocational school and workshops in the Middle East. The techniques that were used in workshops as well as their finished products in agriculture, architecture, and industry were unique and fascinating for the Jerusalemites of that period, and contributed to the development of the city.
The Templars, another German Protestant missionary organization, established colonies in various locations throughout Palestine, including Jaffa, Sarona, and Jerusalem. The settlers in these colonies made a living by working in agriculture and other sectors. In agriculture, the Templars used the most up-to-date technology and cultivation methods available in that period. The colonies had their own newspaper, schools, and animals. Looking at the colonies, it would not be wrong to call them a tiny German statehood. The architecture used in the Templar organization's dwellings was similar to that found in Germany, and the language spoken in the Templar colonies was German. The Templars had the members of all necessary professions in their colonies, from doctor to baker and from pharmacist to priest, who allowed them to meet their basic needs. They were capable of carrying out a variety of jobs and emerged as pioneers in a wide range of industries. For example, they were the first to introduce coaches in Palestine and to organize a regular transport service between Jaffa and Jerusalem.
The locals were enthusiastic about the Templar products and readily purchased any that piqued their attention. Some local Arabs copied the carriages planned and manufactured by the German settlers, while others built red-brick dwellings modeled after
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the Templar houses. The Templar items were popular not only among the locals but also throughout Europe. Even though the Templars’ main goal shifted in time, from developing Palestine to promoting their own economic interests, overall, they had a significant impact on Palestine in fields like European-style agriculture, manufacturing, construction, and transportation.
The Kaiserswerther Deaconesses, established by Theodor Fliedner, were originally active in the field of health in Jerusalem, but expanded their sphere of activities over time. By 1904, the Talitha Kumi School and Orphanage, the Tagesschule (day school), the Lehrerinnen-seminar (teacher-seminar), the Diakonissenschule (deaconess school) for raising oriental deacons, and the Kinderschule (children's school) and Kindergarten had been established as well.
In the Kaiserswerther Hospital, health care was provided not only to the Protestants but also to the rest of population regardless of religion and sect. Almost every year, a growing number of patients of all ages benefited from the hospital's medical services. Some were outpatients, while others were hospitalized. Arabs, Germans, and Armenians were among the most frequent visitors to the hospital. When a price for health services was introduced there was a decline in the number of patients, particularly Arabs, but after some while the number of Arab patients steadily grew again. In addition to the medical care provided by the deaconesses, priests offered spiritual care to the patients by daily readings from the Bible. While some patients were annoyed with this kind of care, others enjoyed it and partly under its influence some even converted to Protestant Christianity.
Alongside the Kaiserswerther Hospital, Fliedner also opened the school of Talitha Kumi to train the young girls who would work for the German organizations in Palestine. Fliedner and his deaconesses believed that instilling the Protestant religion and values in girls was crucial insofar as they would be the mothers of future generations, and the seeds sown in their minds would sprout in their descendants. Religious education was very important in the school and delivered from the first class onwards. The students received education in religion, science, and handicrafts in both Arabic and German.
Comparing these three missionary organizations, the Syrian Orphanage, the Kaiserswerther Hospital, and the Talitha Kumi School seem to have been more outward-
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looking than the Templar organization, as the Templars’ interaction with the locals remained confined to certain fields. This was only to be expected, as the priority of the Templars in Palestine was to create a living space where they could practice their own beliefs, and the aim of spreading Protestant Christianity was relegated to a decidedly secondary role.
In contrast, the Syrian Orphanage was in close contact with the local people, so that the latter had the opportunity to participate in the training offered in the workshops s well as to purchase the products manufactured there. Even those locals who did neither of these were able to gain some familiarity with the German culture and language through contacts with with the alumni of the orphanage spread around Syria and Palestine.
The Kaiserswerther Hospital was also in close contact with the local people, as shown by the increase in the number of inpatients and outpatients from different ethnic and religious backgrounds. An importance difference of the Kaiserswerther Hospital from the aforementioned institutions was that all the patients entering the hospital, and especially the inpatients, were directly exposed to Protestant Christianity through the Bible readings of the priests. In the Syrian Orphanage, this kind of direct exposure took place only with regard to the children residing in the orphanage, while the locals were only indirectly influenced through their contacts with the alumni.
Each of these three organizations made a significant impact on Palestine in distinct fields: The Schneller Orphanage in education, the Kaiserswerther Hospital in medicine, and the Templar organization in agriculture and manufacturing. All three carried out their operations using the most up-to-date technologies and facilities available in their fields. Their efforts contributed to the development of Jerusalem and Palestine, and led to improvements in the daily life of the locals.
Last but not least, it could be argued that the organizations in question also had an impact on the Jewish settlement of Palestine. Through the products and latest techniques they imported from Germany, they facilitated the Jews from that country to adapt to the region, which was at that time far below the level of development familiar to the latter. They further reduced the difficulties of adaptation that German Jews could have faced in Palestine by spreading their culture and language, so that the German Jews who did not speak Arabic were able to interact with graduates of the various German schools founded
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by the missionary organizations. In terms of architecture as well, the Templar colonies served as a model for the Jewish settlers as well as for the local Muslim population. The impact of German missionary organizations on Jewish settlement thus stands out as an important topic that requires further in-depth research.
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ANNEX
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4.1. Dank u. Denkblätter, Juli 1904