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ÖZET
Çok Partili Hayata Geçiş
Çok Partili Hayata Geçiş Sürecinde (1945Sürecinde (1945--1950) Siyasal Sistemin Demokrasi 1950) Siyasal Sistemin Demokrasi Kavramı Bağlamında Yeniden TesisiKavramı Bağlamında Yeniden Tesisi
Bu çalışma
Bu çalışmanın konusunın konusu,, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin çok partili hayata geçiş Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin çok partili hayata geçiş sürecinsürecinde de demokrasi kavramı bağlamında yeniden tesis edilen ve şekillenen siyasal sistemini ele demokrasi kavramı bağlamında yeniden tesis edilen ve şekillenen siyasal sistemini ele almaktır. almaktır. Çalışmanın amacı ise Çalışmanın amacı ise hem dahili hem de harici faktörlerin etkisiyle uzun bir aradan hem dahili hem de harici faktörlerin etkisiyle uzun bir aradan sonra çok partili hayata geçen Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nde, sonra çok partili hayata geçen Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nde, dönemin en önemli siyasi aktörleri dönemin en önemli siyasi aktörleri olan Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi ve Demokrat Parti’nin olan Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi ve Demokrat Parti’nin farklı farklı demokrasdemokrasi telakkilerindeni telakkilerinden hareketle hareketle bu süreçte bu süreçte demokratik siyasal sistemin demokratik siyasal sistemin nasılnasıl ve ne şekilde biçimleve ne şekilde biçimlendiğini ele almakndiğini ele almak ve bu minvalde atılan adımlardanve bu minvalde atılan adımlardan ve bunların eksikliklerindenve bunların eksikliklerinden bahsetmektir.bahsetmektir. Bu amaçla Bu amaçla dönem ile ilgili yazılmış olan araştırma eserleridönem ile ilgili yazılmış olan araştırma eserleri,, süreli yayınlar, arşiv kaynakları, anılar ve süreli yayınlar, arşiv kaynakları, anılar ve günlükler kullanılgünlükler kullanılarak kapsamlı bir arak kapsamlı bir araştırmaaraştırma yapılmış ve dönem içerisinde demokratik yapılmış ve dönem içerisinde demokratik idarenin tesisi yönünde atılan adımların farklı bakış açılarından nasıl değerlendirildiğini idarenin tesisi yönünde atılan adımların farklı bakış açılarından nasıl değerlendirildiğini ortaya konulmuştur.ortaya konulmuştur. Sonuç olarak dönem içerisinde Sonuç olarak dönem içerisinde bir taraftan bir taraftan demokratik idarenin tesisi demokratik idarenin tesisi adına adına önemli adımlar atılönemli adımlar atılırken bir taraftan ırken bir taraftan da mevcut antida mevcut anti--demokratik uygulamaların ve demokratik uygulamaların ve kanunların bazılarıkanunların bazılarınınnın korunkorunması bu idarenin tam olarak tatbik edilmesine mâni olmuştur. ması bu idarenin tam olarak tatbik edilmesine mâni olmuştur. AyrıcaAyrıca demokrasinin demokrasinin hem Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi hem de Demokrat Parti açısındanhem Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi hem de Demokrat Parti açısından yalnızcayalnızca iktidar pozisyonuna gelebilmek için bir siyasal katılım aracı olarak görüliktidar pozisyonuna gelebilmek için bir siyasal katılım aracı olarak görülmesimesi bu bu kavramın kavramın tam bir kültür haline geltam bir kültür haline gelmesinimesini ve içselleştirilve içselleştirilmesini engellemiştirmesini engellemiştir. Nitekim Türk . Nitekim Türk siyasi tarihinin seyri siyasi tarihinin seyri içerisinde antiiçerisinde anti--demokratik uygulamaların ve olayların yaşanması bunu demokratik uygulamaların ve olayların yaşanması bunu kanıtlar nitelikte olmuştur. kanıtlar nitelikte olmuştur.
Anahtar Kelimeler
Anahtar Kelimeler: Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi, Çok Partili Hayat, Demokrasi, Demokrat : Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi, Çok Partili Hayat, Demokrasi, Demokrat Parti, Demokratik Siyasal SistemParti, Demokratik Siyasal Sistem
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ABSTRACT
ABSTRACT
Re
Re--establishment of the Political System in the Transition to Multiestablishment of the Political System in the Transition to Multi--Party Life (1945Party Life (1945--1950) in the Context of the Concept of Democracy1950) in the Context of the Concept of Democracy
The subject of this study is to examine the political system of the Republic of Turkey, which
The subject of this study is to examine the political system of the Republic of Turkey, which was rewas re--established and reshaped in the context of the concept of democracy during the established and reshaped in the context of the concept of democracy during the transition to multitransition to multi--party life. The aim of this study is to analyse how and party life. The aim of this study is to analyse how and in what way the in what way the democratic political system was shaped in the Republic of Turkey, which switched to multidemocratic political system was shaped in the Republic of Turkey, which switched to multi--party life after a long period of time under the influence of both internal and external factors, party life after a long period of time under the influence of both internal and external factors, and to discuss the steps taken in this regard and thand to discuss the steps taken in this regard and their shortcomings, based on the different eir shortcomings, based on the different conceptions of democracy of the most important political actors of the period, the conceptions of democracy of the most important political actors of the period, the Republican People's Party and the Democrat Party. For this purpose, comprehensive research Republican People's Party and the Democrat Party. For this purpose, comprehensive research was conducted by using research works, pewas conducted by using research works, periodicals, archival sources, memoirs and diaries riodicals, archival sources, memoirs and diaries written about the written about the period,period, and it was revealed how the steps taken towards the establishment and it was revealed how the steps taken towards the establishment of democratic administration during the period were evaluated from different perspectives. of democratic administration during the period were evaluated from different perspectives. As a result, while imporAs a result, while important steps were taken to establish a democratic administration during tant steps were taken to establish a democratic administration during the period, the preservation of some of the existing antithe period, the preservation of some of the existing anti--democratic practices and laws democratic practices and laws prevented the full implementation of this administration.prevented the full implementation of this administration. Moreover, both the Republican Moreover, both the Republican People's Party and the Democrat Party saw democracy only as a means of political People's Party and the Democrat Party saw democracy only as a means of political participation in order to come to power, which prevented the concept from becoming a full participation in order to come to power, which prevented the concept from becoming a full culture and being internalised. As a matter of fact, tculture and being internalised. As a matter of fact, the occurrence of antihe occurrence of anti--democratic democratic practicepractices and events in the course of Turkish political history proved this.s and events in the course of Turkish political history proved this.
Keywords
Keywords: Democracy, Democrat Party, Democratic Political System, Multi: Democracy, Democrat Party, Democratic Political System, Multi--Party Life, Party Life, Republican People's Party Republican People's Party
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ÖZET ...................................................................................................................................... i
ABSTRACT .......................................................................................................................... ii
TABLE OF CONTENTS ..................................................................................................... iii
SYMBOLS AND ABRREVIATIONS INDEX ................................................................... vi
1. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1
2. HISTORICAL EVOLUTION OF THE CONCEPT OF DEMOCRACY ........................ 8
2.1. Athenian Democracy .................................................................................................. 8
2.2. The Republic of Rome .............................................................................................. 10
2.3. The First Constitutional Document in History: Magna Carta Libertatum ................ 11
2.4. The Concept and Evolution of Democracy in the Modern Age ............................... 12
3. THE CONCEPT AND EVOLUTION OF DEMOCRACY IN THE PERIOD OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE ......................................................................................................... 16
3.1. The First Constitutional Document in the Empire: Charter of Alliance (Sened-i İttifak) (1808) ................................................................................................................... 16
3.2. The Era of Tanzimat (1839-1876) ............................................................................ 18
3.2.1. Tanzimat Edict (1839) ........................................................................................ 19
3.2.2. Reform Edict (1856)........................................................................................... 20
3.2.3. Young Ottomans and the Concept of Democracy .............................................. 21
3.3. A Constitutional Monarchy: First Constitutional Period .......................................... 25
3.4. Second Constitutional Period .................................................................................... 27
3.4.1. Young Turks and Democracy ............................................................................ 28
3.4.2. The Era of Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) (1908-1918) ................... 33
4. THE FIRST YEARS OF THE STATE OF TURKEY AND DEMOCRACY ............... 49
4.1. Opening of the Turkish Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TGNA) and the First Period of the TGNA ......................................................................................................... 49
4.1.1. Adoption of the Law on the Fundamental Organization (Teşkilat-ı Esasiye Kanunu) ........................................................................................................................ 51
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4.1.2. Abolition of the Sultanate .................................................................................. 53
4.1.3. First Groupings in the First Parliament .............................................................. 53
4.2. Second Period of the TGNA (1923-1927) ................................................................ 59
4.2.1. Transition to the Republican Regime ................................................................. 59
4.2.2. Abolition of Caliphate ........................................................................................ 61
4.2.3. Adoption of the 1924 Constitution ..................................................................... 62
4.2.4. The Establishment of the Progressive Republican Party (PRP) and the First Multi-Party Life Attempt ............................................................................................. 64
4.3. Attempt to Prearranged Transition to Multi-Party Life: Free Republican Party (FRP) Experience ....................................................................................................................... 67
4.4. Consolidation of the One-Party Regime and Strengthening of its Authoritarian Characteristics .................................................................................................................. 72
5. RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF THE POLITICAL SYSTEM IN THE TRANSITION TO MULTI-PARTY LIFE (1945-1950) IN THE CONTEXT OF THE CONCEPT OF DEMOCRACY .................................................................................................................... 77
5.1. Factors Affecting the Transition to Multi-Party Life ................................................ 77
5.2. Opposition And Democracy ..................................................................................... 80
5.2.1. Establishment of the Democrat Party (DP) ........................................................ 83
5.2.2. The Ruling Party and The Opposition................................................................ 87
5.2.3. Intraparty Opposition in RPP and DP: Radical (Müfrit) and Moderate (Mutedil) Sections of the Parties .................................................................................................. 94
5.3. Constitution And Democracy ................................................................................... 97
5.3.1. The Problem of Anti-Democratic Laws ........................................................... 100
5.3.1.1. The Problem of State and Party Presidency
5.3.1.1. The Problem of State and Party Presidency ........................................................................ 103103
5.3.1.2. Amendment of the Law on Associations
5.3.1.2. Amendment of the Law on Associations .................................................................................. 108108
5.3.1.3. Amendment of the Press Law
5.3.1.3. Amendment of the Press Law .................................................................................................................. 110110
5.3.1.4. Abolition of Martial Law
5.3.1.4. Abolition of Martial Law ................................................................................................................................ 112112
5.3.2. Thoughts on the Amendment of the Constitution ............................................ 115
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5.4. Election And Democracy ........................................................................................ 126
5.4.1. Amendment to the Electoral Law: Adoption of Direct Electoral System ........ 130
5.4.2. 1946 Early General Elections ........................................................................... 132
5.4.3. 1946 Elections and Aftermath .......................................................................... 136
5.4.4. A Democratic Step on Electoral Law: Adoption of the Principle of Secret Ballot and Open Counting..................................................................................................... 140
5.4.5. Electoral Law Bringing a Change of Government ........................................... 147
6. CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................. 156
7. REFERENCES .............................................................................................................. 160
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SYMBOLS AND ABRREVIATIONS INDEX
SYMBOLS AND ABRREVIATIONS INDEX
CUP
CUP : Committee of Union and Progress: Committee of Union and Progress
TGNA
TGNA : : Turkish Grand National AssemblyTurkish Grand National Assembly
PP
PP : People’s Party: People’s Party
RPP
RPP : Republican People’s Party: Republican People’s Party
PRP
PRP : Progressive Republican Party: Progressive Republican Party
FRP
FRP : Free Republican Party: Free Republican Party
DP
DP : Democrat Party: Democrat Party
NP
NP : Nation Party : Nation Party
TBMMTD
TBMMTD : Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi Tutanak Dergisi : Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi Tutanak Dergisi
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1. INTRODUCTION
1. INTRODUCTION
The concept of democracy, which is broadly defined as government of the people, for
The concept of democracy, which is broadly defined as government of the people, for the people and by the people, refers to a form of government, a way of life, a the people and by the people, refers to a form of government, a way of life, a decisiondecision--making process and a set of values. In addition, this concept has a central role among the making process and a set of values. In addition, this concept has a central role among the forms of governance of today's modern society in terms of ensuring openness, the forms of governance of today's modern society in terms of ensuring openness, the participation of the people in the decisionparticipation of the people in the decision--making process in a collective making process in a collective manner, manner, accountability and, most importantly, the guarantee of individual rights and freedoms by accountability and, most importantly, the guarantee of individual rights and freedoms by placing the individual at the centre. This form of government is a concept that needs to be placing the individual at the centre. This form of government is a concept that needs to be analysed and studied for a state with a deepanalysed and studied for a state with a deep--rooted cultural, sociarooted cultural, social and historical background l and historical background like the Republic of Turkey. Because this concept has both determined the course of Turkish like the Republic of Turkey. Because this concept has both determined the course of Turkish political history and caused great transformations within this course.political history and caused great transformations within this course.
The period between 1945 and 1950, which is referred to as the foundation years of the
The period between 1945 and 1950, which is referred to as the foundation years of the multimulti--party system in Turkish political history, is a period that needs to be evaluated party system in Turkish political history, is a period that needs to be evaluated "especially" in many respects since it is the beginning of a new era."especially" in many respects since it is the beginning of a new era. The reason why we say The reason why we say "especially" is that this period has a unique place in Turkish political history. Because, unlike "especially" is that this period has a unique place in Turkish political history. Because, unlike other examples in the world, in 1945, the Republic of Turkey transitioned to a full multiother examples in the world, in 1945, the Republic of Turkey transitioned to a full multi--party system for the first time without any raparty system for the first time without any radical rupturdical rupture or interruption such as grassroots e or interruption such as grassroots pressure, civil war, coup d'état and military defeat, peacefully and by preserving the existing pressure, civil war, coup d'état and military defeat, peacefully and by preserving the existing conjuncture, that is, without making any major changes in political institutions and the conjuncture, that is, without making any major changes in political institutions and the constitution.constitution. In this transition process, the biggest factor in shaping and determining the In this transition process, the biggest factor in shaping and determining the political system has been the concept of democracy. As a matter of fact, both the government political system has been the concept of democracy. As a matter of fact, both the government and the opposition have formed their political discourse based on this concept and thand the opposition have formed their political discourse based on this concept and the e political steps tapolitical steps taken have been taken to fulfil the requirements of this system.ken have been taken to fulfil the requirements of this system. In this context, In this context, the subject of this thesis is to evaluate the period between 1945the subject of this thesis is to evaluate the period between 1945--1950, the transition period 1950, the transition period of the Republic of Turkey to multiof the Republic of Turkey to multi--party life, from the perspective of both party life, from the perspective of both Republican Republican People’s Party (RPP) People’s Party (RPP) and Dand Democrat emocrat PParty (DP)arty (DP) based on the concept of democracy and to based on the concept of democracy and to discuss the steps taken to rediscuss the steps taken to re--establish the political system.establish the political system.
Under the
Under the RPRPP government with an authoritarian singleP government with an authoritarian single--party mentality, the Republic party mentality, the Republic of Turkey rapidly became authoritarian, especially since 1930, in order to ensure of Turkey rapidly became authoritarian, especially since 1930, in order to ensure consolidation in the country and to protect the existence of the reforms carried out with the consolidation in the country and to protect the existence of the reforms carried out with the
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understanding of
understanding of ““for the people, despite the peoplefor the people, despite the people”” to modernise a newly established state, to modernise a newly established state, and this situation led to the suspension of the concept of democracy.and this situation led to the suspension of the concept of democracy. However, with the However, with the transition to the multitransition to the multi--party system, the concept of democracy, which had been shelved for party system, the concept of democracy, which had been shelved for a long time, again became the main actor in shaping the political system.a long time, again became the main actor in shaping the political system. In this context, the In this context, the aim of this thesis is to analyse the period between 1945 and 1950 of the Republic of Turkey, aim of this thesis is to analyse the period between 1945 and 1950 of the Republic of Turkey, which had to transition to a multiwhich had to transition to a multi--party system undparty system under the influence of the developments both er the influence of the developments both in the international arena and in the domestic politics of the country, by taking the concept in the international arena and in the domestic politics of the country, by taking the concept of democracy as a basis, to explain what this concept meant for the ruling of democracy as a basis, to explain what this concept meant for the ruling RPRPP and the DP, P and the DP, the strongest opposition party of the period, and to examine how and in what way this the strongest opposition party of the period, and to examine how and in what way this concept shaped the political system.concept shaped the political system. It is also aimed to mention the steps taken towards the It is also aimed to mention the steps taken towards the establishment of a democratic political system during the period and their shortcomings.establishment of a democratic political system during the period and their shortcomings.
Although the transition period of the Republic of Turkey to multi
Although the transition period of the Republic of Turkey to multi--party life covers a party life covers a very short period of time, many events took place in the fields of domestic polivery short period of time, many events took place in the fields of domestic policycy, economic, , economic, social and foreign policy within this fivesocial and foreign policy within this five--year period and these events brought about many year period and these events brought about many changes and transformations in Turkish political history.changes and transformations in Turkish political history. The studies on the developments in The studies on the developments in these areas and the research on how the course of Turkish politics was affected led to the these areas and the research on how the course of Turkish politics was affected led to the formation of a wide literature on the period.formation of a wide literature on the period. However, whHowever, while some of the studies analysed ile some of the studies analysed only this fiveonly this five--year period and evaluated the traces of the changes in the political, economic, year period and evaluated the traces of the changes in the political, economic, social and foreign policy fields in this period independently of the developments in the social and foreign policy fields in this period independently of the developments in the Ottoman Empire and the Early RepublicanOttoman Empire and the Early Republican periodperiodss, others, although they touched upon these , others, although they touched upon these periods, evaluated the developments in these fields between 1945 and 1950 with a holistic periods, evaluated the developments in these fields between 1945 and 1950 with a holistic approach without going into detail.approach without going into detail. On the other hand, some studiesOn the other hand, some studies analysed the period from analysed the period from a single perspective ba single perspective by focusing on a politician, newspaper, government, event or city during y focusing on a politician, newspaper, government, event or city during the period.the period.
In this context, with this thesis, only the domestic politics area during the transition to
In this context, with this thesis, only the domestic politics area during the transition to multimulti--party life was analysed in the context of the concept of democracy and an evaluation party life was analysed in the context of the concept of democracy and an evaluation of the reof the re--established political system was made.established political system was made. In this way, both the scope and the boundary In this way, both the scope and the boundary of the study were determined, and although there were many events in the fields of economic, of the study were determined, and although there were many events in the fields of economic, social and foreign policy during the period and many changes and transformations within social and foreign policy during the period and many changes and transformations within these events, a more detailed these events, a more detailed study of the political sstudy of the political system only within the scope of domestic ystem only within the scope of domestic politics contributed to the literature.politics contributed to the literature. The importance of this study lies in the fact that it firstly The importance of this study lies in the fact that it firstly discusses what steps were taken for the establishment of a democratic political system in the discusses what steps were taken for the establishment of a democratic political system in the
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Ottoman Empire and the Early Republican period and what prevented the full realisation of
Ottoman Empire and the Early Republican period and what prevented the full realisation of these steps, and then, based on the political struggle between the Republican People's Party these steps, and then, based on the political struggle between the Republican People's Party and the Democrat Party between 1945 and 1950, how this concept shaped theand the Democrat Party between 1945 and 1950, how this concept shaped the political political system, what steps were taken for the establishment of a democratic political system, and system, what steps were taken for the establishment of a democratic political system, and how the parties' conceptions of democracy affected all of this.how the parties' conceptions of democracy affected all of this.
The study
The study waswas organised under four chapters. In the first chapter, the historical organised under four chapters. In the first chapter, the historical development of the concept of democracy, which constitutes the main axis of the thesis, was development of the concept of democracy, which constitutes the main axis of the thesis, was discussed, the concept was defined and the necessary conditions for a system to be called discussed, the concept was defined and the necessary conditions for a system to be called democdemocratic were mentioned.ratic were mentioned.
In order to better analyse and evaluate the establishment of the democratic system in
In order to better analyse and evaluate the establishment of the democratic system in the Republic of Turkey, it is necessary to mention the development of this concept during the Republic of Turkey, it is necessary to mention the development of this concept during the Ottoman Empire and how it was understood.the Ottoman Empire and how it was understood. In this part, which constitutes the second In this part, which constitutes the second part of the thesis, the historical development of the concept of democracy, which was part of the thesis, the historical development of the concept of democracy, which was considered as a solution to the internal and external problems of the empire, was mentioned. considered as a solution to the internal and external problems of the empire, was mentioned. In this context, the process that In this context, the process that started with the started with the Charter of AllianCharter of Alliance (ce (SenedSened--i İttifaki İttifak)) in the in the 19th century and continued with the Tanzimat Period, the First Constitutional Monarchy and 19th century and continued with the Tanzimat Period, the First Constitutional Monarchy and the the Committee of Committee of Union and Progress Period, which Union and Progress Period, which was was defined as the "political defined as the "political laboratory"laboratory"1 of the Republican Period, and the groups such as the Young Ottomans and of the Republican Period, and the groups such as the Young Ottomans and Young Turks within this process, which made great contributions to the development of the Young Turks within this process, which made great contributions to the development of the concept of democracy in the empire, were concept of democracy in the empire, were discussed.discussed.
In the third part of the thesis, how the democratic system was established in the new
In the third part of the thesis, how the democratic system was established in the new state of Turkey, and which stages it went through were evaluated. First of all, the importance state of Turkey, and which stages it went through were evaluated. First of all, the importance of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey for paving the way to democratisatof the Grand National Assembly of Turkey for paving the way to democratisation was ion was mentioned and then the steps taken towards the establishment of the democratic system in mentioned and then the steps taken towards the establishment of the democratic system in the first and second terms of the Assembly were discussed.the first and second terms of the Assembly were discussed. In addition, the relations between In addition, the relations between the government and the opposition during the period were evaluatethe government and the opposition during the period were evaluated in the context of the d in the context of the concept of democracy and the first attempt to transition to multiconcept of democracy and the first attempt to transition to multi--party life was emphasised. party life was emphasised. In this part of the study, the Free Republican Party (In this part of the study, the Free Republican Party (FRPFRP), which emerged in a collusive ), which emerged in a collusive manner in line with the wishes of the manner in line with the wishes of the RPPRPP, was also mentioned as a separate topic, and the , was also mentioned as a separate topic, and the programme of the party and its relations with the government were evaluated in the context programme of the party and its relations with the government were evaluated in the context
1 TunayaTunaya, , TT. . Zafer Zafer (1960) Türkiye’nin Siyasi Hayatında Batılılaşma Hareketleri(1960) Türkiye’nin Siyasi Hayatında Batılılaşma Hareketleri, I. Edition, İstanbul, , I. Edition, İstanbul, Yenigün Matbaası, p. 98.Yenigün Matbaası, p. 98.
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of the concept of democracy.
of the concept of democracy. Then, with the failure of this attempt, it was explained how the Then, with the failure of this attempt, it was explained how the Republic of Turkey evolved towards a singleRepublic of Turkey evolved towards a single--party and authoritarian regime and what steps party and authoritarian regime and what steps were taken in this direction.were taken in this direction.
In the fourth chapter, which is the main part of the thesis, the concept of democracy,
In the fourth chapter, which is the main part of the thesis, the concept of democracy, which until the 19th century was regarded as "the rule of the mob", but today is defined as which until the 19th century was regarded as "the rule of the mob", but today is defined as the most robust and stable form of government in postthe most robust and stable form of government in post--modern politics, was tamodern politics, was taken as a basis ken as a basis and how this concept shaped the political system in the period between 1945and how this concept shaped the political system in the period between 1945--1950, the years 1950, the years of the establishment of the multiof the establishment of the multi--party system in the Republic of Turkey, and what steps party system in the Republic of Turkey, and what steps were taken in this regard were mentioned.were taken in this regard were mentioned. The concept of demThe concept of democracy, which is based on ocracy, which is based on concepts and principles such as national sovereignty, pluralism, freedom, equality, the rule concepts and principles such as national sovereignty, pluralism, freedom, equality, the rule of law, political representation and participation, individual rights and freedoms and of law, political representation and participation, individual rights and freedoms and secularism, and which is interpreted in different secularism, and which is interpreted in different ways by different theories within political ways by different theories within political science, which has different models and approaches, and which cannot even have a single science, which has different models and approaches, and which cannot even have a single definition due to all these different perspectives, was not a concept discussed in the Republic definition due to all these different perspectives, was not a concept discussed in the Republic of Turkey between 1945of Turkey between 1945--1950 1950 in line with the abovein line with the above--mentioned issues.mentioned issues. The most important The most important reason for this was the persistence of views that are contrary to democracy and democratic reason for this was the persistence of views that are contrary to democracy and democratic governance, which governance, which werewere characterised as elements of the Turkish political tradition, such as characterised as elements of the Turkish political tradition, such as intolerance of opposition, a protectionist approach that limits freedoms for the survival of intolerance of opposition, a protectionist approach that limits freedoms for the survival of the state, and a notion of national will under the tutelage of military and civilian bureaucthe state, and a notion of national will under the tutelage of military and civilian bureaucrats.rats. All of this led to the fact that with the transition of the Republic of TurkeAll of this led to the fact that with the transition of the Republic of Turkey to multiy to multi--party party political life, the primary area of discussion was the practice of democracy rather than the political life, the primary area of discussion was the practice of democracy rather than the concept of democracy itself, and a struggle was waged for the establishment of a democratic concept of democracy itself, and a struggle was waged for the establishment of a democratic system.system. In this context, this chapter In this context, this chapter waswas based on the founding purpose of the DP, which based on the founding purpose of the DP, which used the concept of democracy as a tool and aimed to ensure the full implementation of used the concept of democracy as a tool and aimed to ensure the full implementation of democratic procedures and principles against the democratic procedures and principles against the RPPRPP, which had an authoritarian regime , which had an authoritarian regime understanding, and had to maintain its existenunderstanding, and had to maintain its existence as an opposition while doing so, and its ce as an opposition while doing so, and its criticisms in the direction of realising this purpose.criticisms in the direction of realising this purpose. This was based on the full This was based on the full implementation of the constitution by abolishing or amending antiimplementation of the constitution by abolishing or amending anti--democratic laws and democratic laws and practices, respect for the national will and the electoral security that ensures its practices, respect for the national will and the electoral security that ensures its manifestation, and the realisation of a power mechanism sumanifestation, and the realisation of a power mechanism subject to control.bject to control. In line with these In line with these considerations, democracy, which was seen as a means of political participation on the road considerations, democracy, which was seen as a means of political participation on the road to power, was not discussed to power, was not discussed as a concept during the period; the practice and functioning of as a concept during the period; the practice and functioning of this concept were discussed. While the politics of the period was determined by these topics, this concept were discussed. While the politics of the period was determined by these topics,
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which were expressed by the DP and related to the practice of democracy, their limits and
which were expressed by the DP and related to the practice of democracy, their limits and scope were determined by the scope were determined by the RPRPP, which had a limited and authorityP, which had a limited and authority--based understanding based understanding of freedom.of freedom. In this context, considering the political steps taken during the period, the In this context, considering the political steps taken during the period, the discourses of the parties and their supporters and the general policies of the parties, the issues discourses of the parties and their supporters and the general policies of the parties, the issues of opposition, constitution and elections, which determine the main axis of theof opposition, constitution and elections, which determine the main axis of the struggle struggle between between RPRPP and DP and P and DP and were seenwere seen the most important elemthe most important elements of the democratic political ents of the democratic political system and the practice of democracy, system and the practice of democracy, werewere discussed.discussed. These three elements constituted the These three elements constituted the main headings of the main part of the thesis, and under each heading, the practices and laws main headings of the main part of the thesis, and under each heading, the practices and laws dating back to the authoritarian singledating back to the authoritarian single--party rule that disrupted the functioning of the multiparty rule that disrupted the functioning of the multi--party democratic system were evparty democratic system were evaluated from the perspective of both the government and aluated from the perspective of both the government and the opposition, and the shortcomings of the steps taken for the establishment of the the opposition, and the shortcomings of the steps taken for the establishment of the democratic system were trieddemocratic system were tried to be mentioned.to be mentioned.
Under the first main heading of the fourth chapter, the phenomenon of opposition,
Under the first main heading of the fourth chapter, the phenomenon of opposition, which is an important element of the democratic political system, was analysed. In this which is an important element of the democratic political system, was analysed. In this context, firstly, the process before and after the establishment of the DP was analysecontext, firstly, the process before and after the establishment of the DP was analysed and d and how the government and the press supporting the government welcomed the opposition, how the government and the press supporting the government welcomed the opposition, their demands and expectations from the opposition were explained.their demands and expectations from the opposition were explained. Afterwards, the reality Afterwards, the reality of intolerance to opposition, which is a part of the Turkish political tradof intolerance to opposition, which is a part of the Turkish political tradition, was analysed ition, was analysed and the DP's policies of oppression and intimidation throughout the period and its reactions and the DP's policies of oppression and intimidation throughout the period and its reactions to these policies were discussed.to these policies were discussed. In addition, in this chapter, the intraIn addition, in this chapter, the intra--party opposition party opposition movements that emerged within both the movements that emerged within both the RPRPP and the DP over time were also mentioned P and the DP over time were also mentioned and an evaluation of these struggles was made both in terms of the parties and the democratic and an evaluation of these struggles was made both in terms of the parties and the democratic system.system.
The second main heading of this section was devoted to the constitutional issue, which
The second main heading of this section was devoted to the constitutional issue, which was directly related to the functioning and practice of the democratic system, one of the was directly related to the functioning and practice of the democratic system, one of the issues that the DP emphasised the most throughout the period.issues that the DP emphasised the most throughout the period. In this context, in this section, In this context, in this section, the problem of antithe problem of anti--democratic laws, which the DP saw as the biggest obstacle to the stable democratic laws, which the DP saw as the biggest obstacle to the stable and continuous functioning of the democratic system and the practice of democracy, and the and continuous functioning of the democratic system and the practice of democracy, and the steps taken by thesteps taken by the RPPRPP in this regard were discussed.in this regard were discussed. ThThen, the democratic character of the en, the democratic character of the 1924 Constitution was discussed in the chapter and the deficiencies of this constitution in 1924 Constitution was discussed in the chapter and the deficiencies of this constitution in terms of the concept and system of democracy and the issue of constitutional amendment, terms of the concept and system of democracy and the issue of constitutional amendment, which was raised in order to overcome thwhich was raised in order to overcome this deficiency, was evaluated.is deficiency, was evaluated.
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In the last main heading of the third chapter, the issue of elections, one of the most
In the last main heading of the third chapter, the issue of elections, one of the most important elements of democracy, was discussed. In this context, firstly, the elections held important elements of democracy, was discussed. In this context, firstly, the elections held during the period, the manifestos and discourses of the parties related to tduring the period, the manifestos and discourses of the parties related to these elections were hese elections were evaluated and the debates both before and after the elections were tried to be explained in evaluated and the debates both before and after the elections were tried to be explained in the context of the concept of democracy.the context of the concept of democracy. In addition, the DP's struggle for a safe and In addition, the DP's struggle for a safe and democratic election law in accordance with democratic prodemocratic election law in accordance with democratic procedures and principles for the full cedures and principles for the full manifestation of the national will was one of the most important issues of this period. The manifestation of the national will was one of the most important issues of this period. The steps taken on this issue, which did not fully meet the expectations of the opposition, steps taken on this issue, which did not fully meet the expectations of the opposition, constituted one of the issues of strugglconstituted one of the issues of struggle between the government and the opposition e between the government and the opposition throughout the period.throughout the period.
In the concluding chapter, based on the concept of democracy, a general evaluation of
In the concluding chapter, based on the concept of democracy, a general evaluation of the political system of the Republic of Turkey, which was reshaped with the transition to the political system of the Republic of Turkey, which was reshaped with the transition to multimulti--party life, was made.party life, was made.
In the study, a wide variety of sources such as research works, periodicals of the period,
In the study, a wide variety of sources such as research works, periodicals of the period, Parliamentary and party minutes, memoirs and diaries were used. The main sources of the Parliamentary and party minutes, memoirs and diaries were used. The main sources of the study were research works on the period, the press of the period and the minustudy were research works on the period, the press of the period and the minutes of the Grand tes of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey.National Assembly of Turkey.
The main sources used in the study should be mentioned in a more comprehensive
The main sources used in the study should be mentioned in a more comprehensive manner. In this context, the research works on the period of transition to multimanner. In this context, the research works on the period of transition to multi--party political party political life have provided a more solid basis for the evaluations and explanations made,life have provided a more solid basis for the evaluations and explanations made, both both because they look at the period with a holistic approach and because they were written by because they look at the period with a holistic approach and because they were written by people who were not involved in the politics of the period, they approached the events people who were not involved in the politics of the period, they approached the events relatively more objectively.relatively more objectively. In this context, especially Cemil Koçak's In this context, especially Cemil Koçak's ““TTürkiye'de İki Partili ürkiye'de İki Partili Sistemin Kuruluş Yılları (1945Sistemin Kuruluş Yılları (1945--1950) Vol1950) Volumeume 1 İkinci Parti1 İkinci Parti2, Vol, Volumeume 2 İktidar ve 2 İktidar ve DemokratlarDemokratlar3, Vol, Volumeume 5 Uzlaşma5 Uzlaşma4 andand VolVolumeume 6 CHP İktidarının Sonu6 CHP İktidarının Sonu5””, Mahmut Goloğlu's , Mahmut Goloğlu's
2 KoçakKoçak, , CemilCemil (2010) Türkiye’de İki Partili Sistemin Kuruluş Yılları (1945(2010) Türkiye’de İki Partili Sistemin Kuruluş Yılları (1945--1950) Volume 1 İkinci 1950) Volume 1 İkinci Parti, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayıncılık.Parti, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayıncılık.
3 KoçakKoçak, , CemilCemil (2018) Türkiye’de İki Partili (2018) Türkiye’de İki Partili Sistemin Kuruluş Yılları (1945Sistemin Kuruluş Yılları (1945--1950) Volume 2 İktidar 1950) Volume 2 İktidar ve Demokratlar, 2. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayıncılık.ve Demokratlar, 2. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayıncılık.
4 KoçakKoçak, , CemilCemil (2016) Türkiye’de İki Partili Sistemin Kuruluş Yılları (1945(2016) Türkiye’de İki Partili Sistemin Kuruluş Yılları (1945--1950) Volume 5 Uzlaşma, 1950) Volume 5 Uzlaşma, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayıncılık.1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayıncılık.
5 KoçakKoçak, , CemilCemil (2017) Türkiye’de İki Partili Sistemin Kuruluş Yılları (1945(2017) Türkiye’de İki Partili Sistemin Kuruluş Yılları (1945--1950) Volume 6 CHP 1950) Volume 6 CHP İktidarının Sonu, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayıncılık.İktidarının Sonu, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayıncılık.
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“
“Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Tarihi IV 1946Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Tarihi IV 1946--1950 Demokrasiye Geçiş1950 Demokrasiye Geçiş6”” and Cem Eroğul's and Cem Eroğul's ““Demokrat Parti Tarihi ve İdeolojisiDemokrat Parti Tarihi ve İdeolojisi7”” were used extensively in this study.were used extensively in this study.
Especially the press was used extensively in the evaluation of the period. In this
Especially the press was used extensively in the evaluation of the period. In this context, newspapers such as Ulus, Akşam, Tanin, Vakit, which were close to the government; context, newspapers such as Ulus, Akşam, Tanin, Vakit, which were close to the government; Vatan, Demokrat İzmir, Kudret, Tasvir, Son Posta, which were close to the oppositiVatan, Demokrat İzmir, Kudret, Tasvir, Son Posta, which were close to the opposition; and on; and Cumhuriyet newspaper, which should not be included in these two groups due to its Cumhuriyet newspaper, which should not be included in these two groups due to its relatively more neutral position, were used to evaluate the political developments during the relatively more neutral position, were used to evaluate the political developments during the period.period. In addition, the columns of journalists who witnessed the periodIn addition, the columns of journalists who witnessed the period personally, Falih personally, Falih Rıfkı Atay and Nihat Erim in Ulus newspaper, Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın in Tanin newspaper, Rıfkı Atay and Nihat Erim in Ulus newspaper, Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın in Tanin newspaper, Necmettin Sadak in Akşam newspaper, Nadir Nadi in Cumhuriyet newspaper, Burhan Asaf Necmettin Sadak in Akşam newspaper, Nadir Nadi in Cumhuriyet newspaper, Burhan Asaf Belge and Mithat Perin in Demokrat İzmir newspaper, were particularBelge and Mithat Perin in Demokrat İzmir newspaper, were particularly utilised.ly utilised.
Another important source that added depth and originality to the study was the journal
Another important source that added depth and originality to the study was the journal of the minutes of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey. In this context, the minutes of the minutes of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey. In this context, the minutes journals of the Seventh Period (8.3.1943journals of the Seventh Period (8.3.1943--14.6.1946) and the Eighth Period (5.8.194614.6.1946) and the Eighth Period (5.8.1946--24.3.1950) of the Turkish Grand National Assembly were scanned and the views of the 24.3.1950) of the Turkish Grand National Assembly were scanned and the views of the parties during the parliamentary debates and the nature of the struggle between the parties during the parliamentary debates and the nature of the struggle between the government and the opposition were revealed, thus providing an opportunity to make a government and the opposition were revealed, thus providing an opportunity to make a cocomprehensive and detailed evaluation of the period.mprehensive and detailed evaluation of the period. Through both the press and the Through both the press and the minutes, the events of the period and the different approaches to the concept of democracy minutes, the events of the period and the different approaches to the concept of democracy were analysed in a comparative manner, and it was revealed how different perspectives could were analysed in a comparative manner, and it was revealed how different perspectives could be taken on these events and the concept, be taken on these events and the concept, even though the events and the concept were the even though the events and the concept were the same.same.
6 GoloğluGoloğlu, , MahmutMahmut (2021a) Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Tarihi IV 1946(2021a) Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Tarihi IV 1946--1950 Demokrasiye Geçiş, 2. Edition, 1950 Demokrasiye Geçiş, 2. Edition, İstanbul, Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları.İstanbul, Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları.
7 EroğulEroğul, , CemCem (2019) Demokrat Parti Tarihi ve İdeolojisi, 3. Edition, İstanbul, Yordam Kitap.(2019) Demokrat Parti Tarihi ve İdeolojisi, 3. Edition, İstanbul, Yordam Kitap.
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2.. HISTORICAL EVOLUTION OF THE CONCEPT OF HISTORICAL EVOLUTION OF THE CONCEPT OF DEMOCRACYDEMOCRACY
2
2.1. Athenian Democracy.1. Athenian Democracy
The concept of democracy, a concept brought to us by the ancient Greek civilisation,
The concept of democracy, a concept brought to us by the ancient Greek civilisation, derives from the Greek words demos (people) and kratia (to rule) and is called demokratia derives from the Greek words demos (people) and kratia (to rule) and is called demokratia (rule of the people).(rule of the people).8 This concept and its elements developed in the cityThis concept and its elements developed in the city--states called “polis” states called “polis” and we have inherited it as a concept that is still being discussed today and whose certain and we have inherited it as a concept that is still being discussed today and whose certain ideals we are trying to realise. ideals we are trying to realise.
There were some reasons why Athens was characterised as a democracy. First of all,
There were some reasons why Athens was characterised as a democracy. First of all, it should be noted that Athenian society was founded on slavery and was based on the sharp it should be noted that Athenian society was founded on slavery and was based on the sharp opposition between the free and the slave and between the Athenian and the foreignopposition between the free and the slave and between the Athenian and the foreigner.er.9 The The most important reasons why the form of government of such a society was called democracy most important reasons why the form of government of such a society was called democracy were: the adoption and application of the principles of equality before the law, justice and were: the adoption and application of the principles of equality before the law, justice and freedom of expression, and the existence of popular assemblies.freedom of expression, and the existence of popular assemblies.10 These assemblies had These assemblies had legislative, executive and judicial powers in the modern sense and there were no limitations legislative, executive and judicial powers in the modern sense and there were no limitations on what they could do. This situation caused absolute power to be handed over to the people on what they could do. This situation caused absolute power to be handed over to the people and the management and administration of all affaand the management and administration of all affairs to depend on the common sense of the irs to depend on the common sense of the people.people.11
Plato and Aristotle, the most important philosophers of the period, made some
Plato and Aristotle, the most important philosophers of the period, made some criticisms and additions to Athenian democracy. In this context, Plato emphasised the criticisms and additions to Athenian democracy. In this context, Plato emphasised the establishment of the ideal political order in the society and approached the society with a establishment of the ideal political order in the society and approached the society with a pessimistic attitude and considered the people as an uneducated, ignorant and ungovernable pessimistic attitude and considered the people as an uneducated, ignorant and ungovernable “mass”. Considering that this mass was also high in the society, he argued that the “mass”. Considering that this mass was also high in the society, he argued that the democratic administration, which was based on the opinion of the majority insteademocratic administration, which was based on the opinion of the majority instead of d of knowledge and experience, was a bad form of administration and stated that this knowledge and experience, was a bad form of administration and stated that this
8 Uygun, OktayUygun, Oktay (2020) Demokrasi Tarihsel, Siyasal ve Felsefi Boyutlar, 4. Edition, İstanbul, On İki (2020) Demokrasi Tarihsel, Siyasal ve Felsefi Boyutlar, 4. Edition, İstanbul, On İki Levha Yayıncılık, p. 11. Levha Yayıncılık, p. 11.
9 Ryan, AlanRyan, Alan (2012) On Politics: A History of Political Thought from Herodotus to the Present, 1. (2012) On Politics: A History of Political Thought from Herodotus to the Present, 1. Edition, New York, W.W. Norton&Company (Translated by: Karasulu, Ahu / Zarakolu, Deniz (2021) Edition, New York, W.W. Norton&Company (Translated by: Karasulu, Ahu / Zarakolu, Deniz (2021) Heredotus’tan Günümüze Siyasal Düşünceler Tarihi, 1. Edition, İstanbul, BilgHeredotus’tan Günümüze Siyasal Düşünceler Tarihi, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Bilge Yayıncılık) p. 29. e Yayıncılık) p. 29.
10 AktanAktan, , CC. . Can Can // FetthahoğluFetthahoğlu, , HH. . MelisMelis (2021) ‘Antik Atina'da Demokrasi: Kurucular ve Temel (2021) ‘Antik Atina'da Demokrasi: Kurucular ve Temel Kurumlar’, Gorgon Dergisi, N: 14, V:35, p. 15. Kurumlar’, Gorgon Dergisi, N: 14, V:35, p. 15.
11 RyanRyan, p. 35., p. 35.
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administration would turn into tyranny after a while.
administration would turn into tyranny after a while.12 Plato, who thought that the wellPlato, who thought that the well--being being and future of the state was more important than the and future of the state was more important than the freedomsfreedoms and and rightsrights of the citizens in the of the citizens in the society, emphasised that the ideal government could be through philosophers and stated that society, emphasised that the ideal government could be through philosophers and stated that in a state where kings were not philosophers or philosophers were not kings, things would in a state where kings were not philosophers or philosophers were not kings, things would not go well, wisdom would bring salvation and ignonot go well, wisdom would bring salvation and ignorance would lead to ruin.rance would lead to ruin.13
Aristotle, like Plato, was a philosopher who criticised democracy. In this context, he
Aristotle, like Plato, was a philosopher who criticised democracy. In this context, he focused a lot on the imperfections of the authority given to the people to govern and the focused a lot on the imperfections of the authority given to the people to govern and the potential dangers it would pose. He pointed out that democracy, with its radicapotential dangers it would pose. He pointed out that democracy, with its radical l egalitarianism, which favoured the interests of the free and the poor, would soon be exploited egalitarianism, which favoured the interests of the free and the poor, would soon be exploited by them and could turn into the collective tyranny of an ignorant society that was entirely by them and could turn into the collective tyranny of an ignorant society that was entirely selfself--interested.interested.14
Aristotle defined democracy as a form of
Aristotle defined democracy as a form of regimeregime that favoured the class interests of that favoured the class interests of the multitude and stated that this form of government was a bad form of government.the multitude and stated that this form of government was a bad form of government.15 In In this context, Aristotle emphasised that the best form of government was a wellthis context, Aristotle emphasised that the best form of government was a well--balanced balanced politeia, also known as “narrow democracy” or “extended aristocracy”, in which a mass of politeia, also known as “narrow democracy” or “extended aristocracy”, in which a mass of people rule but the lowest part of the society was not allowed to take offpeople rule but the lowest part of the society was not allowed to take office and the “common ice and the “common good” was observed.good” was observed.16
Athenian democracy, with some of its practices and institutions, is still being thought
Athenian democracy, with some of its practices and institutions, is still being thought about, written about and admired even today. However, it is erroneous to claim that Athenian about, written about and admired even today. However, it is erroneous to claim that Athenian democracy was perfect in every aspect. As a matter of fact, philosophers sudemocracy was perfect in every aspect. As a matter of fact, philosophers such as Plato and ch as Plato and Aristotle revealed the positive and negative aspects of democracy and pointed out the Aristotle revealed the positive and negative aspects of democracy and pointed out the shortcomings of Athenian democracy. In addition, considering that in Athenian democracy, shortcomings of Athenian democracy. In addition, considering that in Athenian democracy, a very small part of the population had the right to participate a very small part of the population had the right to participate in the government through in the government through direct democracy and therefore the practice of democracy was not fully achieved, this direct democracy and therefore the practice of democracy was not fully achieved, this
12 Crick, BernardCrick, Bernard (2002) Democracy: A Very Short Introduction,1. Edition, New York, Oxford (2002) Democracy: A Very Short Introduction,1. Edition, New York, Oxford University Press, p. 16, University Press, p. 16, AktanAktan / / FettahoğluFettahoğlu, p. 17. , p. 17.
13 PlatonPlaton (BC 340), Politeia, 1. Edition, Ancient Greece (Translated by: Eyüboğlu, Sabahattin / Cimcoz, (BC 340), Politeia, 1. Edition, Ancient Greece (Translated by: Eyüboğlu, Sabahattin / Cimcoz, M. Ali (2010) Devlet, 10. Edition, İstanbul, Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları), M. Ali (2010) Devlet, 10. Edition, İstanbul, Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları), p. 48.p. 48.
14Lindsay, T. KevinLindsay, T. Kevin (1992) ‘Liberty, Equality, Power: Aristotle’s Critique of the Democratic (1992) ‘Liberty, Equality, Power: Aristotle’s Critique of the Democratic ‘Presupposition’. American Journal of Political Science, V:36, N:3, p. 755, ‘Presupposition’. American Journal of Political Science, V:36, N:3, p. 755, Lintott, AndrewLintott, Andrew (1992) ‘Aristotle (1992) ‘Aristotle and Democracy’ The Classical Quarterly, V:42, N:1, p. 124.and Democracy’ The Classical Quarterly, V:42, N:1, p. 124.
15 Şenel, AlaaddinŞenel, Alaaddin (1995) Siyasal Düşünceler Tarihi, Tarihöncesinde, İlkçağda, Orta Çağda ve (1995) Siyasal Düşünceler Tarihi, Tarihöncesinde, İlkçağda, Orta Çağda ve Yeniçağda Toplum ve Siyasal Düşünüş, 4. Edition, Ankara, Bilim ve Sanat Yayınları, pp. 171Yeniçağda Toplum ve Siyasal Düşünüş, 4. Edition, Ankara, Bilim ve Sanat Yayınları, pp. 171--172. 172. RyanRyan, p. , p. 101. 101.
16 RyanRyan, p. 101., p. 101.
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situation is seen as a major deficiency in terms of today's modern democracy.
situation is seen as a major deficiency in terms of today's modern democracy.17 However, However, despite all these features and deficiencies, Athenian democracy is of despite all these features and deficiencies, Athenian democracy is of paramountparamount significancesignificance in terms of laying the foundations of modern democracy.in terms of laying the foundations of modern democracy.
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2.2. The Republic of Rome.2. The Republic of Rome
In order to comprehend the historical evolution of the concept of democracy, it is
In order to comprehend the historical evolution of the concept of democracy, it is indispensableindispensable to look at the Republican period of the Roman Empire after the Athenian to look at the Republican period of the Roman Empire after the Athenian democracy. Because the constitutions of modern liberal democracies were inspired by the democracy. Because the constitutions of modern liberal democracies were inspired by the Roman Republic rather than the Athenian democracy.Roman Republic rather than the Athenian democracy.18
In Rome, the republic emerged as a regime in which monarchical, aristocratic and
In Rome, the republic emerged as a regime in which monarchical, aristocratic and democratic elements coexisted with the end of the kingdom period. In this context, a democratic elements coexisted with the end of the kingdom period. In this context, a constitutional structure consisting of the king, senate and popular assemblies was establiconstitutional structure consisting of the king, senate and popular assemblies was established shed with a viewwith a view to balance the interests of the majority and the minority, and this structure was to balance the interests of the majority and the minority, and this structure was accepted as a republic.accepted as a republic.19 In this way, the power was prevented from being in the hands of a In this way, the power was prevented from being in the hands of a single element in the society and the different interests within the society were balanced and single element in the society and the different interests within the society were balanced and ensured to be in an order.ensured to be in an order.20 In factIn fact, the famous philosophers of the period, Polybius and , the famous philosophers of the period, Polybius and Cicero, stated that the consuls in Rome represented the monarchical, the Senate the Cicero, stated that the consuls in Rome represented the monarchical, the Senate the aristocratic and the popular assemblies the democratic elements and explained the form of aristocratic and the popular assemblies the democratic elements and explained the form of government based on these thgovernment based on these three elements with the concept of "mixed constitution" and ree elements with the concept of "mixed constitution" and emphasised the balance between political powers.emphasised the balance between political powers.21 They also stated that the best They also stated that the best government emerged from the stability of monarchical rule, the wisdom and justice of government emerged from the stability of monarchical rule, the wisdom and justice of aristocratic will, and the majority, freedom and equality of democratic rule.aristocratic will, and the majority, freedom and equality of democratic rule.22
The biggest factor in the determination of this form of government and the
The biggest factor in the determination of this form of government and the establishment of political authority in Rome was the social divisions. As a matter of fact, the establishment of political authority in Rome was the social divisions. As a matter of fact, the struggle between the patricians representing the nobility in Rome and the plebeians struggle between the patricians representing the nobility in Rome and the plebeians rrepresenting the lower class, consisting of the peoples who had fallen under the yoke of epresenting the lower class, consisting of the peoples who had fallen under the yoke of
17 AktanAktan / / FettahoğluFettahoğlu, p. 20. , p. 20.
18 RyanRyan, p. 112. , p. 112.
19 TahiroğluTahiroğlu, , BülentBülent / / ErdoğmuşErdoğmuş, , BelginBelgin (2005) Roma Hukuku Dersleri: Tarihi Giriş, Hukuk Tarihi (2005) Roma Hukuku Dersleri: Tarihi Giriş, Hukuk Tarihi Genel Kavramlar, Usul Hukuku, 4. Edition, İstanbul, Der Yayınları, p. 1Genel Kavramlar, Usul Hukuku, 4. Edition, İstanbul, Der Yayınları, p. 1--2.2.
20 UygunUygun, p. 127, p. 127--128. 128.
21 Wood, NealWood, Neal (1991) Cicero’s Social and Political Thought, 1. Edition, California, University of (1991) Cicero’s Social and Political Thought, 1. Edition, California, University of California Press, p. 145. California Press, p. 145.
22 RyanRyan, p. 127. , p. 127.
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Rome, led to the rise of the republican regime.
Rome, led to the rise of the republican regime.23 The plebeians, through a systematic The plebeians, through a systematic struggle, formed their own assemblies, struggle, formed their own assemblies, beganbegan to take an active role in the administration and to take an active role in the administration and succeeded in increasing the influence of the people on the administration.succeeded in increasing the influence of the people on the administration.24 Thus, over time, Thus, over time, legal equality was achieved between plebeians and patricians, and the authority of patricians, legal equality was achieved between plebeians and patricians, and the authority of patricians, who constituted the elite of the society, over the administration was reduced. As a result, the who constituted the elite of the society, over the administration was reduced. As a result, the people, the most important element of democracypeople, the most important element of democracy, had a say in the administration and a , had a say in the administration and a political society was formed in which there was no relationship similar to the masterpolitical society was formed in which there was no relationship similar to the master--slave slave relationship between citizens in the context of the principle of equality.relationship between citizens in the context of the principle of equality.25
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2.3. The First Constitutional Document in History: Magna Carta Libertatum.3. The First Constitutional Document in History: Magna Carta Libertatum
The Magna Carta Libertatum, whose parties were essentially the king, the church and
The Magna Carta Libertatum, whose parties were essentially the king, the church and the nobles; restricting the powers of the king over the church and the nobles, but athe nobles; restricting the powers of the king over the church and the nobles, but as wells well time time granting certain rights to the lower classes that constitute the other social stratum of the granting certain rights to the lower classes that constitute the other social stratum of the period, is very important in the context of the concept of democracy in terms of being the period, is very important in the context of the concept of democracy in terms of being the inspiration of human rights and constitutionalist movements.inspiration of human rights and constitutionalist movements.26 The 1215 Magna Carta The 1215 Magna Carta established a new relationship between the king and the law, redistributed political power established a new relationship between the king and the law, redistributed political power and gave the monarchy a legal framework.and gave the monarchy a legal framework.27 The most important feature of the Document The most important feature of the Document was that it recognised that the will of the king ceased to be the sole determinant, referred to was that it recognised that the will of the king ceased to be the sole determinant, referred to a socially supported abstract law above this will, and made some regulations in the field of a socially supported abstract law above this will, and made some regulations in the field of law and judiciary, seculaw and judiciary, securing some rights and providing a mechanism of control.ring some rights and providing a mechanism of control.28
In fact, the document did not mention any freedom except for the Church, and
In fact, the document did not mention any freedom except for the Church, and democracy was not mentioned at all. However, it would not be wrong to say that this democracy was not mentioned at all. However, it would not be wrong to say that this document was the first important step towards democracy. Because the nobles and church document was the first important step towards democracy. Because the nobles and church members members tried to prevent the king from encroaching on the customs, rights and laws in their tried to prevent the king from encroaching on the customs, rights and laws in their
23 AğaoğullarıAğaoğulları, , MM. . Ali Ali (Editor) (2015) Sokrates’ten Jakobenlere Batı’da Siyasal Düşünceler, 6. Edition, (Editor) (2015) Sokrates’ten Jakobenlere Batı’da Siyasal Düşünceler, 6. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 167. İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 167.
24 Dinçkol, BihterinDinçkol, Bihterin (2017). ‘Atina Demokrasisinden Roma Cumhuriyetine ‘’Demos’’tan ‘’Populus (2017). ‘Atina Demokrasisinden Roma Cumhuriyetine ‘’Demos’’tan ‘’Populus Romanus’’a’ Marmara Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Hukuk Araştırmaları Dergisi, V:23, N:3, p. 759Romanus’’a’ Marmara Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Hukuk Araştırmaları Dergisi, V:23, N:3, p. 759--760. 760.
25 AğaoğullarıAğaoğulları, p. 169. , p. 169.
26 AğaoğullarıAğaoğulları, p. 256. , p. 256.
27 Black, JeremyBlack, Jeremy (2015) A Short History of Britain, 2. Edition, New York, Bloomsbury Publishing Plc (2015) A Short History of Britain, 2. Edition, New York, Bloomsbury Publishing Plc (Translated by: Duru, Ekin (2017), Kısa İngiltere Tarihi, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Say Yayınları) p. 57. (Translated by: Duru, Ekin (2017), Kısa İngiltere Tarihi, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Say Yayınları) p. 57.
28 Akşin, SinaAkşin, Sina (1994) ‘Sened(1994) ‘Sened--i İttifak ile Magna Carta’nın Karşılaştırılması’ Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve i İttifak ile Magna Carta’nın Karşılaştırılması’ Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve TarihTarih--Coğrafya Fakültesi Tarih Bölümü Tarih Araştırmaları Dergisi, V:16, N:27, p. 118. Coğrafya Fakültesi Tarih Bölümü Tarih Araştırmaları Dergisi, V:16, N:27, p. 118.
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regions.
regions.29 In this respect, Magna Carta, which was a feudal reaction, is recognised as one of In this respect, Magna Carta, which was a feudal reaction, is recognised as one of the most important documents of democracy as it limits the power of the king.the most important documents of democracy as it limits the power of the king.
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2.4. The Concept and Evolution of Democracy in the Modern Age.4. The Concept and Evolution of Democracy in the Modern Age
According to Robert Dahl
According to Robert Dahl30, democracy has undergone three major transformations. , democracy has undergone three major transformations. The first period, ancient Greek democracy, The first period, ancient Greek democracy, involved the transformation of noninvolved the transformation of non--democratic democratic citycity--states into democracies. This period, called Athenian democracy, was later dominated states into democracies. This period, called Athenian democracy, was later dominated by Macedonian rule and democracy as a form of government disappeared from the stage of by Macedonian rule and democracy as a form of government disappeared from the stage of history for a long time. Democrachistory for a long time. Democracy, which then underwent a second transformation, y, which then underwent a second transformation, developed in terms of thought in the 17th century and redeveloped in terms of thought in the 17th century and re--emerged as a regime that started to emerged as a regime that started to be implemented in the 19th century. In this process, some thinkers contributed to the concept be implemented in the 19th century. In this process, some thinkers contributed to the concept of democracy and werof democracy and were influential in shaping today's modern democracy.e influential in shaping today's modern democracy.
In this context, Jean
In this context, Jean--Jacques Rousseau, with the concepts of ”social contract” and Jacques Rousseau, with the concepts of ”social contract” and “general will”, removed the source of legitimacy of the state from supernatural powers and “general will”, removed the source of legitimacy of the state from supernatural powers and based it on the people and gave sovereignty to the people, not to the monarch.based it on the people and gave sovereignty to the people, not to the monarch.31 Alexis de Alexis de Tocqueville emphasised the concepts of equality and freedom and identified the main Tocqueville emphasised the concepts of equality and freedom and identified the main features of the concept of democracy as features of the concept of democracy as providingproviding prpreservationeservation of individual rights, equality of individual rights, equality of opportunity among individualsof opportunity among individuals, , political authority based on the consent of the political authority based on the consent of the peoplepeople, , advanceadvance of civil society and a greater share of welfare for the majority of citizens.of civil society and a greater share of welfare for the majority of citizens.32 In In addition, Tocqueville addition, Tocqueville defendeddefended that in order to prevent the concepts of equality and freedom that in order to prevent the concepts of equality and freedom from becoming excessive and turning democracy into an arbitrary rule, the principle of from becoming excessive and turning democracy into an arbitrary rule, the principle of equality of opportunity should be implemented along with liberal principles such as the equality of opportunity should be implemented along with liberal principles such as the separation of poweseparation of powers and the rule of law.rs and the rule of law.33 John Stuart Mill, one of the most important John Stuart Mill, one of the most important thinkers of modern liberal democracy, defended a pluralist understanding of democracy in thinkers of modern liberal democracy, defended a pluralist understanding of democracy in which the minority is protected and strengthened against the majority, and stated that which the minority is protected and strengthened against the majority, and stated that
29 Ünal, SerkanÜnal, Serkan (2021) ‘Magna Carta’da Monarşinin Sınırlanması’ Tarih Okulu Dergisi, N:14, N:50, p. (2021) ‘Magna Carta’da Monarşinin Sınırlanması’ Tarih Okulu Dergisi, N:14, N:50, p. 199.199.
30 Dahl, Robert A. (1989Dahl, Robert A. (1989) Democracy and Its Critics, 1. Edition, New Haven & London, Yale University ) Democracy and Its Critics, 1. Edition, New Haven & London, Yale University Press (Translated by: Köker, Levent (1996) Demokrasi ve Eleştirileri, 2. Edition, Ankara, Yetkin Yayıncılık. Press (Translated by: Köker, Levent (1996) Demokrasi ve Eleştirileri, 2. Edition, Ankara, Yetkin Yayıncılık.
31 KalfaKalfa, , Ceren / Ataay, FarukCeren / Ataay, Faruk (2015) ‘Rousseau ve Çoğunlukçu Demokrasi Anlayışı’ Alternatif (2015) ‘Rousseau ve Çoğunlukçu Demokrasi Anlayışı’ Alternatif Politika, V:7, N:3, p. 460. Politika, V:7, N:3, p. 460.
32 TocquevilleTocqueville, , Alexis deAlexis de (1835) De La Democratie en Amerique, 1. Edition, Paris (Translated by: Sezal, (1835) De La Democratie en Amerique, 1. Edition, Paris (Translated by: Sezal, İhsan / Dilber, Fatoş (1994), Amerika’da Demokrasi, 1. Edition, Ankara, Yetkin Yayınları. İhsan / Dilber, Fatoş (1994), Amerika’da Demokrasi, 1. Edition, Ankara, Yetkin Yayınları. p. 24. p. 24.
33 Kalfa, Ceren / Ataay, FarukKalfa, Ceren / Ataay, Faruk (2014) ‘Tocqueville’in Demokrasi Teorisine Katkıları Üzerine’ Yakın (2014) ‘Tocqueville’in Demokrasi Teorisine Katkıları Üzerine’ Yakın Doğu Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, V:7, N:1, p. 31. Doğu Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, V:7, N:1, p. 31.
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democracy provides the most favourable political environment for freedoms by protecting
democracy provides the most favourable political environment for freedoms by protecting differences and diversity, and that democracy is the best way to protect individual and social differences and diversity, and that democracy is the best way to protect individual and social interests and to achieve individual happiness.interests and to achieve individual happiness.34 With the contributions of these thinkers, the With the contributions of these thinkers, the concept of democracy has developed qualitatively and concepts and features that are still concept of democracy has developed qualitatively and concepts and features that are still used today and identified with democracy have been added to its structure.used today and identified with democracy have been added to its structure.35
In this process, the modern concept of democracy had been shaped by factors such as
In this process, the modern concept of democracy had been shaped by factors such as the republican tradition, separation of powers, political representation, secularism, liberalism the republican tradition, separation of powers, political representation, secularism, liberalism and natural rights theory.and natural rights theory.36 As mentioned earlier, the republican tradition developed during As mentioned earlier, the republican tradition developed during the Roman Republic.the Roman Republic.
One of the most
One of the most substantialsubstantial elements and basic principles of modern democracy is the elements and basic principles of modern democracy is the principle of separation of powers, which was advocated by John Locke and later framed and principle of separation of powers, which was advocated by John Locke and later framed and principled by Montesquieu. The most important purpose of this principle is to prevent the principled by Montesquieu. The most important purpose of this principle is to prevent the domination of the domination of the majority and the concentration of power in one section and to ensure the majority and the concentration of power in one section and to ensure the proper functioning of a libertarian system with a balanceproper functioning of a libertarian system with a balance--brake mechanism.brake mechanism.37 Moreover, in Moreover, in the 18th century, when Montesquieu's principle of the separation of powers had dominated the 18th century, when Montesquieu's principle of the separation of powers had dominated the view that democracy was only suitable for small states, the idea that a moderate the view that democracy was only suitable for small states, the idea that a moderate democracy could also be suitable for large states emerged.democracy could also be suitable for large states emerged.38
The excessive growth of the scale of the state made direct democracy impossible and
The excessive growth of the scale of the state made direct democracy impossible and therefore, especially after the 18th century, democracy became associated with the concept therefore, especially after the 18th century, democracy became associated with the concept of representation. Thinkers such as J.J. Rousseau, John Locke and Montesquieu menof representation. Thinkers such as J.J. Rousseau, John Locke and Montesquieu mentioned tioned the necessity of this concept, but John Stuart Mill made the clearest explanation of the the necessity of this concept, but John Stuart Mill made the clearest explanation of the concept. Mill emphasised that since political power would be exercised on the scale of the concept. Mill emphasised that since political power would be exercised on the scale of the nation, the will of the nation could only be revealed through its repnation, the will of the nation could only be revealed through its representatives.resentatives.39 With the With the
34 Plattner, Marc F.Plattner, Marc F. (1998). ‘Liberalism and Democracy: Can’t Have One without the Other’ Foreign (1998). ‘Liberalism and Democracy: Can’t Have One without the Other’ Foreign Affairs, V:77, N:2, p. 172, Affairs, V:77, N:2, p. 172, Duncan, GraemeDuncan, Graeme (2007) ‘John Stuart Mill and Democracy’ Politics, V:4, N:1, p. (2007) ‘John Stuart Mill and Democracy’ Politics, V:4, N:1, p. 69. 69.
35 UygunUygun, p. 126. , p. 126.
36 UygunUygun, p. 127, p. 127--144. 144.
37 AğaoğullarıAğaoğulları, p. 559, , p. 559, Heywood, AndrewHeywood, Andrew (2017) Political Ideologies an Introduction, 6. Edition, (2017) Political Ideologies an Introduction, 6. Edition, London, Palgrave, p. 40.London, Palgrave, p. 40.
38 SchmidtSchmidt, , Manfred GManfred G. (1995) Demokratietheorien: Eine Einführung, 1. Edition, Opladen, VS Verlag . (1995) Demokratietheorien: Eine Einführung, 1. Edition, Opladen, VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften (Translated by: Köktaş, M. Emin (2017) Demokrasi Kuramlarına Giriş, 2. Edition, für Sozialwissenschaften (Translated by: Köktaş, M. Emin (2017) Demokrasi Kuramlarına Giriş, 2. Edition, İstanbul, Vadi Yayınları), İstanbul, Vadi Yayınları), p. 48p. 48--49. 49.
39 DahlDahl (19(199696), p. 271), p. 271--275. 275.
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emergence of the concept of representation, the principle of equal and universal suffrage
emergence of the concept of representation, the principle of equal and universal suffrage became one of the most important elements of democracy.became one of the most important elements of democracy.40
Democracy is a system in which sovereignty belongs to the people and the nation. It
Democracy is a system in which sovereignty belongs to the people and the nation. It is impossible to realise democracy without accepting the authority of the nation to govern is impossible to realise democracy without accepting the authority of the nation to govern itself. itself. In factIn fact, in history, the idea of democracy came to the forefront with the illegitimacy of , in history, the idea of democracy came to the forefront with the illegitimacy of the views that based the source of the authority to rule on God, heredity or force. In particular, the views that based the source of the authority to rule on God, heredity or force. In particular, modern democracy was historically made possible by the transfer of the soumodern democracy was historically made possible by the transfer of the source of rce of sovereignty from God to the people. In a nonsovereignty from God to the people. In a non--secular sociesecular society, it was not the people who were ty, it was not the people who were sovereign, but the God of that religion and his commands. The principle of secularism, which sovereign, but the God of that religion and his commands. The principle of secularism, which is one of the most important principles of modern democracy and which separates the affairs is one of the most important principles of modern democracy and which separates the affairs of religion and state from each otheof religion and state from each other, has enabled us to get rid of this idea.r, has enabled us to get rid of this idea.41
One of the
One of the considerableconsiderable factors that shaped modern democracy factors that shaped modern democracy isis liberalism, which is liberalism, which is based on the rule of law and the protection of the based on the rule of law and the protection of the rights rights and and freedomfreedoms s of the individual of the individual against the government.against the government.42 The theory of natural rights, which is the basic principle of The theory of natural rights, which is the basic principle of liberalism and which assumes that human rights are inherently inviolable and unrestricted liberalism and which assumes that human rights are inherently inviolable and unrestricted rights of human beings, limits the power of the state and protects the rights and freedoms of rights of human beings, limits the power of the state and protects the rights and freedoms of individuaindividuals over the state and society.ls over the state and society.43
After the developments in the 17th and 19th centuries, the most
After the developments in the 17th and 19th centuries, the most significantsignificant century to century to be mentioned in be mentioned in regards to regards to the development of modern democracy is the 20th century. The the development of modern democracy is the 20th century. The developments in the 20th century were largely responsible for democracy (as liberal developments in the 20th century were largely responsible for democracy (as liberal democracy) gaining its present meaning and reaching its current position. Among these democracy) gaining its present meaning and reaching its current position. Among these developments, Italian Fasdevelopments, Italian Fascism, German Nazism and the collapse of the socialist regime were cism, German Nazism and the collapse of the socialist regime were also important events for the development of democracy.also important events for the development of democracy.44 In addition, the strengthening of In addition, the strengthening of democracy through liberalism, the international community's support for democratisation democracy through liberalism, the international community's support for democratisation and the gradual expansion of universal and equal suffrage in the twentieth century led to a and the gradual expansion of universal and equal suffrage in the twentieth century led to a significant acceleration of democracy on significant acceleration of democracy on a global scale.a global scale.45
40 UygunUygun, p. 134., p. 134.
41 UygunUygun, p. 141. , p. 141.
42 Plattner Plattner (1998), p. 172.(1998), p. 172.
43 HeywoodHeywood,, p. 44. p. 44.
44 Dahl, Robert A.Dahl, Robert A. (2000) On Democracy, 1. Edition, New Haven & London, Yale University Press (2000) On Democracy, 1. Edition, New Haven & London, Yale University Press (Translated by: Kadıoğlu, Betül (2021) Demokrasi Üzerine, 6. Edition, Ankara, Phoneix Yayınevi) p. 1. (Translated by: Kadıoğlu, Betül (2021) Demokrasi Üzerine, 6. Edition, Ankara, Phoneix Yayınevi) p. 1.
45 UygunUygun, p. 135, p. 135--136.136.
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As a result, it is necessary to mention the minimum conditions of democracy, which
As a result, it is necessary to mention the minimum conditions of democracy, which has existed only as an idea for a long time after the Athenian has existed only as an idea for a long time after the Athenian democracy butdemocracy but has become the has become the form of government of many states today. In this context, Robert Dahl set out widely form of government of many states today. In this context, Robert Dahl set out widely recognised conditions for the existence of democracy in the 21st century, which he called recognised conditions for the existence of democracy in the 21st century, which he called ““minimum proceduralminimum procedural”” conditions. These conditions are:conditions. These conditions are:
1
1-- The state must be governed by elected bodies. The constitutionally elected bodies should The state must be governed by elected bodies. The constitutionally elected bodies should have control over State policy.have control over State policy. 22-- Elected bodies should be elected at regular intervals throughElected bodies should be elected at regular intervals through regular, frequent and regular, frequent and honestly administered elections.honestly administered elections. 33-- All adults should haveAll adults should have thethe right right ofof votvotinging in accordance with the principle of universal in accordance with the principle of universal and equal suffrage and the possibility of being elected to elecand equal suffrage and the possibility of being elected to elected bodies.ted bodies. 44-- Citizens should have the opportunity to Citizens should have the opportunity to statestate themselves on political themselves on political mattersmatters without threat without threat or pressure.or pressure. 55-- Citizens should have the possibility and freedom to access alternative Citizens should have the possibility and freedom to access alternative sourcessources of of information. Furthermore, alternative sources of information must exist and be protected by information. Furthermore, alternative sources of information must exist and be protected by law.law. 66-- Citizens should have the freedom of association and the right to support any political or Citizens should have the freedom of association and the right to support any political or other organisation of their choice in order to other organisation of their choice in order to affectaffect politics and protect their interests.politics and protect their interests.46
The realisation of the conditions mentioned above is the most important proof of the
The realisation of the conditions mentioned above is the most important proof of the existence of democracy. These conditions also make it easier to distinguish democratic existence of democracy. These conditions also make it easier to distinguish democratic governments from nongovernments from non--democratic governments. One of the best definitions of the concdemocratic governments. One of the best definitions of the concept ept of democracy, together with the aboveof democracy, together with the above--mentioned conditions, is a form of government in mentioned conditions, is a form of government in which rulers have thewhich rulers have the equal chanceequal chance to come and go regularly through elections thanks to to come and go regularly through elections thanks to free, equal electoral rights, free, equal electoral rights, general,general, competition between parties, competition between parties, reliablereliable information for all information for all citizens, citizens, opposition and coalitionopposition and coalition, , freedom of thought, and the right to vote.freedom of thought, and the right to vote.47
46 DahlDahl (2021) p. 99(2021) p. 99--100. 100.
47 SchmidtSchmidt, , p. 21. p. 21.
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3
3. THE CONCEPT AND . THE CONCEPT AND EVOLUTION OF DEMOCRACY IN THE EVOLUTION OF DEMOCRACY IN THE PERIOD OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIREPERIOD OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE
With the 18th century French Revolution, democracy and the concepts associated with
With the 18th century French Revolution, democracy and the concepts associated with it such as liberty, freedom, equality, nationalism, constitutionalism and republic began to it such as liberty, freedom, equality, nationalism, constitutionalism and republic began to affect the whole world. It was impossible for the Ottoman Empire not to be affecaffect the whole world. It was impossible for the Ottoman Empire not to be affected by this ted by this development. Especially in Europe, the concept of democracy and the idea of freedom it development. Especially in Europe, the concept of democracy and the idea of freedom it brought with it formed the basis of democratisation in the Ottoman geography, as in the brought with it formed the basis of democratisation in the Ottoman geography, as in the geographies affected by the French Revolution. Freedom was the key wogeographies affected by the French Revolution. Freedom was the key word in the individual, rd in the individual, social and class struggles for or against power, and other concepts and ideas were based on social and class struggles for or against power, and other concepts and ideas were based on this concept.this concept.
The internal and external problems experienced by the Ottoman Empire in this period
The internal and external problems experienced by the Ottoman Empire in this period and the necessity and endeavour to find solutions to these problems constituted the most and the necessity and endeavour to find solutions to these problems constituted the most important reason for the development of democracy in the Ottoman Empire. As a matteimportant reason for the development of democracy in the Ottoman Empire. As a matter of r of fact, Ottoman intellectuals and statesmen who travelled or were sent to the West to find fact, Ottoman intellectuals and statesmen who travelled or were sent to the West to find solutions to the solutions to the hitcheshitches of the empire encountered Western democracy, which was based on of the empire encountered Western democracy, which was based on the concept of representation, national sovereignty, independent judiciarthe concept of representation, national sovereignty, independent judiciary and sovereignty y and sovereignty of law. For this reason, Ottoman intellectuals and statesmen discussed the state's situation in of law. For this reason, Ottoman intellectuals and statesmen discussed the state's situation in the face of Western democracy throughout the 19th century and the face of Western democracy throughout the 19th century and effortedefforted to use the to use the institutions and concepts of democracy, which they saw as the reason for the progress of institutions and concepts of democracy, which they saw as the reason for the progress of Western society, as a tool for the salvation of the empire. Especially from the beginning of Western society, as a tool for the salvation of the empire. Especially from the beginning of the 19th century onwards, almost every political document expathe 19th century onwards, almost every political document expanded the freedom of the nded the freedom of the individual, society or a certain segment of society, and democratisation movements gradually individual, society or a certain segment of society, and democratisation movements gradually began to enter Ottoman social and political life.began to enter Ottoman social and political life.
3
3.1. The First Constitutional Document in the Empire: Charter of Alliance .1. The First Constitutional Document in the Empire: Charter of Alliance (Sened(Sened--i İttifak) (1808) i İttifak) (1808)
In the 19th century, for the first time in the Ottoman Empire, the state officials came
In the 19th century, for the first time in the Ottoman Empire, the state officials came together with the ayans, who were considered to have a place in the field of politics and who together with the ayans, who were considered to have a place in the field of politics and who
17
could threaten the absolute authority of the state, and it was decided to sign a deed of
could threaten the absolute authority of the state, and it was decided to sign a deed of reconciliation between these forces, which were in conflict of interest, at the request of the reconciliation between these forces, which were in conflict of interest, at the request of the central authority itself.central authority itself.48 In this context, with the Charter of Alliance, which emerged in 1808 In this context, with the Charter of Alliance, which emerged in 1808 as a document that we can call a simple draft constitution, the ayans, who had a very as a document that we can call a simple draft constitution, the ayans, who had a very important position in the Ottoman Empire in the 19th century, were personally addressed by important position in the Ottoman Empire in the 19th century, were personally addressed by the absolthe absolute authority, in a way, the area of freedom was expanded and sovereignty was ute authority, in a way, the area of freedom was expanded and sovereignty was shared for the first time.shared for the first time.49 Moreover, this document prevented the arbitrary behaviour of the Moreover, this document prevented the arbitrary behaviour of the sovereign and thus the central authority.sovereign and thus the central authority.50
The fact that the content of this document did not include a regulation on citizens'
The fact that the content of this document did not include a regulation on citizens' rights or that it was not the people themselves who demanded the limitation of absolute rights or that it was not the people themselves who demanded the limitation of absolute authority is not an obstacle to the acceptance of this document as the beginning ofauthority is not an obstacle to the acceptance of this document as the beginning of democratisation in the Ottoman Empire.democratisation in the Ottoman Empire.51 First of all, the principle of tax justice, which was First of all, the principle of tax justice, which was one of the most important issues of the first democratic revolutions, was included in the one of the most important issues of the first democratic revolutions, was included in the document, and a start was made in accordance with the parliamentary system with the document, and a start was made in accordance with the parliamentary system with the implementation of the methoimplementation of the method of tax imposition through the method of consultancy d of tax imposition through the method of consultancy (meşveret) . In addition, the part of the document on the punishment of ayans and statesmen (meşveret) . In addition, the part of the document on the punishment of ayans and statesmen constituted the subject of the struggle for the rule of law.constituted the subject of the struggle for the rule of law.52 In this context, the Charter of In this context, the Charter of Alliance, which was considered as the first effort towards democracy and a step towards Alliance, which was considered as the first effort towards democracy and a step towards establishing a rule of law, was seen as the beginning of the democratisation of the Ottoman establishing a rule of law, was seen as the beginning of the democratisation of the Ottoman political system.political system.53 In addition, new ideas including the Western understanding of democracy, In addition, new ideas including the Western understanding of democracy, which started with the adoption of this document and would continue to increase, began to which started with the adoption of this document and would continue to increase, began to enter the empire continuously.enter the empire continuously.54
48 Berkes, NiyaziBerkes, Niyazi (2020) Türkiye’de Çağdaşlaşma, 31. Edition, İstanbul, Yapı Kredi Yayınları, p. 138, (2020) Türkiye’de Çağdaşlaşma, 31. Edition, İstanbul, Yapı Kredi Yayınları, p. 138, Akşin, SinaAkşin, Sina (2021) Kısa Türkiye Tarihi, 29. Edition, İstanbul, Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları, p. 23.(2021) Kısa Türkiye Tarihi, 29. Edition, İstanbul, Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları, p. 23.
49 ÇavdarÇavdar, , Tevfik Tevfik (2013) Türkiye’nin Demokrasi Tarihi(2013) Türkiye’nin Demokrasi Tarihi, 5. Edition, Ankara, İmge Kitapevi Yayınları, , 5. Edition, Ankara, İmge Kitapevi Yayınları, p. 23. p. 23.
50 TanörTanör, , Bülent Bülent (2021) Osmanlı(2021) Osmanlı--Türk Anayasal Gelişmeleri, 35. Edition, İstanbul, Yapı Kredi Türk Anayasal Gelişmeleri, 35. Edition, İstanbul, Yapı Kredi Yayınları, pp. 56Yayınları, pp. 56--57. 57.
51 Zürcher, Eric Jan,Zürcher, Eric Jan, (2004) Turkey A Modern History, 3. Edition, London, I.B. Tauris & Co Ltd (2004) Turkey A Modern History, 3. Edition, London, I.B. Tauris & Co Ltd (Translated by: Saner, Yasemin (2010), Modernleşen Türkiye’nin Tarihi, 25. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim (Translated by: Saner, Yasemin (2010), Modernleşen Türkiye’nin Tarihi, 25. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayıncılık) pp. 53Yayıncılık) pp. 53--54. 54.
52 AkşinAkşin (2021), p. 26.(2021), p. 26.
53 Aldıkaçtı, OrhanAldıkaçtı, Orhan (1982) Anayasa Hukukumuzun Gelişmesi ve 1961 Anayasası, 4. Edition, İstanbul, (1982) Anayasa Hukukumuzun Gelişmesi ve 1961 Anayasası, 4. Edition, İstanbul, İstanbul, İstanbul Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Yayınları, p. 37. İstanbul, İstanbul Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Yayınları, p. 37.
54 Savcı, BahriSavcı, Bahri (1966) ‘Osmanlı Türk Reformlarının (Islahat Hareketlerinin) Bir Batı Demokrasisi (1966) ‘Osmanlı Türk Reformlarının (Islahat Hareketlerinin) Bir Batı Demokrasisi Doğurma Çabaları’ Ankara Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi Dergisi, V:21, N:1, p. 114. Doğurma Çabaları’ Ankara Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi Dergisi, V:21, N:1, p. 114.
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3
3.2. The Era of Tanzimat (1839.2. The Era of Tanzimat (1839--1876)1876)
The Tanzimat Period is a process that started in 1839 with the reading of the Reform
The Tanzimat Period is a process that started in 1839 with the reading of the Reform Edict of Gülhane (Gülhane HattEdict of Gülhane (Gülhane Hatt--ı Hümayun), also known as the Tanzimat Edict. The ı Hümayun), also known as the Tanzimat Edict. The statesmen sent to the West were of great importance in shaping this process. They realisedstatesmen sent to the West were of great importance in shaping this process. They realised that the West was on the rise not only through military reforms, but also through the financial that the West was on the rise not only through military reforms, but also through the financial resources and tax collection system that sustained them, and that Western states took resources and tax collection system that sustained them, and that Western states took protective measures to increase the productivity of their subjects and seprotective measures to increase the productivity of their subjects and secure their property cure their property rights in accordance with the rule of law.rights in accordance with the rule of law.55
Depending
Depending on the observations of statesmen sent to the West, a new political view on the observations of statesmen sent to the West, a new political view began to take shape in this period and with the edicts promulgated during the period, equal began to take shape in this period and with the edicts promulgated during the period, equal rights and duties were recognised for everyone living on the territory of the Empire under rights and duties were recognised for everyone living on the territory of the Empire under the title of a single citizen, without harming Islamic traditions.the title of a single citizen, without harming Islamic traditions.56 In addition, the fact that In addition, the fact that state affairs were carried out through committees and boards based on the method of state affairs were carried out through committees and boards based on the method of consultancy instead of the arbitrary and absolute will of a single person and that the consultancy instead of the arbitrary and absolute will of a single person and that the administrator was not allowed to use any authority other administrator was not allowed to use any authority other than the authority granted by law than the authority granted by law led to the adoption of the rule of law.led to the adoption of the rule of law.57 The most The most significantsignificant purpose of taking these steps purpose of taking these steps was to prevent the interventions of Western states that wanted to interfere in the was to prevent the interventions of Western states that wanted to interfere in the domesticdomestic affairs of the empire by realising a political structure that respects human rights, guarantees affairs of the empire by realising a political structure that respects human rights, guarantees the equality of citizens and acts in accordance with the laws, and to become a modern state the equality of citizens and acts in accordance with the laws, and to become a modern state by catching up with the development of Western states.by catching up with the development of Western states.58
In this context, the Tanzimat Era, which was a movement to extend reforms to political,
In this context, the Tanzimat Era, which was a movement to extend reforms to political, economic and social economic and social domainsdomains that had not been directly touched until then, was both a period that had not been directly touched until then, was both a period in which Ottomanin which Ottoman--Turkish society took a decisive step towards westernisation and Turkish society took a decisive step towards westernisation and modernisation, and the biggest step towards modernisation, and the biggest step towards the rule of law, the rule of law, human rights, freedom and human rights, freedom and democracy.democracy.59
55 Mardin, ŞerifMardin, Şerif (2020a) Türk Modernleşmesi Makaleler 4, 27. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. (2020a) Türk Modernleşmesi Makaleler 4, 27. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 1111--12. 12.
56 Karpat, KemalKarpat, Kemal (2021) Türk Demokrasi Tarihi Sosyal, Kültürel, Ekonomik Temeller, 11. Edition, (2021) Türk Demokrasi Tarihi Sosyal, Kültürel, Ekonomik Temeller, 11. Edition, İstanbul, Timaş Yayınları, p. 105. İstanbul, Timaş Yayınları, p. 105.
57 Ortaylı, İlberOrtaylı, İlber (2020) Türkiye Teşkilat ve İdare Tarihi, 7. Edition, Ankara, Cedit Neşriyat, p. 475. (2020) Türkiye Teşkilat ve İdare Tarihi, 7. Edition, Ankara, Cedit Neşriyat, p. 475. 58Türkkan, HakanTürkkan, Hakan (2018) ‘(2018) ‘Osmanlı Devleti’nde Demokratikleşme ve KanunOsmanlı Devleti’nde Demokratikleşme ve Kanun--ı Esasi’nin Demokratik ı Esasi’nin Demokratik Hüviyeti’Hüviyeti’ VakanüvisVakanüvis--Uluslararası Tarih Araştırmaları Dergisi, V:3, N: Spec.issue, p. 369, Uluslararası Tarih Araştırmaları Dergisi, V:3, N: Spec.issue, p. 369, UygunUygun, p. 286., p. 286.
59 KarpatKarpat (2021)(2021), p. 105, , p. 105, AkşinAkşin (2021), p. 23. (2021), p. 23.
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3..22.1. Tanzimat Edict (1839).1. Tanzimat Edict (1839)
The Tanzimat Edict, which was not in the nature of a constitution or a law, but a deed
The Tanzimat Edict, which was not in the nature of a constitution or a law, but a deed stipulating changes in the rights of the people and stating that certain regulations would be stipulating changes in the rights of the people and stating that certain regulations would be made, was a reform programme formed around the ideas of Mustafa Reşit Pashamade, was a reform programme formed around the ideas of Mustafa Reşit Pasha, who had , who had been sent to London as an ambassador during the reign of Mahmut II and had the opportunity been sent to London as an ambassador during the reign of Mahmut II and had the opportunity to get to know the western civilisation closely, from his conversations with European to get to know the western civilisation closely, from his conversations with European statesmen.statesmen.60 The Edict was prepared to prove to Europe that a modern and liberal regime The Edict was prepared to prove to Europe that a modern and liberal regime would be established in the Ottoman Empire.would be established in the Ottoman Empire.61
Domestic and foreign factors were effective in the preparation and promulgation of the
Domestic and foreign factors were effective in the preparation and promulgation of the Edict. With this move, the Ottoman Empire thought that it would overcome its internal Edict. With this move, the Ottoman Empire thought that it would overcome its internal problems more easily by receiving the support of European states. In addition, the problems more easily by receiving the support of European states. In addition, the Empire Empire tried to adapt these policies to its own military, social and economic structures by observing tried to adapt these policies to its own military, social and economic structures by observing the military, social and economic developments in western societies.the military, social and economic developments in western societies.62
When the content of the Edict is examined, the
When the content of the Edict is examined, the SSultan accepted the limitation of his ultan accepted the limitation of his own will with this Edict; as a reflection of classical liberal thought, life, property and honour own will with this Edict; as a reflection of classical liberal thought, life, property and honour were secured; it was stated that the government administration would be based on the laws, were secured; it was stated that the government administration would be based on the laws, which were described as the bawhich were described as the basic principle, not according to the absolute will of the sultan; sic principle, not according to the absolute will of the sultan; it was included in the Edict that everyone, regardless of religion, would be equal before the it was included in the Edict that everyone, regardless of religion, would be equal before the law, an equal taxation system would be applied anlaw, an equal taxation system would be applied and regulations would be made regarding d regulations would be made regarding compulsory military service.compulsory military service.63 In addition, the Edict envisaged permanent assemblies In addition, the Edict envisaged permanent assemblies consisting of the traditional state administrators, the ulema, the bureaucracy and the military consisting of the traditional state administrators, the ulema, the bureaucracy and the military elite. However, we should not think of these assemblies as an assembly representing the will elite. However, we should not think of these assemblies as an assembly representing the will of the peoplof the people in today's modern democracy.e in today's modern democracy. It should also be noted here that, unlike the It should also be noted here that, unlike the Charter of Alliance, Tanzimat Edict was not a contract between the sovereign and the ayans, Charter of Alliance, Tanzimat Edict was not a contract between the sovereign and the ayans, but a contract between the sovereign and the government, which was also announced to the but a contract between the sovereign and the government, which was also announced to the
60 BerkesBerkes, p. 213, p. 213--214. 214.
61 Lewis, BernardLewis, Bernard (2001), The Emergence of Modern Turkey, 3. Edition, New York & Oxford, Oxford (2001), The Emergence of Modern Turkey, 3. Edition, New York & Oxford, Oxford University Press Inc (Translated by: Turna, B. Babür (2010), Modern Türkiye’nin Doğuşu, 4. Edition, Ankara, University Press Inc (Translated by: Turna, B. Babür (2010), Modern Türkiye’nin Doğuşu, 4. Edition, Ankara, Arkadaş Yayınevi, p. 149.Arkadaş Yayınevi, p. 149.
62 ZürcherZürcher (2010)(2010), p. 85., p. 85.
63 AkşinAkşin (2021), p. 30, (2021), p. 30, BerkesBerkes, p. 214, , p. 214, Çavdar Çavdar (2013), p. 25(2013), p. 25. .
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public and European states. In this context, a distinction was also made between the
public and European states. In this context, a distinction was also made between the legislative and the executive in the Tanzimat Edict.legislative and the executive in the Tanzimat Edict.64
When the Tanzimat Edict is evaluated in the context of the concept of democracy in
When the Tanzimat Edict is evaluated in the context of the concept of democracy in line with the aboveline with the above--mentioned features, it should not be forgotten that this edict is the most mentioned features, it should not be forgotten that this edict is the most important and first step in the struggle for important and first step in the struggle for rule of lawrule of law, , human rightshuman rights and democracy in an and democracy in an empire ruled by absolute monarchy in the 19th century after the beginning of empire ruled by absolute monarchy in the 19th century after the beginning of democratisation that started with the Charter of Alliance. In addition, the most important democratisation that started with the Charter of Alliance. In addition, the most important difference of the Tanzimat Edict from similar edicts until this timedifference of the Tanzimat Edict from similar edicts until this time is thais that justice and welfare t justice and welfare were promised for all Ottoman people.were promised for all Ottoman people.65 In addition, the fact that everyone, including the In addition, the fact that everyone, including the Sultan, had to abide by the rules of the Edict, the limitation of absolutism and the Sultan, had to abide by the rules of the Edict, the limitation of absolutism and the understanding of obedience to the law had a very serious importance for democracy.understanding of obedience to the law had a very serious importance for democracy.66
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3..22.2. Reform Edict (1856).2. Reform Edict (1856)
The failure to fully realise the reforms promised in the Tanzimat Edict in terms of non
The failure to fully realise the reforms promised in the Tanzimat Edict in terms of non--Muslims in the Ottoman society increased the pressure of the European States on the Muslims in the Ottoman society increased the pressure of the European States on the Ottoman Empire. In this context, the ambassadors of France, Austria and England claiOttoman Empire. In this context, the ambassadors of France, Austria and England claimed med that the Tanzimat Edict provided only freedom of religion and sect between nonthat the Tanzimat Edict provided only freedom of religion and sect between non--Muslim and Muslim and Muslim subjects, but that this did not eliminate the differences between the two groups, and Muslim subjects, but that this did not eliminate the differences between the two groups, and they gave a memorandum of twentythey gave a memorandum of twenty--one articles containing various righone articles containing various rights to nonts to non--Muslims.Muslims.67
The main purpose of the Reform Edict published in 1856, which was a more
The main purpose of the Reform Edict published in 1856, which was a more comprehensive regulation than the Tanzimat Edict, was to comprehensive regulation than the Tanzimat Edict, was to make certainmake certain full equality between full equality between Muslim and nonMuslim and non--Muslim subjects in matters of Muslim subjects in matters of taxation,taxation, judiciaryjudiciary,, religion,religion, education, education, military service, civil servicemilitary service, civil service and representation. In this context, with the Reform Edict, the and representation. In this context, with the Reform Edict, the security of life, property and honour and the religious freedoms of nonsecurity of life, property and honour and the religious freedoms of non--Muslims, which had Muslims, which had previously been recognised in the Tanzimat Edict, were once again guarantpreviously been recognised in the Tanzimat Edict, were once again guaranteed, the freedom eed, the freedom of religion and sect, which had not been explicitly stated in the Tanzimat Edict, was of religion and sect, which had not been explicitly stated in the Tanzimat Edict, was recognised, the political rights of nonrecognised, the political rights of non--Muslims were determined and the missing issues in Muslims were determined and the missing issues in
64 BerkesBerkes, p. 215. , p. 215.
65 İnalcıkİnalcık, , Halil Halil (1964) ‘Sened(1964) ‘Sened--i İttifak ve Gülhane Hatti İttifak ve Gülhane Hatt--i Hümâyûnu, Belleten, V:28, N:112, p. 611. i Hümâyûnu, Belleten, V:28, N:112, p. 611.
66 SavcıSavcı, p. 116. , p. 116.
67 LewisLewis, p. 162, p. 162,, Eryılmaz, BilalEryılmaz, Bilal (2017) Tanzimat ve Yönetimde Modernleşme, 4. Edition, İstanbul, (2017) Tanzimat ve Yönetimde Modernleşme, 4. Edition, İstanbul, İşaret Yayınları, p. 136. İşaret Yayınları, p. 136.
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these matters were completed. In addition, with the Reform Edict, it was decided that Muslim
these matters were completed. In addition, with the Reform Edict, it was decided that Muslim and Christian representatives would be included in the provincial and municipal councils in and Christian representatives would be included in the provincial and municipal councils in a reasonable ratio. In addition, in order to meet the demands and varioa reasonable ratio. In addition, in order to meet the demands and various needs of nonus needs of non--Muslims from the state, it was accepted that a council would be established in the Muslims from the state, it was accepted that a council would be established in the patriarchate and through this council, the demands of nonpatriarchate and through this council, the demands of non--Muslims would be reported to Muslims would be reported to Sublime Port.Sublime Port.68
When we evaluate the Reform Edict in the context of the concept of democracy, the
When we evaluate the Reform Edict in the context of the concept of democracy, the most important innovation and change was the emphasis on the concept of “full equality”.most important innovation and change was the emphasis on the concept of “full equality”.69 In addition, with this understanding, the concept of “Ottomanness” wasIn addition, with this understanding, the concept of “Ottomanness” was presentedpresented here for here for the first time and the Reform Edict took this privileged status away from Muslims, who had the first time and the Reform Edict took this privileged status away from Muslims, who had been the dominant nation (Milletbeen the dominant nation (Millet--i Hâkime) until then, and tried to establish an “Ottoman” i Hâkime) until then, and tried to establish an “Ottoman” citizenship regardless of religion.citizenship regardless of religion.70 The recognition that all individuals living in the country The recognition that all individuals living in the country had equal rights regardless of religion and that everyone was an equal Ottoman citizen was had equal rights regardless of religion and that everyone was an equal Ottoman citizen was a very important step for the democratisation of the country and the rule of law. Moreover, a very important step for the democratisation of the country and the rule of law. Moreover, in the contexin the context of the concept of representation, the granting of certain rights to both Muslims t of the concept of representation, the granting of certain rights to both Muslims and nonand non--Muslims paved the way for the representation of the people. However, it should be Muslims paved the way for the representation of the people. However, it should be noted that in the Ottoman Empire, these steps were taken either as a result of extnoted that in the Ottoman Empire, these steps were taken either as a result of external ernal pressures or because the sultan wanted to do something with his own will. In other words, pressures or because the sultan wanted to do something with his own will. In other words, these rights granted to the people were not demanded by the people themselves.these rights granted to the people were not demanded by the people themselves.
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3..22.3. Young Ottomans and the Concept of Democracy.3. Young Ottomans and the Concept of Democracy
The Young Ottomans movement, which emerged in the 1865s during the Tanzimat
The Young Ottomans movement, which emerged in the 1865s during the Tanzimat period and openly criticised the Ottoman administration for the first time in an organised period and openly criticised the Ottoman administration for the first time in an organised manner using mass media as an unprecedented protest group in the Ottoman Empire, was a manner using mass media as an unprecedented protest group in the Ottoman Empire, was a popolitical formation that should be mentioned as a kind of opposition that enabled the issues litical formation that should be mentioned as a kind of opposition that enabled the issues related to democracy in the Ottoman Empire to be voiced in the most effective way.related to democracy in the Ottoman Empire to be voiced in the most effective way.71 In In addition, the Young Ottomans were the first people to adapt the people to Western ideas and addition, the Young Ottomans were the first people to adapt the people to Western ideas and
68 Tanör Tanör (2021), (2021), p. 96. p. 96.
69 AkşinAkşin (2021), p. 33.(2021), p. 33.
70 BerkesBerkes, p. 216, , p. 216, MardinMardin (2020a), p. 14.(2020a), p. 14.
71 Mardin, ŞerifMardin, Şerif (2000) The Genesis of Young Ottoman Thought, 1. Edition, New York, Syracuse (2000) The Genesis of Young Ottoman Thought, 1. Edition, New York, Syracuse University Press (Translated by: Türköne Mümtaz’er / Unan, Fahri / Erdoğan, İrfan (2017) Yeni Osmanlı University Press (Translated by: Türköne Mümtaz’er / Unan, Fahri / Erdoğan, İrfan (2017) Yeni Osmanlı Düşüncesinin Doğuşu, 13. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları) p. 11.Düşüncesinin Doğuşu, 13. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları) p. 11.
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thoughts and to try to create a synthesis between these Western ideas and Islam.
thoughts and to try to create a synthesis between these Western ideas and Islam.72 The Young The Young Ottomans, which was an opposition formation especially against the highOttomans, which was an opposition formation especially against the high--level statesmen of level statesmen of the Tanzimat period, claimed that the statesmen of the period formed a highthe Tanzimat period, claimed that the statesmen of the period formed a high--level stratum, level stratum, that they only imitated the West with the reforms made, and thathat they only imitated the West with the reforms made, and that they forgot the Sharia, and t they forgot the Sharia, and they openly confronted these people.they openly confronted these people.73 In this context, the main element that brought the In this context, the main element that brought the Young Ottomans together was their opposition to the bureaucratic despotism of Ali and Fuat Young Ottomans together was their opposition to the bureaucratic despotism of Ali and Fuat Pashas, the implementers of the Tanzimat after Reşit Pasha.Pashas, the implementers of the Tanzimat after Reşit Pasha.74 They claimed that the They claimed that the statesmen of the Tanzimatstatesmen of the Tanzimat Era evaluated the West with a shallow and superficial Era evaluated the West with a shallow and superficial understanding and did not understand the libertarian and parliamentary philosophy, in other understanding and did not understand the libertarian and parliamentary philosophy, in other words, the idea of democracy, which constituted the soul of the West.words, the idea of democracy, which constituted the soul of the West. 75
The main aim of the Young Ottomans in the context of the concept of democracy could
The main aim of the Young Ottomans in the context of the concept of democracy could be summarised as the abolition of absolute sultanate rule and taking the necessary measures be summarised as the abolition of absolute sultanate rule and taking the necessary measures to replace it with constitutional rule. In this context, the solution of the Youto replace it with constitutional rule. In this context, the solution of the Young Ottomans, ng Ottomans, who believed that the Tanzimat policies would bring about the end of the state, was to bring who believed that the Tanzimat policies would bring about the end of the state, was to bring a representative, constitutional and parliamentary government to the Empire and to save the a representative, constitutional and parliamentary government to the Empire and to save the Empire by creating a sense of full citizenship and loyaltyEmpire by creating a sense of full citizenship and loyalty to the state among all Muslim and to the state among all Muslim and nonnon--Muslim Ottoman subjects. They also emphasised that the concept of freedom was very Muslim Ottoman subjects. They also emphasised that the concept of freedom was very important on the road to the goal, that the main cause of bad governance was the lack of important on the road to the goal, that the main cause of bad governance was the lack of freedom and that the only way out against tyrfreedom and that the only way out against tyranny was an understanding of governance in anny was an understanding of governance in which responsibility could be controlled.which responsibility could be controlled.76
The Young Ottomans Society was a political formation that acted in line with the
The Young Ottomans Society was a political formation that acted in line with the aboveabove--mentioned aims. People such as İbrahim Şinasi, Namık Kemal, Ziya Pasha and Ali mentioned aims. People such as İbrahim Şinasi, Namık Kemal, Ziya Pasha and Ali Suavi had an important place in this formation. İbrahim Şinasi was one of the most Suavi had an important place in this formation. İbrahim Şinasi was one of the most considerableconsiderable figures of the period in terms of laying the intellectual foundations of the Young figures of the period in terms of laying the intellectual foundations of the Young Ottoman Society and informing the Ottoman intellectuals and public opinion with his Ottoman Society and informing the Ottoman intellectuals and public opinion with his newspaper Tasvirnewspaper Tasvir--i Efkâr by transferring European sources to firsti Efkâr by transferring European sources to first--hand readers withand readers with literary, h literary, social and most importantly political concepts.social and most importantly political concepts.77
72 MardinMardin (2017), p. 10. (2017), p. 10.
73 ZürcherZürcher (2010)(2010), p. 109. , p. 109.
74 Mardin, ŞerifMardin, Şerif (2020b) Türkiye’de Toplum ve Siyaset Makaleler 1, 24. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim (2020b) Türkiye’de Toplum ve Siyaset Makaleler 1, 24. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 276.Yayınları, p. 276.
75 MardinMardin (2020a), p. 13. (2020a), p. 13.
76 BerkesBerkes, p. 287. , p. 287.
77 MardinMardin (2017), p. 281. (2017), p. 281.
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Namik Kemal had an important and privileged place among the Young Ottomans. His
Namik Kemal had an important and privileged place among the Young Ottomans. His main difference from the other main difference from the other relativesrelatives of the Young Ottoman movement was his endeavour of the Young Ottoman movement was his endeavour to develop a political theory and philosophy.to develop a political theory and philosophy.78 Namik Kemal's idea of modernisation, which Namik Kemal's idea of modernisation, which was particularly influenced by Locke, Hobbes, Montesquieu and Rousseau, and which stated was particularly influenced by Locke, Hobbes, Montesquieu and Rousseau, and which stated that Western liberal political thought and theory and the true Islamic system of thought were that Western liberal political thought and theory and the true Islamic system of thought were in harmony, consisted of an ain harmony, consisted of an attempt to harmonise and synthesise Western political thought ttempt to harmonise and synthesise Western political thought and theory with the Islamic model.and theory with the Islamic model.79 In this context, Namik Kemal stated that the concept of In this context, Namik Kemal stated that the concept of “consultation”, which emerged in Western democracies, had already existed in Islam for a “consultation”, which emerged in Western democracies, had already existed in Islam for a long time with the concept of “shura (meşveret)”, underlined the idea of representative long time with the concept of “shura (meşveret)”, underlined the idea of representative government with this cgovernment with this concept, emphasised that the people could only be free by guaranteeing oncept, emphasised that the people could only be free by guaranteeing their personal and political rights, and stated that the guarantee of political rights could be their personal and political rights, and stated that the guarantee of political rights could be provided through the separation of powers, representative government and impartial provided through the separation of powers, representative government and impartial courts.courts.80 Furthermore, emphasising that the concepts of "freedom and equality" should be Furthermore, emphasising that the concepts of "freedom and equality" should be taken into account and that these concepts were the necessities of a democratic state, Namık taken into account and that these concepts were the necessities of a democratic state, Namık Kemal, inspired by the natural rights theory of liberalism, stated that human freedKemal, inspired by the natural rights theory of liberalism, stated that human freedom was om was innate and that it could not be unconditionally transferred to rulers.innate and that it could not be unconditionally transferred to rulers.81 In addition, Namik In addition, Namik Kemal created a new terminology by substituting the words “homeland” for “patrie”, Kemal created a new terminology by substituting the words “homeland” for “patrie”, “nation” for “nation” and “liberty” for “liberte”, and these ideological terms and ideas “nation” for “nation” and “liberty” for “liberte”, and these ideological terms and ideas became the most important tools to be used by the next generatiobecame the most important tools to be used by the next generation.n.82 In this context, although In this context, although Namik Kemal was not the first to mention human rights and parliament in Turkey, he was Namik Kemal was not the first to mention human rights and parliament in Turkey, he was the first to establish a relationship between the most important concepts of democratic the first to establish a relationship between the most important concepts of democratic government and to provide an open view on liberty and government and to provide an open view on liberty and lawlaw--based democracy.based democracy.83
Ziya Pasha supported the ideas of Namik Kemal, who made an intellectual effort to
Ziya Pasha supported the ideas of Namik Kemal, who made an intellectual effort to save the Ottoman Empire from the depression it had fallen into and expressed similar views. save the Ottoman Empire from the depression it had fallen into and expressed similar views. Ziya Pasha, who stated that the sovereignty rights of individuals could not be comZiya Pasha, who stated that the sovereignty rights of individuals could not be completely pletely transferred, underlined the necessity of a representative government and defended a limited transferred, underlined the necessity of a representative government and defended a limited
78 Koçak, CemilKoçak, Cemil ‘Namık Kemal’: Alkan, Mehmet Ö. (Editor) (2020a) Modern Türkiye’de Siyasi ‘Namık Kemal’: Alkan, Mehmet Ö. (Editor) (2020a) Modern Türkiye’de Siyasi Düşünce Düşünce VolumeVolume 1: Cumhuriyet’e Devreden Düşünce Mirası Tanzimat ve Meşrutiyet Birikimi, 12. Edition, 1: Cumhuriyet’e Devreden Düşünce Mirası Tanzimat ve Meşrutiyet Birikimi, 12. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 244. İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 244.
79 BerkesBerkes, p. 292, , p. 292, MardinMardin (2017), p. 319, (2017), p. 319, ZürcherZürcher (2010)(2010), p. 108. , p. 108.
80 Mardin (Mardin (2017), p. 3422017), p. 342--344. 344.
81 MardinMardin (2017), p. 382(2017), p. 382--383. 383.
82 ZürcherZürcher (2010)(2010), p. 109. , p. 109.
83 LewisLewis, p. 217. , p. 217.
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Ottoman Parliament. Ziya Pasha also stated that the governmental apparatus meant “justice”
Ottoman Parliament. Ziya Pasha also stated that the governmental apparatus meant “justice” for the people and that the main function of this apparatus was to distribute justice.for the people and that the main function of this apparatus was to distribute justice.84
Ali Suavi, as a member of the Young Ottomans, initially wrote about democratic
Ali Suavi, as a member of the Young Ottomans, initially wrote about democratic concepts such as representative government, separation of powers, constitution and freedom, concepts such as representative government, separation of powers, constitution and freedom, but later on he expressed his own critical opinions against almost all of these concebut later on he expressed his own critical opinions against almost all of these concepts.pts.85 While expressing his ideas, Suavi remained entirely within an Islamic framework and While expressing his ideas, Suavi remained entirely within an Islamic framework and presented all his ideas within the framework of the old Islamic tradition. In this context, Ali presented all his ideas within the framework of the old Islamic tradition. In this context, Ali Suavi defended consultancy and praised democracy, but he did all this in lSuavi defended consultancy and praised democracy, but he did all this in line with his Islamic ine with his Islamic ideas.ideas.86 Moreover, Suavi stated that it was essential to improve social conditions and the Moreover, Suavi stated that it was essential to improve social conditions and the state of education in the Ottoman Empire rather than establishing “freedom”. In addition, state of education in the Ottoman Empire rather than establishing “freedom”. In addition, Ali Suavi defended the concept of “civil disobedience” by stating that the ruled shAli Suavi defended the concept of “civil disobedience” by stating that the ruled should not ould not submit to oppression based on some Islamic arguments and that the ruled had the right to submit to oppression based on some Islamic arguments and that the ruled had the right to revolt against oppression and tyranny.revolt against oppression and tyranny.87
Despite their opposition to the despotic government of the period in general and their
Despite their opposition to the despotic government of the period in general and their unity of purpose on the constitutional system, the Young Ottomans could not be organised unity of purpose on the constitutional system, the Young Ottomans could not be organised in a solid manner due to their disagreement on other issues. This situation causin a solid manner due to their disagreement on other issues. This situation caused the ed the formation of the Young Ottomans to be a cultural movement rather than a political movement formation of the Young Ottomans to be a cultural movement rather than a political movement with a coherent goal of power.with a coherent goal of power.88 However, with their ideas, they influenced the formation However, with their ideas, they influenced the formation of the Constitution of 1876 and the formation of the Ottoman constitutional movement, of the Constitution of 1876 and the formation of the Ottoman constitutional movement, which was based on their ideas, and which would oppose against the tyrannical rule. In which was based on their ideas, and which would oppose against the tyrannical rule. In addition, with their wriaddition, with their writings and ideas, they tried to create a public opinion for the first time tings and ideas, they tried to create a public opinion for the first time and to influence it in a conscious way, and with these ideas on democratic concepts and and to influence it in a conscious way, and with these ideas on democratic concepts and institutions, they had a share in the recognition and acceptance of democracy in the Ottoman institutions, they had a share in the recognition and acceptance of democracy in the Ottoman EEmpire.mpire.89
84 MardinMardin (2017), p. 382(2017), p. 382--383, 383, ZürcherZürcher (2010)(2010), p. 110., p. 110.
85 MardinMardin (2017), p. 420(2017), p. 420--421. 421.
86 Çelik, HüseyinÇelik, Hüseyin (2021) Ali Suavi ve Dönemi, 2. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 575. (2021) Ali Suavi ve Dönemi, 2. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 575.
87 MardinMardin (2017), p. 418(2017), p. 418--419. 419.
88 Findley, Carter V.Findley, Carter V. (2010) Turkey, Islam, Nationalism, and Modernity A History of 1789(2010) Turkey, Islam, Nationalism, and Modernity A History of 1789--2007, 1. 2007, 1. Edition, New Haven & London, Yale University Press (Translated by: Ayas, Güneş (2019) Modern Türkiye Edition, New Haven & London, Yale University Press (Translated by: Ayas, Güneş (2019) Modern Türkiye Tarihi İslam, Milliyetçilik ve Modernlik 1789Tarihi İslam, Milliyetçilik ve Modernlik 1789--2007, 7. Edition, İstanbul, Tima2007, 7. Edition, İstanbul, Timaş Yayınları) p. 104, ş Yayınları) p. 104, Koçak, Koçak, CemilCemil ‘Osmanlı/Türk Siyasi Geleneğinde Modern Bir Toplum Yaratma Projesi Olarak Anayasanın Keşfi Yeni ‘Osmanlı/Türk Siyasi Geleneğinde Modern Bir Toplum Yaratma Projesi Olarak Anayasanın Keşfi Yeni Osmanlılar ve Birinci Meşrutiyet’ Alkan, Mehmet Ö. (Editor) (2020b) Modern Türkiye’de Siyasi Düşünce Osmanlılar ve Birinci Meşrutiyet’ Alkan, Mehmet Ö. (Editor) (2020b) Modern Türkiye’de Siyasi Düşünce VolumeVolume 1: 1: Cumhuriyet’e Devreden Düşünce Mirası Tanzimat ve Meşrutiyet Brikimi, 12. Edition, İstanbul, Cumhuriyet’e Devreden Düşünce Mirası Tanzimat ve Meşrutiyet Brikimi, 12. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p.72İletişim Yayınları, p.72. .
89 Ülken, Hilmi Z.Ülken, Hilmi Z. (1963) ‘Türkiye’nin Modernleşmesi ve Bu Hareketin Öncüleri Olan Türk (1963) ‘Türkiye’nin Modernleşmesi ve Bu Hareketin Öncüleri Olan Türk Düşünürleri’ Ankara Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi, V:11, N: 1, p. 27. Düşünürleri’ Ankara Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi, V:11, N: 1, p. 27.
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3.3. A Constitutional Monarchy: First Constitutional Period.3. A Constitutional Monarchy: First Constitutional Period
Starting in 1839 with the Tanzimat Edict, the modernisation process, the maturation of
Starting in 1839 with the Tanzimat Edict, the modernisation process, the maturation of the concepts and ideas related to the concept of democracy within this process, and the the concepts and ideas related to the concept of democracy within this process, and the adoption of the ideas that led to the formation of constitutional administration adoption of the ideas that led to the formation of constitutional administration by both the by both the public and the statesmen through the Young Ottomans, took a concrete form with the public and the statesmen through the Young Ottomans, took a concrete form with the adoption of the constitution in 1876 and the transition to constitutional administration. adoption of the constitution in 1876 and the transition to constitutional administration. Moreover, the expectation and belief that the Ottoman Empire could get Moreover, the expectation and belief that the Ottoman Empire could get rid of its problems rid of its problems through a constitution similar to those in Europe was a major driving force in taking this through a constitution similar to those in Europe was a major driving force in taking this step.step.90
At a time when the empire was experiencing great economic and political problems, a
At a time when the empire was experiencing great economic and political problems, a constitutional government was introduced with 1876 Constitution (Kanunconstitutional government was introduced with 1876 Constitution (Kanun--i Esasi). i Esasi). Although the 1876 Constitution was accepted as “the beginning of the modern political Although the 1876 Constitution was accepted as “the beginning of the modern political systsystem in Turkey”em in Turkey” 91, when the powers and structure of the constitution proclaimed and the , when the powers and structure of the constitution proclaimed and the parliament established were analysed, it was understood that the Ottoman Empire was parliament established were analysed, it was understood that the Ottoman Empire was actually transitioning to a soactually transitioning to a so--called constitutional government. As a matter of fact, Niyazi called constitutional government. As a matter of fact, Niyazi Berkes sBerkes stated that with such a constitution and parliament, the empire passed into a tated that with such a constitution and parliament, the empire passed into a "constitutional absolutism"."constitutional absolutism".92
In this context, when the Constitution, which was prepared by taking the Belgian
In this context, when the Constitution, which was prepared by taking the Belgian Constitution of 1831 and the Prussian Constitution of 1850 as an example, was evaluated in Constitution of 1831 and the Prussian Constitution of 1850 as an example, was evaluated in the context of the concepts of democracy, freedom and constitutional government, it the context of the concepts of democracy, freedom and constitutional government, it had had seen that this constitution, on the one hand, introduced new regulations and institutions seen that this constitution, on the one hand, introduced new regulations and institutions modelled on European models, and on the other hand, tried to preserve the old political modelled on European models, and on the other hand, tried to preserve the old political culture and institutions by adhering to Ottoman traditions.culture and institutions by adhering to Ottoman traditions.93 After all, the wish of After all, the wish of Abdulhamid II was to ensure that traditional institutions continue to exist with this Abdulhamid II was to ensure that traditional institutions continue to exist with this constitution and to ensure that his absolute sovereignty gains legitimacy through laws.constitution and to ensure that his absolute sovereignty gains legitimacy through laws.94 When we look at the features of the constitution, we see that the constitution granted rights When we look at the features of the constitution, we see that the constitution granted rights to all subjects, but there was no mechanism to protect these rights against the absolute to all subjects, but there was no mechanism to protect these rights against the absolute
90 KoçakKoçak (2020b), p. 81, (2020b), p. 81, Tanör Tanör (2021),(2021), p. 121, p. 121, Çavdar Çavdar (2013), p. 28(2013), p. 28. .
91 KarpatKarpat, , Kemal Kemal (2020) Türk Siyasi (2020) Türk Siyasi Tarihi, 9. Edition, İstanbul, Timaş Yayınları, p. 8.Tarihi, 9. Edition, İstanbul, Timaş Yayınları, p. 8.
92 BerkesBerkes, p. 328. , p. 328.
93 KarpatKarpat (2020)(2020), p. 9. , p. 9.
94 BerkesBerkes, p. 335. , p. 335.
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authority of the Sultan.
authority of the Sultan.95 The parliament exercised its legislative power in a limited manner The parliament exercised its legislative power in a limited manner only with the order or directive of the sultan and the legislative power of the parliament was only with the order or directive of the sultan and the legislative power of the parliament was limited only to supervision and control.limited only to supervision and control.96 With the 113th article of the constitution, the Sultan With the 113th article of the constitution, the Sultan had the right to dismiss any statesman he wanted and to exile him without question.had the right to dismiss any statesman he wanted and to exile him without question.97 The The sultan had the last word in almost all the transactions in the constitution and the constitution sultan had the last word in almost all the transactions in the constitution and the constitution did not bind the sultan at all, on the contrary, the constitution was subjected to the sultan did not bind the sultan at all, on the contrary, the constitution was subjected to the sultan through the laws created.through the laws created.
When the parliamentary system envisaged by the Constitution was analysed, a two
When the parliamentary system envisaged by the Constitution was analysed, a two--structured parliamentary system was established, namely the Chamber of Deputies structured parliamentary system was established, namely the Chamber of Deputies (Mebusan Meclisi), which was indirectly elected by the people, and the Assembly of (Mebusan Meclisi), which was indirectly elected by the people, and the Assembly of Notables (AyaNotables (Ayan Meclisi), which consisted of persons appointed by the sultan himself.n Meclisi), which consisted of persons appointed by the sultan himself.98 When we look at the structure of the Assemblies, we see that there was almost no interest of When we look at the structure of the Assemblies, we see that there was almost no interest of the people in the elections held for the Chamber of Deputies, which was supposed to the people in the elections held for the Chamber of Deputies, which was supposed to represent the people, and in some places, elections were left aside and appoinrepresent the people, and in some places, elections were left aside and appointments were tments were made by the governor. Considering the structure of the Assembly of Notables, the members made by the governor. Considering the structure of the Assembly of Notables, the members and the president of this assembly were appointed by the sultan himself. In addition, there and the president of this assembly were appointed by the sultan himself. In addition, there were no parties, party groups or opposition in the assembly.were no parties, party groups or opposition in the assembly.99 As mentioned above, the As mentioned above, the parliament had no legislative powers. In addition to this, there was also a pressure exerted parliament had no legislative powers. In addition to this, there was also a pressure exerted on Chamber of Deputies by the Assembly of Notables.on Chamber of Deputies by the Assembly of Notables.100 Despite all these antiDespite all these anti--democratic democratic elements, the parliament convened twice through elections and tried to do good work within elements, the parliament convened twice through elections and tried to do good work within the limited space. Despite the lack of experience of the members of the parliament and the the limited space. Despite the lack of experience of the members of the parliament and the lack of a tradition of representation ilack of a tradition of representation in the empire, they carried the problems of their n the empire, they carried the problems of their constituencies to the parliament and tried to represent them responsibly.constituencies to the parliament and tried to represent them responsibly.101
As it is clearly understood from the provisions, institutions and behaviours of the
As it is clearly understood from the provisions, institutions and behaviours of the Constitution proclaimed in 1876, it was a document that consolidated the sovereignty that Constitution proclaimed in 1876, it was a document that consolidated the sovereignty that was tried to be limited and limited it against democratic elements, rather than a was tried to be limited and limited it against democratic elements, rather than a legal legal 95 Uzun, Hakan (2005) ‘Uzun, Hakan (2005) ‘Türk Demokrasi Tarihinde I. Meşrutiyet Dönemi’ Ahi Evran Üniversitesi Türk Demokrasi Tarihinde I. Meşrutiyet Dönemi’ Ahi Evran Üniversitesi Kırşehir Eğitim Fakültesi Dergisi,Kırşehir Eğitim Fakültesi Dergisi, V:6, N:2, p. 154. V:6, N:2, p. 154.
96 BerkesBerkes, p. 334. , p. 334.
97 Çavdar Çavdar (2013), p. 46, (2013), p. 46, Tanör Tanör (2021),(2021), p. 145.p. 145.
98 LewisLewis, p. 228, , p. 228, ZürcherZürcher (2010)(2010), p. 121, , p. 121, AkşinAkşin (2021), p. 42. (2021), p. 42. 99 Kayali, Hasan (1995) ‘Kayali, Hasan (1995) ‘Elections and The Electoral Process in The Ottoman Empire, Elections and The Electoral Process in The Ottoman Empire, 18761876––1919’1919’ International Journal of Middle East Studies,International Journal of Middle East Studies, V.27, N:3, p. 267, V.27, N:3, p. 267, LewisLewis, p. 229., p. 229.
100 Arsel, İhsanArsel, İhsan (1953) ‘Birinci ve İkinci Meşrutiyet Devirlerinde Çift Meclis Sistemi Tecrübesi’ Ankara (1953) ‘Birinci ve İkinci Meşrutiyet Devirlerinde Çift Meclis Sistemi Tecrübesi’ Ankara Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi, V:10, N:1, p. 195.Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi, V:10, N:1, p. 195.
101 ZürcherZürcher (2010)(2010), p. 121. , p. 121.
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framework that limited the dominance of the ruling class.
framework that limited the dominance of the ruling class.102 Despite all the efforts of the Despite all the efforts of the Young Ottomans and statesmen who advocated constitutional government, the result was Young Ottomans and statesmen who advocated constitutional government, the result was not as expected.not as expected.
While the system was progressing in this way, considering the political situation at
While the system was progressing in this way, considering the political situation at outside outside and and insidinside e of the Empire, Abdülhamit II, with the authority given to him by the of the Empire, Abdülhamit II, with the authority given to him by the constitution, suspended the parliament, suspended the constitution and sent those who constitution, suspended the parliament, suspended the constitution and sent those who defended the constitutional administration into exile.defended the constitutional administration into exile.103 There was no public reaction to the There was no public reaction to the suspension of the Constitution and the dissolution of the Parliament. The most important suspension of the Constitution and the dissolution of the Parliament. The most important reason for this was that none of the proponents of constitutional rule had an ideology that reason for this was that none of the proponents of constitutional rule had an ideology that was compatible with the social infrastwas compatible with the social infrastructure or a broad social base.ructure or a broad social base.104 In addition, the fact In addition, the fact that the people showed no reaction showed us that the culture of democracy was not fully that the people showed no reaction showed us that the culture of democracy was not fully formed, and the idea of democracy was not fully adopted by the people. However, although formed, and the idea of democracy was not fully adopted by the people. However, although the Constitution did not establish a constitutional govthe Constitution did not establish a constitutional government in the real sense, it provided ernment in the real sense, it provided an exit from absolutism. The Constitution made room for participation and consensus in the an exit from absolutism. The Constitution made room for participation and consensus in the decisiondecision--making mechanism and gave the people the right to represent themselves through making mechanism and gave the people the right to represent themselves through elections, albeit partially and to a lelections, albeit partially and to a limited extent.imited extent.105 Although the First Constitutional Period Although the First Constitutional Period was a step towards democratisation that could be described as a failure in this sense, it was a step towards democratisation that could be described as a failure in this sense, it provided an infrastructure for future developments in the name of democratisation.provided an infrastructure for future developments in the name of democratisation.
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3.4. Second Constitutional Period .4. Second Constitutional Period
Although Abdülhamit II was a monarch who ascended to the throne with the condition
Although Abdülhamit II was a monarch who ascended to the throne with the condition of supporting constitutionalism, he reverted to an absolutist of supporting constitutionalism, he reverted to an absolutist understanding of government understanding of government due to his distrust of the statesmen associated with Sublime Port and the internal and external due to his distrust of the statesmen associated with Sublime Port and the internal and external crises that shook the empire deeply.crises that shook the empire deeply.106 Believing that all these problems could be solved with Believing that all these problems could be solved with an absolutist and centralisedan absolutist and centralised--bureaucratic administration, Abdülhamit II dissolved the bureaucratic administration, Abdülhamit II dissolved the Assembly and caused the end of the First Constitutional Period period and an absolute Assembly and caused the end of the First Constitutional Period period and an absolute monarchy rule lasting 30 yemonarchy rule lasting 30 years began. In this period, no steps were taken in the name of the ars began. In this period, no steps were taken in the name of the concept of democracy; on the contrary, it led to the interruption and even regression of the concept of democracy; on the contrary, it led to the interruption and even regression of the
102 Çavdar Çavdar (2013), p. 49(2013), p. 49
103 BerkesBerkes, p. 335, , p. 335, LewisLewis, p. 231, , p. 231, AkşinAkşin (2021), p. 43, (2021), p. 43, Çavdar Çavdar (2013), p. 46.(2013), p. 46.
104 KarpatKarpat (2020)(2020), p. 10. , p. 10.
105 Tanör Tanör (2021), (2021), p. 166.p. 166.
106 ShawShaw, p. 262. , p. 262.
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libertarian and libertarian movements that started with the First Constitutional Period in the
libertarian and libertarian movements that started with the First Constitutional Period in the empire.empire.
However, apart from the developments mentioned above, Abdülhamit II reorganized
However, apart from the developments mentioned above, Abdülhamit II reorganized the bureaucracy during his 33the bureaucracy during his 33--year reign, increased and expanded the quality of education, year reign, increased and expanded the quality of education, and modernized the empire by improving agriculture, transportation and communication and modernized the empire by improving agriculture, transportation and communication networks. Thanks to these steps taken by Abdülhamit II, the socionetworks. Thanks to these steps taken by Abdülhamit II, the socio--economic structure, which economic structure, which was essential for the establishment of a modern political system in the empire, was was essential for the establishment of a modern political system in the empire, was strengthened and the doors of the society were opened to modernity and new ideasstrengthened and the doors of the society were opened to modernity and new ideas with the with the development and expansion of the education system.development and expansion of the education system.107 In this context, a group of In this context, a group of intellectuals emerged who improved themselves by receiving education in the schools intellectuals emerged who improved themselves by receiving education in the schools opened by Abdülhamit II and questioned the society and political life they lived in. This opened by Abdülhamit II and questioned the society and political life they lived in. This intellectual class read the writings of Namik Kemal, intellectual class read the writings of Namik Kemal, Şinasi, Ziya Pasha and other New Şinasi, Ziya Pasha and other New Ottoman thinkers, who were the pioneers of the liberationist movement of the 1860s and 70s Ottoman thinkers, who were the pioneers of the liberationist movement of the 1860s and 70s and pioneered the political developments of the Young Turk Movement, the Second and pioneered the political developments of the Young Turk Movement, the Second Constitutional Period and even the Republican periodConstitutional Period and even the Republican period..108
Before discussing the political events of the Second Constitutional Period and their
Before discussing the political events of the Second Constitutional Period and their evaluation in terms of the concept of democracy, it will be useful to briefly discuss the Young evaluation in terms of the concept of democracy, it will be useful to briefly discuss the Young Turk Movement, which laid the foundations of this Turk Movement, which laid the foundations of this eraera, in order to better comprehend the , in order to better comprehend the period.period.
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3.4.1. Young Turks and Democracy.4.1. Young Turks and Democracy
By suspending freedoms and abolishing the Constitution after 1877, Abdulhamid
By suspending freedoms and abolishing the Constitution after 1877, Abdulhamid caused the establishment of secret societies, first by students and officers within the borders caused the establishment of secret societies, first by students and officers within the borders of the empire, and later by intellectuals in foreign countries such as Paris, Geneof the empire, and later by intellectuals in foreign countries such as Paris, Geneva and va and Cairo.Cairo.109 The foundations of these organisations were laid by students, civil servants and The foundations of these organisations were laid by students, civil servants and officers who improved themselves by receiving education in modern educational institutions officers who improved themselves by receiving education in modern educational institutions opened during the reign of Abdülhamit II.opened during the reign of Abdülhamit II.110 In fact, the greatest weakness of Abdülhamid In fact, the greatest weakness of Abdülhamid
107 Tanör Tanör (2021),(2021), p. 167, p. 167, FindleyFindley, p. 150., p. 150.
108 KarpatKarpat (2020)(2020), p. 10, , p. 10, ÇavdarÇavdar (2013)(2013), p. 60, , p. 60, Akşin Akşin (2021), p. 47, (2021), p. 47, MardinMardin, , Şerif Şerif (2019) Jön (2019) Jön Türklerin Siyasi Fikirleri (1895Türklerin Siyasi Fikirleri (1895--1908), 22. Edition, İstanbul, Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları, p. 33.1908), 22. Edition, İstanbul, Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları, p. 33.
109 BerkesBerkes, p.390. , p.390.
110 LewisLewis, p. 264. , p. 264.
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II was that he could not
II was that he could not commitcommit loyalty in the new generation of enlightened bureaucrats and loyalty in the new generation of enlightened bureaucrats and soldiers who were educated in schools such as Mülkiye, Tıbbiye and Harbiye (War soldiers who were educated in schools such as Mülkiye, Tıbbiye and Harbiye (War Academy), which were educational institutions he had developed himself.Academy), which were educational institutions he had developed himself. 111 The common The common aim of all these secret societies was to put an end to the tyranny of Abdülhamit II and to put aim of all these secret societies was to put an end to the tyranny of Abdülhamit II and to put the Constitution of 1876 back into force and thus to introduce a constitutional regime.the Constitution of 1876 back into force and thus to introduce a constitutional regime.112
The most important of these organisations was the “Ottoman Unity Society (İttihadı
The most important of these organisations was the “Ottoman Unity Society (İttihadı Osmani Cemiyeti)” which was founded in May 1889 by İbrahim Temo, Abdullah Cevdet, Osmani Cemiyeti)” which was founded in May 1889 by İbrahim Temo, Abdullah Cevdet, Mehmet Reşid and İshak Sukuti, students of the Military Medical School, taking the Italian Mehmet Reşid and İshak Sukuti, students of the Military Medical School, taking the Italian Carbonari organisation as an example.Carbonari organisation as an example.113 As mentioned above, the aim of this society was to As mentioned above, the aim of this society was to depose Abdülhamit II and to restore the constitutional regime.depose Abdülhamit II and to restore the constitutional regime.
Thanks to the activities of the society, libertarian ideas became widespread among
Thanks to the activities of the society, libertarian ideas became widespread among intellectuals and students in the empire and the protests reached new dimensions. However, intellectuals and students in the empire and the protests reached new dimensions. However, later on, the activities of the organisation were interrupted with a large arrest later on, the activities of the organisation were interrupted with a large arrest warrant. Some warrant. Some members of the society fled to Europe and managed to contact with the dissidents there. In members of the society fled to Europe and managed to contact with the dissidents there. In this context, the opposition movement gained a new dimension with Ahmet Rıza in Paris. this context, the opposition movement gained a new dimension with Ahmet Rıza in Paris. The group The group namednamed itself Jeunes Turcs (Young Turks), as its predecitself Jeunes Turcs (Young Turks), as its predecessors, the Young essors, the Young Ottomans, had done 30 years earlier in France.Ottomans, had done 30 years earlier in France.114 As a result of some internal conflicts As a result of some internal conflicts regarding the name of the organisation, it was decided that its new name would be the regarding the name of the organisation, it was decided that its new name would be the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) and then the organisation continued its activities.Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) and then the organisation continued its activities.115
Ahmet Rıza gathered most of the Ottoman exiles around him and started to
Ahmet Rıza gathered most of the Ottoman exiles around him and started to propagatepropagate the ideas of the Young Turks with the newspaper Meşveret, which was published both in the ideas of the Young Turks with the newspaper Meşveret, which was published both in Ottoman and French in 1895. As a result, the Paris branch of the Young Turks became one Ottoman and French in 1895. As a result, the Paris branch of the Young Turks became one of the most important groups in Europe. Meanwhile, the CUP continued to develop wof the most important groups in Europe. Meanwhile, the CUP continued to develop within ithin the empire and increased the number of its members. In addition, new branches of the society the empire and increased the number of its members. In addition, new branches of the society were opened in the big cities of Romania, Bulgaria and Albania in Europe.were opened in the big cities of Romania, Bulgaria and Albania in Europe.116 Between 1896 Between 1896 and 1896, the organisation also published a charter. In the charter, it was stated that the and 1896, the organisation also published a charter. In the charter, it was stated that the
111 ZürcherZürcher (2010)(2010), p. 135, , p. 135, ShawShaw, p. 309. , p. 309.
112 KarpatKarpat (2021)(2021), p. 108. , p. 108.
113 Tunaya, T. Zafer Tunaya, T. Zafer (1988) Türkiye’de Siyasal Partiler (1988) Türkiye’de Siyasal Partiler VolumeVolume I: İkinci Meşrutiyet Dönem, 2. Edition, I: İkinci Meşrutiyet Dönem, 2. Edition, İstanbul, Hürriyet Vakfı Yayınları, p. 161, İstanbul, Hürriyet Vakfı Yayınları, p. 161, Hanioğlu, ŞükrüHanioğlu, Şükrü (2008) A Brief History of the Late Ottoman (2008) A Brief History of the Late Ottoman Empire,1. Edition, Princeton & Oxford, Princeton University Press, p. 145.Empire,1. Edition, Princeton & Oxford, Princeton University Press, p. 145.
114 Hanioğlu, ŞükrüHanioğlu, Şükrü (1995) The Young Turks in Oppositon, 1. Edition, New York & Oxford, Oxford (1995) The Young Turks in Oppositon, 1. Edition, New York & Oxford, Oxford University Press, p. 74. University Press, p. 74.
115 ZürcherZürcher (2010)(2010), p. 136, , p. 136, AkşinAkşin (2021), p. 47. (2021), p. 47.
116 ShawShaw, p. 310. , p. 310.
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interests of the society, especially justice, equality and freedom, would be protected, the
interests of the society, especially justice, equality and freedom, would be protected, the government that violated human rights would be changed and the constitutional government government that violated human rights would be changed and the constitutional government would be restored.would be restored.117
While the Young Turk Movement developed rapidly thanks to the CUP, some
While the Young Turk Movement developed rapidly thanks to the CUP, some differences of opinion emerged within this movement and society. In this context, according differences of opinion emerged within this movement and society. In this context, according to Şerif Mardin, the Young Turk movement was grouped as Ahmet Rıza and Meşveret, Murat to Şerif Mardin, the Young Turk movement was grouped as Ahmet Rıza and Meşveret, Murat Bey aBey and Mizan, Abdullah Cevdet and İçtihad, Ottoman Newspaper and its circle, Prince nd Mizan, Abdullah Cevdet and İçtihad, Ottoman Newspaper and its circle, Prince Sabahattin and his circle and Şurayı Ümmet group.Sabahattin and his circle and Şurayı Ümmet group.118 Although each group had different Although each group had different ideologies and interests, the only common idea and goal among them was to put an end to ideologies and interests, the only common idea and goal among them was to put an end to the oppressive rule of Abdülhamit II in the empire and to reinstate the constitutional regime. the oppressive rule of Abdülhamit II in the empire and to reinstate the constitutional regime. Apart from this common goal, the groupApart from this common goal, the group members could not unite under a single roof due to members could not unite under a single roof due to personal and ideological differences.personal and ideological differences.
The first major difference of opinion within the society was between Ahmet Rıza and
The first major difference of opinion within the society was between Ahmet Rıza and Mizancı Murat. Mizancı Murat. Ahmet Rıza who was under the positivist influence of Auguste ComteAhmet Rıza who was under the positivist influence of Auguste Comte119, , argued that the Ottoman political and social order should remain the same and that a argued that the Ottoman political and social order should remain the same and that a democratised understanding of government should be adopted.democratised understanding of government should be adopted.120 In addition, Ahmet Rıza, In addition, Ahmet Rıza, who attached great importance to the issue of education, believed that what would save the who attached great importance to the issue of education, believed that what would save the Ottoman society was to raise a new human model by spreading education and positive Ottoman society was to raise a new human model by spreading education and positive sciences rather than the constitution and constitutionalisciences rather than the constitution and constitutionalism.sm.121 On the other hand, Mizancı On the other hand, Mizancı Murat travelled from Cairo to Europe in 1896 and soon became a rival to Ahmet Rıza as the Murat travelled from Cairo to Europe in 1896 and soon became a rival to Ahmet Rıza as the Young Turk leader. The newspaper Mizan, which he published while he was already in Cairo, Young Turk leader. The newspaper Mizan, which he published while he was already in Cairo, made him famous among the dissidents.made him famous among the dissidents.122 Although he was a liberal, he attached more Although he was a liberal, he attached more significancesignificance to the caliphate and the Islamic tradition of the empire than Ahmet Rıza.to the caliphate and the Islamic tradition of the empire than Ahmet Rıza.123 In In this context, he argued that a great Muslim constitutional regime should be established with this context, he argued that a great Muslim constitutional regime should be established with the guidance of the Sharia by uniting the whole Islamic world around the caliphate and by the guidance of the Sharia by uniting the whole Islamic world around the caliphate and by
117 ÇavdarÇavdar (2013)(2013), p. 62, p. 62--63. 63.
118 Mardin Mardin (2019). (2019).
119 HanioğluHanioğlu (1995), p. 203(1995), p. 203
120 ShawShaw, p. 311, , p. 311, Mardin Mardin (2019), p. 179, (2019), p. 179, ÇavdarÇavdar, p. 65. , p. 65.
121 Akşin Akşin (2021), p. 49, (2021), p. 49, BerkesBerkes, p. 394. , p. 394.
122 Hanioğlu Hanioğlu (1995), p. 81, (1995), p. 81, LewisLewis, p. 271., p. 271.
123 ZürcherZürcher (2010)(2010), p. 137. , p. 137.
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applying the method of consultancy, and he thought that problems could be solved with a
applying the method of consultancy, and he thought that problems could be solved with a conciliatory attitude instead of revolution.conciliatory attitude instead of revolution.124
The differences of opinion within the CUP, the fact that Abdülhamit II gained great
The differences of opinion within the CUP, the fact that Abdülhamit II gained great prestige as a result of the Ottoman army's victory in the Ottomanprestige as a result of the Ottoman army's victory in the Ottoman--Greek War in 1897 and the Greek War in 1897 and the result of Abdülhamit II's efforts to divide the CUP caused the opposition to be result of Abdülhamit II's efforts to divide the CUP caused the opposition to be interrupted.interrupted.125
The uninspiring opposition of the CUP came to an end when Mahmut Pasha, a member
The uninspiring opposition of the CUP came to an end when Mahmut Pasha, a member of the sultanate family, took his sons Sabahattin and Lütfullah and joined the opposition of the sultanate family, took his sons Sabahattin and Lütfullah and joined the opposition movement in Europe, which became a great source of power and prestige for the Young movement in Europe, which became a great source of power and prestige for the Young TTurks.urks.126 Especially with the ideas of Sabahattin, nicknamed “Prince”, the opposition Especially with the ideas of Sabahattin, nicknamed “Prince”, the opposition movement was revitalised.movement was revitalised.
Prince Sabahattin stated that the path to change and progress lies not in the state, but
Prince Sabahattin stated that the path to change and progress lies not in the state, but in the individual himself, and emphasised that the reason for the failure of the Tanzimat in the individual himself, and emphasised that the reason for the failure of the Tanzimat reforms and the First Constitutional Period attempts was the Ottoman social sreforms and the First Constitutional Period attempts was the Ottoman social structure and tructure and stated that it was necessary to move to a Western type of society where the individual was stated that it was necessary to move to a Western type of society where the individual was considered important.considered important.127 In addition, Prince Sabahattin, who argued that there should be a In addition, Prince Sabahattin, who argued that there should be a minimal state, believed in the power of free enterprise for the revival of the empire and minimal state, believed in the power of free enterprise for the revival of the empire and defended the idea of revolution, which none of the other CUP leaders had expressed, and defended the idea of revolution, which none of the other CUP leaders had expressed, and that the suthat the sultan should be deposed with the help of foreign powers.ltan should be deposed with the help of foreign powers.128 The aboveThe above--mentioned mentioned ideas of Prince Sabahattin brought a different perspective to the Young Turk opposition.ideas of Prince Sabahattin brought a different perspective to the Young Turk opposition.
The previous conflict between Ahmet Rıza and Mizancı Murat within the CUP
The previous conflict between Ahmet Rıza and Mizancı Murat within the CUP emerged this time between Ahmet Rıza and Prince Sabahattin. In order to resolve this emerged this time between Ahmet Rıza and Prince Sabahattin. In order to resolve this situation, a congress was organised among the Young Turks, but the desired consensus could situation, a congress was organised among the Young Turks, but the desired consensus could not benot be achieved again. After the congress, Prince Sabahattin and his supporters first founded achieved again. After the congress, Prince Sabahattin and his supporters first founded the "Society of Ottoman Liberals (Osmanlı Hürriyetperveran Cemiyeti)” and then the the "Society of Ottoman Liberals (Osmanlı Hürriyetperveran Cemiyeti)” and then the “Society for Private Initiative and Decentralization (Teşebbüs“Society for Private Initiative and Decentralization (Teşebbüs--i Şahsi ve Âdemi Şahsi ve Âdem--i Merki Merkeziyet eziyet Cemiyeti)” in 1906, while Ahmet Rıza and his supporters continued on their way by Cemiyeti)” in 1906, while Ahmet Rıza and his supporters continued on their way by changing the name of the society to “Ottoman Progress and Union (Osmanlı Terakki ve changing the name of the society to “Ottoman Progress and Union (Osmanlı Terakki ve
124 ShawShaw, p. 331, , p. 331, BerkesBerkes, p. , p. 395.395.
125 ZürcherZürcher (2010)(2010), p. 137, , p. 137, Akşin Akşin (2021), p. 49. (2021), p. 49.
126 LewisLewis, p. 273, , p. 273, Tunaya Tunaya (1988), p. 21.(1988), p. 21.
127 BerkesBerkes, p. 397., p. 397.
128 ShawShaw, p. 312, , p. 312, ZürcherZürcher (2010)(2010), p. 138, p. 138
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İttihat Cemiyeti)” and the society founded by Ahmet Rıza became the most prominent
İttihat Cemiyeti)” and the society founded by Ahmet Rıza became the most prominent organisation of the Young Turks.organisation of the Young Turks.129
In the early 20th century, some international developments in the name of democracy
In the early 20th century, some international developments in the name of democracy also prepared a favourable environment for the struggle for freedom and legitimacy within also prepared a favourable environment for the struggle for freedom and legitimacy within the country. In particular, the transition of Russia, a European state ruled by abthe country. In particular, the transition of Russia, a European state ruled by absolutism, to a solutism, to a constitutional regime after its defeat against Japan, an Asian state ruled by a constitutional constitutional regime after its defeat against Japan, an Asian state ruled by a constitutional regime, was a source of motivation for the Young Turks, who continued their activities both regime, was a source of motivation for the Young Turks, who continued their activities both inside and outside the country. In addition, another einside and outside the country. In addition, another event that influenced the Young Turks vent that influenced the Young Turks was the transition of Iran, an Islamic country, to a constitutional regime in 1906. All these was the transition of Iran, an Islamic country, to a constitutional regime in 1906. All these developments gave a new impetus and motivation to the constitutional struggle in the developments gave a new impetus and motivation to the constitutional struggle in the empire.empire.130
The Young Turk movement continued to expand and take root between 1902
The Young Turk movement continued to expand and take root between 1902--1906. 1906. Especially Dr. BahaeEspecially Dr. Bahaeddinddin Şakir and Dr. Nazım, who fled to Paris during this period, provided Şakir and Dr. Nazım, who fled to Paris during this period, provided the society with a solid organisational foundation and the organisation gained branches and the society with a solid organisational foundation and the organisation gained branches and a strong communication network in many a strong communication network in many partsparts of the empire and surrounding countries.of the empire and surrounding countries.131 In addition, after 1905, the idea of constitutionalism and liberty spread to the circles of In addition, after 1905, the idea of constitutionalism and liberty spread to the circles of schooled soldiers and the secret organisations that started here gave a new dimension to the schooled soldiers and the secret organisations that started here gave a new dimension to the opposition movement. The most important of these was the secret organiopposition movement. The most important of these was the secret organisation called sation called “Vatan”, which was founded in Damascus in 1905 and in which Mustafa Kemal also “Vatan”, which was founded in Damascus in 1905 and in which Mustafa Kemal also participated. This organisation later changed its name to “Ottoman Freedom Society participated. This organisation later changed its name to “Ottoman Freedom Society (Osmanlı Hürriyet Cemiyeti)”(Osmanlı Hürriyet Cemiyeti)”132 and merged with the Ottoman Progress and Union Society, and merged with the Ottoman Progress and Union Society, whose headquarters was in Paris, and the name of the new organisation became Union and whose headquarters was in Paris, and the name of the new organisation became Union and Progress.Progress.133
In parallel with these developments, a second Young Turk congress was organised in
In parallel with these developments, a second Young Turk congress was organised in 1907 with the participation of a large opposition in order to reunite all this opposition formed 1907 with the participation of a large opposition in order to reunite all this opposition formed inside and outside the country.inside and outside the country.134 At the end of the Congress, previous personal interests and At the end of the Congress, previous personal interests and
129 TunayaTunaya (1988), p. 21, (1988), p. 21, KarpatKarpat (2021)(2021), p. 108. , p. 108.
130 Tanör Tanör (2021), p. (2021), p. 172, 172, ZürcherZürcher (2010)(2010), p. 139, , p. 139, Akşin Akşin (2021), p. 51, (2021), p. 51, FindleyFindley, p. 163. , p. 163.
131 FindleyFindley, p. 164, , p. 164, ZürcherZürcher (2010)(2010), p. 140. , p. 140.
132 TunayaTunaya (1998)(1998), p. 21., p. 21.
133 AkşinAkşin, , Sina Sina (1980), 100 Soruda Jön Türkler ve İttihat ve Terakki, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Gerçek (1980), 100 Soruda Jön Türkler ve İttihat ve Terakki, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Gerçek Yayınevi, p. 56.Yayınevi, p. 56.
134 AkşinAkşin (1980), p. 62. (1980), p. 62. For the opposition groups participating in the Congress For the opposition groups participating in the Congress see also: see also: Kuran, Ahmet Kuran, Ahmet (2000) İnkilap Tarihimiz ve Jön Türkler, 2. Edition, İstanbul, Kaynak Yayınları, pp. 295(2000) İnkilap Tarihimiz ve Jön Türkler, 2. Edition, İstanbul, Kaynak Yayınları, pp. 295--296.296.
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ideological differences were put aside, a consensus was reached on a common action plan
ideological differences were put aside, a consensus was reached on a common action plan and a joint declaration text was published.and a joint declaration text was published.135 In the declaration, the situation the Young Turks In the declaration, the situation the Young Turks complained about, their aims and the path to these aims were explained. In this context, it complained about, their aims and the path to these aims were explained. In this context, it was generally stated in the text of the declaration that the administration of Abdülhamit II was generally stated in the text of the declaration that the administration of Abdülhamit II was corrupt in econowas corrupt in economic, social, administrative and managerial terms and that this bad mic, social, administrative and managerial terms and that this bad administration tormented the entire Ottoman people due to the oppression and censorship administration tormented the entire Ottoman people due to the oppression and censorship applied by the administration in every field.applied by the administration in every field.136 In the text, it was stated that Abdülhamit II In the text, it was stated that Abdülhamit II would be deposed, the Constitution would be reinstated, a parliament representing all the would be deposed, the Constitution would be reinstated, a parliament representing all the peoples of the Ottoman Empire and a constitutional government would be established, thus peoples of the Ottoman Empire and a constitutional government would be established, thus all rights and freedoms of theall rights and freedoms of the Ottoman peoples, regardless of Ottoman peoples, regardless of race, race, religionreligion and and language language would be guaranteed and unity was emphasised.would be guaranteed and unity was emphasised.137 In short, by the end of 1907, the Young In short, by the end of 1907, the Young Turk opposition was in a position to influence the future of the empire with its organisational Turk opposition was in a position to influence the future of the empire with its organisational and military power as well as the public opinion it created.and military power as well as the public opinion it created.
As a result, the CUP, which became a revolutionary organisation at a time when the
As a result, the CUP, which became a revolutionary organisation at a time when the empire was in a very difficult situation both economically and in terms of domestic and empire was in a very difficult situation both economically and in terms of domestic and foreign politics, turned this difficult situation into an opportunity and carried outforeign politics, turned this difficult situation into an opportunity and carried out a coup and a coup and Abdülhamit II, who completely lost control of the events, had to declare the constitutional Abdülhamit II, who completely lost control of the events, had to declare the constitutional rule again on 24 July 1908. Thus, the empire passed to constitutional rule for the second time rule again on 24 July 1908. Thus, the empire passed to constitutional rule for the second time and the period of CUP began.and the period of CUP began.
3
3.4.2. .4.2. The Era of Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) (1908The Era of Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) (1908--1918)1918)
On 24 July 1908, with the proclamation of the
On 24 July 1908, with the proclamation of the Second Constitutional PeriodSecond Constitutional Period, the thirty, the thirty--threethree--year rule of Abdulhamid II, which was characterised as a regime of year rule of Abdulhamid II, which was characterised as a regime of repressionrepression, came , came to an end and the previously suspended The Ottoman Basic Law came into force. In this to an end and the previously suspended The Ottoman Basic Law came into force. In this way, the institutions of constitution and parliament, which were thought to ensure the way, the institutions of constitution and parliament, which were thought to ensure the salvation of the empire, regained their functionality and the Csalvation of the empire, regained their functionality and the CUP UP period, which would last period, which would last for ten years, began. During this tenfor ten years, began. During this ten--year period, which is considered as the “political year period, which is considered as the “political laboratory”laboratory”138 of the Republican Era, of the Republican Era, significantsignificant steps were taken by the Csteps were taken by the CUP UP in the context in the context
135 AkşinAkşin (2021), p. 51, (2021), p. 51, LewisLewis, p. 279., p. 279.
136 KuranKuran, p. 291, p. 291--293. 293.
137 KuranKuran, p. 293, p. 293--295. 295.
138 TunayaTunaya, , TT. . Zafer Zafer (1960) Türkiye’nin Siyasi Hayatında Batılılaşma Hareketleri, I. Edition, İstanbul, (1960) Türkiye’nin Siyasi Hayatında Batılılaşma Hareketleri, I. Edition, İstanbul, Yenigün Matbaası, p. 98. Yenigün Matbaası, p. 98.
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of the concept of democracy that would affect both the empire and the Republic of Turkey
of the concept of democracy that would affect both the empire and the Republic of Turkey in the future.in the future.
Democracy, in its broadest sense, is a form of government that liberates the individual
Democracy, in its broadest sense, is a form of government that liberates the individual and gives him the opportunity to determine his personality, identity and position in society and gives him the opportunity to determine his personality, identity and position in society with the free will he provides. Thanks to democracy, the individual gains with the free will he provides. Thanks to democracy, the individual gains a free field of a free field of action within the society and thus becomes more efficient and has the opportunity for a more action within the society and thus becomes more efficient and has the opportunity for a more comfortable and quality life. In addition, thanks to democratic elements, the state apparatus comfortable and quality life. In addition, thanks to democratic elements, the state apparatus begins to enter the service of the individual and ensbegins to enter the service of the individual and ensures that rationality dominates both ures that rationality dominates both religion and society.religion and society.139 The basis of democracy is the idea that people who are born free and The basis of democracy is the idea that people who are born free and live free should create institutions with their own will and be subject to the institutions they live free should create institutions with their own will and be subject to the institutions they create with their free will. In this context, the concept of freedom forms the basis of create with their free will. In this context, the concept of freedom forms the basis of ddemocracy. Democracy emerges where there is freedom and democracy emocracy. Democracy emerges where there is freedom and democracy protectprotect freedom as freedom as a guardian of it.a guardian of it.140
In this context, the most important of the concepts that formed the basis of the
In this context, the most important of the concepts that formed the basis of the Second Second Constitutional PeriodConstitutional Period, which was proclaimed in 1908 with the slogan of “freedom, equality, , which was proclaimed in 1908 with the slogan of “freedom, equality, fraternity and justice”, was the concept of freedom. In fact, the fact that the Unionists fraternity and justice”, was the concept of freedom. In fact, the fact that the Unionists emphasised that they started their work against the rule of Abdulhamid II with the aim of emphasised that they started their work against the rule of Abdulhamid II with the aim of “savin“saving freedom” g freedom” 141, that the proclamation of the , that the proclamation of the Second Constitutional PeriodSecond Constitutional Period was defined was defined as “Proclamation of Freedom” and those who ensured its proclamation as “Heroesas “Proclamation of Freedom” and those who ensured its proclamation as “Heroes--Fighters Fighters of Freedom” showed how important this concept was.of Freedom” showed how important this concept was.142 The concept of freedom, which The concept of freedom, which started to acquire a more personstarted to acquire a more person--centred and secular meaning after the French Revolutioncentred and secular meaning after the French Revolution143, , showed a great development in this period, similar to the experience in the West, and started showed a great development in this period, similar to the experience in the West, and started to become a political and legal, religious issue and an impressive discourse tool, centred on to become a political and legal, religious issue and an impressive discourse tool, centred on individual rights and freedom.individual rights and freedom.144 Especially in the early years of the Especially in the early years of the Second Constitutional Second Constitutional PeriodPeriod, everything related to intellectual and political life was associated with the concept of , everything related to intellectual and political life was associated with the concept of freedom. In this context, the concept of freedom not only expressed the new and good freedom. In this context, the concept of freedom not only expressed the new and good concepts of the period such as liberty, freedom, justice, progress, civilisationconcepts of the period such as liberty, freedom, justice, progress, civilisation and science, and science,
139 KarpatKarpat (2021), (2021), p. 18. p. 18.
140 KarpatKarpat (2021)(2021), p. 26. , p. 26.
141 MardinMardin,, (2020a), p. 99. (2020a), p. 99.
142 TunayaTunaya, , (1988) p. 13, (1988) p. 13, KaraKara, , İsmail İsmail (2020b) İslamcıların Siyasi Görüşleri 2: Hürriyet, Müsavat, (2020b) İslamcıların Siyasi Görüşleri 2: Hürriyet, Müsavat, Uhuvvet, 2. Edition, İstanbul, Dergâh Yayınları, p. 114.Uhuvvet, 2. Edition, İstanbul, Dergâh Yayınları, p. 114.
143 Kara Kara (2020b), p. 112.(2020b), p. 112.
144 Kara Kara (2020b), p. 110. (2020b), p. 110.
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but also reminded one to be cautious by evoking old concepts such as oppression, ignorance,
but also reminded one to be cautious by evoking old concepts such as oppression, ignorance, obedience and lack of will.obedience and lack of will.145
The Unionists thought that the concept of freedom brought by the constitutional
The Unionists thought that the concept of freedom brought by the constitutional government would lead to progress by ensuring equality and justice and that the government would lead to progress by ensuring equality and justice and that the disintegration of the empire would be prevented by reducing the number of those who disintegration of the empire would be prevented by reducing the number of those who wanted to lewanted to leave the empire.ave the empire.146 In this context, with the concept of equality, it was aimed to In this context, with the concept of equality, it was aimed to create a new political unity within the framework of the "Ottoman citizen" by stopping the create a new political unity within the framework of the "Ottoman citizen" by stopping the nationalist and separatist movements especially in the Balkans and to prevent direct or nationalist and separatist movements especially in the Balkans and to prevent direct or indirect inteindirect interventions in the rventions in the domesticdomestic affairs of the Ottoman Empire by using the rights of affairs of the Ottoman Empire by using the rights of minorities within the empire as an excuse.minorities within the empire as an excuse.147 This idea showed the expectations of the This idea showed the expectations of the Unionists from the concept of freedom and the idea of equality it brought with it. However, Unionists from the concept of freedom and the idea of equality it brought with it. However, on the contrary, these concepts broke away from their main purpose and led to the separation on the contrary, these concepts broke away from their main purpose and led to the separation and disintegration of the empand disintegration of the empire, which was an inevitable end.ire, which was an inevitable end.148
It should also be noted that the Unionists did not have a theory of liberty other than
It should also be noted that the Unionists did not have a theory of liberty other than reinstating the constitution. However, Prince Sabahattin, who had a coherent idea around a reinstating the constitution. However, Prince Sabahattin, who had a coherent idea around a certain theory of freedom, should be placed in a different position. Accordincertain theory of freedom, should be placed in a different position. According to Prince g to Prince Sabahattin, the biggest problem of the empire was defined as “lack of freedom”. In this Sabahattin, the biggest problem of the empire was defined as “lack of freedom”. In this context, he stated that it was impossible for individuals to discover themselves in a country context, he stated that it was impossible for individuals to discover themselves in a country like the Ottoman Empire where the will of the state was in evelike the Ottoman Empire where the will of the state was in every field. In order to get rid of ry field. In order to get rid of this situation, he underlined that individuals and groups should be given every political this situation, he underlined that individuals and groups should be given every political opportunity to develop their own abilities and identities.opportunity to develop their own abilities and identities.149
On the other hand, the constitutional monarchy and the concept of freedom it brought
On the other hand, the constitutional monarchy and the concept of freedom it brought with it were perceived by the public as the arrival of things that had been longed for for a with it were perceived by the public as the arrival of things that had been longed for for a long time. The constitutional monarchy was understood by the public within thelong time. The constitutional monarchy was understood by the public within the framework framework of a daily logic such as the reduction of taxes, the expansion of education, and the of a daily logic such as the reduction of taxes, the expansion of education, and the construction of roads, and an expectation was formed that services would improve with the construction of roads, and an expectation was formed that services would improve with the
145 Kara Kara (2020b), p. 123(2020b), p. 123--124. 124.
146 KaraKara, , İsmail İsmail (2020a) İslamcıların Siyasi Görüşleri 1: Hilafet ve Meşrutiyet, 5. Edition, İstanbul, (2020a) İslamcıların Siyasi Görüşleri 1: Hilafet ve Meşrutiyet, 5. Edition, İstanbul, Dergâh Yayınları, p.106.Dergâh Yayınları, p.106.
147 KaraKara (2020b), p. 178(2020b), p. 178--179. 179.
148 Kara Kara (2020b), p. 127. (2020b), p. 127.
149 Mardin Mardin (2019), p. 99(2019), p. 99--100. 100.
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change of regime.
change of regime.150 Moreover, the concept of freedom was perceived by the public as the Moreover, the concept of freedom was perceived by the public as the end of tyranny and the guarantee of prosperity, peace and security.end of tyranny and the guarantee of prosperity, peace and security.151
The ideal regime for the Unionists was the establishment of a liberal representative
The ideal regime for the Unionists was the establishment of a liberal representative system and a parliamentary constitutionalism. In this context, the parliament and the system and a parliamentary constitutionalism. In this context, the parliament and the constitution formed the basis of the constitution formed the basis of the Second Constitutional PeriodSecond Constitutional Period, which was proclaimed in , which was proclaimed in order to order to restrictrestrict the powers of the sultan, guarantee the rights and freedoms of the people and the powers of the sultan, guarantee the rights and freedoms of the people and provideprovide the participation of the people in the newly established political system.the participation of the people in the newly established political system.152 Moreover, according to the Unionists, who were in full agreement on the parliament and the Moreover, according to the Unionists, who were in full agreement on the parliament and the constitution, these two concepts were in accordance with both Islam and reason. Tarık Zafer constitution, these two concepts were in accordance with both Islam and reason. Tarık Zafer Tunaya summarises that these two concepts were the basic principle of cTunaya summarises that these two concepts were the basic principle of constitutionalism as onstitutionalism as follows: follows: “It is the legitimate method of legitimate consultation that will relieve the tears of “It is the legitimate method of legitimate consultation that will relieve the tears of our orphans, that will not let anyone lose their rights to anyone else, that will make us live our orphans, that will not let anyone lose their rights to anyone else, that will make us live like human beings, and it is the Constitutional Law that fulfils these wislike human beings, and it is the Constitutional Law that fulfils these wishes in its entirety.”hes in its entirety.”153
As mentioned above, one of the institutions that formed the basis of the constitutional
As mentioned above, one of the institutions that formed the basis of the constitutional administration was the parliament. Especially in the administration was the parliament. Especially in the Second Constitutional PeriodSecond Constitutional Period period, in period, in a society that lacked mass media and organisations established by the people, the a society that lacked mass media and organisations established by the people, the parliamentary institution became a forum where citizens could freely voice all kinds of parliamentary institution became a forum where citizens could freely voice all kinds of problems.problems.154 Moreover, according to the Unionists, the reason for the progress of modern Moreover, according to the Unionists, the reason for the progress of modern states was seen as the institution of parliament. In addition, the Cstates was seen as the institution of parliament. In addition, the CUPUP stated that one of the stated that one of the most important issues in order to realise the policy of Ottomanism under the title of “the most important issues in order to realise the policy of Ottomanism under the title of “the unity of elements”, which would reunity of elements”, which would re--establish unity and integrity in the empire, was the establish unity and integrity in the empire, was the establishment of the parliamentary institution.establishment of the parliamentary institution.155 Because it was thought that the existence Because it was thought that the existence of a parliament including minority representatives would prevent the West's mission of of a parliament including minority representatives would prevent the West's mission of protecting the rights of minorities.protecting the rights of minorities.156 The Unionists also made use of Islam to consolidate The Unionists also made use of Islam to consolidate the legitimacy of such an important institution for the future of the empire. For this reason, the legitimacy of such an important institution for the future of the empire. For this reason,
150 DemirciDemirci, , H. Aliyar H. Aliyar (2008) ‘1908 Parlamentosunda Meşrutiyetin Değerleri ve İlkeleri’ Doğu Batı (2008) ‘1908 Parlamentosunda Meşrutiyetin Değerleri ve İlkeleri’ Doğu Batı Düşünce Dergisi, V:1, N:45, p. 83. Düşünce Dergisi, V:1, N:45, p. 83.
151 TunayaTunaya, , TT. . ZaferZafer (1998a) Hürriyet’in İlanı İkinci Meşrutiyet’in Siyasi Hayatına Bakışlar, İstanbul, (1998a) Hürriyet’in İlanı İkinci Meşrutiyet’in Siyasi Hayatına Bakışlar, İstanbul, 1. Edition, Yenigün Haber Ajansı. p. 70. 1. Edition, Yenigün Haber Ajansı. p. 70.
152 KaraKara (2020a), p. 158. (2020a), p. 158.
153 Tunaya Tunaya (1998a), p. 18.(1998a), p. 18.
154 TunayaTunaya, , Tarık ZTarık Z. (2001) Türkiye’de Siyasal Gelişmeler (1876. (2001) Türkiye’de Siyasal Gelişmeler (1876--1938): Kanun1938): Kanun--i Esasi ve Meşrutiyet i Esasi ve Meşrutiyet Dönemi (1876Dönemi (1876--1918), 1. Edition, İstanbul, Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları, p. 128. 1918), 1. Edition, İstanbul, Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları, p. 128.
155 ErdoğduErdoğdu, , AA. . Teyfur Teyfur (2008) Osmanlılığın Evrimi Hakkında Bir Deneme: Bir (2008) Osmanlılığın Evrimi Hakkında Bir Deneme: Bir Grup (Üst Düzey Grup (Üst Düzey Yönetici) Kimliğinden Millet Yaratma Projesine, Doğu Batı Düşünce Dergisi, V:1, N:45, p. 35.Yönetici) Kimliğinden Millet Yaratma Projesine, Doğu Batı Düşünce Dergisi, V:1, N:45, p. 35.
156 TunayaTunaya (2001), p. 18.(2001), p. 18.
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they associated the institution of the parliament with the method of “consultancy
they associated the institution of the parliament with the method of “consultancy--shurashura (meşveret)(meşveret)”, one of the basic principles of the Turkish”, one of the basic principles of the Turkish--Islamic tradition.Islamic tradition.157 Beyond the Beyond the meaning of “mutual exchange of ideas and consultation”, they utilised the religious meaning of “mutual exchange of ideas and consultation”, they utilised the religious connotations of the word shura and stated that the Assembly and the method of consultancy connotations of the word shura and stated that the Assembly and the method of consultancy led to unity and alliance and that Islam envisaged a style of governmeled to unity and alliance and that Islam envisaged a style of government based on shura and nt based on shura and the assembly.the assembly.158 In the first parliament of the In the first parliament of the Second Constitutional PeriodSecond Constitutional Period, it was frequently , it was frequently emphasised that the constitutional administration was based on the method of consultation, emphasised that the constitutional administration was based on the method of consultation, and it was underlined that the method of consultation embodied the constitutional and it was underlined that the method of consultation embodied the constitutional administration and was the way of progress and salvation for thadministration and was the way of progress and salvation for the empire.e empire.159
When we look at the first legislative period of the parliament (1908
When we look at the first legislative period of the parliament (1908--1912), which 1912), which constituted the basis of the constituted the basis of the constitutional administration, despite the CUP majority in the constitutional administration, despite the CUP majority in the parliament, a deliberative, argumentative and richparliament, a deliberative, argumentative and rich--content process was experienced in terms content process was experienced in terms of democracy, and it was a period in which every issue and problem was discussed with all of democracy, and it was a period in which every issue and problem was discussed with all its simplicits simplicity.ity.160 The most important reason for this situation was the pluralistic and multiThe most important reason for this situation was the pluralistic and multi--party characteristic of the constitutional administration. In particular, the parliament became party characteristic of the constitutional administration. In particular, the parliament became a truly representative institution thanks to the deputies who were elected from the a truly representative institution thanks to the deputies who were elected from the list of the list of the CUP but later switched sides and joined the opposition. This situation strengthened the CUP but later switched sides and joined the opposition. This situation strengthened the parliament's deliberative and public character, which are the most basic principles that parliament's deliberative and public character, which are the most basic principles that should be inherent in the parliament.should be inherent in the parliament.161 However, after the end of the first legislative term However, after the end of the first legislative term of the parliament, the parliament lost both its representativeness and deliberative of the parliament, the parliament lost both its representativeness and deliberative characteristic as the CUP used the elections to establish onecharacteristic as the CUP used the elections to establish one--party dominance in the party dominance in the parliament in other legislative parliament in other legislative terms.terms.162 It should also be noted that, except for the first It should also be noted that, except for the first legislative period of the parliament, parliamentary life could not be productive due to legislative period of the parliament, parliamentary life could not be productive due to dissolutions and holidays. During the periods when the parliament was in recess, the dissolutions and holidays. During the periods when the parliament was in recess, the governments governed the empiregovernments governed the empire with wide powers and this situation prevented the with wide powers and this situation prevented the constitutional administration idea from being fully realised.constitutional administration idea from being fully realised.163
157 TunayaTunaya (2001), p. 17.(2001), p. 17.
158 Kara Kara (2020a), p. 162, (2020a), p. 162, DemirciDemirci, p. 88., p. 88.
159 DemirciDemirci, p.87. , p.87.
160 DemirciDemirci, p. 102. , p. 102.
161 BezciBezci, , BünyaminBünyamin (2006) Carl Schmitt’in Politik Felsefesi Modern Devletin Müdafaası, 1. Edition, (2006) Carl Schmitt’in Politik Felsefesi Modern Devletin Müdafaası, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Paradigma Yayıncılık, p. 133. İstanbul, Paradigma Yayıncılık, p. 133.
162 DemirciDemirci, p. 102. , p. 102.
163 TunayaTunaya (1998a), p. 36.(1998a), p. 36.
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The most prominent and overarching common characteristic of the Young Turks was
The most prominent and overarching common characteristic of the Young Turks was their opposition to absolute monarchy. In this context, another important concept that forms their opposition to absolute monarchy. In this context, another important concept that forms the basis of constitutional administration was the constitution. In 1876, with the the basis of constitutional administration was the constitution. In 1876, with the promulgation of the Ottoman Basic Law, which is accepted as the product of a new stage promulgation of the Ottoman Basic Law, which is accepted as the product of a new stage reached by the Ottomanreached by the Ottoman--Western dialogue, the empire passed to constitutional Western dialogue, the empire passed to constitutional administration. However, after a short period of time, Abdulhamid II put an end to the administration. However, after a short period of time, Abdulhamid II put an end to the constconstitutional government and suspended the constitution. However, with the itutional government and suspended the constitution. However, with the Second Second Constitutional PeriodConstitutional Period declared in 1908, the constitution was reinstated, and this text was seen declared in 1908, the constitution was reinstated, and this text was seen as the guarantee and basic basis of the constitutional administration. Because the Ottoman as the guarantee and basic basis of the constitutional administration. Because the Ottoman Basic Law, a text jointly adopted and accepted by the sultan, the cabinet, the deputies anBasic Law, a text jointly adopted and accepted by the sultan, the cabinet, the deputies and d the people, was regarded as a necessary and indispensable element of the constitutional the people, was regarded as a necessary and indispensable element of the constitutional administration.administration.164 Again, as in the case of the institution of the parliament, Islam was used Again, as in the case of the institution of the parliament, Islam was used to legitimise the concept of constitution. In this context, the relations and analogies between to legitimise the concept of constitution. In this context, the relations and analogies between the Holy Qur'an and the Ottoman Basic Law were used to give the Ottoman Basic Law athe Holy Qur'an and the Ottoman Basic Law were used to give the Ottoman Basic Law a kind of sanctity and inviolability, and it was stated that it was a set of rules that every citizen, kind of sanctity and inviolability, and it was stated that it was a set of rules that every citizen, parliamentarian, bureaucrat and even the ruler had to follow.parliamentarian, bureaucrat and even the ruler had to follow.165 In this context, the In this context, the constitution was seen as a tool that would ensure the constitutional government, naturally constitution was seen as a tool that would ensure the constitutional government, naturally require the opening of the parliament and at the same time ensure the guarantee of rights and require the opening of the parliament and at the same time ensure the guarantee of rights and freedoms.freedoms.166
Promulgated in 1876 and being the first constitution of the Ottoman Empire, the
Promulgated in 1876 and being the first constitution of the Ottoman Empire, the Ottoman Basic Law was drafted in haste and without a specific systematisation.Ottoman Basic Law was drafted in haste and without a specific systematisation.167 Although Although the Constitution ensured the transition to constitutional administration and planned an the Constitution ensured the transition to constitutional administration and planned an understanding of political power in which the people would participate in the formation of understanding of political power in which the people would participate in the formation of political power, it was a document that reinforced the sovereignty political power, it was a document that reinforced the sovereignty of the ruling class rather of the ruling class rather than establishing a legal framework to limit it. The constitution recognised the sultan as the than establishing a legal framework to limit it. The constitution recognised the sultan as the supreme authority of political life and legal order, which did not allow the constitutional supreme authority of political life and legal order, which did not allow the constitutional administration concept to be fully implemeadministration concept to be fully implemented.nted.168 Because the constitution contained Because the constitution contained provisions granting the sultan very wide powers, the powers of the elected parliamentary provisions granting the sultan very wide powers, the powers of the elected parliamentary assembly were very limited and individual rights and freedoms were not fully guaranteed. assembly were very limited and individual rights and freedoms were not fully guaranteed.
164 Kara Kara (2020a), p. 178. (2020a), p. 178.
165 KaraKara (2020a), p. 179. (2020a), p. 179.
166 TunayaTunaya (2001), p. 17.(2001), p. 17.
167 ArtuçArtuç, , Nevzat Nevzat (2008) ‘II. Meşrutiyet’in İlanı’ Doğu Batı Düşünce Dergisi, V:1, N:45, p(2008) ‘II. Meşrutiyet’in İlanı’ Doğu Batı Düşünce Dergisi, V:1, N:45, p. . 67. 67.
168 ÇavdarÇavdar, (2013), (2013), , p. 49p. 49--50. 50.
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After a very short period of time, the constitution, which was far from a certain systematic
After a very short period of time, the constitution, which was far from a certain systematic and constitutional administration approach, was suspended.and constitutional administration approach, was suspended.
In 1908, with the declaration of the
In 1908, with the declaration of the Second Constitutional PeriodSecond Constitutional Period, the constitution was , the constitution was put back into force. The parliament convened in this new period did not immediately change put back into force. The parliament convened in this new period did not immediately change the Constitution of 1876 and adopted the system of administration with the existing the Constitution of 1876 and adopted the system of administration with the existing constitution. One reason for this was an constitution. One reason for this was an imperial decreeimperial decree issued by Abdülhamit II after the issued by Abdülhamit II after the declaration of the Constitutional Monarchy.declaration of the Constitutional Monarchy.169 However, after the suppression of the 31 However, after the suppression of the 31 March IncidentMarch Incident170 on 13 April 1909, which was a religiously based uprising movement on 13 April 1909, which was a religiously based uprising movement consisting of the common combination of groups opposing the CUP, the CUP started an consisting of the common combination of groups opposing the CUP, the CUP started an intensive legislative programme in order to fully establish the parliamentary constitutional intensive legislative programme in order to fully establish the parliamentary constitutional system and tsystem and to guarantee individual rights and freedoms.o guarantee individual rights and freedoms.171 TwentyTwenty--one articles of the 1876 one articles of the 1876 Constitution were amended, one article was abolished and three new articles were added in Constitution were amended, one article was abolished and three new articles were added in this legislative programme, which the First Parliament started in 1909 in order to show its this legislative programme, which the First Parliament started in 1909 in order to show its commitment to the constitutional system acommitment to the constitutional system and the Constitutional Monarchy.nd the Constitutional Monarchy.172
First of all, the main idea of
First of all, the main idea of the amendments made to strengthen the parliamentary the amendments made to strengthen the parliamentary regime was to ensure the independence of the parliament by freeing the legislature from the regime was to ensure the independence of the parliament by freeing the legislature from the pressure and domination of the executive branch.pressure and domination of the executive branch.173 With the amendments made for this With the amendments made for this purpose, the sultanist regime was transformed into a parliamentary regime and the purpose, the sultanist regime was transformed into a parliamentary regime and the
169 With this edict, issued on 29 July 1908 after the reWith this edict, issued on 29 July 1908 after the re--enactment of the Ottoman Basic Law, Abdulhamid enactment of the Ottoman Basic Law, Abdulhamid II declared to the whole empire that all citizens were equal regardless of religion, language and race, that no II declared to the whole empire that all citizens were equal regardless of religion, language and race, that no one could be arrested or imprisoned outsideone could be arrested or imprisoned outside the framework set by the law, that no one could be questioned the framework set by the law, that no one could be questioned outside the courts, that citizens had the inviolability of housing, the right to travel and assemble freely, that outside the courts, that citizens had the inviolability of housing, the right to travel and assemble freely, that newspapers would not be subject to any control before they were printed, and thnewspapers would not be subject to any control before they were printed, and that education and training were at education and training were completely free. completely free. ÇavdarÇavdar (2013)(2013),, p. 130p. 130--131131..
170 On 13 April 1909, when we look at the factors that led to the 31 March Incident, which is considered On 13 April 1909, when we look at the factors that led to the 31 March Incident, which is considered as a religiousas a religious--based uprising movement, we see the discontent in the army that emerged due to the conflict based uprising movement, we see the discontent in the army that emerged due to the conflict between student and ranker officers, the discourbetween student and ranker officers, the discourses by the ulema and religious order sheikhs that the CUP was ses by the ulema and religious order sheikhs that the CUP was conducting policies that were not in accordance with the Shari'a, and the propaganda carried out by the Party conducting policies that were not in accordance with the Shari'a, and the propaganda carried out by the Party of Ottoman Liberals that the CUP was putting the system in a deadlock by holding theof Ottoman Liberals that the CUP was putting the system in a deadlock by holding the monopoly of power.monopoly of power. Bayur, YBayur, Y.. Hikmet Hikmet (1991a) Türk İnkilabı Tarihi Volume: I, Part: II, Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, p. (1991a) Türk İnkilabı Tarihi Volume: I, Part: II, Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, p. 142, 142, AkşinAkşin (1980), p. 120. There were two important factors that turned all this discontent and propaganda of (1980), p. 120. There were two important factors that turned all this discontent and propaganda of the opposition into an uprising. The first of these was the "Volkan" newspaper published since 10 November the opposition into an uprising. The first of these was the "Volkan" newspaper published since 10 November 1908 by Derviş Vahdeti, a Naqshbandi sheikh who p1908 by Derviş Vahdeti, a Naqshbandi sheikh who played a major role in the incident, and the party called layed a major role in the incident, and the party called "Muhammadan Union" which gathered the opposition under a single roof. Another factor that triggered the 31 "Muhammadan Union" which gathered the opposition under a single roof. Another factor that triggered the 31 March Incident was the murder of Hasan Fehmi, the editorMarch Incident was the murder of Hasan Fehmi, the editor--inin--chief of the newspaper Serbesti.chief of the newspaper Serbesti. TunayaTunaya (1988), (1988), p. 189, p. 189, ShawShaw, p. 336, , p. 336, AhmadAhmad, , Feroz Feroz (1969) The Comittee of Union and Progress in Turkish Politics 1908(1969) The Comittee of Union and Progress in Turkish Politics 1908--1914, 1. Edition, Oxford, Oxford University Press (Translated by: Yavuz, Nuran (1999) İttihat ve Terakki 19081914, 1. Edition, Oxford, Oxford University Press (Translated by: Yavuz, Nuran (1999) İttihat ve Terakki 1908--1914, 5. Edition, İstanbul, Kaynak Yayınları, p. 61, 1914, 5. Edition, İstanbul, Kaynak Yayınları, p. 61, AkşinAkşin (2021), p. 58.(2021), p. 58.
171 TunayaTunaya, (1960), p. 47., (1960), p. 47.
172 DemirciDemirci, p. 87, , p. 87, TanörTanör (2021),(2021), p. 192. p. 192.
173 TunayaTunaya (1998a), p. 50. (1998a), p. 50.
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parliament became a real legislative body.
parliament became a real legislative body.174 The dissolution of the parliament was made The dissolution of the parliament was made almost legally impossible and the executive branch was made fully accountable to the almost legally impossible and the executive branch was made fully accountable to the parliament.parliament.175 However, with these amendments made between the legislative and executive However, with these amendments made between the legislative and executive powers, the balance between these two powers was disrupted in favour of the legislature. powers, the balance between these two powers was disrupted in favour of the legislature. Especially with the amendments made in Articles 7 and 35, the executive was weakened, Especially with the amendments made in Articles 7 and 35, the executive was weakened, and thand the legislature was brought to a very strong position. In other words, it was made easier e legislature was brought to a very strong position. In other words, it was made easier for the parliament to dissolve the executive branch and difficult for the cabinet to dissolve for the parliament to dissolve the executive branch and difficult for the cabinet to dissolve the parliament.the parliament.176
In 1909, some important amendments were made in the constitution in the name of
In 1909, some important amendments were made in the constitution in the name of individual rights and freedoms. First of all, the famous Article 113 of the 1876 Ottoman individual rights and freedoms. First of all, the famous Article 113 of the 1876 Ottoman Basic Law, which authorised the Sultan to dismiss and exile without question, was Basic Law, which authorised the Sultan to dismiss and exile without question, was repearepealed.led.177 Personal liberty and immunity were strengthened by stipulating that no one Personal liberty and immunity were strengthened by stipulating that no one could be punished or arrested outside the framework of the law.could be punished or arrested outside the framework of the law.178 In addition, censorship In addition, censorship was abolished, the press was freed within the framework set by the Constitution, the right to was abolished, the press was freed within the framework set by the Constitution, the right to assemble and form associations was recognisedassemble and form associations was recognised179, and it was guaranteed by law that , and it was guaranteed by law that documents and letters related to the private life of the individual could not be opened without documents and letters related to the private life of the individual could not be opened without a court order.a court order.180 In 1909, these amendments to the constitution were even characterised as a In 1909, these amendments to the constitution were even characterised as a new constitution in terms of regulating the powers of state organs, their relations with each new constitution in terms of regulating the powers of state organs, their relations with each other and the rights and freedoms of individuals.other and the rights and freedoms of individuals.181
174 ReyhanReyhan, , Cenk Cenk (2008) ‘Jön Türk Hareketi Türk Devrim Süreci Üzerine Karşılaştırmalı Bir (2008) ‘Jön Türk Hareketi Türk Devrim Süreci Üzerine Karşılaştırmalı Bir Çözümleme’ Doğu Batı Düşünce Dergisi, V:1, N:45, p. 126.Çözümleme’ Doğu Batı Düşünce Dergisi, V:1, N:45, p. 126.
175 ShawShaw, p. , p. 340.340.
176 With the new amendment, the procedure to be followed in case of any disagreement between the With the new amendment, the procedure to be followed in case of any disagreement between the council of ministers and the parliament was stated as follows: “In cases where the parliament firmly rejects a council of ministers and the parliament was stated as follows: “In cases where the parliament firmly rejects a decision taken by the council of ministers, the coudecision taken by the council of ministers, the council of ministers must either accept the decision of the ncil of ministers must either accept the decision of the parliament or resign. If the council of ministers resigns and the new council of ministers that replaces it still parliament or resign. If the council of ministers resigns and the new council of ministers that replaces it still insists on the decision of the former council of ministers and the parliament rejectsinsists on the decision of the former council of ministers and the parliament rejects this decision again, the this decision again, the sultan has the authority to dissolve the parliament on condition that the parliament goes to resultan has the authority to dissolve the parliament on condition that the parliament goes to re--election within election within three months.” three months.” GürdoğanGürdoğan, , Burhan Burhan (1959) ‘(1959) ‘İkinci Meşrutiyet Devrinde Anayasa Değişiklikleri,İkinci Meşrutiyet Devrinde Anayasa Değişiklikleri, AnkaraAnkara ÜniversitesiÜniversitesi HukukHukuk FakültesiFakültesi DergisiDergisi, , V:16, N:1, p. 95, V:16, N:1, p. 95, Güven, CemalGüven, Cemal (2006) Anayasalar, Kanunlar ve TBMM (2006) Anayasalar, Kanunlar ve TBMM Kararları 1876Kararları 1876--2016, 1. Edition, Konya, Eğitim Yayınevi, p. 522016, 1. Edition, Konya, Eğitim Yayınevi, p. 52..
177 Tanör Tanör (2021),(2021), p. 196, p. 196, GürdoğanGürdoğan, p. 99., p. 99.
178 Tunaya Tunaya (1998a), p. 34.(1998a), p. 34.
179 In addition to the article on the freedom to establish associations, the establishment of all kinds of In addition to the article on the freedom to establish associations, the establishment of all kinds of societies and associations with the aim of disrupting the unity and integrity of the country, jeopardising the societies and associations with the aim of disrupting the unity and integrity of the country, jeopardising the constitutional regime, acting against theconstitutional regime, acting against the constitution and pursuing separatist politics were prohibited. constitution and pursuing separatist politics were prohibited. GüvenGüven, , p. 53. p. 53.
180 Tanör Tanör (2021),(2021), p. 196, p. 196, GüvenGüven, pp. 51, pp. 51--53. 53.
181 ÇavdarÇavdar (2013)(2013), p. 130, , p. 130, Akşin Akşin (2021), p. 63. (2021), p. 63.
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In 1908, at the declaration of the
In 1908, at the declaration of the Second Constitutional PeriodSecond Constitutional Period, the Sultan, in his , the Sultan, in his opening speech to the parliament, emphasised that the constitutional administration was opening speech to the parliament, emphasised that the constitutional administration was dependeddepended on the principle of national sovereignty, that the parliament was the epitome of on the principle of national sovereignty, that the parliament was the epitome of national sovereignty, and that this principle was one of the fundamental principles of the national sovereignty, and that this principle was one of the fundamental principles of the constitutional administration.constitutional administration.182 Moreover, the principle of national sovereignty was also Moreover, the principle of national sovereignty was also included in the political programme of the CUP in the 1908 elections and the election included in the political programme of the CUP in the 1908 elections and the election manifesto was prepared as an extension of this principle.manifesto was prepared as an extension of this principle.183 In this context, the principle of In this context, the principle of national sovereignty, which means that the nation has the final say in all matters, especially national sovereignty, which means that the nation has the final say in all matters, especially in political matters, was frequently mentioned for the first time in the amendments made to in political matters, was frequently mentioned for the first time in the amendments made to the constitution in 1909 and it wthe constitution in 1909 and it was stated that the amendments were made on the basis of as stated that the amendments were made on the basis of this principle.this principle.184 These amendments were characterised as strengthening the principle of These amendments were characterised as strengthening the principle of national sovereignty and this principle led to “parliamentary supremacy”, which emphasised national sovereignty and this principle led to “parliamentary supremacy”, which emphasised the supremacy of the parliament over the monarch, the government and the bureaucracy.the supremacy of the parliament over the monarch, the government and the bureaucracy.185
Declared in 1876, the Ottoman Basic Law was amended seven times in total during
Declared in 1876, the Ottoman Basic Law was amended seven times in total during the CUP period.the CUP period.186 The most important amendments were made during the first legislative The most important amendments were made during the first legislative term of the parliament. The first of these, as mentioned above, was the 1909 amendments term of the parliament. The first of these, as mentioned above, was the 1909 amendments that enabled the transition to a fully parliamentary regime. However, later on, as the that enabled the transition to a fully parliamentary regime. However, later on, as the oppositionopposition in the parliament became a threat to the CUP power, the CUP proposed a new in the parliament became a threat to the CUP power, the CUP proposed a new amendment to the constitution in 1911 as a purely political measure. This proposal, in amendment to the constitution in 1911 as a purely political measure. This proposal, in contrast to the 1909 amendments, wanted to give the sultan the right to easily dissolve the contrast to the 1909 amendments, wanted to give the sultan the right to easily dissolve the pparliament again with an amendment to Articles 7 and 35 of the constitution.arliament again with an amendment to Articles 7 and 35 of the constitution.187 This 1911 This 1911 proposal for constitutional amendment could only be realised in 1914, the beginning of the proposal for constitutional amendment could only be realised in 1914, the beginning of the third legislative term. The other amendments made to the Constitution were of secondary third legislative term. The other amendments made to the Constitution were of secondary nature compared to the amendments made in 1909 and 1914. These amenature compared to the amendments made in 1909 and 1914. These amendments were in the ndments were in the form of changing the previously amended articles again in order to create a constitutional form of changing the previously amended articles again in order to create a constitutional regime favourable to the power of the CUP. All of these amendments were made in an regime favourable to the power of the CUP. All of these amendments were made in an environment where the CUP was in power alone and there was no environment where the CUP was in power alone and there was no opposition. opposition.
182 DemirciDemirci, p. 90. , p. 90.
183 DemirciDemirci, p.89., p.89.
184 Kuyaş, Ahmet Kuyaş, Ahmet (2008) ‘II. Meşrutiyet, Türk (2008) ‘II. Meşrutiyet, Türk Devrimi Tarihi ve Bugünkü Türkiye’ Doğu Batı Düşünce Devrimi Tarihi ve Bugünkü Türkiye’ Doğu Batı Düşünce Dergisi, V:1, N:45, pDergisi, V:1, N:45, p. . 56.56.
185 KuyaşKuyaş, p. 52., p. 52.
186 TunayaTunaya (2001), p. 20. (2001), p. 20.
187 Tanör Tanör (2021),(2021), p. 200, p. 200, AkşinAkşin (1980), p. 195, (1980), p. 195, ShawShaw, p. 348. , p. 348.
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During the CUP period, important steps were taken in the establishment of some
During the CUP period, important steps were taken in the establishment of some concepts and practices other than the concepts of parliament and constitution, which concepts and practices other than the concepts of parliament and constitution, which constitute the basis of the concept of democracy. First of all, Constitutional Monarchy II lconstitute the basis of the concept of democracy. First of all, Constitutional Monarchy II led ed to the emergence of associations and parties around certain to the emergence of associations and parties around certain political, culturalpolitical, cultural, , socialsocial, and , and economiceconomical al ideas and in line with a common goal.ideas and in line with a common goal.188 In this context, with the effect of the In this context, with the effect of the atmosphere of freedom that emerged with the declaration of the atmosphere of freedom that emerged with the declaration of the Second Constitutional Second Constitutional PeriodPeriod in 1908, organisations on every subject started to be established in the empire. The in 1908, organisations on every subject started to be established in the empire. The CUP first joined the political arena as a society, and then it was announced that the society CUP first joined the political arena as a society, and then it was announced that the society was transformed into a party at its secret congress in 1908.was transformed into a party at its secret congress in 1908.189 However, the Society However, the Society continued its activities secretly and this situation led to a duality between the Society and continued its activities secretly and this situation led to a duality between the Society and the party. This dichotomy ended with the the party. This dichotomy ended with the CUPCUP's announcement at its congress in 1913 that 's announcement at its congress in 1913 that the Society had definitively transformed into a political party.the Society had definitively transformed into a political party.190 Apart from the CUP, Apart from the CUP, political parties that did not have a great power in the parliament and could not complete political parties that did not have a great power in the parliament and could not complete their organisation were also established in the Empire.their organisation were also established in the Empire.
The transition to a constitutional parliamentary system with the declaration of
The transition to a constitutional parliamentary system with the declaration of Second Second Constitutional PeriodConstitutional Period also led to the emergence of a multialso led to the emergence of a multi--party political system. The ideal party political system. The ideal of parliamentary government has maintained itself as a permanent issue in the same sense as of parliamentary government has maintained itself as a permanent issue in the same sense as the multithe multi--party regime.party regime.191 The The Second Constitutional PeriodSecond Constitutional Period period was a multiperiod was a multi--party regime party regime for the first five years (1908for the first five years (1908--1913) and a single1913) and a single--party regime for the last five years (1913party regime for the last five years (1913--1918) after the Bab1918) after the Bab--ı Ali Coup in 1913.ı Ali Coup in 1913.192
One of the most
One of the most substantialsubstantial elements of the multielements of the multi--party parliamentary regime is party parliamentary regime is elections. In this context, the constitution, which came back into force with the declaration elections. In this context, the constitution, which came back into force with the declaration of the Constitutional Monarchy in 1908, amended the electoral system in the field of political of the Constitutional Monarchy in 1908, amended the electoral system in the field of political freedoms and efreedoms and extended the right to vote. Four general elections were held during the xtended the right to vote. Four general elections were held during the Second Second Constitutional PeriodConstitutional Period.. The first election was held in 1908 based on the The first election was held in 1908 based on the indirectindirect election election system with the approval of the election law enacted during system with the approval of the election law enacted during the First Constitutional the First Constitutional Monarchy.Monarchy.193 The CUP and the Party of Ottoman Liberals participated in this election, but The CUP and the Party of Ottoman Liberals participated in this election, but the CUP won the election by a wide margin.the CUP won the election by a wide margin.194 The second general election was held in 1912. The second general election was held in 1912.
188 KarpatKarpat (2021)(2021), p. 54. , p. 54.
189 Tunaya Tunaya (1988), p. 28.(1988), p. 28.
190 ÇavdarÇavdar, p. 151, , p. 151, Tanör Tanör (2021), (2021), p. 202.p. 202.
191 Tunaya Tunaya (1998a), p. 33.(1998a), p. 33.
192 Tunaya Tunaya (1988), p. 7.(1988), p. 7.
193 Tanör Tanör (2021),(2021), p. 183. p. 183.
194 ZürcherZürcher (2010)(2010), p. 148, , p. 148, Tanör Tanör (2021),(2021), p. 183.p. 183.
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This election was held under the pressure of the CUP as a result of the defeat of the candidate
This election was held under the pressure of the CUP as a result of the defeat of the candidate of the Party of Freedom and Understanding (Hürriyet ve İtilaf Fırkası) by one vote in a byof the Party of Freedom and Understanding (Hürriyet ve İtilaf Fırkası) by one vote in a by--election held in 1911, and therefore it was called the “election withelection held in 1911, and therefore it was called the “election with the stick”.the stick”.195 The third The third general election was held in 1914 and the CUP participated in this election as a single general election was held in 1914 and the CUP participated in this election as a single party.party.196 CUP won all these three elections held between 1908CUP won all these three elections held between 1908--1918. The fourth general 1918. The fourth general election was held in 1919.election was held in 1919.197
The establishment of political associations and parties in the CUP Period also ensured
The establishment of political associations and parties in the CUP Period also ensured the participation of the public in political life.the participation of the public in political life.198 In this context, there was an increase in the In this context, there was an increase in the number of individuals participating in political life. This situation was expressed as the rise number of individuals participating in political life. This situation was expressed as the rise of those living in the empire to the level of citizenship.of those living in the empire to the level of citizenship.199 Thinking that the Constitutional Thinking that the Constitutional Monarchy was a way of life that needed to be preserved, every individual started to research Monarchy was a way of life that needed to be preserved, every individual started to research and make recommendations about the future of the empire, considering that they were a part and make recommendations about the future of the empire, considering that they were a part of politics. Moreover, thanks to each of politics. Moreover, thanks to each individual who became a citizen, public opinion and individual who became a citizen, public opinion and the tools that influenced public opinion began to take their place in society for the first time the tools that influenced public opinion began to take their place in society for the first time in Ottoman history.in Ottoman history.200 Despite the policies of the CUP restricting political life and freedoms, Despite the policies of the CUP restricting political life and freedoms, parties, associations, newspapers, books and magazines that emerged during this period were parties, associations, newspapers, books and magazines that emerged during this period were concrete evidences showing that the individual's interest in politics increased significanconcrete evidences showing that the individual's interest in politics increased significantly tly in this period, revealing and influencing public opinion.in this period, revealing and influencing public opinion.
In addition, with the constitutionalism, which began to be considered as a political
In addition, with the constitutionalism, which began to be considered as a political concept as well as a form of government in this period, the individual took his place as a concept as well as a form of government in this period, the individual took his place as a party against the state and the government.party against the state and the government.201 In a manner unprecedented in the history of In a manner unprecedented in the history of Turkey until this period, the individual thought that the exercise of power was related to his Turkey until this period, the individual thought that the exercise of power was related to his own political, social, cultural and economic life, and considered it a function to think, advise own political, social, cultural and economic life, and considered it a function to think, advise and, if necessary, and, if necessary, intervene in this matter, in other words, to be a partner in power.intervene in this matter, in other words, to be a partner in power.202 The The idea that the administration of the state and the government was not a private sphere idea that the administration of the state and the government was not a private sphere belonging only to the sultan and the bureaucracy, that the nation could hold the government belonging only to the sultan and the bureaucracy, that the nation could hold the government to account when necessary, and that all the rulers of the state were servto account when necessary, and that all the rulers of the state were servants to the individual ants to the individual
195 Tanör Tanör (2021),(2021), p. 200, p. 200, ZürcherZürcher (2010)(2010), p. 158, , p. 158, AkşinAkşin (2021), p. 73. (2021), p. 73.
196 Tunaya Tunaya (1988), p. 27.(1988), p. 27.
197 TunayaTunaya (1998a), p. 35.(1998a), p. 35.
198 KarpatKarpat (2021)(2021), p. 54., p. 54.
199 Tunaya Tunaya (1998a), p. 39. (1998a), p. 39.
200 Tunaya Tunaya (1960), p. 214. (1960), p. 214.
201 KaraKara (2020a), p. 99.(2020a), p. 99.
202 TunayaTunaya (1998a), p. 40.(1998a), p. 40.
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began to be adopted.
began to be adopted.203 In this way, the position of the individual in Ottoman society was reIn this way, the position of the individual in Ottoman society was re--established.established.
Democracy appears as a regime that can keep its enemies and friends together and is
Democracy appears as a regime that can keep its enemies and friends together and is strengthened by allowing room for strengthened by allowing room for opposing views.opposing views.204 In this context, one of the prominent In this context, one of the prominent concepts related to democracy in the CUP period was “opposition”. Especially with the concepts related to democracy in the CUP period was “opposition”. Especially with the constitutional regime, the concept of party came to the forefront and the press, which was constitutional regime, the concept of party came to the forefront and the press, which was the source and basis of the political the source and basis of the political and intellectual development that prepared the and intellectual development that prepared the Second Second Constitutional PeriodConstitutional Period, became a platform where opinions could be expressed freely without , became a platform where opinions could be expressed freely without being under pressure, which led to the most effective opposition to the CUP coming from being under pressure, which led to the most effective opposition to the CUP coming from political parties and the press. In this way, the empire began to enter into a real political political parties and the press. In this way, the empire began to enter into a real political strugstruggle.gle.205
It is also necessary to mention how and how the opposition that emerged in this period
It is also necessary to mention how and how the opposition that emerged in this period was formed. In this context, very soon after the proclamation of was formed. In this context, very soon after the proclamation of Second Constitutional Second Constitutional PeriodPeriod, opposition to the CUP started to form in the empire. The first sign of this was the , opposition to the CUP started to form in the empire. The first sign of this was the Party of Ottoman Liberals, founded by Prince Sabahattin and his supporters as a rival to the Party of Ottoman Liberals, founded by Prince Sabahattin and his supporters as a rival to the CUP in the parliamentary elections held for the first time in 1908.CUP in the parliamentary elections held for the first time in 1908.206 Apart from the Party of Apart from the Party of Ottoman Liberals, opposition parties such as the Ottoman Democrat Party, the Party of Ottoman Liberals, opposition parties such as the Ottoman Democrat Party, the Party of Moderate Liberals (Mutedil Hürriyetperveran Fırkası) and the People’s Party (Ahali Fırkası) Moderate Liberals (Mutedil Hürriyetperveran Fırkası) and the People’s Party (Ahali Fırkası) were also founded, which were also supported by membewere also founded, which were also supported by members of parliamrs of parliamentent of some ethnic of some ethnic groups.groups.207 The programme of almost all opposition parties established in this period was The programme of almost all opposition parties established in this period was dominated by the politics of revenge against the CUP.dominated by the politics of revenge against the CUP.208 This situation also affected the This situation also affected the multimulti--party political regime. These parties, which came together around completely party political regime. These parties, which came together around completely destructive ideas and lacked the necessary qualifications to come to power, could not form destructive ideas and lacked the necessary qualifications to come to power, could not form an effective opposition.an effective opposition.209
203 KaraKara (2020a), p. 100. (2020a), p. 100.
204 Karpat Karpat (2021), p. 19. (2021), p. 19.
205 ShawShaw,, SS.. Jaw / Shaw, EJaw / Shaw, E.. KuralKural (1977) History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey Volume (1977) History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey Volume II: Reform, Revolution, and Republic: The Rise of Modern Turkey, 1808II: Reform, Revolution, and Republic: The Rise of Modern Turkey, 1808--1975, 1. Edition, New York, 1975, 1. Edition, New York, Cambridge University Press (Translated by: Harmancı, Mehmet (2010) Osmanlı İmparatorluğu ve ModCambridge University Press (Translated by: Harmancı, Mehmet (2010) Osmanlı İmparatorluğu ve Modern ern Türkiye Türkiye VolumeVolume 2: 2: Reform, Devrim ve Cumhuriyet: Modern Türkiye’nin Doğuşu 1808Reform, Devrim ve Cumhuriyet: Modern Türkiye’nin Doğuşu 1808--1975, 3. Edition, 1975, 3. Edition, İstanbul, E Yayınları) p. 331.İstanbul, E Yayınları) p. 331.
206 ZürcherZürcher (2010)(2010), p. 148, p. 148..
207 AkşinAkşin (2021), p. 70. (2021), p. 70.
208 Tunaya Tunaya (1998a), p. 57.(1998a), p. 57.
209 Tunaya Tunaya (1988), p. 13.(1988), p. 13.
45
Shortly after the Empire's transition to a parliamentary constitutional regime with the
Shortly after the Empire's transition to a parliamentary constitutional regime with the proclamation of the proclamation of the Second Constitutional PeriodSecond Constitutional Period, it went through a problematic period in , it went through a problematic period in terms of foreign policy. The Austriaterms of foreign policy. The Austria--Hungarian Empire annexed BosniaHungarian Empire annexed Bosnia--Herzegovina, Herzegovina, Greece annexed Crete Island and Bulgaria declared its independence.Greece annexed Crete Island and Bulgaria declared its independence.210 All these events All these events strengthened and mobilised the opposition. In such a period, the opposition, supported by strengthened and mobilised the opposition. In such a period, the opposition, supported by the opposition press, carried out its most serious action, the 31 March Incident, and wanted the opposition press, carried out its most serious action, the 31 March Incident, and wanted to eliminate the CUP.to eliminate the CUP.211 However, this incident was However, this incident was restrainedrestrained in a short time. Following the in a short time. Following the incident, the CUP deposed Abdülhamit II and dealt a blow to the system of freedoms that incident, the CUP deposed Abdülhamit II and dealt a blow to the system of freedoms that was being established and accustomed to.was being established and accustomed to.212 With the martial law declared, freedoms of With the martial law declared, freedoms of assembly, association, press and opinion were suspended, the number of publications assembly, association, press and opinion were suspended, the number of publications decreased and most of the political parties were closed.decreased and most of the political parties were closed.213
While these events were taking place in domestic politics triggered by external events,
While these events were taking place in domestic politics triggered by external events, the revolts in Albania and Yementhe revolts in Albania and Yemen214 and the discontent in domestic politics due to the social and the discontent in domestic politics due to the social and political pressures exerted by the CUP led to the formation of an opposition called “New and political pressures exerted by the CUP led to the formation of an opposition called “New Party (HizbParty (Hizb--i Cedit)” from within the parliamentary group of the CUP itself.i Cedit)” from within the parliamentary group of the CUP itself.215 This group This group published its demands with a tenpublished its demands with a ten--point programme. This opposition within the party caused point programme. This opposition within the party caused divisions within the CUP and damaged the power and reputation of the party.divisions within the CUP and damaged the power and reputation of the party.216 This This opposition within the CUP was resolved in a party congress held in 1911.opposition within the CUP was resolved in a party congress held in 1911.217
In 1911, the opposition reached its peak. As a concrete consequence of this situation,
In 1911, the opposition reached its peak. As a concrete consequence of this situation, all opposition elements against the CUP founded a party called The Party of Freedom and all opposition elements against the CUP founded a party called The Party of Freedom and Understanding.Understanding.218 With the establishment of this party, most of the previously disorganised With the establishment of this party, most of the previously disorganised opposition was gathered under a single roof and the party became the most powerful opposition was gathered under a single roof and the party became the most powerful opposition party of the opposition party of the Second Constitutional PeriodSecond Constitutional Period period. The party had a completely period. The party had a completely
210 BayurBayur, (1991a), p. 217, , (1991a), p. 217, ShawShaw / Shaw/ Shaw, p. 332, , p. 332, LewisLewis, p. 290., p. 290.
211 ArtuçArtuç, p. 79., p. 79.
212 Tanör Tanör (2021),(2021), p. 198, p. 198, LewisLewis, p. 297., p. 297.
213 TunayaTunaya, , TT. . Zafer Zafer (1998b) İslamcılık Cereyanı II, İstanbul, 1. Edition, Yenigün Haber Ajansı, p. 64(1998b) İslamcılık Cereyanı II, İstanbul, 1. Edition, Yenigün Haber Ajansı, p. 64..
214 Bayur, Yusuf HBayur, Yusuf H. (1991b) Türk İnkilabı Tarihi Volume: II, Part: I, Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu . (1991b) Türk İnkilabı Tarihi Volume: II, Part: I, Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, p. 197Yayınları, p. 197--230. 230.
215 LewisLewis, , p. 298.p. 298.
216 Akşin Akşin (1980), p. 185. (1980), p. 185.
217 The CUP organised nine congresses between 1909 and 1918. The congresses organised in 1908, The CUP organised nine congresses between 1909 and 1918. The congresses organised in 1908, 1909, 1910 and 1911 were held secretly in Thessaloniki, while the congresses held in 1912, 1913, 1916, 1917 1909, 1910 and 1911 were held secretly in Thessaloniki, while the congresses held in 1912, 1913, 1916, 1917 and 1918 were held in Istanbul. For the congresses organand 1918 were held in Istanbul. For the congresses organised by the Cised by the CUPUP and the decisions taken in these and the decisions taken in these congresses see also: congresses see also: TunayaTunaya (1988), p. 28(1988), p. 28--3131
218 For detailed information on the establishment and activities of The Party of Freedom and For detailed information on the establishment and activities of The Party of Freedom and Understanding see also: Understanding see also: Tunaya Tunaya (1988) p. 263(1988) p. 263--286.286.
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heterogeneous and incompatible structure.
heterogeneous and incompatible structure.219 However, what united the party was to remove However, what united the party was to remove the CUP from power and end the monopoly they had established over the system.the CUP from power and end the monopoly they had established over the system.220 Very Very soon after its foundation, the party surprised everyone by defeating the IT candidate, who soon after its foundation, the party surprised everyone by defeating the IT candidate, who was thought to be unrivalled, by a margin of one vote in a bywas thought to be unrivalled, by a margin of one vote in a by--election for Istanbul deputy.election for Istanbul deputy.221 In order to prevent this growing opposition and to regain control of the parliament, the CUP In order to prevent this growing opposition and to regain control of the parliament, the CUP wanted to pass a bill in 1911 to facilitate the dissolution of the parliament.wanted to pass a bill in 1911 to facilitate the dissolution of the parliament.222 However, the However, the bill was not passed by the Parliament and the Parliament was dissolved and it was decided bill was not passed by the Parliament and the Parliament was dissolved and it was decided to go to elections. In 1912, the election called “election with a stick” was held. As a result to go to elections. In 1912, the election called “election with a stick” was held. As a result of the election, CUP got what it wanted and completely of the election, CUP got what it wanted and completely dominated the parliament.dominated the parliament.223 The The fact that the CUP dissolved the Parliament and regained the monopoly of power through fact that the CUP dissolved the Parliament and regained the monopoly of power through early elections and the continuation of martial law led to further anger of the opposition and early elections and the continuation of martial law led to further anger of the opposition and public disillusionment and disbelief in the system.public disillusionment and disbelief in the system.224 This time in 1912, an opposition group This time in 1912, an opposition group called “Saviour Officers (Halaskar Zabitan)” emerged within the army.called “Saviour Officers (Halaskar Zabitan)” emerged within the army.225 As a result of the As a result of the opposition's pressures, the CUP was removed from power and became the opposition for a opposition's pressures, the CUP was removed from power and became the opposition for a short period of time.short period of time.226 During this period, the CUP was subjected to a policy of oppression During this period, the CUP was subjected to a policy of oppression and intimidation by the government formed by the opposition and with the effect of martial and intimidation by the government formed by the opposition and with the effect of martial law.law. 227 In 1913, the CUP seized power again with a coupIn 1913, the CUP seized power again with a coup and held the government alone and held the government alone until 1918.until 1918.228
In 1908, with the declaration of the
In 1908, with the declaration of the Second Constitutional PeriodSecond Constitutional Period, which caused an , which caused an unprecedented atmosphere of freedom, the traditional understanding of sovereignty in the unprecedented atmosphere of freedom, the traditional understanding of sovereignty in the Ottoman Empire, which had lasted for centuries, was overthrown and a Ottoman Empire, which had lasted for centuries, was overthrown and a libertarian and libertarian and democratic state structure was aimed to be established instead. In order to realise this aim, democratic state structure was aimed to be established instead. In order to realise this aim, elements indispensable for developed societies such as freedom, constitution, elements indispensable for developed societies such as freedom, constitution, parliamentarism and equality constituted the basic principles of theparliamentarism and equality constituted the basic principles of the CUP. In this context, CUP. In this context, institutions and concepts such as parliament, elections, multiinstitutions and concepts such as parliament, elections, multi--party political system and party political system and
219 AhmadAhmad (1999)(1999), p. 127, , p. 127, YalçınYalçın, , HH. . Cahit Cahit (2000) Siyasal Anılar, 2. Edition, İstanbul, Türkiye İş (2000) Siyasal Anılar, 2. Edition, İstanbul, Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları, p. 230. Bankası Kültür Yayınları, p. 230.
220 Akşin Akşin (2021), p. 72, (2021), p. 72, YalçınYalçın, p. 230. , p. 230.
221 LewisLewis, p. 300. , p. 300.
222 AkşinAkşin (1980), p. 194,(1980), p. 194, ShawShaw / Shaw/ Shaw, p. 348. , p. 348.
223 ZürcherZürcher (2010)(2010), p. 158, , p. 158, Tanör Tanör (2021),(2021), p. 200, p. 200, Karpat Karpat (2021), p. 112. (2021), p. 112.
224 AhmadAhmad (1999)(1999), p. 134. , p. 134.
225 LewisLewis, p. 302, , p. 302, Tanör Tanör (2021),(2021), p. 200. p. 200. For detailed information on the establishment and activities of For detailed information on the establishment and activities of the Saviour Officers see also: the Saviour Officers see also: Tunaya Tunaya (1988) p.(1988) p. 313313--337. 337.
226 KarpatKarpat (2021)(2021), p. 112, p. 112..
227 AhmadAhmad (1999)(1999), p. 139, , p. 139, ZürcherZürcher, p. 159. , p. 159.
228 KarpatKarpat (2021)(2021), p. 112. , p. 112.
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opposition, which can be considered as the basic principles of democracy, were introduced.
opposition, which can be considered as the basic principles of democracy, were introduced. The individual was enabled to take an active role in the field of politics and thus the concept The individual was enabled to take an active role in the field of politics and thus the concept of "citizenship" was developed. With the expansion of the political mof "citizenship" was developed. With the expansion of the political mass, a public opinion ass, a public opinion was formed, even if it was not developed enough to control the government.was formed, even if it was not developed enough to control the government.229 In addition, In addition, the different answers given to the most important question of the Constitutional Monarchy the different answers given to the most important question of the Constitutional Monarchy Period, “How can this state be saved?” led to the formation of political idea currents such as Period, “How can this state be saved?” led to the formation of political idea currents such as Westernism, Turkism and Islamism. The currents of politicWesternism, Turkism and Islamism. The currents of political ideas that emerged during this al ideas that emerged during this period demonstrated for the first time in Ottoman history that, within a limited atmosphere period demonstrated for the first time in Ottoman history that, within a limited atmosphere of freedom, ideas about the future of the state could develop, public opinion could be of freedom, ideas about the future of the state could develop, public opinion could be prepared and an effective political force cprepared and an effective political force could emerge in all matters concerning political ould emerge in all matters concerning political life.life.230 Intellectuals who adopted different political thought currents and viewed social Intellectuals who adopted different political thought currents and viewed social events from different perspectives provided the public with the opportunity to understand events from different perspectives provided the public with the opportunity to understand social, social, economic economic and and politicalpolitical life. In addition, the Unionists laid the foundations of the life. In addition, the Unionists laid the foundations of the transition to the Republic of Turkey by making a political synthesis of the social, political, transition to the Republic of Turkey by making a political synthesis of the social, political, economic and cultural developments since Tanzimat Reform Era.economic and cultural developments since Tanzimat Reform Era.231 The intellectuals The intellectuals representing the political thought life of the period and their works were instrumental in a representing the political thought life of the period and their works were instrumental in a period of intellectual enlightenment that prepared the Republicperiod of intellectual enlightenment that prepared the Republic232 and enabled the training and enabled the training of people who would take part in the qualified cadres of the newly established state. The of people who would take part in the qualified cadres of the newly established state. The Unionists' idea of a national and secular state and legal order formed the spiritual foundation Unionists' idea of a national and secular state and legal order formed the spiritual foundation of the Republic of Turkey.of the Republic of Turkey.233
In other respects
In other respects, while the absolute will and power of the sultan was limited by the , while the absolute will and power of the sultan was limited by the nation itself and important institutions and concepts were developed in the context of the nation itself and important institutions and concepts were developed in the context of the concept of democracy with the Ottoman Basic, which was put back into force with the concept of democracy with the Ottoman Basic, which was put back into force with the proclamationproclamation of the Constitutional Monarchy, the Unionists, who thought that the nation of the Constitutional Monarchy, the Unionists, who thought that the nation could not fully exercise the rights and powers given to it considering the conditions it was could not fully exercise the rights and powers given to it considering the conditions it was in, wanted to seize power based on both the sultan and the nation.in, wanted to seize power based on both the sultan and the nation.234 Instead of the Instead of the administration of Abdülhamit II, which was opposed and wanted to be terminated because it administration of Abdülhamit II, which was opposed and wanted to be terminated because it was characterised as an oppressive regime, institutions and governments that adopted the was characterised as an oppressive regime, institutions and governments that adopted the same style of government were established. After the 31 Marchsame style of government were established. After the 31 March Incident, although steps were Incident, although steps were
229 TunayaTunaya (1998a), p. 101. (1998a), p. 101.
230 TunayaTunaya (1960), p. 97.(1960), p. 97.
231 KarpatKarpat (2021)(2021), p. 53. , p. 53.
232 İnalcıkİnalcık¸p. 13.¸p. 13.
233 TunayaTunaya (1998a), p. 100. (1998a), p. 100.
234 Kara Kara (2020a), p. 116. (2020a), p. 116.
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taken to fully realise the idea of parliamentary and multi
taken to fully realise the idea of parliamentary and multi--party constitutionalism, this idea party constitutionalism, this idea could only be realised on paper, could never be brought down to the people and adopted by could only be realised on paper, could never be brought down to the people and adopted by the society. Especially after this event, the CUP, in order to dominate the society. Especially after this event, the CUP, in order to dominate both the legislature and both the legislature and the executive, changed the system in line with its own interests and proceeded towards the executive, changed the system in line with its own interests and proceeded towards establishing a oneestablishing a one--party rule. It used the democratic concepts and institutions it defended as party rule. It used the democratic concepts and institutions it defended as tools to cover the oppressive onetools to cover the oppressive one--party regime itparty regime it established.established.235 Moreover, due to its Moreover, due to its intolerance of opposition and limited opposition understanding, the CUP pursued oppressive intolerance of opposition and limited opposition understanding, the CUP pursued oppressive and intolerant policies against any kind of opposition that might pose a threat to its power. and intolerant policies against any kind of opposition that might pose a threat to its power. This situation led to the prevention of social anThis situation led to the prevention of social and economic creativity.d economic creativity.236 It also made it It also made it impossible to implement the principle of open governmentimpossible to implement the principle of open government237, which is one of the most , which is one of the most important elements of the democratic system. In all this context, the following sentence of important elements of the democratic system. In all this context, the following sentence of Yusuf Hikmet Bayur about the Second Constitutional Period was quite explanatory: Yusuf Hikmet Bayur about the Second Constitutional Period was quite explanatory: “Few “Few movements in the world have given rise to such great hopes as the Ottoman Constitutional movements in the world have given rise to such great hopes as the Ottoman Constitutional Monarchy, and few movements have so quickly disproved the hopes that they gave birth Monarchy, and few movements have so quickly disproved the hopes that they gave birth to.”to.”238
235 TunayaTunaya (1998a), p. 64.(1998a), p. 64.
236 Mardin Mardin (2020a), p. 189. (2020a), p. 189.
237 This principle is defined as the party or parties that win the elections in a multiThis principle is defined as the party or parties that win the elections in a multi--party parliamentary party parliamentary regime coming to power. An oligarchic regime may occur in a regime where this principle is not applied, that regime coming to power. An oligarchic regime may occur in a regime where this principle is not applied, that is, the power is closed to future powers. is, the power is closed to future powers. Tunaya Tunaya (1988), p. 99. (1988), p. 99.
238 BayurBayur (1991a), p. 61.(1991a), p. 61.
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4
4. . THE FIRST YEARS OF THE STATE OF TURKEY AND THE FIRST YEARS OF THE STATE OF TURKEY AND DEMOCRACYDEMOCRACY
4
4.1. Opening of the Turkish Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TGNA) and the .1. Opening of the Turkish Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TGNA) and the First First Period of the TGNAPeriod of the TGNA
During the difficult process of the National Struggle, the existence of an organisation
During the difficult process of the National Struggle, the existence of an organisation that had “founding” qualities, that fully displayed the fighting spirit, that had the authority that had “founding” qualities, that fully displayed the fighting spirit, that had the authority to represent the citizens and that could to represent the citizens and that could leledd up toup to the liberation of the country began to be felt the liberation of the country began to be felt more and more.more and more.239 In order to meet these needs, the Turkish Grand National Assembly of In order to meet these needs, the Turkish Grand National Assembly of TurkeyTurkey was opened on 23 April 1920 with elections held under was opened on 23 April 1920 with elections held under unusualunusual conditions. In order conditions. In order to give religious legitimacy to the inauguration of the Assembly, it was constantly to give religious legitimacy to the inauguration of the Assembly, it was constantly emphasised that the method of governance of the Islamic society was the method of emphasised that the method of governance of the Islamic society was the method of consultation, and the inauguration of the Assembly was especially ticonsultation, and the inauguration of the Assembly was especially timed to coincide with med to coincide with Friday and religious ceremonies and prayers were held.Friday and religious ceremonies and prayers were held.240 In its discourse, the Assembly In its discourse, the Assembly specifically stated that its aim was “to save the Caliphate and the Sultanate, the homeland specifically stated that its aim was “to save the Caliphate and the Sultanate, the homeland and the nation within the principles required by the principle of national sovereignty”and the nation within the principles required by the principle of national sovereignty”241 and and did not openly take a front against the basic elements of the Ottoman Empire in the first did not openly take a front against the basic elements of the Ottoman Empire in the first stage.stage.242 The most important reason for this was that it was necessary to satisfy a very large The most important reason for this was that it was necessary to satisfy a very large conservative mass due to the structure of the parliament and the fact that Turkish society was conservative mass due to the structure of the parliament and the fact that Turkish society was very attached to religious beliefs, traditional and religious institutionvery attached to religious beliefs, traditional and religious institutions.s.243
With the opening of the Parliament, the national resistance was gathered under a single
With the opening of the Parliament, the national resistance was gathered under a single roofroof244, the road to democratisation was opened, the road to democratisation was opened245 and most importantly, the concepts of and most importantly, the concepts of
239 GüneşGüneş, , İhsan İhsan (2009) Birinci TBMM’nin Düşünce Yapısı, 3. Edition, İstanbul, Türkiye İş Bankası (2009) Birinci TBMM’nin Düşünce Yapısı, 3. Edition, İstanbul, Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları, p. 59, Kültür Yayınları, p. 59, DemirelDemirel, , Ahmet Ahmet (2020) Birinci Meclis’te Muhalefet İkinci Grup, I. Edition, İstanbul, (2020) Birinci Meclis’te Muhalefet İkinci Grup, I. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayıncılık, p. 47.İletişim Yayıncılık, p. 47.
240 AkınAkın,, Rıdvan Rıdvan (2001) TBMM Devleti (1920(2001) TBMM Devleti (1920--1923) Birinci Meclis Döneminde Devlet Erkleri ve 1923) Birinci Meclis Döneminde Devlet Erkleri ve İdare, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 48.İdare, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 48.
241 AtatürkAtatürk, , MM. . Kemal Kemal (1969a) Nutuk (1969a) Nutuk VolumeVolume 1: 19191: 1919--1920, 9. Edition, İstanbul, Milli Eğitim 1920, 9. Edition, İstanbul, Milli Eğitim Basımevi, p. 431. Basımevi, p. 431.
242 Demirel Demirel (2020), p. 66, (2020), p. 66, TunayaTunaya, , TT. . ZaferZafer (1981) Devrim Hareketleri İçinde Atatürk ve Atatürkçülük, (1981) Devrim Hareketleri İçinde Atatürk ve Atatürkçülük, 2. Edition, Ankara, Turhan Kitapevi, p. 221. 2. Edition, Ankara, Turhan Kitapevi, p. 221.
243 TunayaTunaya (1981), p. 222.(1981), p. 222.
244 TunayaTunaya, , TT. . ZaferZafer (2002) Türkiye’de Siyasal (2002) Türkiye’de Siyasal Gelişmeler (1876Gelişmeler (1876--1938): Mütareke, Cumhuriyet ve 1938): Mütareke, Cumhuriyet ve Atatürk (1919Atatürk (1919--1938), 1. Edition, İstanbul, İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları, p. 50.1938), 1. Edition, İstanbul, İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları, p. 50.
245 Tanör Tanör (2021),(2021), p. 226. p. 226.
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“national sovereignty” and “popular sovereignty” were fully realised for the first time in
“national sovereignty” and “popular sovereignty” were fully realised for the first time in Turkish history within the framework of a representative democracy.Turkish history within the framework of a representative democracy.246
When we look at the characteristics of the First Assembly opened in Ankara, first of
When we look at the characteristics of the First Assembly opened in Ankara, first of all, this Assembly was a continuation of the democratic political thought that started in the all, this Assembly was a continuation of the democratic political thought that started in the Ottoman periodOttoman period247 and acted with the belief that it was the custodian of national sovereignty and acted with the belief that it was the custodian of national sovereignty and the sole representative of the Turkish people and Turkey.and the sole representative of the Turkish people and Turkey.248 In this context, by adopting In this context, by adopting the principle of popular sovereignty as a political and legal basis, it ensured that our current the principle of popular sovereignty as a political and legal basis, it ensured that our current state and government system was clearly determined and that the concept and elements of state and government system was clearly determined and that the concept and elements of democracy were laid by ensuring unity widemocracy were laid by ensuring unity within democracy.thin democracy.
Another important feature of the First Parliament was that the first period had a fully
Another important feature of the First Parliament was that the first period had a fully pluralistic structure. In this context, the Assembly, where 337 deputies came from 66 pluralistic structure. In this context, the Assembly, where 337 deputies came from 66 electoral districts, had a completely heterogeneous structure.electoral districts, had a completely heterogeneous structure.249 As the representatives of As the representatives of the nation, all the people in the Assembly were united in the aim of ensuring independence the nation, all the people in the Assembly were united in the aim of ensuring independence but had deep differences of opinion on all other issues.but had deep differences of opinion on all other issues.250
A very important change in the Turkish constitutional history in terms of the source
A very important change in the Turkish constitutional history in terms of the source and and implementationimplementation of sovereignty was one of the most important features of the First of sovereignty was one of the most important features of the First Assembly. In this context, considering the extraordinary circumstances, the First Assembly Assembly. In this context, considering the extraordinary circumstances, the First Assembly gathered the three important powers of the state, namely the legislative, executive and gathered the three important powers of the state, namely the legislative, executive and judiciaryjudiciary, within its own body., within its own body.251 The First Assembly, which had a revolutionary character The First Assembly, which had a revolutionary character with this structure, adopted the parliamentary government system based on the principle of with this structure, adopted the parliamentary government system based on the principle of unity of powers. In this system, the legislature completely dominated the executive and the unity of powers. In this system, the legislature completely dominated the executive and the judiciary, turnijudiciary, turning them into a kind of administrative organ.ng them into a kind of administrative organ.252
246 TunayaTunaya, , TT. . ZaferZafer (2011) ‘Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi Hükümetinin Kuruluşu ve Siyasi Karakteri’ (2011) ‘Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi Hükümetinin Kuruluşu ve Siyasi Karakteri’ Journal of Istanbul Faculty of Law, V:23, N: 3Journal of Istanbul Faculty of Law, V:23, N: 3--4, p. 227, 4, p. 227, TunayaTunaya (2002), p. 58.(2002), p. 58.
247 ErdoğanErdoğan, , Mustafa Mustafa ‘Siyasal Sistem, Devlet ve Rejim’: Eren, Güler (Editor) (1998) Cumhuriyet ‘Siyasal Sistem, Devlet ve Rejim’: Eren, Güler (Editor) (1998) Cumhuriyet 19231923--1998 Dönemi Değerlendirmesi Volume II Siyasal Değerlendirme, I. Edition, Ankara, Yeni Türkiye, p. 1998 Dönemi Değerlendirmesi Volume II Siyasal Değerlendirme, I. Edition, Ankara, Yeni Türkiye, p. 802. 802.
248 KarpatKarpat (2021)(2021), p. 131., p. 131.
249 Different sources mention different numbers about the number of members of the First Assembly. Different sources mention different numbers about the number of members of the First Assembly. About the number of members in the Assembly see also: About the number of members in the Assembly see also: Akın Akın (2001), p. 67(2001), p. 67--70, 70, VelidedeoğluVelidedeoğlu, , HH, , VeldetVeldet (1990) İlk Meclis: Millî Mücadele’de Anadolu, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Çağdaş Yayınları, p. 15.(1990) İlk Meclis: Millî Mücadele’de Anadolu, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Çağdaş Yayınları, p. 15.
250 ÖzbudunÖzbudun, , ErgunErgun (2016) Otoriter Rejimler, Seçimsel Demokrasiler ve Türkiye, 2. Edition, İstanbul, (2016) Otoriter Rejimler, Seçimsel Demokrasiler ve Türkiye, 2. Edition, İstanbul, Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları, p. 77. Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları, p. 77.
251 SoysalSoysal, , Mümtaz / Mümtaz / SağlamSağlam, , Fazıl Fazıl ‘Türkiye’de Anayasalar’: Belge, Murat (Editor) (1983) ‘Türkiye’de Anayasalar’: Belge, Murat (Editor) (1983) Cumhuriyet Dönemi Türkiye Ansiklopedisi Volume 1, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 22.Cumhuriyet Dönemi Türkiye Ansiklopedisi Volume 1, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 22.
252 Akın Akın (2001), p. 221. (2001), p. 221.
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Moreover, the adoption of the unity of powers
Moreover, the adoption of the unity of powers led up toled up to the establishment of a new the establishment of a new state and this system was used as a legal instrument in the overthrow of the Ottoman state and this system was used as a legal instrument in the overthrow of the Ottoman monarchy.monarchy.253 Of course, this revolutionary and constitutive organisation of the Assembly did Of course, this revolutionary and constitutive organisation of the Assembly did not take place in an instant, and various stages were passed from the opening of the Assembly not take place in an instant, and various stages were passed from the opening of the Assembly until the adoption of the Constitution.until the adoption of the Constitution.
The First Assembly, which had a constituent and revolutionary character, started by
The First Assembly, which had a constituent and revolutionary character, started by consolidating its authority by banning any opposition other than itself. In this context, the consolidating its authority by banning any opposition other than itself. In this context, the Assembly underlined that it was the only authorised and legitimate body throuAssembly underlined that it was the only authorised and legitimate body through the Law gh the Law on Treason and the Independence Courts. The enactment of this law and the functioning of on Treason and the Independence Courts. The enactment of this law and the functioning of these courts under the authority of the Assembly demonstrated that the Assembly had the these courts under the authority of the Assembly demonstrated that the Assembly had the judicial authority in addition to the legislative and executive powejudicial authority in addition to the legislative and executive powers.rs.254
4.1.
4.1.11. . Adoption of the Law on the Fundamental Organization (TeşkilatAdoption of the Law on the Fundamental Organization (Teşkilat--ı Esasiye ı Esasiye Kanunu)Kanunu)
The First Assembly also paved the way for very important steps to be taken
The First Assembly also paved the way for very important steps to be taken as part ofas part of the concept of democracy and the establishment of a democratic administration. the concept of democracy and the establishment of a democratic administration. In this In this context, one of the most context, one of the most significantsignificant acts of the First Assembly was the adoption of the Law acts of the First Assembly was the adoption of the Law on Fundamental Organization (Teşkilaton Fundamental Organization (Teşkilat--ı Esasiye Kanunu) on 20 January 1921, which ı Esasiye Kanunu) on 20 January 1921, which marked the transition from Ottoman constitutionalism to Turkish constitutionalism and marked the transition from Ottoman constitutionalism to Turkish constitutionalism and determined the structure of the determined the structure of the state and the legal framework of the parliamentary state and the legal framework of the parliamentary government system. This document was a first in terms of expressing that sovereiggovernment system. This document was a first in terms of expressing that sovereignty passed nty passed to the nation and was directly represented by the Parliament.to the nation and was directly represented by the Parliament.255 In this way, the right to In this way, the right to sovereignty was taken from the monarch and given to the nation, and the concept of national sovereignty was taken from the monarch and given to the nation, and the concept of national sovereignty, which is the basis of the republican regime, was accepted, although its name sovereignty, which is the basis of the republican regime, was accepted, although its name was not explicitly stated.was not explicitly stated.256 Moreover, with this Constitution, the principles of national Moreover, with this Constitution, the principles of national sovereignty and popular government, which had been advocated since the beginning of the sovereignty and popular government, which had been advocated since the beginning of the National Struggle, and the parliamentary government system based on the unity of powers National Struggle, and the parliamentary government system based on the unity of powers
253 TurhanTurhan, , MehmetMehmet (1991) ‘Meclis Hükümeti (Konvansiyon Kuramı)’ Ankara Üniversitesi Siyasal (1991) ‘Meclis Hükümeti (Konvansiyon Kuramı)’ Ankara Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi Dergisi, V:46, N:1, p.Bilgiler Fakültesi Dergisi, V:46, N:1, p. 459.459.
254ÖzoğluÖzoğlu, , Hakan Hakan (2011) From Caliphate to Secular State: Power Struggle in The Early Turkish (2011) From Caliphate to Secular State: Power Struggle in The Early Turkish Republic, 1. Edition, United States of America, Praeger, p. 81.Republic, 1. Edition, United States of America, Praeger, p. 81.
255 Akın Akın (2001), p. 201.(2001), p. 201.
256 ParlaParla, , Taha Taha (1991) Türkiye’de Anayasalar, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 13.(1991) Türkiye’de Anayasalar, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 13.
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were given a constitutional framework, and it was emphasised that despite the existence of
were given a constitutional framework, and it was emphasised that despite the existence of the sultan and the caliph, the Parliament was sovereign over the fate of the country on behalf the sultan and the caliph, the Parliament was sovereign over the fate of the country on behalf of the nation and had all powers.of the nation and had all powers.257 Thanks to the Constitution, the hierarchy of relations in Thanks to the Constitution, the hierarchy of relations in liberal parliamentary democracies consisting of national sovereignty (the people), liberal parliamentary democracies consisting of national sovereignty (the people), parliament (legislative), government (executive) and bureaucracy was clearly and explicitly parliament (legislative), government (executive) and bureaucracy was clearly and explicitly defined.defined.258
Before the 1921 Constitution was adopted, some of the issues expressed in the
Before the 1921 Constitution was adopted, some of the issues expressed in the Parliament appear as points that need to be mentioned in the context of the concept of Parliament appear as points that need to be mentioned in the context of the concept of democracy. In this context, during the parliamentary debates on the Constitution, some democracy. In this context, during the parliamentary debates on the Constitution, some depudeputies defended professional representation, which was considered as the only way to ties defended professional representation, which was considered as the only way to develop the idea of populismdevelop the idea of populism259, and the , and the direct direct electoral system, which was more democratic electoral system, which was more democratic because it could fully reflect the will of the people.because it could fully reflect the will of the people.260 In addition, during the negotiations in In addition, during the negotiations in which the duties and powers of the Assembly and the president of the Assembly were which the duties and powers of the Assembly and the president of the Assembly were determined, it was understood that the Sultan was removed from the state administration and determined, it was understood that the Sultan was removed from the state administration and all authority was given to the Assembly,all authority was given to the Assembly, the sole representative of the nation.the sole representative of the nation.261
The discussions on the duties and powers of the Assembly and the president of the
The discussions on the duties and powers of the Assembly and the president of the Assembly and the decision taken on this issue were the source of an important debate during Assembly and the decision taken on this issue were the source of an important debate during the period. In this context, the fact that Mustafa Kemal ensured that steps were tthe period. In this context, the fact that Mustafa Kemal ensured that steps were taken in order aken in order not to narrow the government's sphere of action against the Assembly, and that he caused a not to narrow the government's sphere of action against the Assembly, and that he caused a concentration of authority by assuming the titles of both the Speaker of the Assembly and concentration of authority by assuming the titles of both the Speaker of the Assembly and the head of the government in his person, led to the failure the head of the government in his person, led to the failure to fully implement the principles to fully implement the principles of supremacy of the legislature and unity of powers stated in the Constitution.of supremacy of the legislature and unity of powers stated in the Constitution.262 This This situation caused the executive to take a much more active role than the legislature.situation caused the executive to take a much more active role than the legislature.263 In other In other words, there were great differences in the theory and practice of the political process. As a words, there were great differences in the theory and practice of the political process. As a matter of fact, these issues remained on the agenda until the end of the Assembly's activity matter of fact, these issues remained on the agenda until the end of the Assembly's activity
257 ÇokerÇoker, , Fahri Fahri (1994) Türk Parlamento Tarihi Millî Mücadele ve TBMM 1. Dönem 1919(1994) Türk Parlamento Tarihi Millî Mücadele ve TBMM 1. Dönem 1919--1923 1.1923 1. VolumeVolume, 1. Edition, Ankara, Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi Vakfı Yayınları, s. 186, 1. Edition, Ankara, Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi Vakfı Yayınları, s. 186
258 ParlaParla (1991)(1991), , p. 13.p. 13.
259 TimurTimur, , Taner Taner (2013) Türk Devrimi ve Sonrası, 7. Edition, Ankara, İmge Kitabevi Yayınları, p. 35. (2013) Türk Devrimi ve Sonrası, 7. Edition, Ankara, İmge Kitabevi Yayınları, p. 35.
260 ÇokerÇoker, p. 181, , p. 181, DemirelDemirel (2020), p. 160. (2020), p. 160.
261 Çavdar Çavdar (2013), p. 214, (2013), p. 214, Demirel Demirel (2020), p. 162.(2020), p. 162.
262 KiliKili, , Suna / GözübüyükSuna / Gözübüyük, , Şeref Şeref (1982) Türk Anayasa Metinleri 1839(1982) Türk Anayasa Metinleri 1839--1980, 2. Edition, Ankara, 1980, 2. Edition, Ankara, Ankara Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi Yayınları, p. 93Ankara Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi Yayınları, p. 93--94, 94, ParlaParla, , Taha Taha (1986) Demokrasi, Anayasalar, (1986) Demokrasi, Anayasalar, Partiler ve Türkiye’nin Siyasal Rejimi Üzerine Yazılar, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Onur Yayınları, p. 16, Partiler ve Türkiye’nin Siyasal Rejimi Üzerine Yazılar, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Onur Yayınları, p. 16, Akın Akın (2001), (2001), p.226, p.226, Demirel Demirel (2020), p.163.(2020), p.163.
263 ÖzbudunÖzbudun, , Ergun Ergun (1992) 1921 Anayasası, 1. Edition, Ankara, Atatürk Kültür, Dil ve Tarih Yüksek (1992) 1921 Anayasası, 1. Edition, Ankara, Atatürk Kültür, Dil ve Tarih Yüksek Kurumu Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayını, p. 72. Kurumu Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayını, p. 72.
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and constituted the main issues of conflict between the First and Second Groups that would
and constituted the main issues of conflict between the First and Second Groups that would later form in the Assembly. In particular, the opposition's defence of the principle of later form in the Assembly. In particular, the opposition's defence of the principle of parliamentary supremacy against Mustafa Kemal's increasing concentration of aparliamentary supremacy against Mustafa Kemal's increasing concentration of authority uthority constituted the main subject of the debates.constituted the main subject of the debates.264
4.1.2. Abolition of the Sultanate
4.1.2. Abolition of the Sultanate
Another important step taken in the First Period of the Assembly for the establishment
Another important step taken in the First Period of the Assembly for the establishment of democratic administration and the transition to the republic was the abolition of the of democratic administration and the transition to the republic was the abolition of the Sultanate on 1 November 1922. In this way, the political regime and state order,Sultanate on 1 November 1922. In this way, the political regime and state order, which were which were theoretically based on the principle of popular sovereignty, became officialtheoretically based on the principle of popular sovereignty, became official265, and the , and the duality of political power that emerged between the sultan and the Istanbul government and duality of political power that emerged between the sultan and the Istanbul government and the TGNA in Ankara after the victory of the National Struggle was resolved in favour of the the TGNA in Ankara after the victory of the National Struggle was resolved in favour of the TGNA.TGNA.266 Furthermore, with the abolition of the Sultanate, it was declared that the Istanbul Furthermore, with the abolition of the Sultanate, it was declared that the Istanbul Government and its administration had ceased to exist forever as of 16 March 1920, that the Government and its administration had ceased to exist forever as of 16 March 1920, that the Turkish Grand National Assembly was the true representative of the sovereign riTurkish Grand National Assembly was the true representative of the sovereign rights of the ghts of the people of Turkey and that no other government other than the Government of the Grand people of Turkey and that no other government other than the Government of the Grand National Assembly would be recognised within the borders of the National Pact.National Assembly would be recognised within the borders of the National Pact.267
4.1.3. First Groupings in the First Parliament
4.1.3. First Groupings in the First Parliament
Another important point to be emphasised in relation to the Assembly of the First
Another important point to be emphasised in relation to the Assembly of the First Period was the groupings within the Assembly and the relations between these groupings. Period was the groupings within the Assembly and the relations between these groupings. As mentioned before, the fact that the Assembly of the First Period had a fully pluralAs mentioned before, the fact that the Assembly of the First Period had a fully pluralistic istic structure and therefore, the emergence of deep differences of opinion among the deputies on structure and therefore, the emergence of deep differences of opinion among the deputies on all kinds of issues other than ensuring independence led to the emergence of some groupings all kinds of issues other than ensuring independence led to the emergence of some groupings within the Assembly and the conflicts between these groups led to within the Assembly and the conflicts between these groups led to both the period having a both the period having a polyphonic structure and the establishment of parties.polyphonic structure and the establishment of parties.
264 Demirel Demirel (2020), p. 165(2020), p. 165--166.166.
265 Yetkin, Çetin Yetkin, Çetin ‘Türk Devrimi Üzerine Düşünceler’ Eren, Güler (Editor) (1998) Cumhuriyet 1923‘Türk Devrimi Üzerine Düşünceler’ Eren, Güler (Editor) (1998) Cumhuriyet 1923--1998 Dönemi Değerlendirmesi Volume 1 Genel Değerlendirme ve İdeoloji, I. Edition, Ankara, Yeni Türkiye, 1998 Dönemi Değerlendirmesi Volume 1 Genel Değerlendirme ve İdeoloji, I. Edition, Ankara, Yeni Türkiye, p. 623.p. 623.
266 KoçakKoçak, , CemilCemil ‘Siyasal Tarih (1923‘Siyasal Tarih (1923--1950)’: Akşin, Sina (Editor) (20131950)’: Akşin, Sina (Editor) (2013aa) Türkiye Tarihi 4 Çağdaş ) Türkiye Tarihi 4 Çağdaş Türkiye 1908Türkiye 1908--1980, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Cem Yayınevi, p. 128. 1980, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Cem Yayınevi, p. 128.
267 ÇokerÇoker, p. 267., p. 267.
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The rejection of all kinds of partisanship with a previous decision and the adoption of
The rejection of all kinds of partisanship with a previous decision and the adoption of the understanding of the members of the Assembly to act for a single purpose prevented the the understanding of the members of the Assembly to act for a single purpose prevented the formation of groupings within the Assembly.formation of groupings within the Assembly.268 Nevertheless, in time, the parliamentarians Nevertheless, in time, the parliamentarians close to each other came together and entered into various groupings.close to each other came together and entered into various groupings.269 This situation made This situation made it difficult to get results even from the simplest tasks within the Assembly and prevented the it difficult to get results even from the simplest tasks within the Assembly and prevented the achievement of permanent results.achievement of permanent results.270 In this context, Mustafa Kemal, who had planned from In this context, Mustafa Kemal, who had planned from the beginning to put the support of the Assembly into an organised structure, established the the beginning to put the support of the Assembly into an organised structure, established the Association for the Defence of the National Rights of Anatolia and Rumelia, also known as Association for the Defence of the National Rights of Anatolia and Rumelia, also known as the First Group, the First Group, in order to ensure that the members who supported him acted with a kind of in order to ensure that the members who supported him acted with a kind of party discipline in the Assembly and that the votes were not dispersed.party discipline in the Assembly and that the votes were not dispersed.271 The aim of this The aim of this Group, which gained the majority in the TGNA, was stated to be to reach a peace that would Group, which gained the majority in the TGNA, was stated to be to reach a peace that would ensure the independence of the nation and to prepare the state and the nation for the future ensure the independence of the nation and to prepare the state and the nation for the future within the framework of the Law on Fundamental Organisawithin the framework of the Law on Fundamental Organisation by using all kinds of material tion by using all kinds of material and moral force in this direction.and moral force in this direction.272
Although the aims and principles of the First Group were accepted by all deputies, the
Although the aims and principles of the First Group were accepted by all deputies, the exclusion of many deputies from this group led to the reaction of some deputies on the exclusion of many deputies from this group led to the reaction of some deputies on the grounds that it created the impression that there were opponents of these aims andgrounds that it created the impression that there were opponents of these aims and principles principles within the Assembly.within the Assembly.273 As a matter of fact, Samet Ağaoğlu explained this situation as As a matter of fact, Samet Ağaoğlu explained this situation as follows: follows: “(...) The First Group appropriates the main goal of the National Struggle to itself, “(...) The First Group appropriates the main goal of the National Struggle to itself, and those who remain outside the group and those who are left create a view as if they have and those who remain outside the group and those who are left create a view as if they have a goal other than this main goal.”a goal other than this main goal.”274
With the establishment of the First Group, the majority of the Parliament came under
With the establishment of the First Group, the majority of the Parliament came under the power of this group to a great extent. However, in the process, the opposition to the First the power of this group to a great extent. However, in the process, the opposition to the First Group, which held the power, by the opposition deputies outside the group cGroup, which held the power, by the opposition deputies outside the group continued to ontinued to
268 KotilKotil, , Ahmet Ahmet ‘Dünyada ve Türkiye’de Siyasal Partiler’ Belge, Murat (Editor) (1983) Cumhuriyet ‘Dünyada ve Türkiye’de Siyasal Partiler’ Belge, Murat (Editor) (1983) Cumhuriyet Dönemi Türkiye Ansiklopedisi Volume 7, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 2007.Dönemi Türkiye Ansiklopedisi Volume 7, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 2007.
269 In the second half of 1920, for the first groups formed in the parliament see also: In the second half of 1920, for the first groups formed in the parliament see also: AtatürkAtatürk, , MM. . Kemal Kemal (1969b) Nutuk (1969b) Nutuk VolumeVolume 2: 19202: 1920--1927, 9. Edition, İstanbul, Milli Eğitim Basımevi, p. 594. 1927, 9. Edition, İstanbul, Milli Eğitim Basımevi, p. 594.
270 ÇokerÇoker, p. 291., p. 291.
271TunçayTunçay, , Mete Mete (1981) Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nde Tek(1981) Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nde Tek--Parti Yönetimi’nin Kurulması (1923Parti Yönetimi’nin Kurulması (1923--1931),1931), 1. 1. EditionEdition, Ankara, Yurt Yayınları, p. 42, , Ankara, Yurt Yayınları, p. 42, Demirel Demirel (2020), p. 169(2020), p. 169--170, 170, AtatürkAtatürk (1969b), p. 595.(1969b), p. 595.
272 UnatUnat, , FF. . Reşit Reşit (1944) ‘TBMM’nin Birinci Devresinde Anadolu ve Rumeli Müdafaa(1944) ‘TBMM’nin Birinci Devresinde Anadolu ve Rumeli Müdafaa--i Hukuk i Hukuk Grubunun Kuruluşuna ve Çalışmalarına Ait Bazı Vesikalar’ Tarih Vesikaları, V:3, N:13, p. 4, Grubunun Kuruluşuna ve Çalışmalarına Ait Bazı Vesikalar’ Tarih Vesikaları, V:3, N:13, p. 4, Demirel Demirel (2020), (2020), p.173, p.173, TunçayTunçay (1981), p. 43.(1981), p. 43.
273 ÇokerÇoker, p. 294. , p. 294.
274 AğaoğluAğaoğlu, , Samet Samet (1972) Demokrat Parti’nin Doğuş ve Yükseliş Sebepleri Bir Soru, 1. Edition, (1972) Demokrat Parti’nin Doğuş ve Yükseliş Sebepleri Bir Soru, 1. Edition, Ankara, Baha Matbaası, p. 21.Ankara, Baha Matbaası, p. 21.
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increase. The main views of the unorganised opposition were the defence of parliamentary
increase. The main views of the unorganised opposition were the defence of parliamentary sovereignty instead of personal sovereignty and the practical implementation of the principle sovereignty instead of personal sovereignty and the practical implementation of the principle of legislative supremacy, which remained in theory.of legislative supremacy, which remained in theory.275 When we look at the issues discussed, When we look at the issues discussed, the issues that the issues that occasionedoccasioned conflict between the First Group and the unorganised opposition conflict between the First Group and the unorganised opposition were related to the issues that formed the basis of the regime of the Turkish State. In this were related to the issues that formed the basis of the regime of the Turkish State. In this context, on one side of the conflict was the First Group, which supported an elitist context, on one side of the conflict was the First Group, which supported an elitist bureaucratic bureaucratic understanding based on the supremacy of the executive, and on the other side understanding based on the supremacy of the executive, and on the other side was the unorganised opposition, which supported a more democratic understanding based was the unorganised opposition, which supported a more democratic understanding based on the supremacy of the legislature.on the supremacy of the legislature.276
The fact that the First Group deviated from the principle of the supremacy of the
The fact that the First Group deviated from the principle of the supremacy of the legislature and continued its policies reinforcing personal sovereignty and that these legislature and continued its policies reinforcing personal sovereignty and that these practices gradually increased the dose of these practices led the deputies, who continupractices gradually increased the dose of these practices led the deputies, who continued ed their opposition in an unorganised manner, to decide to continue their struggle within an their opposition in an unorganised manner, to decide to continue their struggle within an organised structure by establishing the Second Association for the Defence of the National organised structure by establishing the Second Association for the Defence of the National Rights of Anatolia and Rumelia (Second Group) in July 1922.Rights of Anatolia and Rumelia (Second Group) in July 1922.277
The cadre of this opposition ranged from devout liberal intellectuals who favoured a
The cadre of this opposition ranged from devout liberal intellectuals who favoured a democratic form of government to conservative supporters of the sultanate.democratic form of government to conservative supporters of the sultanate.278 In this context, In this context, it is very difficult to say that the deputies in the Second Group were in complete consensus. it is very difficult to say that the deputies in the Second Group were in complete consensus. Nevertheless, the main issue that united the Second Group was to oppose any kind of Nevertheless, the main issue that united the Second Group was to oppose any kind of personal rule and practices that might actually occur based personal rule and practices that might actually occur based on the principles of parliamentary on the principles of parliamentary sovereignty and supremacy against the First Group, which tried to establish individual sovereignty and supremacy against the First Group, which tried to establish individual sovereignty and minority domination.sovereignty and minority domination.279 The Group's programme was also shaped around The Group's programme was also shaped around this view. Furthermore, the programme emphasised the necessity of ensuring the this view. Furthermore, the programme emphasised the necessity of ensuring the inviolability and respectability of the law and stressed the equality of all persons before the inviolability and respectability of the law and stressed the equality of all persons before the law, attaching great importance to law, attaching great importance to individual rights and freedoms.individual rights and freedoms.280 In this context, the In this context, the
275 For detailed information on the issues that necessitated the establishment of the Second Group For detailed information on the issues that necessitated the establishment of the Second Group between 1921 and July 1922 see also: between 1921 and July 1922 see also: Demirel Demirel (2020), p. 186(2020), p. 186--282.282.
276 Demirel Demirel (2020), p. 185(2020), p. 185
277 KöseoğluKöseoğlu, , SelahaddinSelahaddin (1946) ‘Birinci Büyük Millet Meclisinde: İkinci Grup’ Mesuliyet, N:2, p. 12. (1946) ‘Birinci Büyük Millet Meclisinde: İkinci Grup’ Mesuliyet, N:2, p. 12.
278 HeperHeper, , Metin Metin (1974) Bürokratik Yönetim Geleneği: Osmanlı İmparatorluğu ve Türkiye (1974) Bürokratik Yönetim Geleneği: Osmanlı İmparatorluğu ve Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nde Gelişmesi ve Niteliği, 1. Edition, Ankara, Orta Doğu Teknik Üniversitesi Geliştirme Vakfı Cumhuriyeti’nde Gelişmesi ve Niteliği, 1. Edition, Ankara, Orta Doğu Teknik Üniversitesi Geliştirme Vakfı Yayınları, p. 99. Yayınları, p. 99.
279 OrbayOrbay, , H. Rauf H. Rauf (1993) Cehennem Değirmeni Siyasi Hatıralarım 2, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Emre (1993) Cehennem Değirmeni Siyasi Hatıralarım 2, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Emre Yayınları, p. 218, Yayınları, p. 218, KöseoğluKöseoğlu, p. 10, p. 10--12, 12, ÇelikÇelik, , MuammerMuammer (1996) Erzurumlu Hüseyin Avni Ulaş: Birinci Büyük (1996) Erzurumlu Hüseyin Avni Ulaş: Birinci Büyük Millet Meclisi’nin Gür ve Demokrat Sesi, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Dergâh Yayınları, p. 135Millet Meclisi’nin Gür ve Demokrat Sesi, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Dergâh Yayınları, p. 135--136.136.
280 ÇokerÇoker, p. 236, , p. 236, Demirel Demirel (2020), p. 297.(2020), p. 297.
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programme of the Second Group was described as a programme that included the basic
programme of the Second Group was described as a programme that included the basic elements of democracy and democracy with its emphasis on the principle of national elements of democracy and democracy with its emphasis on the principle of national sovereignty and the importance it attached to individual rights and freedoms.sovereignty and the importance it attached to individual rights and freedoms.
After July 1922, the presence of the Second Group started to be felt intensely in the
After July 1922, the presence of the Second Group started to be felt intensely in the Parliament. The Second Group, which became an important power in a short period of time, Parliament. The Second Group, which became an important power in a short period of time, made attempts to resolve the practices they had previously opposed in the Parliammade attempts to resolve the practices they had previously opposed in the Parliament and ent and succeeded in a significant part of them. In this context, the Second Group took an important succeeded in a significant part of them. In this context, the Second Group took an important step towards the separation of powers by ensuring that the head of government was directly step towards the separation of powers by ensuring that the head of government was directly elected by the Parliament and the practice of the President of telected by the Parliament and the practice of the President of the Assembly being the only he Assembly being the only person authorised to nominate candidates for the election of deputies was ended.person authorised to nominate candidates for the election of deputies was ended.281 Moreover, in order to prevent the concentration of authority, the provision authorising Moreover, in order to prevent the concentration of authority, the provision authorising Mustafa Kemal to use the powers of the Assembly as CommanderMustafa Kemal to use the powers of the Assembly as Commander--inin--Chief was cancelled Chief was cancelled and the duties of the Independence Courts, which were operating outside the controland the duties of the Independence Courts, which were operating outside the control of the of the Assembly, were terminated.Assembly, were terminated.282 In addition to these, on 12 February 1923, with the efforts In addition to these, on 12 February 1923, with the efforts of the Second Group, the Law on Liberty of Individuals (Hürriyetof the Second Group, the Law on Liberty of Individuals (Hürriyet--i Şahsiye Kanunu) was i Şahsiye Kanunu) was adopted, which secured individual rights and freedoms and ensured that public officials acted adopted, which secured individual rights and freedoms and ensured that public officials acted within the fwithin the framework of the law.ramework of the law.283
Apart from the concrete steps mentioned above, the Second Group continued its
Apart from the concrete steps mentioned above, the Second Group continued its criticisms and proposals for the full realisation of the principle of parliamentary sovereignty criticisms and proposals for the full realisation of the principle of parliamentary sovereignty throughout the First Parliamentary Period, and constantly reacted against the use throughout the First Parliamentary Period, and constantly reacted against the use of of parliamentary powers by the government or the President of the Assembly without the parliamentary powers by the government or the President of the Assembly without the Assembly's knowledge, and the fact that the powers and responsibilities of the government Assembly's knowledge, and the fact that the powers and responsibilities of the government still remained ambiguous. In short, during and immediately after the National Sstill remained ambiguous. In short, during and immediately after the National Struggle, the truggle, the opposition became increasingly active and the opposition became increasingly active and the conflictconflict between the between the oppositionopposition and theand the governmentgovernment intensified.intensified.284
While the process continued in this way, it was necessary to obtain the support of the
While the process continued in this way, it was necessary to obtain the support of the Parliament and the entire public opinion in order to confirm the victory won on the Parliament and the entire public opinion in order to confirm the victory won on the battlefields after the National Struggle at the peace table. However, the necessary battlefields after the National Struggle at the peace table. However, the necessary
281 GüvenGüven, p.101., p.101.
282 GüvenGüven, p. 102, , p. 102, Demirel Demirel (2020), p. 328.(2020), p. 328.
283 Demirel Demirel (2020), p. 312. (2020), p. 312.
284 SezginSezgin, , Ömür / ŞaylanÖmür / Şaylan, , GencayGencay ‘Terakkiperver Cumhuriyet Fırkası’ Belge, Murat (Editor) (1983) ‘Terakkiperver Cumhuriyet Fırkası’ Belge, Murat (Editor) (1983) Cumhuriyet Dönemi Türkiye Ansiklopedisi Volume 8, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 2045.Cumhuriyet Dönemi Türkiye Ansiklopedisi Volume 8, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 2045.
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consolidation within the Parliament and the public opinion could not be achieved in every
consolidation within the Parliament and the public opinion could not be achieved in every step taken both during and after the struggle.step taken both during and after the struggle.285 Especially the lack of consolidation within Especially the lack of consolidation within the Assembly caused the decisionthe Assembly caused the decision--making process to proceed very slowly. In this context, making process to proceed very slowly. In this context, Mustafa Kemal, who planned to dissolve the current Assembly, to convene a new Assembly Mustafa Kemal, who planned to dissolve the current Assembly, to convene a new Assembly in accordance with his wishes and tin accordance with his wishes and to carry out the reforms he envisaged for the State of o carry out the reforms he envisaged for the State of Turkey through this new Assembly, took action and in this direction, the decision to renew Turkey through this new Assembly, took action and in this direction, the decision to renew the elections was taken on 1 April 1923.the elections was taken on 1 April 1923.286
In 1923, after the decision on the elections was taken and the arrangements
In 1923, after the decision on the elections was taken and the arrangements287 were were made, the foundation of the People's Party (made, the foundation of the People's Party (PPPP), one of the ), one of the foremostforemost significantsignificant actors in actors in Turkish political history, was one of the most Turkish political history, was one of the most essentialessential events that took place in this year. events that took place in this year. The concrete step regarding the establishment of the (PP) was taken on 8 April 1923, after The concrete step regarding the establishment of the (PP) was taken on 8 April 1923, after the election decision, when Mustafa Kemal issued the Declaration of 9 Principles the election decision, when Mustafa Kemal issued the Declaration of 9 Principles announcing that the First Group in the Parliamannouncing that the First Group in the Parliament would be transformed into the PP.ent would be transformed into the PP.288
When the democratic nature of the the Declaration of 9 Principles, which was the
When the democratic nature of the the Declaration of 9 Principles, which was the programme of the newly established party, was examined, it is firstly stated in the first programme of the newly established party, was examined, it is firstly stated in the first principle that sovereignty, which was an indispensable element of democracy, principle that sovereignty, which was an indispensable element of democracy, unconditunconditionally belongs to the nation, that the system of government was based on this ionally belongs to the nation, that the system of government was based on this principle and that no authority other than the Turkish Grand National Assembly was principle and that no authority other than the Turkish Grand National Assembly was recognised as sovereign. In the second principle, it was emphasised that the sultanate had recognised as sovereign. In the second principle, it was emphasised that the sultanate had beebeen abolished and that the right to sovereignty belonged to the nation and that this right n abolished and that the right to sovereignty belonged to the nation and that this right could not be changed.could not be changed.289 In the text, the radical decisions to be taken in the future, such as In the text, the radical decisions to be taken in the future, such as the proclamation of the republic, the abolition of the caliphate, and the closure of madrasahs the proclamation of the republic, the abolition of the caliphate, and the closure of madrasahs and dervish lodges, were not specifically mentioned because they might give opportunity toand dervish lodges, were not specifically mentioned because they might give opportunity to some groups that would provoke the public.some groups that would provoke the public.290
285 GüneşGüneş (2009)(2009), p. 124. , p. 124.
286 ÇokerÇoker, p. 741, , p. 741, Tunçay Tunçay (1981), p. 49. (1981), p. 49.
287 Although it was decided to renew the elections, it was not clear on which principles the elections Although it was decided to renew the elections, it was not clear on which principles the elections would be held due to the provisional election law applied in the elections until 1923. In this context, some would be held due to the provisional election law applied in the elections until 1923. In this context, some amendments were made to the provisional electioamendments were made to the provisional election law on 3 April 1923 in order for the new elections to be n law on 3 April 1923 in order for the new elections to be held not according to the existing provisions, but with a law to be prepared by taking into account the changing held not according to the existing provisions, but with a law to be prepared by taking into account the changing conditions. For all amendments made to the provisional election law and the motions conditions. For all amendments made to the provisional election law and the motions and debates on these and debates on these amendments see also: amendments see also: ÇokerÇoker, p. 741, p. 741--766.766.
288 AtatürkAtatürk (1969b), p. 718.(1969b), p. 718.
289 GüneşGüneş (2009)(2009), p. 129. , p. 129. For the full published statement For the full published statement see also: see also: Tunçay Tunçay (1981), p. 354(1981), p. 354--356. 356.
290 AtatürkAtatürk (1969b), p. 718. (1969b), p. 718.
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Apart from the programme of the new party, another important point to be mentioned
Apart from the programme of the new party, another important point to be mentioned was the concept of “people”, which was also included in the name of the party, and the was the concept of “people”, which was also included in the name of the party, and the principle of “populism”, which was the basic principle on which the party would be basprinciple of “populism”, which was the basic principle on which the party would be based. ed. In this context, the concept of “people” in the name of the party underlined that the party In this context, the concept of “people” in the name of the party underlined that the party encompassed all classes in society and would work for their welfare and happiness.encompassed all classes in society and would work for their welfare and happiness.291 The The party's fundamental principle of “populism” emphasised that the party was a government of party's fundamental principle of “populism” emphasised that the party was a government of the people based on national sovereignty.the people based on national sovereignty.292 As a matter of fact, in the Declaration of the 9 As a matter of fact, in the Declaration of the 9 Principles, in parallel with the statements of the 1921 Constitution, concepts such as national Principles, in parallel with the statements of the 1921 Constitution, concepts such as national sovereignty, people's state and government based on the sovereignty, people's state and government based on the tenettenet of of parliamentary sovereignty parliamentary sovereignty andand,, parliamentary sovereignty were used with democratic connotations.parliamentary sovereignty were used with democratic connotations.293
PP was fully established on 9 September 1923.
PP was fully established on 9 September 1923.294 In the first article of the party's In the first article of the party's statute, it was stated that the party would guide the execution of national sovereignty by the statute, it was stated that the party would guide the execution of national sovereignty by the people for the people and that it would work to raise Turkey to a modern state of law. With people for the people and that it would work to raise Turkey to a modern state of law. With this article, the party definedthis article, the party defined a mission for itself and was considered as a school aiming to a mission for itself and was considered as a school aiming to give political education and guidance to the people by attributing a guiding task to itself.give political education and guidance to the people by attributing a guiding task to itself.295 In the last two articles of the statute, it was emphasised that the party was not a class party, In the last two articles of the statute, it was emphasised that the party was not a class party, but a party that encompassed the whole people, and it was underlined that no family, but a party that encompassed the whole people, and it was underlined that no family, community, individual or class was privileged and that everyone was equalcommunity, individual or class was privileged and that everyone was equal before the law.before the law.296 Regarding the party, it should be noted that the principle of populism, which was determined Regarding the party, it should be noted that the principle of populism, which was determined as the as the mainmain principle of the party and clearly stated in its statute, was maintained throughout principle of the party and clearly stated in its statute, was maintained throughout the period with the understanding of "populism despite the people", and policies that were the period with the understanding of "populism despite the people", and policies that were presented as the preferences of the people but reflected the wishes of the politpresented as the preferences of the people but reflected the wishes of the political elite were ical elite were pursued instead of the wishes, will and ideals of the people.pursued instead of the wishes, will and ideals of the people.297 In particular, the task of In particular, the task of guiding the exercise of popular sovereignty demonstrated a lack of trust in the people, which guiding the exercise of popular sovereignty demonstrated a lack of trust in the people, which continued throughout the onecontinued throughout the one--party rule.party rule.
291 Tunçay Tunçay (1981), p. 48. (1981), p. 48.
292 ToprakToprak, , ZaferZafer ‘Halkçılık İdeolojisinin Oluşumu’: Aksoy, Atilla/Pirili, Mustafa‘Halkçılık İdeolojisinin Oluşumu’: Aksoy, Atilla/Pirili, Mustafa (Editior) (1977) (Editior) (1977) Atatürk Döneminin Ekonomik ve Toplumsal Tarihiyle İlgili Sorunlar, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İstanbul Yüksek Atatürk Döneminin Ekonomik ve Toplumsal Tarihiyle İlgili Sorunlar, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İstanbul Yüksek İktisat ve Ticaret Mektebi Derneği Yayınları, p. 20. İktisat ve Ticaret Mektebi Derneği Yayınları, p. 20.
293 Özbudun Özbudun (1992), p. 90. (1992), p. 90.
294 Tunçay Tunçay (1981), p. 57. (1981), p. 57.
295 DemirelDemirel (2020), p. 457. (2020), p. 457.
296 Çavdar Çavdar (2013), p. 283, (2013), p. 283, DemirelDemirel, , AhmetAhmet (2018) Tek Partinin İktidarı Türkiye’de Seçimler ve Siyaset (2018) Tek Partinin İktidarı Türkiye’de Seçimler ve Siyaset (1923(1923--1946), 1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, 1946), 1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 62, p. 62, Tunçay Tunçay (1981), p. 58.(1981), p. 58.
297 KocabaşKocabaş, , Süleyman Süleyman ‘75. Yıldönümünde Cumhuriyet ve ‘’Cumhuriyet’in Nitelikleri’’nde Yaşanan ‘75. Yıldönümünde Cumhuriyet ve ‘’Cumhuriyet’in Nitelikleri’’nde Yaşanan Sendromlar’ Eren, Güler (Editor) (1998) Cumhuriyet 1923Sendromlar’ Eren, Güler (Editor) (1998) Cumhuriyet 1923--1998 Dönemi Değerlendirmesi Volume 1 Genel 1998 Dönemi Değerlendirmesi Volume 1 Genel Değerlendirme ve İdeoloji, I. Edition, Ankara, Yeni Türkiye, p. 350.Değerlendirme ve İdeoloji, I. Edition, Ankara, Yeni Türkiye, p. 350.
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Returning to the elections held in 1923, the First Group alone participated in the
Returning to the elections held in 1923, the First Group alone participated in the elections due to the prohibition of political groups and organisations other than the First elections due to the prohibition of political groups and organisations other than the First Group to continue their activities prior to the elections and the Second Group anGroup to continue their activities prior to the elections and the Second Group and the d the Independent Group in the Parliament declaring that they would not participate in the Independent Group in the Parliament declaring that they would not participate in the elections.elections.298 As a result of the elections that lasted for three months, the First Group left the As a result of the elections that lasted for three months, the First Group left the elections with an absolute victory. As a result of the elections, none of the opposition MPs, elections with an absolute victory. As a result of the elections, none of the opposition MPs, including the members of the Second Group, could enter the Assembly. With theincluding the members of the Second Group, could enter the Assembly. With these elections, se elections, the pluralist understanding of the First Assembly period was liquidated, and an important the pluralist understanding of the First Assembly period was liquidated, and an important step was taken for the consolidation Mustafa Kemal was trying to achieve in the Assembly.step was taken for the consolidation Mustafa Kemal was trying to achieve in the Assembly.
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4.2. Second Period of the TGNA (1923.2. Second Period of the TGNA (1923--1927)1927)
Following the 1923 elections, the Second Parliament, whose members were all
Following the 1923 elections, the Second Parliament, whose members were all candidates of the First Group, opened on 11 August 1923. In this period, not only those who candidates of the First Group, opened on 11 August 1923. In this period, not only those who were openly opposed, but also those who were thought to be opposed could not enter the were openly opposed, but also those who were thought to be opposed could not enter the AAssembly. Nevertheless, a pluralist structure with many voices prevailed in this period, as ssembly. Nevertheless, a pluralist structure with many voices prevailed in this period, as in the First Assembly period, until the Law on the Maintenance of Order (Takririn the First Assembly period, until the Law on the Maintenance of Order (Takrir--i Sükûn i Sükûn Kanunu) was enacted on 4 March 1925.Kanunu) was enacted on 4 March 1925.299 As in the First Period, important steps were taken As in the First Period, important steps were taken towards the towards the foundationfoundation of a democratic regime in this period and the infrastructure for the of a democratic regime in this period and the infrastructure for the spread of democracy in the country was tried to be created. However, despite the steps taken spread of democracy in the country was tried to be created. However, despite the steps taken for democracy, in the same period, steps were also taken to establish an authoritarian onefor democracy, in the same period, steps were also taken to establish an authoritarian one--paparty rule and this situation caused the desired democratic regime to fail to develop and rty rule and this situation caused the desired democratic regime to fail to develop and social institutions, which are a requirement of democratic political structure, not to mature.social institutions, which are a requirement of democratic political structure, not to mature.300
4.2.1. Transition to the Republican Regime
4.2.1. Transition to the Republican Regime
The biggest step taken in the second term of the TGNA was the declaration of the
The biggest step taken in the second term of the TGNA was the declaration of the republic as the form of government. As a matter of fact, as mentioned before, the adoption republic as the form of government. As a matter of fact, as mentioned before, the adoption of the concept of popular sovereignty in the 1921 Constitution, which gave sovereignof the concept of popular sovereignty in the 1921 Constitution, which gave sovereignty ty
298 GüvenGüven, p. 111, , p. 111, DemirelDemirel (2018)(2018) p. 32, p. 32, GüneşGüneş (2009)(2009), p. 130., p. 130.
299 Demirel Demirel (2018), p. 59. (2018), p. 59.
300 MerterMerter, , Feridun Feridun ‘Türk Modernleşmesi Açısından Demokrasi ve Atatürk’ Eren, Güler (Editor) ‘Türk Modernleşmesi Açısından Demokrasi ve Atatürk’ Eren, Güler (Editor) (1998) Cumhuriyet 1923(1998) Cumhuriyet 1923--1998 Dönemi Değerlendirmesi Volume 1 Genel Değerlendirme ve İdeoloji, I. 1998 Dönemi Değerlendirmesi Volume 1 Genel Değerlendirme ve İdeoloji, I. Edition, Ankara, Yeni Türkiye, p. 651.Edition, Ankara, Yeni Türkiye, p. 651.
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unconditionally to the nation, and the abolition of the Sultanate had already foreshadowed
unconditionally to the nation, and the abolition of the Sultanate had already foreshadowed this step to be taken on behalf of the regime in the future.this step to be taken on behalf of the regime in the future.
Even before the proclamation of the republican regime, discussions about this
Even before the proclamation of the republican regime, discussions about this administrative system, which existed as an idea but was not named, started. These debates administrative system, which existed as an idea but was not named, started. These debates developed in favour and against the republic. While the republican regime was generally developed in favour and against the republic. While the republican regime was generally supported, criticisms were made that the republican regime could turn into a dictatorial supported, criticisms were made that the republican regime could turn into a dictatorial regime, that this regime was rushed, that Mustafa Kemal should not be both the president of regime, that this regime was rushed, that Mustafa Kemal should not be both the president of the Parliament and the head of state with the republican regime, and that tthe Parliament and the head of state with the republican regime, and that the concept of he concept of national sovereignty was more important than the republic in terms of democracy.national sovereignty was more important than the republic in terms of democracy.301
Despite these criticisms, the Republic was declared on 29 October 1923 with the
Despite these criticisms, the Republic was declared on 29 October 1923 with the amendments made to the 1921 Constitution. In this context, Article 1 of the Constitution amendments made to the 1921 Constitution. In this context, Article 1 of the Constitution states that the form of government of the State of Turkey is a republic.states that the form of government of the State of Turkey is a republic.302 The remaining The remaining amendments were technical and related to the amendments were technical and related to the powers powers and and dutiesduties of the newly established of the newly established presidency.presidency.303 On the same day the Republic was proclaimed, Mustafa Kemal was On the same day the Republic was proclaimed, Mustafa Kemal was unanimously elected president and appointed İsmet Pasha as prime minister.unanimously elected president and appointed İsmet Pasha as prime minister.
The proclamation of the republic regime, which had been discussed in the press for
The proclamation of the republic regime, which had been discussed in the press for some time, did not come as a some time, did not come as a bigbig astonishmentastonishment to the public and the event was welcomed to the public and the event was welcomed with great enthusiasm. On the other hand, the proclamation of the republic led to discussions with great enthusiasm. On the other hand, the proclamation of the republic led to discussions among the members of the Parliament that the proclamation was rushed, and that the nation among the members of the Parliament that the proclamation was rushed, and that the nation was not at a level to absorb twas not at a level to absorb the republic.he republic.304 After the proclamation of the Republic, Rauf After the proclamation of the Republic, Rauf (Orbay) Bey, who was among the key cadres of the National Struggle, stated that the republic (Orbay) Bey, who was among the key cadres of the National Struggle, stated that the republic was rushed and defended the view that the real problem was not the name of the regime but was rushed and defended the view that the real problem was not the name of the regime but its content.its content.305 In addition, other important figures of the National Struggle such as Ali Fuat In addition, other important figures of the National Struggle such as Ali Fuat (Cebesoy) Bey, Adnan (Adıvar) Bey, Refet (Bele) Bey, Kazım (Karabekir) Bey, in parallel (Cebesoy) Bey, Adnan (Adıvar) Bey, Refet (Bele) Bey, Kazım (Karabekir) Bey, in parallel with Rauf Bey's view, found this decision untimely and emphasised that calling the stawith Rauf Bey's view, found this decision untimely and emphasised that calling the state a te a
301 Regarding the discussion of the issue in the press before the proclamation of the republican regime Regarding the discussion of the issue in the press before the proclamation of the republican regime see also: see also: GüzGüz, , Nurettin Nurettin (2008) Türkiye’de Basın(2008) Türkiye’de Basın--İktidar İlişkileri (1920İktidar İlişkileri (1920--1927), 2. Edition, Ankara, Turhan 1927), 2. Edition, Ankara, Turhan Kitapevi Yayınları, p. 116Kitapevi Yayınları, p. 116--128. 128.
302 Tanör Tanör (2021),(2021), p. p. 284.284.
303 For the amendments to Articles 4, 10, 11 and 12 of the Constitution For the amendments to Articles 4, 10, 11 and 12 of the Constitution see also: see also: GözübüyükGözübüyük, , AA. . ŞerefŞeref (2005) Açıklamalı Türk Anayasaları Yapılışları, Özellikleri ve Yapılan Değişiklikler, 5. Edition, Ankara, (2005) Açıklamalı Türk Anayasaları Yapılışları, Özellikleri ve Yapılan Değişiklikler, 5. Edition, Ankara, Turhan Kitapevi Yayınları, p. 39.Turhan Kitapevi Yayınları, p. 39.
304 ÖztürkÖztürk, , Kazım Kazım (1994a) Türk Parlamento Tarihi TBMM II. Dönem 1923(1994a) Türk Parlamento Tarihi TBMM II. Dönem 1923--1927 1.1927 1. VolumeVolume, 1. Edition, , 1. Edition, Ankara, Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi Vakfı Yayınları, p. 209. Ankara, Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi Vakfı Yayınları, p. 209.
305 DemirelDemirel, , Yücel Yücel // KonurKonur, , OO. . ZekiZeki (2002) CHP Grup Toplantısı Tutanakları 1923(2002) CHP Grup Toplantısı Tutanakları 1923--1924, 1. Edition, 1924, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları, p. 23İstanbul, Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları, p. 23--30. 30.
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republic did not actually bring freedom and that the real difference was between tyranny and
republic did not actually bring freedom and that the real difference was between tyranny and democracy.democracy.306 Especially after the proclamation of the republic, the opposition within the PP Especially after the proclamation of the republic, the opposition within the PP became more pronounced and this opposition within the party made itself felt more and more became more pronounced and this opposition within the party made itself felt more and more in the steps to be taken from then on.in the steps to be taken from then on.
4.2.2. Abolition of Caliphate
4.2.2. Abolition of Caliphate
There was only one institutional link between the collapsed Ottoman Empire and the
There was only one institutional link between the collapsed Ottoman Empire and the newly established Republic of Turkey, and this link led to some abuses within the state. In newly established Republic of Turkey, and this link led to some abuses within the state. In this context, another important step taken by the Parliament in this period was tthis context, another important step taken by the Parliament in this period was the abolition he abolition of the caliphate. of the caliphate. ThusThus, while the opposition and traditionalist circles, which emerged with , while the opposition and traditionalist circles, which emerged with the proclamation of the Republic and started to become more prominent, started to gather the proclamation of the Republic and started to become more prominent, started to gather around the caliph, the progressive and republican group led byaround the caliph, the progressive and republican group led by Mustafa Kemal thought that Mustafa Kemal thought that there was no point in the continuation of this office, stripped of all its powers, and that it there was no point in the continuation of this office, stripped of all its powers, and that it always posed a danger.always posed a danger.307 In this context, Mustafa Kemal made some attempts to abolish this In this context, Mustafa Kemal made some attempts to abolish this office in the first months of 1924 and received the support of the press, university office in the first months of 1924 and received the support of the press, university intellectuals and the army. The issue was first discussed in the HF Parliamentary Group and intellectuals and the army. The issue was first discussed in the HF Parliamentary Group and then broughtthen brought to the agenda of the Parliament on 3 March 1924. The issue was first discussed to the agenda of the Parliament on 3 March 1924. The issue was first discussed in the PP Parliamentary Group and then brought to the agenda of the Parliament on 3 March in the PP Parliamentary Group and then brought to the agenda of the Parliament on 3 March 1924. The parliament witnessed debates due to the statements of some opposition deputi1924. The parliament witnessed debates due to the statements of some opposition deputies es who defended the caliphate, but in the end, the law on the abolition of the caliphate and the who defended the caliphate, but in the end, the law on the abolition of the caliphate and the expulsion of the Ottoman Dynasty was adopted.expulsion of the Ottoman Dynasty was adopted.308
With the abolition of the Caliphate, one of the most
With the abolition of the Caliphate, one of the most significantsignificant obstacles in front of the obstacles in front of the newly established republican regime was removed, and an important step was taken in terms newly established republican regime was removed, and an important step was taken in terms of secularism and innovation by ensuring the purification of the state and society from a of secularism and innovation by ensuring the purification of the state and society from a religiousreligious--political institution.political institution.
306 ZürcherZürcher (2010)(2010), p. 248. , p. 248.
307 KarpatKarpat (2021), p. 138. (2021), p. 138.
308 For the full parliamentary debate on the abolition of the Caliphate see also:For the full parliamentary debate on the abolition of the Caliphate see also: Öztürk Öztürk (1994a), p. 300(1994a), p. 300--351. 351.
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4.2.3. Adoption of the 1924 Constitution
4.2.3. Adoption of the 1924 Constitution
Turkey experienced radical transformations such as the victorious conclusion of the
Turkey experienced radical transformations such as the victorious conclusion of the National Struggle, the abolition of the sultanate, the National Struggle, the abolition of the sultanate, the proclamation of the republic and the proclamation of the republic and the abolition of the caliphate under the 1921 Constitution. These radical changes and the fact abolition of the caliphate under the 1921 Constitution. These radical changes and the fact that the 1921 Constitution was incomplete and inadequate due to its being the product of that the 1921 Constitution was incomplete and inadequate due to its being the product of extraordinary conditions led to the neeextraordinary conditions led to the need for a new constitution that would respond to the d for a new constitution that would respond to the needs of the newly established state and guide the society. The 1924 Constitution was born needs of the newly established state and guide the society. The 1924 Constitution was born out of this environment and requirements. The 1924 Constitution, which was short, simple, out of this environment and requirements. The 1924 Constitution, which was short, simple, wellwell--structured and intestructured and internally consistent, was drafted not by the constituent assembly but by rnally consistent, was drafted not by the constituent assembly but by the Second Parliament and adopted on 20 April 1924.the Second Parliament and adopted on 20 April 1924.309
When the basic features of the new constitution are analysed, it is seen that the 1924
When the basic features of the new constitution are analysed, it is seen that the 1924 Constitution, like the 1921 Constitution, stated that the right to sovereignty belonged Constitution, like the 1921 Constitution, stated that the right to sovereignty belonged unconditionally to the nation and that this right was exercised by the Grand Natiunconditionally to the nation and that this right was exercised by the Grand National onal Assembly of Turkey, the sole and true representative of the nation. In addition, although the Assembly of Turkey, the sole and true representative of the nation. In addition, although the 1924 Constitution aimed to reinforce the privileged position of the executive by establishing 1924 Constitution aimed to reinforce the privileged position of the executive by establishing a parliamentary system, the principle of parliamentary supremaca parliamentary system, the principle of parliamentary supremacy was also reflected in this y was also reflected in this constitution in many respects.constitution in many respects.310 In this respect, the 1924 Constitution resulted in a mixed In this respect, the 1924 Constitution resulted in a mixed system with a slightly more parliamentary character.system with a slightly more parliamentary character.311
The most important part that should be evaluated in the context of the concept of
The most important part that should be evaluated in the context of the concept of democracy is the part of the new Constitution on individual democracy is the part of the new Constitution on individual freedomsfreedoms and and rights. In the 1924 rights. In the 1924 Constitution, this section was organised in accordance with the classical understanding like Constitution, this section was organised in accordance with the classical understanding like the Ottoman Code of Laws and the fundamental rights and freedoms were listed with a the Ottoman Code of Laws and the fundamental rights and freedoms were listed with a liberal understanding and it was sufficient to make brief eliberal understanding and it was sufficient to make brief explanations about them.xplanations about them.312 Social Social rights such as trade unions, collective bargaining, strikes and social security were hardly rights such as trade unions, collective bargaining, strikes and social security were hardly mentioned in the Constitution. Moreover, no provision had been made to guarantee mentioned in the Constitution. Moreover, no provision had been made to guarantee individual individual freedomsfreedoms and and rights, and the regulation of individual rights and freedoms and the rights, and the regulation of individual rights and freedoms and the determination of their limits had been left to the discretion of the legislature in accordance determination of their limits had been left to the discretion of the legislature in accordance with the parliamentary government system.with the parliamentary government system.313 In this context, the 1924 Constitution lacked In this context, the 1924 Constitution lacked
309 GözübüyükGözübüyük, p. 47. , p. 47.
310 SosyalSosyal / / SağlamSağlam, p. 24., p. 24.
311 ToprakToprak, , Bedirhan Bedirhan (2005a) Cumhuriyet Ansiklopedisi 1.(2005a) Cumhuriyet Ansiklopedisi 1. VolumeVolume 19231923--1940, 5. Edition, İstanbul, 1940, 5. Edition, İstanbul, Yapı Kredi Yayınları, p. 38. Yapı Kredi Yayınları, p. 38.
312 GözübüyükGözübüyük, p. 50. , p. 50.
313 Soysal Soysal // SağlamSağlam, p. 26. , p. 26.
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many of the
many of the freedoms freedoms and and rights of the individual, which are required in democratic rights of the individual, which are required in democratic administrations, and any understanding that would protect these rights against any kind of administrations, and any understanding that would protect these rights against any kind of interference.interference.
The most important point to be mentioned about the drafting
The most important point to be mentioned about the drafting operationoperation of the of the Constitution was that the decisions taken in the commission to Constitution was that the decisions taken in the commission to reinforcereinforce the powers of the the powers of the president were not accepted in the plenary session of the Parliament. In this context, all the president were not accepted in the plenary session of the Parliament. In this context, all the changes made in the general assembly took place in contrast to the strengthening of the changes made in the general assembly took place in contrast to the strengthening of the constitutional position of the presidency, that was, tconstitutional position of the presidency, that was, the legislature preserved its own powers he legislature preserved its own powers against the executive.against the executive.314 This demonstrated that the Assembly was still committed to the This demonstrated that the Assembly was still committed to the principle of national sovereignty and the supremacy of the Parliament as its sole principle of national sovereignty and the supremacy of the Parliament as its sole representative.representative.
The 1924 Constitution was amended seven times
The 1924 Constitution was amended seven times315 until a new constitution was until a new constitution was adopted in 1961 and was used both in oneadopted in 1961 and was used both in one--party and multiparty and multi--party periods. This constitution, party periods. This constitution, which was a product of political democracy and pluralist understanding, emerged as a which was a product of political democracy and pluralist understanding, emerged as a product of an understanding that adhered to the prproduct of an understanding that adhered to the principles of national sovereignty and inciples of national sovereignty and parliamentary supremacy and opposed the domination of individuals or groups. However, parliamentary supremacy and opposed the domination of individuals or groups. However, the onethe one--party period, which lasted until 1945 with some interruptions, witnessed an party period, which lasted until 1945 with some interruptions, witnessed an authoritarian regime and values such as the princauthoritarian regime and values such as the principle of supremacy of the constitution, iple of supremacy of the constitution, national sovereignty, parliamentary supremacy and individual rights and freedoms did not national sovereignty, parliamentary supremacy and individual rights and freedoms did not find a value in practice and remained only on paper. Especially after 1930, it was not the find a value in practice and remained only on paper. Especially after 1930, it was not the 1924 Constitution that actually deter1924 Constitution that actually determined the framework of the political regime, but the mined the framework of the political regime, but the statutes and programmes of the RPP, which acted with the mission of realising modern statutes and programmes of the RPP, which acted with the mission of realising modern breakthroughs in Turkey and was the sole actor of the onebreakthroughs in Turkey and was the sole actor of the one--party regime. In this context, the party regime. In this context, the party statutes and prograparty statutes and programmes, which were prepared according to the chiefdom system mmes, which were prepared according to the chiefdom system during the oneduring the one--party period, and which narrowed the powers of the Parliament and the party period, and which narrowed the powers of the Parliament and the members of the Parliament, became the real constitutions of the period.members of the Parliament, became the real constitutions of the period.316
314 Tunçay Tunçay (1981), p. 87.(1981), p. 87.
315 For these amendments to the Constitution see also:For these amendments to the Constitution see also: TanörTanör (2021), (2021), p. 323p. 323--324, 324, GözübüyükGözübüyük, p. 51, p. 51--74. 74.
316 Demirel Demirel (2018), p. 70, (2018), p. 70, Toprak Toprak (2005a), p. 39. (2005a), p. 39.
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4.2.4. The
4.2.4. The Establishment of the Progressive Republican PartyEstablishment of the Progressive Republican Party (PRP)(PRP) and the First and the First MultiMulti--Party Life AttemptParty Life Attempt
In the Second Period of the TGNA, the opposition within the Parliament emerged as a
In the Second Period of the TGNA, the opposition within the Parliament emerged as a party for the first time and thus, multiparty for the first time and thus, multi--party life was introducedparty life was introduced. The Second Parliament, . The Second Parliament, which was formed after the elections of 1923 in order to ensure consolidation by liquidating which was formed after the elections of 1923 in order to ensure consolidation by liquidating the opposition in the First Parliament, did not lack opposition either. The main divergence in the opposition in the First Parliament, did not lack opposition either. The main divergence in the second period of the Parliament stemmedthe second period of the Parliament stemmed from the conflicts between the evolutionists, from the conflicts between the evolutionists, who were more sensitive to the demands of the people and arwho were more sensitive to the demands of the people and argued that the policies pursued gued that the policies pursued should be implemented more slowly, and the revolutionaries, who thought that the policies should be implemented more slowly, and the revolutionaries, who thought that the policies planned for the good of the country should be realised as soon as possible in order to guide planned for the good of the country should be realised as soon as possible in order to guide the people in line with the principle of “the people in line with the principle of “for the people, despite the people”.for the people, despite the people”.317 In particular, In particular, political events such as the proclamation of the republic, the abolition of the caliphate and political events such as the proclamation of the republic, the abolition of the caliphate and the process of discussion and debate of the 1924 Constitution in the Turkish Grand National the process of discussion and debate of the 1924 Constitution in the Turkish Grand National Assembly of Turkey led to a more pronounced oppositionAssembly of Turkey led to a more pronounced opposition to the government.to the government.
The opposition first tried to intervene in government policies from within the party but
The opposition first tried to intervene in government policies from within the party but realised that this was no longer sustainable and decided to form a party with the influence of realised that this was no longer sustainable and decided to form a party with the influence of some political events.some political events.318 The tangible step in this context was taken with the establishment The tangible step in this context was taken with the establishment of the Progressive Republican Party (PRP) on 17 November 1924, with Kazım (Karabekir) of the Progressive Republican Party (PRP) on 17 November 1924, with Kazım (Karabekir) Pasha as its president, Rauf (Orbay) and Adnan (Adıvar) Beys as its vice presidents and Ali Pasha as its president, Rauf (Orbay) and Adnan (Adıvar) Beys as its vice presidents and Ali Fuat (CebeFuat (Cebesoy) Pasha as its general secretary.soy) Pasha as its general secretary.319 Thus, an important stage was reached in the Thus, an important stage was reached in the political life of the newly established Republic of Turkey and multipolitical life of the newly established Republic of Turkey and multi--party political life, which party political life, which was a democratic requirement of the republican regime, began.was a democratic requirement of the republican regime, began.
When we look at the declaration and programme of the PRP, defined by Zürcher as
When we look at the declaration and programme of the PRP, defined by Zürcher as “a “a classical expression of political liberalism marked by resistance to the fundamentalist and classical expression of political liberalism marked by resistance to the fundamentalist and authoritarian authoritarian inclinationsinclinations of the Kemalist regime”of the Kemalist regime” 320, the main themes of both documents , the main themes of both documents
317 ÖzoğluÖzoğlu, p. 117., p. 117.
318 The political event that led to the establishment of the PRP was the censure opened in the Parliament The political event that led to the establishment of the PRP was the censure opened in the Parliament on the grounds of corruption during the exchange of Greeks and Turks in accordance with the provisions of the on the grounds of corruption during the exchange of Greeks and Turks in accordance with the provisions of the Treaty of Lausanne. On the same day, Kazım Treaty of Lausanne. On the same day, Kazım (Karabekir) Pasha and Ali Fuat (Cebesoy) Pasha resigned from (Karabekir) Pasha and Ali Fuat (Cebesoy) Pasha resigned from their military posts and joined the parliament. The entry of the two most important figures of the National their military posts and joined the parliament. The entry of the two most important figures of the National Struggle into politics further hardened the atmosphere in the parliament. As a result oStruggle into politics further hardened the atmosphere in the parliament. As a result of the censure vote, a vote f the censure vote, a vote of confidence was given to İsmet (İnönü) Pasha's government in the parliament. As a result, resignations from of confidence was given to İsmet (İnönü) Pasha's government in the parliament. As a result, resignations from the HF started. These resignations signalled the establishment of a new party. While these events were taking the HF started. These resignations signalled the establishment of a new party. While these events were taking place, onplace, on 10 November, the People's Party changed its name to the Republican People's Party (RPP) by adding 10 November, the People's Party changed its name to the Republican People's Party (RPP) by adding the word "Republic" to its name.the word "Republic" to its name. Tunçay Tunçay (1981), p. 100(1981), p. 100--103, 103, Toprak Toprak (2005a), p. 42. (2005a), p. 42.
319 SezginSezgin / / ŞaylanŞaylan, p. 2047. , p. 2047.
320 ZürcherZürcher (2010)(2010), p. 130., p. 130.
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were the concepts of popular sovereignty, individua
were the concepts of popular sovereignty, individual l freedoms freedoms and and rights and liberalism. In rights and liberalism. In this context, the party declaration mentioned the dangers of the current system as it was this context, the party declaration mentioned the dangers of the current system as it was heading towards a oneheading towards a one--party and oneparty and one--man regime and underlined that popular sovereignty, man regime and underlined that popular sovereignty, and the will of the people could be better representand the will of the people could be better represented by a multied by a multi--party system.party system.321 The The principle of individual freedom was given great importance and it was stated that this principle of individual freedom was given great importance and it was stated that this principle was indispensable for a democratic administration. Moreover, since the PRP principle was indispensable for a democratic administration. Moreover, since the PRP leaders thought that the newly established state needed a period of rest, thleaders thought that the newly established state needed a period of rest, the declaration e declaration generally emphasised the desire for an evolutionary change rather than a revolutionary generally emphasised the desire for an evolutionary change rather than a revolutionary one.one.322
Similar to the RPP's programme, the party's programme stated that the State of Turkey
Similar to the RPP's programme, the party's programme stated that the State of Turkey was a republic based on popular sovereignty and that general and individual freedoms were was a republic based on popular sovereignty and that general and individual freedoms were supported.supported.323 On the other hand, unlike the RPP's programme, the programme took a On the other hand, unlike the RPP's programme, the programme took a discursively important step towards democratisation by stating that the role of the state discursively important step towards democratisation by stating that the role of the state would be reduced in line with the principle of liberalism, that the head of state could not be would be reduced in line with the principle of liberalism, that the head of state could not be ththe head of the party at the same time, and that elections would be e head of the party at the same time, and that elections would be directdirect..324
The establishment of the party also brought dynamism to political life and created an
The establishment of the party also brought dynamism to political life and created an environment of struggle between the environment of struggle between the opposition opposition and and government in the parliament. However, government in the parliament. However, the religiousthe religious--based Sheikh Sait Uprising erupted in Eastern Anatolia, which would lead to based Sheikh Sait Uprising erupted in Eastern Anatolia, which would lead to radical transformations in Turkey's political life.radical transformations in Turkey's political life.325 The spread of the uprising led to harsh The spread of the uprising led to harsh measures and on 4 March 1925, the Law on the Maintenance of Order, which gave measures and on 4 March 1925, the Law on the Maintenance of Order, which gave extraordinary powers to the government, was enacted. The extraordinary powers to the government, was enacted. The precautionsprecautions taken on the basis of taken on the basis of this law in order to ensure peace and public order in the country led to fierce debates between this law in order to ensure peace and public order in the country led to fierce debates between thethe oppositionopposition and theand the government in the Parliament. In this process, the opposition assumed government in the Parliament. In this process, the opposition assumed the duty of supervision in order to prevent any damage to the republican order and heavily the duty of supervision in order to prevent any damage to the republican order and heavily criticised the government for the harsh measures it had taken.criticised the government for the harsh measures it had taken.326
321 SezginSezgin / / ŞaylanŞaylan, p. 2050. , p. 2050.
322ZürcherZürcher, , EE. . JanJan (1991) Political Opposition in the Early Turkish Republic Progressive Republican (1991) Political Opposition in the Early Turkish Republic Progressive Republican Party 1924Party 1924--1925, 1. Edition, Brill (Translated by: Güven, G. Çağlalı (1992) Terakkiperver Cumhuriyet Fırkası, 1925, 1. Edition, Brill (Translated by: Güven, G. Çağlalı (1992) Terakkiperver Cumhuriyet Fırkası, 1. Edition, Ankara, Bağlam Yayınları, p. 128.1. Edition, Ankara, Bağlam Yayınları, p. 128.
323 ZürcherZürcher (199(19922), p. 131.), p. 131.
324 SezginSezgin / / ŞaylanŞaylan, p. 2050., p. 2050.
325 Tunçay Tunçay (1981), p. 128, (1981), p. 128, ÖzoğluÖzoğlu, p. 124., p. 124.
326 GoloğluGoloğlu, , MahmutMahmut (2011) Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Tarihi 1: Devrimler ve Tepkileri (1924(2011) Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Tarihi 1: Devrimler ve Tepkileri (1924--1930), 3. 1930), 3. Edition, İstanbul, Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları, p. 138Edition, İstanbul, Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları, p. 138
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After the suppression of the uprising, the government continued to take harsh measures
After the suppression of the uprising, the government continued to take harsh measures and eventually the newly established opposition party was shut down on 3 June 1925 on the and eventually the newly established opposition party was shut down on 3 June 1925 on the grounds that it had provoked reaction and degenerated due to the gathering arougrounds that it had provoked reaction and degenerated due to the gathering around it of nd it of conservatives who were against Mustafa Kemal's revolutionary policies and the political conservatives who were against Mustafa Kemal's revolutionary policies and the political steps taken in accordance with the principle of secularism.steps taken in accordance with the principle of secularism.327 As a result, with the dissolution As a result, with the dissolution of the PRP, which was not a natural outcome of normal democratic development, but a of the PRP, which was not a natural outcome of normal democratic development, but a reaction to the personal struggles and policies of the revolutionary teamreaction to the personal struggles and policies of the revolutionary team328, the Republic of , the Republic of Turkey could not transition to a competitive political system, which is an important element Turkey could not transition to a competitive political system, which is an important element of democracy and democratisation, and could not prove the functionality of the multiof democracy and democratisation, and could not prove the functionality of the multi--party party system. Moreover, the struggle between the radical revsystem. Moreover, the struggle between the radical revolutionaries and the more olutionaries and the more conservative evolutionary reformers, which emerged after the War of Independence and conservative evolutionary reformers, which emerged after the War of Independence and became more evident in 1923, ended with the victory of the radical revolutionaries.became more evident in 1923, ended with the victory of the radical revolutionaries.329
With the closure of the opposition party, the Republic of Turkey rapidly became
With the closure of the opposition party, the Republic of Turkey rapidly became authoritarian under the RPP government and parliamentary political institutionalisation authoritarian under the RPP government and parliamentary political institutionalisation evolved towards oneevolved towards one--party system rather than multiparty system rather than multi--party system.party system.330 As a matter of fact, the As a matter of fact, the Law on the Maintenance of Order, which allowed Mustafa Kemal and his core cadre to Law on the Maintenance of Order, which allowed Mustafa Kemal and his core cadre to eliminate all forms of opposition and played an important role in the consolidation of the eliminate all forms of opposition and played an important role in the consolidation of the oneone--party regime, was the most important example of the party regime, was the most important example of the Kemalists' authoritarianism and Kemalists' authoritarianism and intolerance of opposition in the early years of the republic. This process provided Mustafa intolerance of opposition in the early years of the republic. This process provided Mustafa Kemal and his revolutionary cadre with a favourable environment to carry out their reforms Kemal and his revolutionary cadre with a favourable environment to carry out their reforms by eliminating the opposition and postponby eliminating the opposition and postponing democracying democracy331, and the country came under an , and the country came under an authoritarian oneauthoritarian one--party rule with Mustafa Kemal Pasha as an unchangeable General party rule with Mustafa Kemal Pasha as an unchangeable General PresidentPresident332 and his party RPP. and his party RPP.
327 ÖzürermanÖzürerman, , Tülay Tülay ‘Türkiye’de Siyasal Partilerin Kurumsallaşması’: Eren, Güler (Editor) (1998) ‘Türkiye’de Siyasal Partilerin Kurumsallaşması’: Eren, Güler (Editor) (1998) Cumhuriyet 1923Cumhuriyet 1923--1998 Dönemi Değerlendirmesi Volume II Siyasal Değerlendirme, I. Edition, Ankara, Yeni 1998 Dönemi Değerlendirmesi Volume II Siyasal Değerlendirme, I. Edition, Ankara, Yeni Türkiye, p. 971, Türkiye, p. 971, Demirel Demirel (2018), p. 77. (2018), p. 77.
328 Öztürk Öztürk (1994a), p. 489. (1994a), p. 489.
329 FreyFrey, , FF. . WardWard (1965) The Turkish Political Elites, 1. Edition, Cambridge, Massachusetts Instıtute (1965) The Turkish Political Elites, 1. Edition, Cambridge, Massachusetts Instıtute of Technology (M.I.T) Press, p. 327.of Technology (M.I.T) Press, p. 327.
330 SezginSezgin / / ŞaylanŞaylan, p. 2043., p. 2043.
331 TokerToker, , Metin Metin (1968) Şeyh Said ve İsyanı, 1. Edition, Ankara, Akis Yayınları, p. 44. (1968) Şeyh Said ve İsyanı, 1. Edition, Ankara, Akis Yayınları, p. 44.
332 This office, which was an indispensable feature of the oneThis office, which was an indispensable feature of the one--party regime, was established after the party regime, was established after the RPP's Grand Congress held on 15 October 1927. RPP's Grand Congress held on 15 October 1927. DemirelDemirel (2018), p. 103, (2018), p. 103, TuranTuran, p. 271. , p. 271.
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4
4.3. .3. Attempt to Prearranged Transition to MultiAttempt to Prearranged Transition to Multi--Party Life: Free Republican Party Life: Free Republican Party (Party (FRPFRP) Experience) Experience
Until 1925, the Republic of Turkey had a
Until 1925, the Republic of Turkey had a multimulti--party and pluralist structure despite party and pluralist structure despite some restrictions and pressures. However, after this date, a onesome restrictions and pressures. However, after this date, a one--party and authoritarian party and authoritarian system approach was adopted in order to ensure consolidation in every field and all kinds of system approach was adopted in order to ensure consolidation in every field and all kinds of opposition that had existed unopposition that had existed until then were prevented.til then were prevented.333 After this stage, the revolutionary After this stage, the revolutionary cadre started a reform movement for the modernisation of the country with the understanding cadre started a reform movement for the modernisation of the country with the understanding of "for the people, despite the people". However, in this process, the fact that the reforms of "for the people, despite the people". However, in this process, the fact that the reforms could not be fully adopted by the could not be fully adopted by the people and the impoverishment could not be reduced due people and the impoverishment could not be reduced due to the economic situation of the country could not show a certain development increased the to the economic situation of the country could not show a certain development increased the discontent of the people. All of this led to the rise of social opposition in an environment discontent of the people. All of this led to the rise of social opposition in an environment where there was where there was no legal opposition.no legal opposition.334
This general dissatisfaction and political problems in the country were also expressed
This general dissatisfaction and political problems in the country were also expressed by some opposition journalists of the period. In this context, the RPP government was by some opposition journalists of the period. In this context, the RPP government was criticised for being disconnected from both the society and the Parliament and it wcriticised for being disconnected from both the society and the Parliament and it was stated as stated that this system was not much different from a dictatorship.that this system was not much different from a dictatorship.335 It was also stated that there It was also stated that there was not only a problem of the political system but also poverty, injustice and lawlessness in was not only a problem of the political system but also poverty, injustice and lawlessness in the country and that these problems stemmed from the the country and that these problems stemmed from the lacklack of an opposition party, that was, of an opposition party, that was, the lack of criticism and control.the lack of criticism and control.336 Considering these criticisms, the steps taken to establish Considering these criticisms, the steps taken to establish a democratic administration at the time of the establishment of a new state no longer mattered a democratic administration at the time of the establishment of a new state no longer mattered and the country became a place where the concept of democracy and its elements could not and the country became a place where the concept of democracy and its elements could not be mentionedbe mentioned in any way.in any way.
All these problems and criticisms helped to mature the environment necessary for the
All these problems and criticisms helped to mature the environment necessary for the establishment of a second party in the Republic of Turkey. In addition, through a second establishment of a second party in the Republic of Turkey. In addition, through a second party, it was aimed to push the social opposition in Turkey towards a channel thatparty, it was aimed to push the social opposition in Turkey towards a channel that did not did not
333 YıldızYıldız, , AytaçAytaç (2013) ‘Erken Cumhuriyet Döneminde Siyasal Muhalefet ve Eleştirinin Sınırları: (2013) ‘Erken Cumhuriyet Döneminde Siyasal Muhalefet ve Eleştirinin Sınırları: Yarın’ı Okumak’ Turkish StudiesYarın’ı Okumak’ Turkish Studies--International Periodical International Periodical forfor The Languages, Literature and History of Turkish The Languages, Literature and History of Turkish or Turkic, V:8, N:7, p. 785. or Turkic, V:8, N:7, p. 785.
334 ÇavdarÇavdar, , Tevfik Tevfik ‘Serbest Fırka’: Belge, Murat (Editor) (1983) Cumhuriyet Dönemi Türkiye ‘Serbest Fırka’: Belge, Murat (Editor) (1983) Cumhuriyet Dönemi Türkiye Ansiklopedisi Volume 8, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 2052, Ansiklopedisi Volume 8, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 2052, OkyarOkyar, , AA. . FethiFethi (2019) Serbest (2019) Serbest Cumhuriyet Fırkası Nasıl Doğdu, Nasıl Feshedildi? 1. Edition, İstanbul, Ketebe Yayınları, p. 16, Cumhuriyet Fırkası Nasıl Doğdu, Nasıl Feshedildi? 1. Edition, İstanbul, Ketebe Yayınları, p. 16, EmrenceEmrence, , Cem Cem (2006) 99 Günlük Muhalefet Serbest Cumhuriyet Fırkası, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 27(2006) 99 Günlük Muhalefet Serbest Cumhuriyet Fırkası, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 27--29, 29, Goloğlu Goloğlu (2011), p. 300. (2011), p. 300.
335 SertelSertel, , ZekeriyaZekeriya (2001) Hatırladıklarım, 5. Edition, İstanbul, Remzi Kitabevi, p. 168, (2001) Hatırladıklarım, 5. Edition, İstanbul, Remzi Kitabevi, p. 168, AğaoğluAğaoğlu, , AhmetAhmet (1930) Serbest İnsanlar Ülkesinde, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Sanayi Nefise Matbaası, p. 32(1930) Serbest İnsanlar Ülkesinde, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Sanayi Nefise Matbaası, p. 32--38. 38.
336 YıldızYıldız, p. 789, p. 789--790. 790.
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target the regime, to better understand the causes of discontent and to control the opposition
target the regime, to better understand the causes of discontent and to control the opposition that emerged throughout the country.that emerged throughout the country.337 In addition, the fact that the transition to a multiIn addition, the fact that the transition to a multi--party system was seen as a necessity as a requirement of the republican regime and party system was seen as a necessity as a requirement of the republican regime and democracy, and that the free debate environment that the Parliament had lost due to the onedemocracy, and that the free debate environment that the Parliament had lost due to the one--party regime and the effectparty regime and the effective control of the government could be provided through a second ive control of the government could be provided through a second party made the establishment of an opposition party necessary.party made the establishment of an opposition party necessary.338 Moreover, the importance Moreover, the importance Mustafa Kemal attached to popular sovereignty, his determination to make the national will Mustafa Kemal attached to popular sovereignty, his determination to make the national will fully dominant, and his belief that the best solution to overcome the discontent in the society fully dominant, and his belief that the best solution to overcome the discontent in the society and the problems in the system could be posand the problems in the system could be possible through the control mechanism that multisible through the control mechanism that multi--party political life would bring with it led to the establishment of a second party.party political life would bring with it led to the establishment of a second party.339
Under the influence of all these reasons, Mustafa Kemal commissioned Ali Fethi
Under the influence of all these reasons, Mustafa Kemal commissioned Ali Fethi (Okyar) Bey, former Prime Minister and President of the Turkish Grand National Assembly (Okyar) Bey, former Prime Minister and President of the Turkish Grand National Assembly of Turkey and Ambassador to Paris, to establish an opposition party in 1930 in order to of Turkey and Ambassador to Paris, to establish an opposition party in 1930 in order to eensure that Turkey became a people's state by making national sovereignty dominant and to nsure that Turkey became a people's state by making national sovereignty dominant and to find a solution to the find a solution to the socialsocial, , politicalpolitical and and economic problems of the country.economic problems of the country.340
Before the party was founded, Ali Fethi (Okyar) Bey asked Mustafa Kemal to be
Before the party was founded, Ali Fethi (Okyar) Bey asked Mustafa Kemal to be impartial and the government should not put pressure on the party, while Mustafa Kemal impartial and the government should not put pressure on the party, while Mustafa Kemal asked the newly founded opposition party not to act against the republican administration asked the newly founded opposition party not to act against the republican administration aand secularism in order to prevent the same mistakes from being repeated after the PRP nd secularism in order to prevent the same mistakes from being repeated after the PRP experience.experience.341 The fact that the party was based on mutual commitments by putting it into The fact that the party was based on mutual commitments by putting it into certain moulds and that it was founded by Mustafa Kemal himself led to criticism that the certain moulds and that it was founded by Mustafa Kemal himself led to criticism that the party was too artificial and could not be an alternative to RPP and that there was no suchparty was too artificial and could not be an alternative to RPP and that there was no such example in democratic administrations.example in democratic administrations.342
After the negotiations for the establishment of the party were completed and mutual
After the negotiations for the establishment of the party were completed and mutual agreements were reached, the Free Republican Party (FRP), whose members, programme agreements were reached, the Free Republican Party (FRP), whose members, programme
337TimurTimur (2013)(2013), p. 175, p. 175--176, 176, Tunçay Tunçay (1981), p. 249, (1981), p. 249, Çavdar Çavdar (1983), p. 2053, (1983), p. 2053, Karpat Karpat (2021), p. 159. (2021), p. 159.
338 AğaoğluAğaoğlu, , AhmetAhmet (2018) Serbest Fırka Hatıraları, 3. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 28, (2018) Serbest Fırka Hatıraları, 3. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 28, Tunçay Tunçay (1981), p. 247, (1981), p. 247, YetkinYetkin, , ÇetinÇetin (2004) Atatürk’ün ‘’Vatana İhanet’’le Suçlandığı S.C.F. Olayı Atatürk’ün (2004) Atatürk’ün ‘’Vatana İhanet’’le Suçlandığı S.C.F. Olayı Atatürk’ün CHP’den Sonra Kurduğu İkinci Parti Serbest Cumhuriyet Fırkası, 4. Edition, İstanbul, Otopsi Yayınları, p. 97CHP’den Sonra Kurduğu İkinci Parti Serbest Cumhuriyet Fırkası, 4. Edition, İstanbul, Otopsi Yayınları, p. 97--104104, , Okyar Okyar (2019), p. 17(2019), p. 17--19. 19.
339 ÖztürkÖztürk, , Kazım Kazım (1994c) Türk Parlamento Tarihi TBMM III. Dönem 1927(1994c) Türk Parlamento Tarihi TBMM III. Dönem 1927--1931 2.1931 2. VolumeVolume, 1. , 1. Edition, Ankara, Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi Vakfı Yayınları, p. 343, Edition, Ankara, Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi Vakfı Yayınları, p. 343, GoloğluGoloğlu (2011), p. 303, (2011), p. 303, Okyar Okyar (2019), (2019), p. 17, p. 17, TuranTuran, p. 292., p. 292.
340 ÖztürkÖztürk (1994c), p. 343, (1994c), p. 343,
341 Okyar Okyar (2019), p. 54, (2019), p. 54, ÇavdarÇavdar (1983), p. 2054, (1983), p. 2054, TuranTuran, p. 293. , p. 293.
342 Ağaoğlu Ağaoğlu (2018), p. 35(2018), p. 35--40. 40.
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and even its name were determined by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk himself, was founded by Ali
and even its name were determined by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk himself, was founded by Ali Fethi (Okyar) Bey on 12 August 1930.Fethi (Okyar) Bey on 12 August 1930.343 Thus, the Republic of Turkey entered multiThus, the Republic of Turkey entered multi--party party political life for the second time.political life for the second time.
When we look at the FRP programme, which was approved and amended
When we look at the FRP programme, which was approved and amended344 by by Mustafa Kemal himself, first of all, this programme was not very different from the RPP Mustafa Kemal himself, first of all, this programme was not very different from the RPP programme, and even this proves that the newly established party was a guided step towards programme, and even this proves that the newly established party was a guided step towards democratisation.democratisation.345 As a matter of fact, in the first article of the FRP programme, it was stated As a matter of fact, in the first article of the FRP programme, it was stated that the party was committed to the principles of populism, that the party was committed to the principles of populism, secularismsecularism, , republicanism, and republicanism, and nationalism, which were also adopted by the RPP, and that it would act to make national nationalism, which were also adopted by the RPP, and that it would act to make national sovereignty dominant and that the rights of freedom and inviolability set forth in the sovereignty dominant and that the rights of freedom and inviolability set forth in the constitution would be valid and protected for everyone withoutconstitution would be valid and protected for everyone without exception.exception.346 However, there However, there were some points in the programme that differ from the RPP programme. In this context, the were some points in the programme that differ from the RPP programme. In this context, the most most essentialessential difference between the two parties was observed in the field of economy. difference between the two parties was observed in the field of economy. While the RPP advocated moderate statism, the FRP had a more liberal economic view that While the RPP advocated moderate statism, the FRP had a more liberal economic view that gave importance to private entrepreneurship and was more favourable to foreign capital.gave importance to private entrepreneurship and was more favourable to foreign capital.347
On the other hand, when the programme is examined in the context of the concept of
On the other hand, when the programme is examined in the context of the concept of democracy, the last article of the programme, unlike the RPP programme, reflected a modern democracy, the last article of the programme, unlike the RPP programme, reflected a modern and democratic understanding by stating that elections should be held in and democratic understanding by stating that elections should be held in direct direct elections and elections and women should be granted political rights.women should be granted political rights.348
The main axis of the debates between the RPP and the FRP in the short
The main axis of the debates between the RPP and the FRP in the short--lived multilived multi--party political life was the criticisms directed against the political and economic policies party political life was the criticisms directed against the political and economic policies already carried out by the RPP in line with the principles stated in the FRP progalready carried out by the RPP in line with the principles stated in the FRP programme and ramme and the responses to these criticisms by the RPP.the responses to these criticisms by the RPP.349 Especially the FRP criticised the RPP very Especially the FRP criticised the RPP very
343TunçayTunçay, , Mete Mete ‘Siyasal Gelişmenin Evreleri’: Belge, Murat (Editor) (1983a) Cumhuriyet Dönemi ‘Siyasal Gelişmenin Evreleri’: Belge, Murat (Editor) (1983a) Cumhuriyet Dönemi Türkiye Ansiklopedisi Volume 7, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 1969.Türkiye Ansiklopedisi Volume 7, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 1969.
344 Atatürk wanted the programme to be amended to include provisions for the state to undertake Atatürk wanted the programme to be amended to include provisions for the state to undertake economic initiatives that private enterprise could not afford and for women to be given the right to vote. As a economic initiatives that private enterprise could not afford and for women to be given the right to vote. As a matter of fact, the programme was designed accordinmatter of fact, the programme was designed according to these demands. g to these demands. Okyar Okyar (2019), p. 67.(2019), p. 67.
345 AğaoğluAğaoğlu (2018), p. 28. (2018), p. 28.
346 For the party's programme see also: For the party's programme see also: Okyar Okyar (2019), p. 67(2019), p. 67--70. The first programme of the party was 70. The first programme of the party was later accepted as the core programme and further expanded. For this extended programme, which was referred later accepted as the core programme and further expanded. For this extended programme, which was referred to as the law of the party see also: to as the law of the party see also: ÖztürkÖztürk (1994c), p. 350(1994c), p. 350--356. 356.
347 Çavdar Çavdar (1983), p. 2055(1983), p. 2055--2056, 2056, Yetkin Yetkin (2004), p. 142(2004), p. 142--143.143.
348 TuranTuran, p. 297., p. 297.
349 Yetkin Yetkin (2004), p. 183. (2004), p. 183.
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harshly over its economic policies.
harshly over its economic policies.350 In addition, RPP's authoritarian political stance and its In addition, RPP's authoritarian political stance and its attempts to put pressure on the full manifestation of the national will, which is an attempts to put pressure on the full manifestation of the national will, which is an indispensable element of a democratic political society, and the continuity of multiindispensable element of a democratic political society, and the continuity of multi--party party political life constipolitical life constituted one of the focal points of the FRP's criticisms. In this context, tuted one of the focal points of the FRP's criticisms. In this context, criticisms were also directed against the policies of pressure on the national will and the criticisms were also directed against the policies of pressure on the national will and the FRP.FRP.351
In response to these criticisms of the FRP, the RPP emphasised that the administration
In response to these criticisms of the FRP, the RPP emphasised that the administration of the country was undertaken under very difficult conditions and stated that the of the country was undertaken under very difficult conditions and stated that the development of the country and the full establishment of democratic administration had development of the country and the full establishment of democratic administration had been been and were being carried out.and were being carried out.352 In addition, the RPP adopted an intolerant attitude towards In addition, the RPP adopted an intolerant attitude towards the opposition and made heavy accusations against the opposition and revealed that it could the opposition and made heavy accusations against the opposition and revealed that it could not tolerate it.not tolerate it.353
While there were conflicts and mutual discussions between the RPP and the FRP on
While there were conflicts and mutual discussions between the RPP and the FRP on the aforementioned issues, the FRP started to organise and spread throughout the country in the aforementioned issues, the FRP started to organise and spread throughout the country in a very short period of time and gained the support and trust of the people. In addia very short period of time and gained the support and trust of the people. In addition, the tion, the party grew with the participation of other opposition elements. Ahmet Hamdi Başar party grew with the participation of other opposition elements. Ahmet Hamdi Başar explained this great support as follows: explained this great support as follows: “No other party could have achieved so much “No other party could have achieved so much success in so little time with so little work. Almost spontaneously, the Free Psuccess in so little time with so little work. Almost spontaneously, the Free Party's arty's organisation was established everywhere.”organisation was established everywhere.”354 The most important reason for this support The most important reason for this support was that the dissatisfied society, feeling the pressure of economic poverty, saw the new party was that the dissatisfied society, feeling the pressure of economic poverty, saw the new party as a means of salvation and a channel to voice their problems. This situation caused the party, as a means of salvation and a channel to voice their problems. This situation caused the party, which was establishedwhich was established in a guided manner, to exceed the limits of control, to be shaped in in a guided manner, to exceed the limits of control, to be shaped in line with the wishes of the social opposition and to become a threat to the government.line with the wishes of the social opposition and to become a threat to the government.355 In In this way, it was proved that the newly established party was not the result of a collusion.this way, it was proved that the newly established party was not the result of a collusion.356
350 TuranTuran, p. 299, p. 299--300, 300, SoyakSoyak, , HH. . Rıza Rıza (1973) Atatürk’ten Hatıralar (1973) Atatürk’ten Hatıralar VolumeVolume 2, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Yapı 2, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Yapı Kredi Yayınları, p. 424. Kredi Yayınları, p. 424.
351 For Ahmet Ağaoğlu's articles in the press on these issues, his arguments with journalists who For Ahmet Ağaoğlu's articles in the press on these issues, his arguments with journalists who supported the RPP, and some of his correspondence with politicians see also: supported the RPP, and some of his correspondence with politicians see also: Ağaoğlu Ağaoğlu (2018), p. 125(2018), p. 125--227. 227.
352 The government gave its most effective reaction to the criticisms of the FRP on 30 August 1930 in The government gave its most effective reaction to the criticisms of the FRP on 30 August 1930 in Sivas. İsmet İnönü made an important speech opening the door to democratic debate and responded to the Sivas. İsmet İnönü made an important speech opening the door to democratic debate and responded to the FRP's criticisms.FRP's criticisms.Goloğlu Goloğlu (2011), p. 309(2011), p. 309--311. 311.
353 Yetkin Yetkin (2004), p. 233.(2004), p. 233.
354 BaşarBaşar, , AA. . Hamdi Hamdi (1945) Atatürk’le Üç (1945) Atatürk’le Üç AAy ve 1930’dan Sonra Türkiye, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Tan y ve 1930’dan Sonra Türkiye, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Tan Matbaası, p. 14. Matbaası, p. 14.
355 ÇavdarÇavdar (1983), p. 2055. (1983), p. 2055.
356 KutayKutay, , Cemal Cemal (1980) Üç Devirde Bir Adam, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Tercüman Yayınları, p. 488(1980) Üç Devirde Bir Adam, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Tercüman Yayınları, p. 488--490. 490.
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In the meantime, municipal elections were held in the country, and despite the serious
In the meantime, municipal elections were held in the country, and despite the serious pressure and corruption in the elections, the FRP showed a great success, which the RPP did pressure and corruption in the elections, the FRP showed a great success, which the RPP did not expect. This situation was considered as an indication of the public's dinot expect. This situation was considered as an indication of the public's distrust of the RPP, strust of the RPP, and the RPP increased the dose of attacks against the FRP both inside and outside the and the RPP increased the dose of attacks against the FRP both inside and outside the Parliament.Parliament.357 Ali Fethi (Okyar) Bey and his party were accused of treason and enmity Ali Fethi (Okyar) Bey and his party were accused of treason and enmity against the regime by the RPP, and those who supported the FRP were tried to be devalued against the regime by the RPP, and those who supported the FRP were tried to be devalued in the public opinion by despising them and accusing them of backwardness.in the public opinion by despising them and accusing them of backwardness.358
This success achieved by the FRP in a short period of time became a threat to the RPP
This success achieved by the FRP in a short period of time became a threat to the RPP government. As a result of these developments, Mustafa Kemal announced his definite government. As a result of these developments, Mustafa Kemal announced his definite opinion to the FRP President Ali Fethi (Okyar) Bey by saying, opinion to the FRP President Ali Fethi (Okyar) Bey by saying, “I have to take a position “I have to take a position against the Free Party and fight against you.”against the Free Party and fight against you.”359 This statement of Mustafa Kemal also This statement of Mustafa Kemal also cancelled the reason for the existence of the party. Faced with this situation, the FRP was cancelled the reason for the existence of the party. Faced with this situation, the FRP was faced with the choice of either fighting with Mustafa Kemal or giving up the party and chose faced with the choice of either fighting with Mustafa Kemal or giving up the party and chose the second option.the second option.360
The most important reason for the events that led to the closure of the FRP to this point
The most important reason for the events that led to the closure of the FRP to this point was that the RPP government could not tolerate the opposition of its newly established was that the RPP government could not tolerate the opposition of its newly established party.party.361 The most important reason for this was that the FRP, which was intended to function The most important reason for this was that the FRP, which was intended to function as a control mechanism, had become a very strong alternative for the government. In as a control mechanism, had become a very strong alternative for the government. In addition, the RPP government's inability to fully assimilate the democratic order and addition, the RPP government's inability to fully assimilate the democratic order and the the belief that the revolutions that had been worked on for years might be jeopardised because belief that the revolutions that had been worked on for years might be jeopardised because the social and political structure was not mature enough for a multithe social and political structure was not mature enough for a multi--party democratic order party democratic order also led to the closure of the party.also led to the closure of the party.362 As a result of all these events and reasons, the FRP As a result of all these events and reasons, the FRP decided to dissolve itself and the multidecided to dissolve itself and the multi--party life, which the Republic of Turkey tried for the party life, which the Republic of Turkey tried for the second time and in a guided manner, lasted only 99 days. Thus, the Republic of Turkey came second time and in a guided manner, lasted only 99 days. Thus, the Republic of Turkey came under the rule under the rule of an intense oneof an intense one--party rule, only to transition to multiparty rule, only to transition to multi--party democratic life party democratic life years later.years later.
357 ÇavdarÇavdar (1983), p. 2058, (1983), p. 2058, Ağaoğlu Ağaoğlu (2018), p. 78, (2018), p. 78, EmrenceEmrence, p. 38, , p. 38,
358 ZürcherZürcher (2010)(2010), p. 265, p. 265. .
359 Ağaoğlu Ağaoğlu (2018), p. 102. (2018), p. 102.
360 GoloğluGoloğlu (2011), p. 318. (2011), p. 318.
361 Yetkin Yetkin (2004), p. 323.(2004), p. 323.
362 YetkinYetkin (2004), p. 327. (2004), p. 327.
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4
4.4. Consolidation of the One.4. Consolidation of the One--Party Regime and Strengthening of its Party Regime and Strengthening of its Authoritarian Characteristics Authoritarian Characteristics
In 1930, the attempt to transition to a multi
In 1930, the attempt to transition to a multi--party regime with the FRP and the party regime with the FRP and the Menemen IncidentMenemen Incident363 on 23 December 1930, which aimed to bring back the Sharia order and on 23 December 1930, which aimed to bring back the Sharia order and the caliphate, showed that the general dissatisfaction with RPP politics in the country had the caliphate, showed that the general dissatisfaction with RPP politics in the country had reached the highest point, that the revolutions were still not fully adopted by the public and reached the highest point, that the revolutions were still not fully adopted by the public and that RPP's monopolistic position and the revolutions could be endangered.that RPP's monopolistic position and the revolutions could be endangered.364 These two These two events caused the consolidation of the oneevents caused the consolidation of the one--party regime and the authoritarianism that had party regime and the authoritarianism that had begun with the Law on the Maintenance of Order in 1925 to continue in a much more severe begun with the Law on the Maintenance of Order in 1925 to continue in a much more severe manner and a different political and economic understanding to dommanner and a different political and economic understanding to dominate the country.inate the country.365 The The basis of this understanding was to take steps to strengthen and consolidate the existing basis of this understanding was to take steps to strengthen and consolidate the existing authoritarian character of the regime by making radical changes in the organisational, authoritarian character of the regime by making radical changes in the organisational, ideological and social fields.ideological and social fields.366
First of all, in order to liquidate the understanding of pluralism, which had been
First of all, in order to liquidate the understanding of pluralism, which had been maintained in a limited way until 1931, the activities of nonmaintained in a limited way until 1931, the activities of non--governmental organisations, governmental organisations, which were a part of which were a part of democratic society, were terminateddemocratic society, were terminated367, With the “Press Law” adopted , With the “Press Law” adopted on 25 July 1931, the press was silenced and made monophonic by giving the Council of on 25 July 1931, the press was silenced and made monophonic by giving the Council of Ministers the authority to close all kinds of magazines and newspapers that would harm the Ministers the authority to close all kinds of magazines and newspapers that would harm the general politics of the countrygeneral politics of the country368, and with the “Law on Societies” adopted in 1938, the right , and with the “Law on Societies” adopted in 1938, the right to establish parties and associations was made subject to the permission of the to establish parties and associations was made subject to the permission of the administration, the administration was given the authority to stop the activities, and all administration, the administration was given the authority to stop the activities, and all organisations that were organisations that were against the republic and the regime were banned.against the republic and the regime were banned.369
363 About Menemen Incident see also: About Menemen Incident see also: ÖztürkÖztürk, , Kazım Kazım (1994b) Türk Parlamento Tarihi TBMM 3. (1994b) Türk Parlamento Tarihi TBMM 3. Dönem Dönem 19271927--1931 1.1931 1. VolumeVolume, 1. Edition, Ankara, Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi Vakfı Yayınları, p 462, 1. Edition, Ankara, Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi Vakfı Yayınları, p 462--598, 598, GoloğluGoloğlu (2011), p. 331(2011), p. 331--338, 338, TunçayTunçay (1981), p. 293(1981), p. 293--295.295.
364 DemirelDemirel (2018), p. 113.(2018), p. 113.
365 YetkinYetkin, , Çetin Çetin (1983) Türkiye’de Tek Parti Yönetimi 1930(1983) Türkiye’de Tek Parti Yönetimi 1930--1945, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Altın Kitaplar 1945, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Altın Kitaplar Yayınevi, p. 18.Yayınevi, p. 18.
366 Tanör Tanör (2021),(2021), p. 315,p. 315, Özbudun Özbudun (2016), p. 96. (2016), p. 96.
367 The Turkish Hearths, the Freemasons Association and the Turkish Women's Union were closed down. The Turkish Hearths, the Freemasons Association and the Turkish Women's Union were closed down. Instead of the closed Turkish Hearths, People's Houses, which were fully affiliated with the RPP, were Instead of the closed Turkish Hearths, People's Houses, which were fully affiliated with the RPP, were established. In this way, it was aimed to adopt the revoestablished. In this way, it was aimed to adopt the revolutions to the public, educate and mobilise them on this lutions to the public, educate and mobilise them on this issue.issue.ÖzbudunÖzbudun (2016), p. 97. (2016), p. 97.
368 Yetkin Yetkin (1983), p. 69(1983), p. 69--7070..
369 Tanör Tanör (2021),(2021), p. 319, p. 319, GüneşGüneş, , İhsan İhsan (2001) Türk Parlamento Tarihi TBMM 5. Dönem 1935(2001) Türk Parlamento Tarihi TBMM 5. Dönem 1935--1939 11939 1 VolumeVolume,, 1. Edition, Ankara, Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi Vakfı Yayınları, s. 272.1. Edition, Ankara, Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi Vakfı Yayınları, s. 272.
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The most prominent feature of this period was the party
The most prominent feature of this period was the party--state integration after 1935, state integration after 1935, which was completely contrary to the concept of democracy. In this context, the which was completely contrary to the concept of democracy. In this context, the governmental organisation and the party's own organisation were accepted as a governmental organisation and the party's own organisation were accepted as a complementarcomplementary unit, thus institutionalising the oney unit, thus institutionalising the one--party rule and the partyparty rule and the party--state state understandingunderstanding370, party executives and personnel were also appointed as state personnel, party executives and personnel were also appointed as state personnel371, , and most importantly, the Six Arrows of the RPP, called the “Principles of Kemalism”, and most importantly, the Six Arrows of the RPP, called the “Principles of Kemalism”, became both the official ideology and a guiding manual of the state by adding the phrase became both the official ideology and a guiding manual of the state by adding the phrase “Turkey is a nationalist, populist, statist, secular and revolutionary republic“Turkey is a nationalist, populist, statist, secular and revolutionary republic” to the ” to the Constitution.Constitution.372 In addition, this ideology, which had elitist, tutelary, authoritarian and In addition, this ideology, which had elitist, tutelary, authoritarian and solidarist characteristics, saw itself as the only truth and claimed that it was valid forever.solidarist characteristics, saw itself as the only truth and claimed that it was valid forever.373
Looking at the meaning and transformation of the Six Arrows, which became the
Looking at the meaning and transformation of the Six Arrows, which became the official ideology and guideline of the state, was official ideology and guideline of the state, was significantsignificant in terms of showing that the onein terms of showing that the one--party regime gained an authoritarian character and understanding the style of administration party regime gained an authoritarian character and understanding the style of administration of the period. of the period.
The principle of republicanism, which had previously been characterised as the form
The principle of republicanism, which had previously been characterised as the form of government that best and most securely represented popular sovereigntyof government that best and most securely represented popular sovereignty374, was, with the , was, with the introduction of authoritarian steps, embodied in an antiintroduction of authoritarian steps, embodied in an anti--democratic form in which popular democratic form in which popular sovereignty was completely directed and determined by the chief and hierarchically subsovereignty was completely directed and determined by the chief and hierarchically sub--chiefs, the Parliament was formed without competitive electionschiefs, the Parliament was formed without competitive elections, and the , and the statestate and the and the partyparty were integrated with each other to form a onewere integrated with each other to form a one--party regime.party regime.375
The most important change in the RPP's Six Arrows was in the principle of populism,
The most important change in the RPP's Six Arrows was in the principle of populism, which was embodied in the concept of national sovereignty and in a sense constituted the which was embodied in the concept of national sovereignty and in a sense constituted the infrastructure of the other five principles. The principle of populism, which was uinfrastructure of the other five principles. The principle of populism, which was used in the sed in the years of the National Struggle in the meanings of national independence and popular years of the National Struggle in the meanings of national independence and popular
370 TunçayTunçay, , Mete Mete ‘Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi (1923‘Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi (1923--1950)’: Belge, Murat (Editor) (1983b) Cumhuriyet 1950)’: Belge, Murat (Editor) (1983b) Cumhuriyet Dönemi Türkiye Ansiklopedisi Volume 8, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 2021, Dönemi Türkiye Ansiklopedisi Volume 8, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 2021, GüneşGüneş (2001)(2001), p. , p. 750. 750.
371 The interior minister was also the party's secretaryThe interior minister was also the party's secretary--general, the governors of the provinces were also general, the governors of the provinces were also the party's provincial chairmen, and the auditors were appointed as persons in charge of the party's activities the party's provincial chairmen, and the auditors were appointed as persons in charge of the party's activities and organisation, as well as state affairand organisation, as well as state affairs. s. AhmadAhmad, , Feroz Feroz ‘Türkiye’nin Cumhuriyet Dönemi Siyasal ‘Türkiye’nin Cumhuriyet Dönemi Siyasal Gelişmeleri’: Belge, Murat (Editor) (1983) Cumhuriyet Dönemi Türkiye Ansiklopedisi Volume 7, 1. Edition, Gelişmeleri’: Belge, Murat (Editor) (1983) Cumhuriyet Dönemi Türkiye Ansiklopedisi Volume 7, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 1994. İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 1994.
372 Toprak Toprak (2005(2005aa), p. 279, ), p. 279, Demirel Demirel (2018), p. 209. (2018), p. 209.
373 DemirelDemirel, , Ahmet Ahmet (2012) Tek Partinin Yükselişi, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 297(2012) Tek Partinin Yükselişi, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 297--298.298.
374 ParlaParla, , Taha Taha (1992) Türkiye'de Siyasal Kültürün Resmi Kaynakları (1992) Türkiye'de Siyasal Kültürün Resmi Kaynakları VolumeVolume 3: Kemalist Tek3: Kemalist Tek--Parti Parti İdeolojisi ve CHP’nin Altı Ok’u, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 40. İdeolojisi ve CHP’nin Altı Ok’u, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 40.
375 ParlaParla (1992), p. 325, (1992), p. 325, DemirelDemirel (2012), p. 300(2012), p. 300--301. 301.
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sovereignty in order to mobilise the people towards a common goal, was used in the
sovereignty in order to mobilise the people towards a common goal, was used in the meanings of popular government, rejection of all kinds of privileges and equality before the meanings of popular government, rejection of all kinds of privileges and equality before the law after the end of the National Struggle.law after the end of the National Struggle.376 After 1931, the principle of populism, which After 1931, the principle of populism, which was expressed with the concepts of republicanism and national sovereignty, but which was expressed with the concepts of republicanism and national sovereignty, but which opposed the multiopposed the multi--party political life in which the people could freely determine their party political life in which the people could freely determine their political preferences on the grounds political preferences on the grounds that it prevented unity and integrity, became an antithat it prevented unity and integrity, became an anti--democratic doctrine of solidarity and became a principle that rejected all kinds of ideologies, democratic doctrine of solidarity and became a principle that rejected all kinds of ideologies, defended a classless society and aimed to create a unified people and nation.defended a classless society and aimed to create a unified people and nation.377 This This transformation of the principle of populism was the most powerful factor in the adoption and transformation of the principle of populism was the most powerful factor in the adoption and implementation of the oneimplementation of the one--party regime.party regime.
The principle of statism, which defended social interests against individual interests
The principle of statism, which defended social interests against individual interests and in this respect was a necessary consequence and complement of the concepts of and in this respect was a necessary consequence and complement of the concepts of democracy and populism, was defined as the fulfilment by the state itself of the works democracy and populism, was defined as the fulfilment by the state itself of the works required by the highest interest of the nation in order to bring the country to prosperity as required by the highest interest of the nation in order to bring the country to prosperity as soon as possible.soon as possible.378 After 1935, the scope of statism was further expanded by adopting After 1935, the scope of statism was further expanded by adopting provisions that allowed for wider state interprovisions that allowed for wider state interferenceference in the economic sphere, and the principle in the economic sphere, and the principle of statism was implemented as an administrative and political statism by encompassing not of statism was implemented as an administrative and political statism by encompassing not only the economy but also basic services such as culture, education and health.only the economy but also basic services such as culture, education and health.379
The understanding of nationalism, which defined the people as a harmonious and
The understanding of nationalism, which defined the people as a harmonious and single mass sharing the same language, culture and ideals and therefore developed as a single mass sharing the same language, culture and ideals and therefore developed as a natural consequence of the principle of populism, was basically based on the understandingnatural consequence of the principle of populism, was basically based on the understanding of of cultural and cultural and legal nationalism instead of ethnic nationalism.legal nationalism instead of ethnic nationalism.380 In this context, it was a In this context, it was a principle that aimed to maintain relations on equal terms and in harmony with other principle that aimed to maintain relations on equal terms and in harmony with other contemporary nations on the path of contemporary nations on the path of developments and developments and progress without racial, ethnic or progress without racial, ethnic or religious connotations. However, this understanding has sometimes been replaced by an religious connotations. However, this understanding has sometimes been replaced by an
376 KaraömerlioğluKaraömerlioğlu, , MM. . Asım Asım ‘Tek Parti Döneminde Halkçılık’: İnsel, Ahmet (Editor) (2019) Modern ‘Tek Parti Döneminde Halkçılık’: İnsel, Ahmet (Editor) (2019) Modern Türkiye’de Siyasi Düşünce Volume 2: Kemalizm, 9. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 274.Türkiye’de Siyasi Düşünce Volume 2: Kemalizm, 9. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 274.
377 ParlaParla (1992), p. 326, (1992), p. 326, ÖzbudunÖzbudun (2016), p. 102, (2016), p. 102, KökerKöker, , Levent Levent (1993) Modernleşme, Kemalizm ve (1993) Modernleşme, Kemalizm ve Demokrasi, 2. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 145.Demokrasi, 2. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 145.
378 ParlaParla (1992), p. 44. (1992), p. 44.
379 BoratavBoratav, , Korkut Korkut (1974) 100 Soruda Türkiye’de Devletçilik, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Gerçek Yayınevi, (1974) 100 Soruda Türkiye’de Devletçilik, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Gerçek Yayınevi, p. 184, p. 184, ParlaParla (1992), p. 144, (1992), p. 144, Özbudun Özbudun (2016), p. 104, (2016), p. 104, KökerKöker, p. 208. , p. 208.
380 ÖzbudunÖzbudun (2016), p. 106, (2016), p. 106, Parla Parla (1992), p. 40.(1992), p. 40.
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ethnic and even racist understanding of nationalism that suppresses cultural and political
ethnic and even racist understanding of nationalism that suppresses cultural and political pluralism in domestic politics.pluralism in domestic politics.381
The principle of secularism was defined as the continuation of state administration
The principle of secularism was defined as the continuation of state administration according to the needs of the century with the principles and forms provided by science to according to the needs of the century with the principles and forms provided by science to contemporary civilisation.contemporary civilisation.382 This principle was used synonymously with positivist This principle was used synonymously with positivist scientificism, defended that religion is a matter of conscience and separated religion and scientificism, defended that religion is a matter of conscience and separated religion and world affairs from politics. In addition, the principle of secularism, beyond its aboveworld affairs from politics. In addition, the principle of secularism, beyond its above--mentioned definition, cmentioned definition, controlled religion by placing it under state control and determined its ontrolled religion by placing it under state control and determined its sphere of action.sphere of action.383
In 1931, revolutionism, defined as one of the six principles, basically envisaged the
In 1931, revolutionism, defined as one of the six principles, basically envisaged the protection and defence of the reforms and transformations that the secular republic had protection and defence of the reforms and transformations that the secular republic had undertaken so far and would undertake in the future. In 1935, it was stated that undertaken so far and would undertake in the future. In 1935, it was stated that this would this would be done not in an evolutionary manner but in a revolutionary manner.be done not in an evolutionary manner but in a revolutionary manner.384
When the Republic of Turkey under the RPP
When the Republic of Turkey under the RPP governmentgovernment between 1925 and 1945 is between 1925 and 1945 is evaluated in the context of the concept of democracy, the concepts of national sovereignty evaluated in the context of the concept of democracy, the concepts of national sovereignty and popular sovereignty, which are the basic concepts of democracy, were emphasised at and popular sovereignty, which are the basic concepts of democracy, were emphasised at every opportunity, the existence of the Parliament cevery opportunity, the existence of the Parliament continued, democracy and freedomontinued, democracy and freedom--themed ideas were covered in the press and in the Parliament, transition to multithemed ideas were covered in the press and in the Parliament, transition to multi--party life party life was attempted and internal party opposition was tolerated.was attempted and internal party opposition was tolerated.385 In addition, in this period, In addition, in this period, granting women the right to vote and be elected, raising the individual from servitude to granting women the right to vote and be elected, raising the individual from servitude to citizenship through education mobilisation, and trying to transition to industrial society, citizenship through education mobilisation, and trying to transition to industrial society, which is one of the most important elements which is one of the most important elements of democratic society, albeit by the state, also of democratic society, albeit by the state, also helped to create the objective conditions for democratic society and political democracy.helped to create the objective conditions for democratic society and political democracy.386
On the other hand, the existence of the concept of democracy and its elements between
On the other hand, the existence of the concept of democracy and its elements between 1925 and 1945, its discursive articulation and the taking of some democratic political steps 1925 and 1945, its discursive articulation and the taking of some democratic political steps
381 ÖzbudunÖzbudun (2016), p. 101, (2016), p. 101, ParlaParla (1992), p. 326. (1992), p. 326.
382 ParlaParla (1992), p. 45, (1992), p. 45, GüneşGüneş (2001)(2001), p. 721., p. 721.
383 DemirelDemirel (2012), p. 303. (2012), p. 303.
384 DemirelDemirel (2012), p. 304, (2012), p. 304, GüneşGüneş (2001)(2001), p. 722, , p. 722, ParlaParla (1992), p. 45.(1992), p. 45.
385 Tanör, Tanör, Bülent Bülent ‘Türk Devrimi Üzerine Düşünceler’‘Türk Devrimi Üzerine Düşünceler’ Eren, Güler (Editor) (1998) Cumhuriyet 1923Eren, Güler (Editor) (1998) Cumhuriyet 1923--1998 Dönemi Değerlendirmesi Volume 1 Genel Değerlendirme ve İdeoloji, I. Edition, Ankara, Yeni Türkiye, 1998 Dönemi Değerlendirmesi Volume 1 Genel Değerlendirme ve İdeoloji, I. Edition, Ankara, Yeni Türkiye, p. 598.p. 598.
386 ToprakToprak, , Zafer Zafer ‘Tek‘Tek--Parti Cumhuriyeti ve Demokrasi’ Eren, Güler (Editor) (1998) Cumhuriyet 1923Parti Cumhuriyeti ve Demokrasi’ Eren, Güler (Editor) (1998) Cumhuriyet 1923--1998 Dönemi Değerlendirmesi Volume II Siyasal Değerlendirme, I. Edition, Ankara, Yeni Türkiye, p. 1055. 1998 Dönemi Değerlendirmesi Volume II Siyasal Değerlendirme, I. Edition, Ankara, Yeni Türkiye, p. 1055.
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were not enough to change the fact that the one
were not enough to change the fact that the one--party period was authoritarian and antiparty period was authoritarian and anti--democratic in nature. This is because the Republic of Turkey, especially after 1930, entered democratic in nature. This is because the Republic of Turkey, especially after 1930, entered a period in which the state and the party were integrated, the onea period in which the state and the party were integrated, the one--party reparty regime was reinforced gime was reinforced and steps were taken towards authoritarianism.and steps were taken towards authoritarianism.387 In this context, effective political In this context, effective political participation and intraparticipation and intra--party democracy to mobilise national integration were hindered party democracy to mobilise national integration were hindered during this period, and those in power played an effective role in the during this period, and those in power played an effective role in the progressprogress of antiof anti--democratic systems in order to prdemocratic systems in order to preserveeserve the unity of the country and maintain their personal the unity of the country and maintain their personal interests. Moreover, the Constitution of 1924 remained to be for show, and the political interests. Moreover, the Constitution of 1924 remained to be for show, and the political mechanism that drew the framework of the political system and regulated the functioning of mechanism that drew the framework of the political system and regulated the functioning of the state was the RPP,the state was the RPP, which adopted the ideology of Kemalism, a political and social attitude which adopted the ideology of Kemalism, a political and social attitude that supported the undemocratic idea of historical progress and excluded democracy as a that supported the undemocratic idea of historical progress and excluded democracy as a whole.whole.388 In addition to these, the lack of a competitive character of the elections, the de In addition to these, the lack of a competitive character of the elections, the de facto subordination of the Parliament, the inability to fully exercise and limit fundamental facto subordination of the Parliament, the inability to fully exercise and limit fundamental rights and freedoms, and the presence of antirights and freedoms, and the presence of anti--democratic elements such as the cdemocratic elements such as the chief system hief system and the unchangeable general presidency made the establishment of democracy impossible.and the unchangeable general presidency made the establishment of democracy impossible.
However, with the change in the world order over time, the concept of democracy
However, with the change in the world order over time, the concept of democracy gained importance. In parallel with this, due to the changing social and political structure of gained importance. In parallel with this, due to the changing social and political structure of the Republic of Turkey, the desire and necessity to take its place in this orderthe Republic of Turkey, the desire and necessity to take its place in this order enabled the enabled the understanding of a democratic state of law to be among the basic qualities of the republic.understanding of a democratic state of law to be among the basic qualities of the republic.
387 KaraömerlioğluKaraömerlioğlu, p. 282. , p. 282.
388 KoçakKoçak, , Cemil Cemil ‘Tek Parti Yönetimi, Kemalizm ve Şeflik Sistemi: Ebedi Şef / Milli Şef’: İnsel, Ahmet ‘Tek Parti Yönetimi, Kemalizm ve Şeflik Sistemi: Ebedi Şef / Milli Şef’: İnsel, Ahmet (Editor) (2019) Modern Türkiye’de Siyasi Düşünce Volume 2: Kemalizm, 9. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim (Editor) (2019) Modern Türkiye’de Siyasi Düşünce Volume 2: Kemalizm, 9. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 120, Yayınları, p. 120, TuncayTuncay, , Suavi Suavi ‘Türkiye’de Parti İçi Demokrasinin Gelişimi ve Bu Gelişimi Engelleyen ‘Türkiye’de Parti İçi Demokrasinin Gelişimi ve Bu Gelişimi Engelleyen Faktörler’ Eren, Güler (Editor) (1998) Cumhuriyet 1923Faktörler’ Eren, Güler (Editor) (1998) Cumhuriyet 1923--1998 Dönemi Değerlendirmesi Volume II Siyasal 1998 Dönemi Değerlendirmesi Volume II Siyasal Değerlendirme, I. Edition, Ankara, Yeni Türkiye, p. 980, Değerlendirme, I. Edition, Ankara, Yeni Türkiye, p. 980, KökerKöker, p. 235. , p. 235.
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5
5. . RERE--ESTABLISHMENT OF THE POLITICAL SYSTEM IN THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE POLITICAL SYSTEM IN THE TRANSITION TO MULTITRANSITION TO MULTI--PARTY LIFE (1945PARTY LIFE (1945--1950) IN THE 1950) IN THE CONTEXT OF THE CONCEPT OF DEMOCRACYCONTEXT OF THE CONCEPT OF DEMOCRACY
5
5.1. .1. Factors Affecting the Transition to MultiFactors Affecting the Transition to Multi--Party LifeParty Life
The transition to multi
The transition to multi--party political life in 1945 is one of the most important turning party political life in 1945 is one of the most important turning points in the history of the Republic of Turkey. In this context, there are two important issues points in the history of the Republic of Turkey. In this context, there are two important issues that need to be highlighted in relation to how this political order wthat need to be highlighted in relation to how this political order was achieved. The first is as achieved. The first is external factors. With the victory of the democratic external factors. With the victory of the democratic sideside in the Second World War, there was in the Second World War, there was no place for totalitarian and authoritarian regimes in the newly established world order. For no place for totalitarian and authoritarian regimes in the newly established world order. For this reason, Turkey, which was left alone ithis reason, Turkey, which was left alone in the postn the post--war blocwar blockingking due to its wartime policy due to its wartime policy of balance, initiated the transition to democracy in order to be on the side of the victors and of balance, initiated the transition to democracy in order to be on the side of the victors and to adapt to the new world order. Moreover, the need for help from Britain and the US against to adapt to the new world order. Moreover, the need for help from Britain and the US against the Soviet threat and pressure, which hathe Soviet threat and pressure, which had long been one of the most important d long been one of the most important topicstopics in in Turkish foreign policy, brought Turkey closer to the "Western bloc" led by the US and led to Turkish foreign policy, brought Turkey closer to the "Western bloc" led by the US and led to the adoption of the democratic regime prevailing in this bloc.the adoption of the democratic regime prevailing in this bloc.389
The external factors that influenced Turkey's transition to a multi
The external factors that influenced Turkey's transition to a multi--party system were party system were an important issue that was emphasised by an important issue that was emphasised by RPPRPP deputies and writers, especially by its leader deputies and writers, especially by its leader İsmet İnönü between 1945 and 1950. In fact, İnönü felt obliged to enter the democratic İsmet İnönü between 1945 and 1950. In fact, İnönü felt obliged to enter the democratic system under the influence and pressure of external events and changing world conditions, system under the influence and pressure of external events and changing world conditions, and while he ended the oneand while he ended the one--partparty rule, he believed that the country's security could only be y rule, he believed that the country's security could only be ensured within the community of democratic states.ensured within the community of democratic states.390
The
The RPPRPP government, which had a harsh policy towards the press during the war years, government, which had a harsh policy towards the press during the war years, allowed the newspapers Tan, Vatan and Tasvir to be published again in March 1945, after allowed the newspapers Tan, Vatan and Tasvir to be published again in March 1945, after they had been closed down because of their prothey had been closed down because of their pro--democracy policies during the war years.democracy policies during the war years.391 The press of the time took every opportunity to refer to Turkey's good relations with the West The press of the time took every opportunity to refer to Turkey's good relations with the West
389YetkinYetkin, , Çetin Çetin (2020) Karşı Devrim, 1945(2020) Karşı Devrim, 1945--1950, 12. Edition, Ankara, Kilit Yayınları, p. 1471950, 12. Edition, Ankara, Kilit Yayınları, p. 147, , Tanör Tanör (2021), (2021), p. 337. p. 337.
390 BurçakBurçak, , RR. . SalimSalim (1979),(1979), Türkiye’de Demokrasiye Geçiş 1945Türkiye’de Demokrasiye Geçiş 1945--1950, 1. Edition, Ankara, Olgaç 1950, 1. Edition, Ankara, Olgaç Matbaası, p. 41Matbaası, p. 41--42.42.
391 GürkanGürkan, , NilgünNilgün ((1998) Türkiye’de Demokrasiye Geçişte Basın (19451998) Türkiye’de Demokrasiye Geçişte Basın (1945--1950)1950),, 1. Edition, İstanbul, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayıncılık,İletişim Yayıncılık, p. 105. p. 105. In fact, the start of the publication of these newspapers is accepted by Cemil Koçak In fact, the start of the publication of these newspapers is accepted by Cemil Koçak as “the beginning of the twoas “the beginning of the two--party party ppolitical system in Turkey”. olitical system in Turkey”. KoçakKoçak,, (2010) (2010) p. 947. p. 947.
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and the historical course of these relations. In the news published in this context, it was
and the historical course of these relations. In the news published in this context, it was emphasised that Turkey was indeed a democratic country and was therefore included in the emphasised that Turkey was indeed a democratic country and was therefore included in the Western world, that Turkey did not expect any benefits from its decision toWestern world, that Turkey did not expect any benefits from its decision to side with side with democratic states, that Turkey would make all kinds of sacrifices in the struggle that democratic states, that Turkey would make all kinds of sacrifices in the struggle that democratic nations were engaged in, and that if there were any mistakes and shortcomings democratic nations were engaged in, and that if there were any mistakes and shortcomings in the functioning of Turkish democracy, they would be corrected.in the functioning of Turkish democracy, they would be corrected.392 In this context, both In this context, both in the press and in political discourse, the external factors that were effective in Turkey's in the press and in political discourse, the external factors that were effective in Turkey's transition to democracy were mentioned as much as possible.transition to democracy were mentioned as much as possible.
The second factor influencing Turkey's transition to a multi
The second factor influencing Turkey's transition to a multi--party system was party system was domestic. In this context, popular dissatisfaction with years of onedomestic. In this context, popular dissatisfaction with years of one--party rule, combined with party rule, combined with the economic difficulties of the Second World War, reached its peak.the economic difficulties of the Second World War, reached its peak.393 The understanding The understanding of populism, which is based on the assumption of a classless, privileged and united society, of populism, which is based on the assumption of a classless, privileged and united society, and the understanding of statism, which is the economic policy of the Republic of Turkey, and the understanding of statism, which is the economic policy of the Republic of Turkey, ceased to be unifying and integrative.ceased to be unifying and integrative.394 In this context, the citizens began to think that the In this context, the citizens began to think that the oneone--party rule that had been in place for many years could no longer be a solution to their party rule that had been in place for many years could no longer be a solution to their problems; on the contrary, these problems would increase.problems; on the contrary, these problems would increase.
When analysing the internal factors, the determination of the ruling elite was effective
When analysing the internal factors, the determination of the ruling elite was effective in Turkey's transition to a multiin Turkey's transition to a multi--party system. In fact, İnönü said in a speech in 1939: party system. In fact, İnönü said in a speech in 1939: ““(...) (...) If the control of the nation over the administration is not real and actual, and if the nation is If the control of the nation over the administration is not real and actual, and if the nation is not convinced of this, it cannot be said that there is a popular administration. For this not convinced of this, it cannot be said that there is a popular administration. For this reason, the Grand National Assembly will carry out its duties reason, the Grand National Assembly will carry out its duties with a firmness that will leave with a firmness that will leave no room for the slightest hesitation.no room for the slightest hesitation.””395 He stressed his intention to adopt a democratic style He stressed his intention to adopt a democratic style of government and free elections. At the beginning of the transition to a multiof government and free elections. At the beginning of the transition to a multi--party system, party system, İnönü explained the reason that led him to say these words: İnönü explained the reason that led him to say these words: ‘’I used to see the countries ‘’I used to see the countries around us holding free elections and I could not look at the walls out of shamearound us holding free elections and I could not look at the walls out of shame.”.” 396
Despite İnönü's declaration in 1939, the outbreak of the Second World War during this
Despite İnönü's declaration in 1939, the outbreak of the Second World War during this period meant that discussions on multiperiod meant that discussions on multi--party life, individual rights and freedoms, control and party life, individual rights and freedoms, control and opposition were left behind. Only at the end of the war, when Turkey realisopposition were left behind. Only at the end of the war, when Turkey realised that its ed that its
392 GürkanGürkan, p. 95. , p. 95.
393 EroğulEroğul,, p. 4. p. 4.
394 Tanör Tanör (2021)(2021), , p. 335.p. 335.
395 Toker, MetinToker, Metin (2020) Demokrasimizin İsmet Paşalı Yılları 1944(2020) Demokrasimizin İsmet Paşalı Yılları 1944--1960, 1. Edition, Ankara, Bilgi 1960, 1. Edition, Ankara, Bilgi Yayınevi, p. 20. Yayınevi, p. 20.
396 TokerToker (2020)(2020), p. 21. , p. 21.
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economic and
economic and political interests were on the side of the West, did these concepts return to political interests were on the side of the West, did these concepts return to the agenda, and Turkey's entry into the United Nations and its rapprochementhe agenda, and Turkey's entry into the United Nations and its rapprochementt with the West with the West shook the foundations of the authoritarian oneshook the foundations of the authoritarian one--party regime that had reached its peak during party regime that had reached its peak during the war years.the war years.397 ActuallyActually, İsmet İnönü, in a declaration he made on 19 May 1945, stated that , İsmet İnönü, in a declaration he made on 19 May 1945, stated that the Republic of Turkey would embark on a new path. In this context, İnönü emphasised that the Republic of Turkey would embark on a new path. In this context, İnönü emphasised that the will of the people the will of the people be establishedbe established by the Republican regime would continue to progress by the Republican regime would continue to progress and develop in all directions and that the principles of democracy would take more and more and develop in all directions and that the principles of democracy would take more and more place in the place in the culturalcultural and and politicalpolitical life of the country as the conditions necessitated by the war life of the country as the conditions necessitated by the war disappeared. Continuing his speech, he said that the Grand National Assembly of Turkey disappeared. Continuing his speech, he said that the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM), a great democratic institution, had been in control of the administration from the (TBMM), a great democratic institution, had been in control of the administration from the very beginning very beginning and had accustomed the country to the life of free thought andand had accustomed the country to the life of free thought and freedom.freedom.398
Shortly after his declaration on 19 May 1945, İsmet İnönü again stated that an
Shortly after his declaration on 19 May 1945, İsmet İnönü again stated that an authoritarian regime could not last forever and that if the oneauthoritarian regime could not last forever and that if the one--party regimes could not be party regimes could not be transformed into democratic procedures and principles when the time came, the reforms transformed into democratic procedures and principles when the time came, the reforms that that had been implemented and protected with great effort would be in vain:had been implemented and protected with great effort would be in vain:
“Our current system is based on the person at the top. Such
“Our current system is based on the person at the top. Such administrations often start off very well, and even continue well for a while. But administrations often start off very well, and even continue well for a while. But there is no end. When the leader leaves the stage, there is no telling what fate there is no end. When the leader leaves the stage, there is no telling what fate awaits. Oneawaits. One--party regimes have cparty regimes have collapsed because they were unable to make the ollapsed because they were unable to make the transition to a normal democratic form of government, or at least they were transition to a normal democratic form of government, or at least they were unable to make the necessary transition in time. In the midst of the ruins, many unable to make the necessary transition in time. In the midst of the ruins, many artefacts created with great effort have all been wasartefacts created with great effort have all been wasted. We must save our ted. We must save our country from such a fate. We must quickly establish serious and fundamental country from such a fate. We must quickly establish serious and fundamental systems of control and opposition... I can live my life under a onesystems of control and opposition... I can live my life under a one--party regime. party regime. But I think of the result, I think of what comes after me. That is why we muBut I think of the result, I think of what comes after me. That is why we must get st get to work immediately.”to work immediately.”399
Both external and internal factors had a great influence on the Republic of Turkey's
Both external and internal factors had a great influence on the Republic of Turkey's transition to a multitransition to a multi--party system. In this context, Faik Ahmet Barutçu, in his memoirs, stated party system. In this context, Faik Ahmet Barutçu, in his memoirs, stated that İsmet İnönü thought that the Republic of Turkey transitioned to a multthat İsmet İnönü thought that the Republic of Turkey transitioned to a multii--party system party system
397 KarpatKarpat (2021), p. 237. (2021), p. 237.
398 Ayın TarihiAyın Tarihi, Mayıs 1945, V: 138, N:138, p. 52, Mayıs 1945, V: 138, N:138, p. 52--53.53.
399 TokerToker (2020),(2020), p. 53. p. 53.
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under the influence of both
under the influence of both internal and internal and externalexternal factors: factors: “I have seen this in my long “I have seen this in my long experience: I know of no foreign problem which I have solved without mixing it with domestic experience: I know of no foreign problem which I have solved without mixing it with domestic problems, and I know of no domestic problem which I have solved without mixing it with problems, and I know of no domestic problem which I have solved without mixing it with foreign problems. The one necessarily affects tforeign problems. The one necessarily affects the other.”he other.”400 However, the transition of the However, the transition of the Republic of Turkey from a singleRepublic of Turkey from a single--party system to a multiparty system to a multi--party system was prepared by the party system was prepared by the internal political, social and economic developments that had taken place since the Ottoman internal political, social and economic developments that had taken place since the Ottoman Empire and the liberal ideas that the RepubEmpire and the liberal ideas that the Republic had held since its foundation. Among the lic had held since its foundation. Among the issues mentioned above, external developments in particular have only accelerated this issues mentioned above, external developments in particular have only accelerated this process.process.401
5
5.2. Opposition And Democracy.2. Opposition And Democracy
The phenomenon of opposition is one of the most important indicators for
The phenomenon of opposition is one of the most important indicators for understanding the democratic value of the political institution in a society. In this context, understanding the democratic value of the political institution in a society. In this context, the phenomenon of opposition, together with many basic principles of democratic the phenomenon of opposition, together with many basic principles of democratic governangovernance, is one of the most important conditions for the construction of a pluralistic and ce, is one of the most important conditions for the construction of a pluralistic and participatory political environment. In order for the national will to be fully manifested in a participatory political environment. In order for the national will to be fully manifested in a pluralist parliamentary structure, different segments of society must be rpluralist parliamentary structure, different segments of society must be represented under epresented under the roof of the parliament, and thus the opposition element in the parliament, which has the roof of the parliament, and thus the opposition element in the parliament, which has gained a polyphonic structure, ensures the control of the government. In this context, the gained a polyphonic structure, ensures the control of the government. In this context, the concept of opposition has been a phenomenon that has been dconcept of opposition has been a phenomenon that has been debated in the period when the ebated in the period when the Republic of Turkey entered the multiRepublic of Turkey entered the multi--party system. Especially since May 1945, the press party system. Especially since May 1945, the press coverage of the debates in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey brought the concepts of coverage of the debates in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey brought the concepts of opposition and control (murakabe) to the agenda, opposition and control (murakabe) to the agenda, and articles were written on the necessity and articles were written on the necessity of these concepts and how they functioned in the past.of these concepts and how they functioned in the past.402
From mid
From mid--1945, the concepts of opposition and control became one of the most 1945, the concepts of opposition and control became one of the most essentialessential items on the political agenda. In particular, those who supported the idea of items on the political agenda. In particular, those who supported the idea of establishing a second party referred to the importance of these concepts and supported the establishing a second party referred to the importance of these concepts and supported the idea that the Republic of Turkey should take a new path. İsmet İnönü's speech on 19 Maidea that the Republic of Turkey should take a new path. İsmet İnönü's speech on 19 May y
400 BarutçuBarutçu, , FF. . Ahmet Ahmet (2001) Siyasi (2001) Siyasi Anılar: Millî Mücadeleden Demokrasiye 2Anılar: Millî Mücadeleden Demokrasiye 2. Volume. Volume, 21. Yüzyıl , 21. Yüzyıl Yayınları, Ankara, p. 316. Yayınları, Ankara, p. 316.
401 KarpatKarpat (2021), p. 233. (2021), p. 233.
402 GürkanGürkan, p. 155. , p. 155.
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1945, in which he stated that
1945, in which he stated that “(...) As the constraints of wartime, which necessitated cautious “(...) As the constraints of wartime, which necessitated cautious measures, disappear, the principles of democracy will prevail to a greater extent in the measures, disappear, the principles of democracy will prevail to a greater extent in the political and intellectual life of the country. (...)”political and intellectual life of the country. (...)”, was proof that the country was embarking , was proof that the country was embarking on a new path towards democracy.on a new path towards democracy.403
In this context, it was pointed out that even during the most difficult struggles, when
In this context, it was pointed out that even during the most difficult struggles, when the number of the number of members of parliamentmembers of parliament in the Grand National Assembly was lower and the in the Grand National Assembly was lower and the functioning of the state was not yet fully established, the audit work was successfully carried functioning of the state was not yet fully established, the audit work was successfully carried out thanks to the presence of the opposition in the Assembly, and it was emphasised that the out thanks to the presence of the opposition in the Assembly, and it was emphasised that the people who carriepeople who carried out this duty did not play a defeatist role in ensuring victory, but on the d out this duty did not play a defeatist role in ensuring victory, but on the contrary ensured that those responsible fulfilled theircontrary ensured that those responsible fulfilled their duties much better by providing an duties much better by providing an element of control.element of control.404 This opposition element, which emerged in the early years of the This opposition element, which emerged in the early years of the Republic, was later completely eliminated and authoritarian singleRepublic, was later completely eliminated and authoritarian single--party rule was adopted, party rule was adopted, and the control mechanism was tried to be fulfilled by a formation called the Independent and the control mechanism was tried to be fulfilled by a formation called the Independent Group, whGroup, which was established with the directive of the government. However, the fact that ich was established with the directive of the government. However, the fact that this group did not have a single point of difference with the government and did not or could this group did not have a single point of difference with the government and did not or could not fulfil the opposition and control functions expected of it prevented the provnot fulfil the opposition and control functions expected of it prevented the provision of the ision of the element of supervision.element of supervision.405 In this context, the need for a second party, independent from In this context, the need for a second party, independent from the the RPPRPP, to take over the supervision of state affairs was mentioned and it was emphasised , to take over the supervision of state affairs was mentioned and it was emphasised that this would facilitate the work of the government and ensure its control.that this would facilitate the work of the government and ensure its control.406 In addition, In addition, during this period, some opposition journalists and politicians tried to promote their ideas by during this period, some opposition journalists and politicians tried to promote their ideas by expressing that the oneexpressing that the one--party system was doomed to bankruptcy and that opposition was party system was doomed to bankruptcy and that opposition was necessary for the regime of freedom.necessary for the regime of freedom.407
It was Hikmet Bayur who, during the budget negotiations in December 1945, stated
It was Hikmet Bayur who, during the budget negotiations in December 1945, stated most clearly that control and opposition were the most important issues for the establishment most clearly that control and opposition were the most important issues for the establishment of democratic government in the country and for the smooth running of all other aof democratic government in the country and for the smooth running of all other affairs. ffairs. Bayur stated that in the Republic of Turkey, the apparatus responsible for supervising the Bayur stated that in the Republic of Turkey, the apparatus responsible for supervising the government was appointed by the executive power and therefore the apparatus responsible government was appointed by the executive power and therefore the apparatus responsible for supervising the government did not function. Continuing his speecfor supervising the government did not function. Continuing his speech, he said that in order h, he said that in order to to enhanceenhance the prestige of the regime and eliminate the problems in the country, the the prestige of the regime and eliminate the problems in the country, the
403 TokerToker (2020)(2020), p. 138. , p. 138.
404 Ziyad Ebüzziya, ‘’Meclis’in Sesi, Halkın Kulağı’’, Tasvir, 18.5.1945, p. 1. Ziyad Ebüzziya, ‘’Meclis’in Sesi, Halkın Kulağı’’, Tasvir, 18.5.1945, p. 1.
405 Ziyad Ebüzziya, ‘’Meclis’in Sesi, Halkın Kulağı’’, Tasvir, 19.5.1945, p. 1.Ziyad Ebüzziya, ‘’Meclis’in Sesi, Halkın Kulağı’’, Tasvir, 19.5.1945, p. 1.
406 Ziyad Ebüzziya, ‘’İkinci Bir Partiye Doğru İlk Adım’’, Tasvir, 8.6.1945, p. 1. Ziyad Ebüzziya, ‘’İkinci Bir Partiye Doğru İlk Adım’’, Tasvir, 8.6.1945, p. 1.
407 GürkanGürkan, p. 164, p. 164--165. 165.
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government should be supervised by providing the element of supervision as follows:
government should be supervised by providing the element of supervision as follows: “It is “It is said that there has never been such a debate in our country and there has never been such a said that there has never been such a debate in our country and there has never been such a free speech both in the parliament and in the press. But the important thing is not to speak, free speech both in the parliament and in the press. But the important thing is not to speak, write or not to write freely, but to get things right.”write or not to write freely, but to get things right.” 408
On the other hand, there were also those who approached the establishment of a second
On the other hand, there were also those who approached the establishment of a second party to provide the elements of opposition and supervision cautiously or negatively. In fact, party to provide the elements of opposition and supervision cautiously or negatively. In fact, it was said that all the principles of the existing regime have been adjustit was said that all the principles of the existing regime have been adjusted according to the ed according to the principles of the principles of the RPPRPP and that there is no reason to change this real situationand that there is no reason to change this real situation409 and it was and it was emphasised that talking about the necessity of establishing a second party to provide the emphasised that talking about the necessity of establishing a second party to provide the element of supervision would be an act that would undermine the element of supervision would be an act that would undermine the security, security, orderorder and and confidence of the country and that this situation could lead to disruption and subversion.confidence of the country and that this situation could lead to disruption and subversion.410 Furthermore, based on the past experiences in the Republic of Turkey, it was said that the Furthermore, based on the past experiences in the Republic of Turkey, it was said that the opposition, instead of being an element of supervision, acted with a “reactionary face” opposition, instead of being an element of supervision, acted with a “reactionary face” against the revolution and the current government, that it was formed in an against the revolution and the current government, that it was formed in an aimless and aimless and unprincipled way and that it tried to replace the government by gathering those who were unprincipled way and that it tried to replace the government by gathering those who were dissatisfied with the government.dissatisfied with the government.411 In this context, it was stated that the steps to be taken In this context, it was stated that the steps to be taken for the establishment of democratic administration should be taken in accordance with the for the establishment of democratic administration should be taken in accordance with the structure and needs of the nation, making use of the experience of the past and realising that structure and needs of the nation, making use of the experience of the past and realising that democracy isdemocracy is not an unchangeable mould that fits every nation, every time and everywhere, not an unchangeable mould that fits every nation, every time and everywhere, but has special characteristics from era to era and from society to society.but has special characteristics from era to era and from society to society.412 It was also said It was also said that it would be artificial to allow an opposition to exist in the country, even if it became that it would be artificial to allow an opposition to exist in the country, even if it became necessary due to the influence of external factors.necessary due to the influence of external factors.413 These comments emphasised that These comments emphasised that democracy is different in different times and places and that the democratic steps to be taken democracy is different in different times and places and that the democratic steps to be taken in the future would and should be a Turkish model.in the future would and should be a Turkish model.414
Asım Us and Falih Rıfkı Atay were the most outspoken against those who argued that
Asım Us and Falih Rıfkı Atay were the most outspoken against those who argued that the existence of an opposition in the country should be allowed. Us, described those who the existence of an opposition in the country should be allowed. Us, described those who “recommend party fights in the name of democracy” and those who “want the “recommend party fights in the name of democracy” and those who “want the RPPRPP to to
408 TBMMTD, 7.TBMMTD, 7. Period, 3.Period, 3. Meeting, 20.Meeting, 20. Volume, 12. Volume, 12. SessionSession, 17.12.1945, p. 120, 17.12.1945, p. 120--121.121.
409 Etem İzzet Benice, ‘’Serbest Seçim Karşısında’’, Son Telgraf, 9.6.1945, p. 1. Etem İzzet Benice, ‘’Serbest Seçim Karşısında’’, Son Telgraf, 9.6.1945, p. 1.
410 Etem İzzet Benice, ‘’İnönü Konuştu’’, Son Telgraf, 20.5.1945, p. 1. Etem İzzet Benice, ‘’İnönü Konuştu’’, Son Telgraf, 20.5.1945, p. 1.
411 Nadir Nadi, ‘’Türk Halkçılığında Gelişme’’, Cumhuriyet, 9.6.1945, p. 1. Nadir Nadi, ‘’Türk Halkçılığında Gelişme’’, Cumhuriyet, 9.6.1945, p. 1.
412 Necmettin Sadak, ‘’Cumhurbaşkanının Güzel Nutku’’, Akşam, 20.5.1945, p. 1, Nadir Nadir, ‘’Halk Necmettin Sadak, ‘’Cumhurbaşkanının Güzel Nutku’’, Akşam, 20.5.1945, p. 1, Nadir Nadir, ‘’Halk İradesinde İleri Adım’’, Cumhuriyet, 21.5.1945, p. 1. İradesinde İleri Adım’’, Cumhuriyet, 21.5.1945, p. 1.
413 Ekrem Uşaklıgil, ‘’İkinci Bir Parti Yapılabilir mi?’’, Son Posta, 9.6.1945, p. 1. Ekrem Uşaklıgil, ‘’İkinci Bir Parti Yapılabilir mi?’’, Son Posta, 9.6.1945, p. 1.
414 KoçakKoçak (2010), p. 233. (2010), p. 233.
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disintegrate” as “enemies of national unity” and stated that their aim is to “disrupt national
disintegrate” as “enemies of national unity” and stated that their aim is to “disrupt national unity”. Us also stated that the salvation of today's Turkey would be possible thanks to "young unity”. Us also stated that the salvation of today's Turkey would be possible thanks to "young people who learn from the lessons of the party struggles of the papeople who learn from the lessons of the party struggles of the past" and evaluated the st" and evaluated the attempts at transition to multiattempts at transition to multi--party life in the past as elements that should be learnt from.party life in the past as elements that should be learnt from.415 Falih Rıfkı Atay considered those who talked about the necessity of the opposition and the Falih Rıfkı Atay considered those who talked about the necessity of the opposition and the antianti--democratic democratic featurefeature of the oneof the one--party regime as “traitors” and argued that democracy can party regime as “traitors” and argued that democracy can be practised under onebe practised under one--party regimes and that the Republic of Turkey is one of the best party regimes and that the Republic of Turkey is one of the best examples of this.examples of this.416 Necmettin Sadak, on the other hand, took a different view of the Necmettin Sadak, on the other hand, took a different view of the opposition, claiming that recent developments in parliament had effectively ended the oneopposition, claiming that recent developments in parliament had effectively ended the one--party regime and that a second opposition party had already emerged.party regime and that a second opposition party had already emerged.417 Furthermore, Sadak Furthermore, Sadak mentioned that single parties prolong their life by splitting and gave hints about the future mentioned that single parties prolong their life by splitting and gave hints about the future of political life by saying that this situation would also occur in the RPP. In fact, İsmet İnönü of political life by saying that this situation would also occur in the RPP. In fact, İsmet İnönü wanted the opposition party to the RPP to bewanted the opposition party to the RPP to be founded by people from within the existing founded by people from within the existing political cadre and made efforts to achieve this.political cadre and made efforts to achieve this.418 The most important point that Sadak The most important point that Sadak stressed in this context was the idea that the opposition should not be “tailorstressed in this context was the idea that the opposition should not be “tailor--made”, that is, made”, that is, it should not be created with the power and help of the RPP. He also stated that the opposition it should not be created with the power and help of the RPP. He also stated that the opposition should be formed spontaneoushould be formed spontaneously on the basis of certain and clear principles and movements sly on the basis of certain and clear principles and movements of opinion by removing some obstacles of law and tradition.of opinion by removing some obstacles of law and tradition.419
5
5.2.1. .2.1. Establishment of the Democrat PartyEstablishment of the Democrat Party (DP)(DP)
The year 1945 was a year in which the opposition re
The year 1945 was a year in which the opposition re--emerged in Turkish politics after emerged in Turkish politics after a long interval. In this context, the opposition, which had been against the government for a long interval. In this context, the opposition, which had been against the government for years, found its representatives in some people during the May debates on the years, found its representatives in some people during the May debates on the Peasants' Land Peasants' Land Law, which was submitted to the Parliament on 1 January 1945, and this bill played an Law, which was submitted to the Parliament on 1 January 1945, and this bill played an essentialessential role in the revival and organisation of the opposition.role in the revival and organisation of the opposition.420 The debates were very The debates were very heated, in contrast to the parliamentary debates of the oneheated, in contrast to the parliamentary debates of the one--party period. In May 1945, the party period. In May 1945, the
415 Asım Us, ‘’Milli Birlik Düşmanları’’, Vakit, 26.6.1945, p. 1. Asım Us, ‘’Milli Birlik Düşmanları’’, Vakit, 26.6.1945, p. 1.
416 Falih Rıfkı Atay, ‘’Gerçek Demokrasiye Doğru’’, Ulus, 18.5.1945, p. 1, ‘’Pazar Konuşması’’, Ulus, Falih Rıfkı Atay, ‘’Gerçek Demokrasiye Doğru’’, Ulus, 18.5.1945, p. 1, ‘’Pazar Konuşması’’, Ulus, 19.8.1945, p. 1, ‘’Gülünç Bir Şantaj’’, Ulus, 20.8.1945, p. 1. 19.8.1945, p. 1, ‘’Gülünç Bir Şantaj’’, Ulus, 20.8.1945, p. 1.
417 Necmettin Sadak, ‘’Toprak Bayramını Kutlarken: Hürriyet, Demokrasi ve Parti Düşünceleri’’, Necmettin Sadak, ‘’Toprak Bayramını Kutlarken: Hürriyet, Demokrasi ve Parti Düşünceleri’’, Akşam, 18.6.1945, p. 1. Akşam, 18.6.1945, p. 1.
418 GürkanGürkan, p. 164. , p. 164.
419 Necmettin Sadak, ‘’Yeni Partilerin Doğması İçin Bazı Kanunların Değişmesi Gerektir’’, Akşam, Necmettin Sadak, ‘’Yeni Partilerin Doğması İçin Bazı Kanunların Değişmesi Gerektir’’, Akşam, 24.6.1945, p. 1. 24.6.1945, p. 1.
420 GoloğluGoloğlu (2021a) p. 20.(2021a) p. 20.
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budget negotiations were controversial, as was the Land Distribution Law, which was
budget negotiations were controversial, as was the Land Distribution Law, which was discussed in the same month, and this was another factor that exposed the opposition within discussed in the same month, and this was another factor that exposed the opposition within the parliamentarians.the parliamentarians.421 With this law, the rift within the With this law, the rift within the RPPRPP became more apparent.became more apparent.
The fact that these laws could be debated in the TGNA and that these debates were
The fact that these laws could be debated in the TGNA and that these debates were reported in reported in newspapers and reflected in public opinion, was interpreted by the press as a newspapers and reflected in public opinion, was interpreted by the press as a positive development in terms of democracy. Furthermore, the fact that the TGNA became positive development in terms of democracy. Furthermore, the fact that the TGNA became a platform for debate, where different voices and demands could be expressed, was a platform for debate, where different voices and demands could be expressed, was associateassociated with wider democracy.d with wider democracy. 422 The fact that these laws led to extensive debates was The fact that these laws led to extensive debates was seen as a refreshing element in the atmosphere of the country, and the fact that the deputies seen as a refreshing element in the atmosphere of the country, and the fact that the deputies freely expressed their views and, where necessary, held those concerned to account was seen freely expressed their views and, where necessary, held those concerned to account was seen as one of the mas one of the manifestations of the concept of responsibility.anifestations of the concept of responsibility.423 Again, based on the debates Again, based on the debates that took place in Parliament during the discussion of these laws, the ability to express that took place in Parliament during the discussion of these laws, the ability to express oneself freely, without feeling pressured and without fear, was seen as a sign of the transition oneself freely, without feeling pressured and without fear, was seen as a sign of the transition to more general democratic rightsto more general democratic rights424 and political events to be valued.and political events to be valued.425
In June 1945, the opposition within the
In June 1945, the opposition within the RPPRPP manifested itself in its most visible form manifested itself in its most visible form during the debates on both the Land Distribution Law and the Budget Law. In this context, during the debates on both the Land Distribution Law and the Budget Law. In this context, on 7 June 1945, Celal Bayar, on 7 June 1945, Celal Bayar, Adnan Menderes, Fuat Köprülü and Adnan Menderes, Fuat Köprülü and Refik Koraltan, known in Refik Koraltan, known in the literature as the “Memorandum of the Fourthe literature as the “Memorandum of the Four””, presented their motion to the , presented their motion to the RPPRPP parliamentary group.parliamentary group.426
In the proposal, it was firstly emphasised that the most fundamental principle of the
In the proposal, it was firstly emphasised that the most fundamental principle of the Republic of Turkey and the Republic of Turkey and the RPPRPP is democracy and, referring to the constitution of 1924, it is democracy and, referring to the constitution of 1924, it was stated that this constitution is the most democratic constitution in the world with the was stated that this constitution is the most democratic constitution in the world with the importance it gives to individual rights and freedoms and with the possibility of ensuring importance it gives to individual rights and freedoms and with the possibility of ensuring national connational control in the broadest sense. However, it was stated that the Constitution could not trol in the broadest sense. However, it was stated that the Constitution could not be fully implemented because of some limitations due to sbe fully implemented because of some limitations due to some events that ome events that occuredoccured in the in the first years of the Republic and that these limitations continued due to the Second World War. first years of the Republic and that these limitations continued due to the Second World War. The The basic basic part of the motion stated that the front of freedom and democracy had won the war part of the motion stated that the front of freedom and democracy had won the war
421 EroğulEroğul, p. 11, p. 11..
422 GürkanGürkan, p. 142, p. 142--143. 143.
423 Ziyad Ebüzziya, ‘’B.M. Meclisi Müzakereleri Yurda Ferahlık ve Huzur Verdi’’, Tasvir, 18 Mayıs Ziyad Ebüzziya, ‘’B.M. Meclisi Müzakereleri Yurda Ferahlık ve Huzur Verdi’’, Tasvir, 18 Mayıs 19451945, p. 1. , p. 1.
424 ‘’Meclisin Sesi, Halkın Kulağı’’ Tasvir, 18‘’Meclisin Sesi, Halkın Kulağı’’ Tasvir, 18.5..5.1945. 1945.
425 Refik Şevket İnce, ‘’Bütçe Münasebeti ile Refik Şevket İnce, ‘’Bütçe Münasebeti ile Hükümetin Durumu’’, Yeni Asır, 31Hükümetin Durumu’’, Yeni Asır, 31.5..5.19451945, p. 1. , p. 1.
426 Koçak Koçak (2010), p. 313, (2010), p. 313, Karpat Karpat (2021), p. 241, (2021), p. 241, EroğulEroğul, p. 13. , p. 13.
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and that, as a result, the principle of respect for democratic freedoms had begun to be adopted
and that, as a result, the principle of respect for democratic freedoms had begun to be adopted throughout the world and that everyone in the country, from peasants to intellectuals, had throughout the world and that everyone in the country, from peasants to intellectuals, had become ready for democracy. In this context, both the developments inbecome ready for democracy. In this context, both the developments in the international the international arena and the political maturity reached by the Turkish people were highlighted and the arena and the political maturity reached by the Turkish people were highlighted and the necessary measures were demanded to be taken in order to ensure a real control in the Grand necessary measures were demanded to be taken in order to ensure a real control in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, the sole representative of tNational Assembly of Turkey, the sole representative of the national will, to guarantee the he national will, to guarantee the free birth and life of democratic institutions, to abolish antifree birth and life of democratic institutions, to abolish anti--democratic laws restricting the democratic laws restricting the free exercise of politicalfree exercise of political freedoms andfreedoms and rights of citizens and to organise all party activities rights of citizens and to organise all party activities according to these principles.according to these principles.427 This proposal, submitted to the This proposal, submitted to the RPPRPP Assembly Group, was Assembly Group, was rejected on the grounds that it was outside the group's remit.rejected on the grounds that it was outside the group's remit. 428
During this period, instead of forming a separate party, the proponents tried to express
During this period, instead of forming a separate party, the proponents tried to express their dissatisfaction with the their dissatisfaction with the RPPRPP administration within the party and in parliament and to administration within the party and in parliament and to carry out reforms within the party.carry out reforms within the party.429 However, İnönü said, However, İnönü said, ““They They should not do this inside should not do this inside the party. Let them come out, stand in front of us, build their organisations and fight as a the party. Let them come out, stand in front of us, build their organisations and fight as a separate partyseparate party..”” İnönü encouraged the opposition within the party to form another party.İnönü encouraged the opposition within the party to form another party.430
After the rejection of the motion, Adnan Menderes and Fuat Köprülü, who were among
After the rejection of the motion, Adnan Menderes and Fuat Köprülü, who were among the proponents of the motion, continued with their democratic demands and expressed their the proponents of the motion, continued with their democratic demands and expressed their views through the press, especially the Vatan newspaper. The issues they raised werviews through the press, especially the Vatan newspaper. The issues they raised were liberal e liberal and democratic demands such as ensuring national control, abolishing or amending antiand democratic demands such as ensuring national control, abolishing or amending anti--democratic laws, ensuring human rights and freedoms and abolishing oppression.democratic laws, ensuring human rights and freedoms and abolishing oppression.431 Following these publications, the party council met and Following these publications, the party council met and Köprülü and Köprülü and Menderes were Menderes were expelled from the party on the grounds that the situation had disturbed party discipline. Refik expelled from the party on the grounds that the situation had disturbed party discipline. Refik Koraltan, who thought that this incident was against the party's constitution, was also Koraltan, who thought that this incident was against the party's constitution, was also expelled from the party for expressing his opinion in a prexpelled from the party for expressing his opinion in a press statement. Celal Bayar, who ess statement. Celal Bayar, who protested against this situation, resigned from both his parliamentary seat and the party.protested against this situation, resigned from both his parliamentary seat and the party.432
427 KoçakKoçak (2010), p. 316(2010), p. 316--317, 317, AhmadAhmad, , FerozFeroz (2020)(2020) Demokrasi Sürecinde Türkiye 1945Demokrasi Sürecinde Türkiye 1945--19801980,, 6. 6. Edition, İstanbul, Hil Yayınları,Edition, İstanbul, Hil Yayınları, p. 30, p. 30, GürkanGürkan, p. 170. , p. 170.
428 Ahmad Ahmad (2020), p. 30. (2020), p. 30.
429 Bayar, CelalBayar, Celal (2010), Başvekilim Adnan Menderes (Prepared by: İsmet Bozdağ), (2010), Başvekilim Adnan Menderes (Prepared by: İsmet Bozdağ), 1. Edition1. Edition, İstanbul, , İstanbul, Truva Yayınları p. 29Truva Yayınları p. 29--33, 33, TokerToker (2020), (2020), p.60, p.60, KoçakKoçak (2010), p. 328. (2010), p. 328.
430 TokerToker (2020)(2020), p. 60. , p. 60.
431 EroğulEroğul, p.15. , p.15.
432 KarpatKarpat (2021), p. 242, (2021), p. 242, YetkinYetkin (2020)(2020), p. 201, , p. 201, GoloğluGoloğlu, , MahmutMahmut (2021b)(2021b) Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Tarihi III 1939Tarihi III 1939--1945 Milli Şef Dönemi1945 Milli Şef Dönemi,, 3. Edition, İstanbul, Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları,3. Edition, İstanbul, Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları, p. 433p. 433--434.434.
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Thus, towards the end of 1945, the owners of the four motions broke their relations
Thus, towards the end of 1945, the owners of the four motions broke their relations with the with the RPPRPP. Meanwhile, the Grand National Assembly of Turkey was opened on 1 . Meanwhile, the Grand National Assembly of Turkey was opened on 1 November 1945 and İsmet İnönü, in his opening speech, evaluated the recent political November 1945 and İsmet İnönü, in his opening speech, evaluated the recent political events, the attitude of the press and expressed some expectations for the future. In his speech, events, the attitude of the press and expressed some expectations for the future. In his speech, İnönü aİnönü also stated that what the Turkish political system lacked was an opposition party and lso stated that what the Turkish political system lacked was an opposition party and invited Bayar and his friends to organise themselves as an opposition partyinvited Bayar and his friends to organise themselves as an opposition party, expressing his , expressing his hope that an opposition could be formed in hope that an opposition could be formed in compliance compliance with democratic principles and the with democratic principles and the needs of the country.needs of the country.433
Meanwhile, in December, when the establishment of the new party was considered to
Meanwhile, in December, when the establishment of the new party was considered to be certain, those who had previously criticised those who were in favour of allowing the be certain, those who had previously criticised those who were in favour of allowing the existence of the opposition and the existence of the opposition and the foundationfoundation of a second party began to express their of a second party began to express their satisfaction. In fact, İsmet İnönü's speech of 1 November 1945 was the reason why these satisfaction. In fact, İsmet İnönü's speech of 1 November 1945 was the reason why these people changed their opinion in a short time and expressed their satisfaction. In this context, people changed their opinion in a short time and expressed their satisfaction. In this context, Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın stated inHüseyin Cahit Yalçın stated in one of his articles that the element oone of his articles that the element of control could not be f control could not be ensured in a democratic administration without two parties and that a “control party” should ensured in a democratic administration without two parties and that a “control party” should be established to ensure this. In the continuation of his article, he emphasised that it would be established to ensure this. In the continuation of his article, he emphasised that it would be beneficial for the future of the Republic be beneficial for the future of the Republic of Turkey if the newly established opposition of Turkey if the newly established opposition party fulfilled this control function and mission.party fulfilled this control function and mission.434 Falih Rıfkı Atay, on the other hand, Falih Rıfkı Atay, on the other hand, assessed the attempt to establish an opposition party as assessed the attempt to establish an opposition party as “(...) A gap that our democratic life “(...) A gap that our democratic life has always wanted has been filled. (...)”has always wanted has been filled. (...)”435 Moreover, the establishment of an opposition Moreover, the establishment of an opposition party was seen as “the first condition for moving towards a broader democracy”party was seen as “the first condition for moving towards a broader democracy”436 and it and it was stated that the work of the was stated that the work of the RPPRPP would take on a more dynamic form.would take on a more dynamic form.437 As can be seen, As can be seen, the government supported the establishment of an opposition party and expressed this in its the government supported the establishment of an opposition party and expressed this in its discourses. All these developments led to the official discourses. All these developments led to the official foundationfoundation of the Democrat Partyof the Democrat Party (DP)(DP) under the presidency of Celal Bayar on 7 January 1946, and the Republic of Turkey began under the presidency of Celal Bayar on 7 January 1946, and the Republic of Turkey began its multiits multi--party political life.party political life.438
433 TBMMTD, 7.TBMMTD, 7. PeriodPeriod, 3., 3. MeetingMeeting, 20., 20. VolumeVolume, 1. , 1. SessionSession, 1.11.1945, p. 7., 1.11.1945, p. 7.
434 Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, “Yeni Parti…”, Tanin, 5.12.1945, p. 2.Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, “Yeni Parti…”, Tanin, 5.12.1945, p. 2.
435 Falih Rıfkı Atay, “Yeni Parti Kuruldu…”, Ulus, 8.12.1946, p. 1.Falih Rıfkı Atay, “Yeni Parti Kuruldu…”, Ulus, 8.12.1946, p. 1.
436 Necmettin Sadak, “Bir İyi Haber: Celal Necmettin Sadak, “Bir İyi Haber: Celal Bayar’ın Kurmak Üzere Olduğu Parti”, Akşam, 3.12.1945, Bayar’ın Kurmak Üzere Olduğu Parti”, Akşam, 3.12.1945, p. 1.p. 1.
437 “Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi Yeni Partiyi Çok İyi Karşılıyor”, Akşam, 3.12.1945, p. 1.“Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi Yeni Partiyi Çok İyi Karşılıyor”, Akşam, 3.12.1945, p. 1.
438 EroğulEroğul, p. 16. , p. 16.
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5
5.2.2. .2.2. TheThe Ruling PartyRuling Party and The Oppositionand The Opposition
The establishment of the DP was welcomed by the
The establishment of the DP was welcomed by the ruling partyruling party, and even the , and even the establishment of the party by former Prime Minister Celal Bayar and establishment of the party by former Prime Minister Celal Bayar and RPPRPP deputies was deputies was considered as “a good fortune for Turkey”considered as “a good fortune for Turkey”439 and it was stated that and it was stated that “such initiatives “such initiatives undertaken by wellundertaken by well--known and tried people out of love for their homeland will definitely be known and tried people out of love for their homeland will definitely be good and beneficial for the country...”good and beneficial for the country...”440 The establishment of the DP had a positive impact The establishment of the DP had a positive impact on society. In fact, those who were overwhelmed by the oppression of the oneon society. In fact, those who were overwhelmed by the oppression of the one--party rule party rule and those who longed for a multiand those who longed for a multi--party democratic party democratic powerpower saw the DP as a “saviour” and saw the DP as a “saviour” and started to join the ranks of the party. Moreover, the establishment of the DP not only pleased started to join the ranks of the party. Moreover, the establishment of the DP not only pleased those who longed for a democratic those who longed for a democratic powerpower, but also relieved the , but also relieved the RPPRPP. For the . For the RPPRPP got rid of got rid of the opposition within itself.the opposition within itself.441
In terms of the ruling party's perspective on the opposition, the
In terms of the ruling party's perspective on the opposition, the RPPRPP saw the DP as a saw the DP as a “safety valve” that would keep the government awake, supervise it and eliminate public “safety valve” that would keep the government awake, supervise it and eliminate public dissatisfaction without actually challenging its legitimacy and power like the FRP and the dissatisfaction without actually challenging its legitimacy and power like the FRP and the Independent Group.Independent Group.442 In other words, the In other words, the RPPRPP perceived the newly founded party as a perceived the newly founded party as a "control party" under the shadow and supervision of its own power. When İsmet İnönü "control party" under the shadow and supervision of its own power. When İsmet İnönü declared on 1 November 1945 that what the country needed was not an opposition party to declared on 1 November 1945 that what the country needed was not an opposition party to the government, his real intention was to esthe government, his real intention was to establish a limited democratic administration that tablish a limited democratic administration that would not shake the would not shake the ruling partyruling party..443 Commenting on the opposition's perception of the Commenting on the opposition's perception of the powerpower, , Nadir Nadi, editorNadir Nadi, editor--inin--chief of the Cumhuriyet newspaper, said that the Democrat Party, chief of the Cumhuriyet newspaper, said that the Democrat Party, which he said was not ideologically different from the People's Party, was for the time being which he said was not ideologically different from the People's Party, was for the time being a control party in terms of its work programme and the way it implementeda control party in terms of its work programme and the way it implemented it.it.444 Nadi Nadi stressed that the DP would or should be satisfied with a political function between the stressed that the DP would or should be satisfied with a political function between the Independent Group and the FRP.Independent Group and the FRP.445 Necmettin Sadak also stated that the DP was born with Necmettin Sadak also stated that the DP was born with “a national concern to serve as a control in practice” and reminded the newly formed “a national concern to serve as a control in practice” and reminded the newly formed opposition party of its mission and intended role.opposition party of its mission and intended role.446 Kenan Öner explained that for the Kenan Öner explained that for the powerpower, ,
439 “Memleket Celal Bayar’dan Ne Bekleyebilir”, Millet, 7.2.1946, p. 2.“Memleket Celal Bayar’dan Ne Bekleyebilir”, Millet, 7.2.1946, p. 2.
440 “Yeni Partinin Dış Siyaseti Atatürk’ün Takip Ettiği Yol”, Yeni Sabah, 11.1.1946, p. 1.“Yeni Partinin Dış Siyaseti Atatürk’ün Takip Ettiği Yol”, Yeni Sabah, 11.1.1946, p. 1.
441 GoloğluGoloğlu (2021a), p. 38(2021a), p. 38--39. 39.
442 AhmadAhmad (2020)(2020), p. 128. , p. 128.
443 KarpatKarpat (2021), p. 243. (2021), p. 243.
444 Nadir Nadi, ‘’Yeni Partinin Karakteri’’, Cumhuriyet, 9.1.1946, p. 1. Nadir Nadi, ‘’Yeni Partinin Karakteri’’, Cumhuriyet, 9.1.1946, p. 1.
445 KoçakKoçak,, (2018) (2018) p. 32. p. 32.
446 Necmettin Sadak, ‘’Demokrat Parti’ye ‘’Hoş Geldin’’ Deriz’’, Akşam, 9.1.1946, p. 1. Necmettin Sadak, ‘’Demokrat Parti’ye ‘’Hoş Geldin’’ Deriz’’, Akşam, 9.1.1946, p. 1.
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the establishment of the DP was
the establishment of the DP was initially seen as limited to the formation of a control party initially seen as limited to the formation of a control party and the political environment of the party was shaped in line with this purpose.and the political environment of the party was shaped in line with this purpose.447 Moreover, Moreover, during the debates in parliament, the DP and the opposition parties in general were always during the debates in parliament, the DP and the opposition parties in general were always referred to as the “control party”.referred to as the “control party”.448
This discourse by the
This discourse by the powerpower continued at intervals throughout the period, and the continued at intervals throughout the period, and the opposition was reminded of its duty as a control party. In this context, it was emphasised that opposition was reminded of its duty as a control party. In this context, it was emphasised that in view of the steps taken by the in view of the steps taken by the powerpower to realise advanced democracy, the opposition should to realise advanced democracy, the opposition should support the support the power power with its duty as a control party and not act outside of it.with its duty as a control party and not act outside of it.449 Moreover, the Moreover, the attitude that the opposition should take in the face of elections, which was the most important attitude that the opposition should take in the face of elections, which was the most important element of democratic administration, was expressed by the element of democratic administration, was expressed by the powerpower. In this context, prior to . In this context, prior to the elections to be held during the period, it was stated that the DP should not strive in vain the elections to be held during the period, it was stated that the DP should not strive in vain to win the electionsto win the elections450 and it was emphasised that the opposition had no chance against the and it was emphasised that the opposition had no chance against the RPPRPP and was doomed to remain as a “small minority” in the TGNA.and was doomed to remain as a “small minority” in the TGNA.451
In time, the DP's rapid organisation and transformation into an opposition party
In time, the DP's rapid organisation and transformation into an opposition party accepted and supported by the public proved that it was not only a party of control but also accepted and supported by the public proved that it was not only a party of control but also a strong candidate for the position of power. This situation led the a strong candidate for the position of power. This situation led the powerpower, after a while, to , after a while, to adopt an intolerant attitude towards the opposition. In particular, the fact that the DP went adopt an intolerant attitude towards the opposition. In particular, the fact that the DP went beyond the limits set by the beyond the limits set by the powerpower and took steps, forgetting its expected duty of control, and took steps, forgetting its expected duty of control, was harshly criticised by the was harshly criticised by the ruling partyruling party and even led toand even led to veiled threats against the party. As veiled threats against the party. As a matter of fact, following the DP's announcement that it would not participate in the a matter of fact, following the DP's announcement that it would not participate in the municipal elections in 1946, Falih Rıfkı Atay stated in one of his articles that due to this municipal elections in 1946, Falih Rıfkı Atay stated in one of his articles that due to this decision of the opposition, “citizens decision of the opposition, “citizens seem to despair that a mature and useful opposition seem to despair that a mature and useful opposition mechanism can be established”, but that the Republic of Turkey would be able to have a mechanism can be established”, but that the Republic of Turkey would be able to have a fully democratic criticism and control mechanism in time.fully democratic criticism and control mechanism in time.452 Atay's words were a clear Atay's words were a clear expression of the opposition's inability to fulfil the expectations of both the expression of the opposition's inability to fulfil the expectations of both the ruling partyruling party and and the citizens.the citizens.
447 ÖnerÖner, , KenanKenan (1948) Siyasi Hatıralarım ve Bizde Demokrasi, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Osmanbey (1948) Siyasi Hatıralarım ve Bizde Demokrasi, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Osmanbey Matbaası, p. 21. Matbaası, p. 21.
448 TBMMTD, 7.TBMMTD, 7. Period, 3.Period, 3. Meeting, 22.Meeting, 22. Volume, 45. Session, 29.4.1946, p. 219, Volume, 45. Session, 29.4.1946, p. 219, KoçakKoçak (2018), p. 334. (2018), p. 334.
449 Nadir Nadi, ‘’Milli Şefi Dinlerken’’, Cumhuriyet, 5.5.1946, p. 1. Nadir Nadi, ‘’Milli Şefi Dinlerken’’, Cumhuriyet, 5.5.1946, p. 1.
450 Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, ‘’İnkılabın Yeni Safhası Başlarken’’, Tanin, 30.4.1946, p. 1, Nadir Nadi, Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, ‘’İnkılabın Yeni Safhası Başlarken’’, Tanin, 30.4.1946, p. 1, Nadir Nadi, ‘’Seçimlere Dair Birkaç Söz’’, Cumhuriyet, 4.5.1946, p. 1. ‘’Seçimlere Dair Birkaç Söz’’, Cumhuriyet, 4.5.1946, p. 1.
451 Nadir Nadi, ‘’Önümüzdeki İmtihan’’, Cumhuriyet, 28.4.1946, p. 1. Nadir Nadi, ‘’Önümüzdeki İmtihan’’, Cumhuriyet, 28.4.1946, p. 1.
452 Falih Rıfkı Atay, ‘’Ümitsizliğe Düşmek Doğru Mudur?’’, Ulus, 21.5.1946, p. 1. Falih Rıfkı Atay, ‘’Ümitsizliğe Düşmek Doğru Mudur?’’, Ulus, 21.5.1946, p. 1.
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After the local elections, Nihat Erim gave the harshest reaction to the opposition's
After the local elections, Nihat Erim gave the harshest reaction to the opposition's behaviour. Erim made a statement in favour of ending multibehaviour. Erim made a statement in favour of ending multi--party democratic life, saying party democratic life, saying that in case of need, a “scarf” should be put over the regime of freedom and a topthat in case of need, a “scarf” should be put over the regime of freedom and a top--down down authority should be established.authority should be established.453 Erim's statement showed that the government regarded Erim's statement showed that the government regarded multimulti--party political life as an experience and that it could put an end to the opposition if party political life as an experience and that it could put an end to the opposition if things did not go as desired and expected.things did not go as desired and expected.454 Falih Rıfkı Atay, who took an uncompromising Falih Rıfkı Atay, who took an uncompromising stance against the stance against the severesevere attitude of the opposition towards the government before the attitude of the opposition towards the government before the parliamentary elections that were decided in early 1946, declared that the opposition was parliamentary elections that were decided in early 1946, declared that the opposition was dragging him to failure and that there was an “opposition crisis” in Turkey and that this dragging him to failure and that there was an “opposition crisis” in Turkey and that this situation was situation was preventing the normal development of democracy.preventing the normal development of democracy.455
In addition to these, the fact that the DP was initially favoured by the
In addition to these, the fact that the DP was initially favoured by the ruling partyruling party, that , that it was considered as a control party and that its founding process was similar to the founding it was considered as a control party and that its founding process was similar to the founding process of the FRP and that the party programme was similar to the programme of the process of the FRP and that the party programme was similar to the programme of the RPPRPP in terms of its content led to the party being accused of collusion and this situation constituted in terms of its content led to the party being accused of collusion and this situation constituted one of the biggest problems faced by the party.one of the biggest problems faced by the party.456 Regarding this issue, Celal Bayar, in a Regarding this issue, Celal Bayar, in a statement he made as soon as the DP was founded, stated that collusion was a lightness and statement he made as soon as the DP was founded, stated that collusion was a lightness and that the country did not tolerate collusion and that the DP was founded spontaneously.that the country did not tolerate collusion and that the DP was founded spontaneously.457 In In a later statement, he said that difficulties were encountered due to the fact that the DP was a later statement, he said that difficulties were encountered due to the fact that the DP was thought to be a work of collusion and that it was considered a temporary movement like the thought to be a work of collusion and that it was considered a temporary movement like the FRP.FRP.458
The ruling party, on the other hand, utilised the allegation of collusion when it deemed
The ruling party, on the other hand, utilised the allegation of collusion when it deemed it necessary and made statements aimed at wearing down the DP, thus both warning the it necessary and made statements aimed at wearing down the DP, thus both warning the opposition and threatening it by reminding it of the fate suffered by the opposition and threatening it by reminding it of the fate suffered by the FRPFRP. Because the . Because the RPPRPP wanted the DP to take on the role of a control party, which the FRP had previously wanted the DP to take on the role of a control party, which the FRP had previously assumed, and to avoid the mistakes that this party had made. In this context, during the first assumed, and to avoid the mistakes that this party had made. In this context, during the first year of the DP's establishment, the DP and the FRP were constantlyear of the DP's establishment, the DP and the FRP were constantly compared and it was y compared and it was
453 Nihat Erim, ‘’Demokrasi Gaye Midir, Vasıta Mıdır?’’, Ulus, 30.5.1946, p. 1.Nihat Erim, ‘’Demokrasi Gaye Midir, Vasıta Mıdır?’’, Ulus, 30.5.1946, p. 1.
454 KoçakKoçak (2018), p. 404.(2018), p. 404.
455 Falih Rıfkı Atay, ‘’Halkı Saymak Lazımdır’’, 4.6.1946, p. 1. Falih Rıfkı Atay, ‘’Halkı Saymak Lazımdır’’, 4.6.1946, p. 1.
456 KoçakKoçak (2018), p. 165, (2018), p. 165, TokerToker (2020)(2020), p. 73, , p. 73, Fuat Köprülü, ‘’Demokrat Parti'yi Yıkmaya İmkân Fuat Köprülü, ‘’Demokrat Parti'yi Yıkmaya İmkân Yoktur’’, Kudret, 9.2.1948, p. 1. Yoktur’’, Kudret, 9.2.1948, p. 1.
457 ŞahingirayŞahingiray, , ÖzelÖzel (1956) Celal Bayar’ın Söylev ve Demeçleri: 1946(1956) Celal Bayar’ın Söylev ve Demeçleri: 1946--1950 Demokrat Parti’nin 1950 Demokrat Parti’nin Kuruluşundan İktidara Kadar Politik Konuşmalar, 1. Edition, Ankara, Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür YayınlarıKuruluşundan İktidara Kadar Politik Konuşmalar, 1. Edition, Ankara, Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları,, p.p. 1, ‘’Demokrat Parti Dün Resmen Teessüs Etti’’, Cumhuriyet, 8.1.1946, p. 1. 1, ‘’Demokrat Parti Dün Resmen Teessüs Etti’’, Cumhuriyet, 8.1.1946, p. 1.
458 ŞahingirayŞahingiray (1956), p. 426, ‘’Celal Bayar’ın Demeci’’, Cumhuriyet, 14.3.1946, p. 1, ‘’Celal Bayar (1956), p. 426, ‘’Celal Bayar’ın Demeci’’, Cumhuriyet, 14.3.1946, p. 1, ‘’Celal Bayar Muvazaa Dedikodularını Yalanlıyor’’, Vakit, 14.3.1946, p. 1.Muvazaa Dedikodularını Yalanlıyor’’, Vakit, 14.3.1946, p. 1.
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emphasised that there was no difference between these two parties and a close link was tried
emphasised that there was no difference between these two parties and a close link was tried to be established between past political experiences and current political developments.to be established between past political experiences and current political developments.459 It It was stated that the DP, just like the FRP, was in a hurry to come to was stated that the DP, just like the FRP, was in a hurry to come to governmentgovernment and had and had become a party where enemies of the become a party where enemies of the RPPRPP gatheredgathered460, and the DP was warned in a , and the DP was warned in a threatening manner by emphasising that the FRP, which had the same experience, was closed threatening manner by emphasising that the FRP, which had the same experience, was closed down after a short period of time.down after a short period of time.461 At the same time, it was emphasised that the DP was a At the same time, it was emphasised that the DP was a newly established inexperienced party and should not come to newly established inexperienced party and should not come to governmentgovernment..462 As can be As can be seen, the seen, the FRPFRP experiment, instead of being a guiding experience for the newly established experiment, instead of being a guiding experience for the newly established opposition party, was a process that overshadowed it and was used as a political tool by the opposition party, was a process that overshadowed it and was used as a political tool by the ruling partyruling party to prevent the development of the opposition, to prevent it from being supported to prevent the development of the opposition, to prevent it from being supported by the public opinion and to show its intolerance towards the opposition.by the public opinion and to show its intolerance towards the opposition.463
Adnan Menderes evaluated the uncompromising and harsh attitude of the
Adnan Menderes evaluated the uncompromising and harsh attitude of the ruling partyruling party towards the opposition in a speech he made and stated that the towards the opposition in a speech he made and stated that the ruling partyruling party welcomed the welcomed the DP with a cheerful face at first, but later this cheerfulness turned into rage and violence DP with a cheerful face at first, but later this cheerfulness turned into rage and violence because the suggestions made to the party were not accepted. In this context, Menderes because the suggestions made to the party were not accepted. In this context, Menderes expressed the expressed the ruling partyruling party's real expectations of the DP as follows: 's real expectations of the DP as follows: “'Not to claim to come to “'Not to claim to come to governmentgovernment against the People's Party for at least 40against the People's Party for at least 40--50 years... (...) What is expected of us 50 years... (...) What is expected of us is to remain as an ornament that complements the demois to remain as an ornament that complements the democratic landscape, to be content with cratic landscape, to be content with the seats that will be given to us in parliament, provided that we remain within a wide or the seats that will be given to us in parliament, provided that we remain within a wide or narrow boundary of activity to be drawn by the People's Party...”narrow boundary of activity to be drawn by the People's Party...”464 Again, Menderes Again, Menderes explained the intolerant attitude of the explained the intolerant attitude of the ruling partyruling party towards the opposition and what was towards the opposition and what was meant by this concept during a debate in the parliament with the following words meant by this concept during a debate in the parliament with the following words “The name “The name of opposition in the country is still treason. Opposition is still synonymous with serving the of opposition in the country is still treason. Opposition is still synonymous with serving the aims of the enemy.”aims of the enemy.”465
The DP did not want to stay within the framework of legitimacy it had initially set for
The DP did not want to stay within the framework of legitimacy it had initially set for itself and continued its struggle for democracy with firm steps both in public and in itself and continued its struggle for democracy with firm steps both in public and in parliament. In this situation, the parliament. In this situation, the RPPRPP's intolerant attitude towards the opposition, one of the 's intolerant attitude towards the opposition, one of the
459 Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, ‘’Demokrat Parti Denilen Meçhul’’, 18.7.1946, p. 3. Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, ‘’Demokrat Parti Denilen Meçhul’’, 18.7.1946, p. 3.
460 Falih Rıfkı Atay, ‘’Hürriyet Yolu Anarşi Yolu’’, Ulus, 5.7.1946, p. 1.Falih Rıfkı Atay, ‘’Hürriyet Yolu Anarşi Yolu’’, Ulus, 5.7.1946, p. 1.
461 Falih Rıfkı Atay, ‘’Seçime Nasıl Gidiyoruz’’, Ulus, 4.7.1946, p. 1. Falih Rıfkı Atay, ‘’Seçime Nasıl Gidiyoruz’’, Ulus, 4.7.1946, p. 1.
462 Nihat Erim, ‘’İktidarı Ele Alacaklarmış!’’, Ulus, 5.7.1946, p. 2. Nihat Erim, ‘’İktidarı Ele Alacaklarmış!’’, Ulus, 5.7.1946, p. 2.
463 KoçakKoçak (2018), p. 385. (2018), p. 385.
464 ‘’Celal Bayar ve Adnan Menderes’in Aydın’da Dünkü Nutukları’’, Cumhuriyet, 18.7.1946, p. 3. ‘’Celal Bayar ve Adnan Menderes’in Aydın’da Dünkü Nutukları’’, Cumhuriyet, 18.7.1946, p. 3.
465 TBMMTD, 8.TBMMTD, 8. Period, 0.Period, 0. Meeting, 1.Meeting, 1. Volume, 16. Session, 15.8.1946, p. 383. Volume, 16. Session, 15.8.1946, p. 383.
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most important elements of democratic administration, continued to increase.
most important elements of democratic administration, continued to increase.466 Especially Especially during the period of Recep Peker, who came to during the period of Recep Peker, who came to governmentgovernment after the 1946 elections and had after the 1946 elections and had an authoritarian onean authoritarian one--party mentality, the opposition was under heavy pressure and the party mentality, the opposition was under heavy pressure and the relationship between the relationship between the ruling partyruling party and the opposition became more strained than ever. and the opposition became more strained than ever. The The ruling partyruling party's perspective towards the opposition in this period was best summarised by 's perspective towards the opposition in this period was best summarised by Nihat Erim. In an article he wrote in Ulus newspaper in 1947, Erim stated that the main Nihat Erim. In an article he wrote in Ulus newspaper in 1947, Erim stated that the main purpose of the opposition was to control the government, but that the DP could not fulfil thpurpose of the opposition was to control the government, but that the DP could not fulfil this is task and commentetask and commented that "why is it that the opposition in our country is not like anything d that "why is it that the opposition in our country is not like anything else?". In the continuation of his article, he stated that the opposition had lost prestige due to else?". In the continuation of his article, he stated that the opposition had lost prestige due to its incompetence and ignorance and that a party in such a state should not come to its incompetence and ignorance and that a party in such a state should not come to governmentgovernment and mentioned the things that the DP should do in order to have an opposition and mentioned the things that the DP should do in order to have an opposition function that meets the expectations of the function that meets the expectations of the RPPRPP..467 Erim's article proved that the Erim's article proved that the RPPRPP did not did not really want an opposition, but rather a political instrument working on the principle of a really want an opposition, but rather a political instrument working on the principle of a collusion party or an independent group, acting within the framework determined by thecollusion party or an independent group, acting within the framework determined by the ruling partyruling party in order for Turkey to present the image of a democratic country to the outside in order for Turkey to present the image of a democratic country to the outside world.world. Moreover, Prime Minister Recep Peker's description of the opposition chanting Moreover, Prime Minister Recep Peker's description of the opposition chanting against him as "a crowd of simpletons" and the characterisation of the participants of the DP against him as "a crowd of simpletons" and the characterisation of the participants of the DP public meetingpublic meeting in İzmir in April 1947 in the government statement as "rabble" showed how in İzmir in April 1947 in the government statement as "rabble" showed how the opposition was conceptualised by the government during this period.the opposition was conceptualised by the government during this period.468
The opposition responded to this harsh attitude of the government with the same
The opposition responded to this harsh attitude of the government with the same harshness and criticised the democratic character of the regime through the harshness and criticised the democratic character of the regime through the ruling partyruling party's 's perspective on the concept of opposition. In this context, it was stated that in political perspective on the concept of opposition. In this context, it was stated that in political systems where the democratic regime is fully adopted, the governments have a high level of systems where the democratic regime is fully adopted, the governments have a high level of tolerance and a more understanding approach towards the opposition, whitolerance and a more understanding approach towards the opposition, which is the ch is the mechanism of control, while in the Republic of Turkey, the mechanism of control, while in the Republic of Turkey, the ruling partyruling party hahadd anan extreme extreme intolerance towards the existence of the opposition and the struggle for democracy in order intolerance towards the existence of the opposition and the struggle for democracy in order to get rid of the pressure of the opposition and to maintain its position of power.to get rid of the pressure of the opposition and to maintain its position of power.469 It was It was also stated that the Republic of Turkey would not be able to achieve the democratic life it also stated that the Republic of Turkey would not be able to achieve the democratic life it aimed to attain with an opposition as imagined by the aimed to attain with an opposition as imagined by the governmentgovernment and that what the and that what the RPPRPP
466 ‘’C. Halk Partisinin Tazyik ve Engellemeleri Arttı’’, Demokrat İzmir, 9.2.1947, p. 1. ‘’C. Halk Partisinin Tazyik ve Engellemeleri Arttı’’, Demokrat İzmir, 9.2.1947, p. 1.
467 Nihat Erim, ‘’Bocalayan Muhalefet’’, Ulus, 14.2.1947, p. 1Nihat Erim, ‘’Bocalayan Muhalefet’’, Ulus, 14.2.1947, p. 1--4. 4.
468 HanioğluHanioğlu, , ŞükrüŞükrü (2006) Osmanlı’dan Cumhuriyete Zihniyet, Siyaset ve Tarih, 1. Edition, İstanbul, (2006) Osmanlı’dan Cumhuriyete Zihniyet, Siyaset ve Tarih, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Bağlam Yayınları, p. 134. Bağlam Yayınları, p. 134.
469 Mithat Perin, ‘’Türkiye’de Muhalefetin Muvaffakiyeti’’, Demokrat İzmir, 6.3.1947, p. 2. Mithat Perin, ‘’Türkiye’de Muhalefetin Muvaffakiyeti’’, Demokrat İzmir, 6.3.1947, p. 2.
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wanted was not democracy in the full sense of the word, but a “democratic parlour game”.
wanted was not democracy in the full sense of the word, but a “democratic parlour game”.470 In addition to these thoughts, it was stated that it was a very reasonable way of thinking for In addition to these thoughts, it was stated that it was a very reasonable way of thinking for the the RPPRPP, which had ruled the country with authoritarian single, which had ruled the country with authoritarian single--party rule for many years, party rule for many years, and Recep Peker and his government, the current representative of this mentality, to like and and Recep Peker and his government, the current representative of this mentality, to like and support the onesupport the one--party system as the ideal form of democracy and the former indeparty system as the ideal form of democracy and the former independent pendent group as the ideal opposition.group as the ideal opposition. 471 However, it was stated that this way of thinking, which was However, it was stated that this way of thinking, which was contrary to the democratic regime, would not change as long as Recep Peker and his contrary to the democratic regime, would not change as long as Recep Peker and his government were in office and that multigovernment were in office and that multi--party life would not be able to get out of the party life would not be able to get out of the deadlock it had entered deadlock it had entered into.into.472
With the declaration of President İsmet İnönü on 12 July 1947 and the resignation of
With the declaration of President İsmet İnönü on 12 July 1947 and the resignation of Recep Peker and his government on 9 September 1947, the political tension between the Recep Peker and his government on 9 September 1947, the political tension between the opposition and opposition and ruling party eased to some extent, creating an environment of reconciliation ruling party eased to some extent, creating an environment of reconciliation between thebetween them.m. However, this softening and reconciliation also led to some conflicts and However, this softening and reconciliation also led to some conflicts and ruptures within both parties. In fact, the existence of those who defended the authoritarian ruptures within both parties. In fact, the existence of those who defended the authoritarian oneone--party mentality within the party mentality within the RPPRPP and the harsh opposition of the Dand the harsh opposition of the DP due to the P due to the government's stalling policy caused the softened relations to become tense again after a short government's stalling policy caused the softened relations to become tense again after a short period of time.period of time.
The political tension between the ruling party and the opposition eased to some extent
The political tension between the ruling party and the opposition eased to some extent with the declarationwith the declaration473 of President İsmet İnönü on 12 July 1947 and the resignation of Recep of President İsmet İnönü on 12 July 1947 and the resignation of Recep Peker on 9 September 1947, which led to an atmosphere of reconciliation between the ruling Peker on 9 September 1947, which led to an atmosphere of reconciliation between the ruling party and the opposition. However, the presence of those who defended the authoritarian party and the opposition. However, the presence of those who defended the authoritarian oneone--parparty mentality within the ty mentality within the RPPRPP and the harsh opposition of the DP due to the and the harsh opposition of the DP due to the government's stalling policy caused the softened relations to become tense again after a short government's stalling policy caused the softened relations to become tense again after a short period of time. The government, on the other hand, began to openly express its intolerance period of time. The government, on the other hand, began to openly express its intolerance of the opposition from of the opposition from time to time, just as it did in the early days of the transition to multitime to time, just as it did in the early days of the transition to multi--party life.party life.
The DP's suggestion that it might decide to withdraw from parliament towards the end
The DP's suggestion that it might decide to withdraw from parliament towards the end of 1947 because of the government's repressive policies provoked a harsh reaction from the of 1947 because of the government's repressive policies provoked a harsh reaction from the
470 Burhan Asaf Belge, ‘’Nihat Erim Demokrasisi’’, Demokrat İzmir, 19.2.1947, p. 1. Burhan Asaf Belge, ‘’Nihat Erim Demokrasisi’’, Demokrat İzmir, 19.2.1947, p. 1.
471 Fuat Köprülü, ‘’Başbakan’ın Nutku Münasebetiyle’’, Demokrat İzmir, 6.4.1947, p. 1Fuat Köprülü, ‘’Başbakan’ın Nutku Münasebetiyle’’, Demokrat İzmir, 6.4.1947, p. 1--2. 2.
472 Fevzi Lütfi Karaosmanoğlu, ‘’Muhalefetin İktidardan Görünüşü’’, Demokrat İzmir, 4.7.1947, p. 1. Fevzi Lütfi Karaosmanoğlu, ‘’Muhalefetin İktidardan Görünüşü’’, Demokrat İzmir, 4.7.1947, p. 1.
473 The details of this declaration will be discussed in the chapter titled "Constitution and Democracy" The details of this declaration will be discussed in the chapter titled "Constitution and Democracy" of this thesis.of this thesis.
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RPP
RPP. The . The RPPRPP stated that it was impossible to talk with a party that did not want to continue stated that it was impossible to talk with a party that did not want to continue its duties in the TBMM, that a common policy could not be followed, and that the opposition its duties in the TBMM, that a common policy could not be followed, and that the opposition could be replaced as soon as possible.could be replaced as soon as possible. 474 Burhan Asaf Belge gave the harshest reaction to Burhan Asaf Belge gave the harshest reaction to the the RPPRPP's statement. In his article on the issue, Belge responded to the statement that the DP 's statement. In his article on the issue, Belge responded to the statement that the DP would be immediately replaced if it withdrew from parliament by saying that would be immediately replaced if it withdrew from parliament by saying that “The fake “The fake democracy of the Republican People's Party would finally have its fake oppositiondemocracy of the Republican People's Party would finally have its fake opposition”.”. He went He went on to say that the on to say that the ruling partyruling party wanted to continue on its path with a fictitious opposition that wanted to continue on its path with a fictitious opposition that was completely under its control, in other words it was looking for a docile opposition that was completely under its control, in other words it was looking for a docile opposition that would be a partner to its own would be a partner to its own governmentgovernment. In this contex. In this context, Belge explained the t, Belge explained the ruling partyruling party's 's main problem as follows: main problem as follows: ““The biggest difficulty of the ruling party and the only problem it The biggest difficulty of the ruling party and the only problem it could not solve is to cooperate with a real opposition in accordance with the provisions of could not solve is to cooperate with a real opposition in accordance with the provisions of the constitutionthe constitution””.. He explained that since the He explained that since the RPPRPP could not work with a real opposition, it could not work with a real opposition, it either tried to shape the opposition to its liking or preferred not to allow any opposition at either tried to shape the opposition to its liking or preferred not to allow any opposition at all.all.475 Belge's statement shows that the Belge's statement shows that the RPPRPP still could not get rid of the authoritarian singlestill could not get rid of the authoritarian single--party mentality, could not tolerate the concept of opposition, and most importantly, could not party mentality, could not tolerate the concept of opposition, and most importantly, could not properly assimilate this concept, which was one of the indispensable elements of democratic properly assimilate this concept, which was one of the indispensable elements of democratic administration. administration. As a matter of fact, Celal Bayar summarised the state of the opposition in the As a matter of fact, Celal Bayar summarised the state of the opposition in the country in one of his statements as follows: country in one of his statements as follows: “If we take a look at our political history, we “If we take a look at our political history, we will see that the fate of the opposition parties has never been happy. Those who enjoy will see that the fate of the opposition parties has never been happy. Those who enjoy criticism are very few. Our political history is full of such examples. Especially in our criticism are very few. Our political history is full of such examples. Especially in our country, the opposition has nevcountry, the opposition has never had a happy fate.”er had a happy fate.”476
As can be seen, relations between the
As can be seen, relations between the ruling partyruling party and the opposition between 1945 and the opposition between 1945 and 1950 were generally harsh, except for brief periods of détente. The and 1950 were generally harsh, except for brief periods of détente. The primaryprimary reason for reason for this was that thethis was that the ruling partyruling party, which could not give up its one, which could not give up its one--party mentality, adopted an party mentality, adopted an intolerant attitude towards the opposition and tried to create a collusive opposition, which it intolerant attitude towards the opposition and tried to create a collusive opposition, which it wanted to keep within the framework it had established through a policy of pressure and wanted to keep within the framework it had established through a policy of pressure and intimidatiintimidation. However, the DP, which did not accept this attiton. However, the DP, which did not accept this attitude of the ude of the ruling partyruling party and and continued its struggle for democracy with the great support of the people, proved that it was continued its struggle for democracy with the great support of the people, proved that it was different from other oppositions in the Turkish political history. In this context, the DP different from other oppositions in the Turkish political history. In this context, the DP
474 ‘’Gidenlerin Yeri Asla Boş Kalmayacaktır’’, Ulus, 16.12.1947, p. 1, ‘’Uydurma Demokraside ‘’Gidenlerin Yeri Asla Boş Kalmayacaktır’’, Ulus, 16.12.1947, p. 1, ‘’Uydurma Demokraside Muhalefet’’, Demokrat İzmir, 16.12.1947, p. 4. Muhalefet’’, Demokrat İzmir, 16.12.1947, p. 4.
475 Burhan Asaf Belge, ‘’Uydurma Demokrasi Taraftarlarının Uydurma Muhalefeti’’, Demokrat İzmir, Burhan Asaf Belge, ‘’Uydurma Demokrasi Taraftarlarının Uydurma Muhalefeti’’, Demokrat İzmir, 17.12.1947, p. 1. 17.12.1947, p. 1.
476 ‘’Bayar’ın İstanbul’daki Nutku’’, Demokrat İzmir, 18.1.1948, p. 1‘’Bayar’ın İstanbul’daki Nutku’’, Demokrat İzmir, 18.1.1948, p. 1--6. 6.
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proved that the concept of opposition
proved that the concept of opposition waswas an indispensable element for a democratic an indispensable element for a democratic administration and that this element, which was considered to be dangerous for the Republic administration and that this element, which was considered to be dangerous for the Republic of Turkey and the revolutions, of Turkey and the revolutions, waswas as legitimate as the government and the state and as legitimate as the government and the state and wouldwould be an alternative for the position of be an alternative for the position of governmentgovernment..
5
5.2.3. .2.3. Intraparty Opposition in Intraparty Opposition in RPPRPP and DP: and DP: RadicalRadical (Müfrit)(Müfrit) and Moderateand Moderate (Mutedil)(Mutedil) Sections of the PartiesSections of the Parties
The declaration issued by the President İsmet İnönü on 12 July 1947 was instrumental
The declaration issued by the President İsmet İnönü on 12 July 1947 was instrumental in softening the relations between the in softening the relations between the ruling partyruling party and the opposition, which had been very and the opposition, which had been very harsh until then, to some extent, and in creating an environment of reconciliation. However, harsh until then, to some extent, and in creating an environment of reconciliation. However, İnönü's intervention led to the emergence of some conflicts and ruptures in the ruling and İnönü's intervention led to the emergence of some conflicts and ruptures in the ruling and opposition wings, and also causeopposition wings, and also caused the existing conflicts and ruptures to reach a breaking d the existing conflicts and ruptures to reach a breaking point. These developments led to the formation of groups concpoint. These developments led to the formation of groups conceptualised as “eptualised as “radicalradical” and ” and “moderate” within both parties.“moderate” within both parties.
The most prominent disagreement within the
The most prominent disagreement within the RPPRPP occurred in August 1947, when 35 occurred in August 1947, when 35 nono--confidence votes were cast in the confidence votes were cast in the RPPRPP parliamentary group against Prime Minister Recep parliamentary group against Prime Minister Recep Peker and his government, which did not accept the 12 July Declaration on the grounds that Peker and his government, which did not accept the 12 July Declaration on the grounds that it was antiit was anti--democraticdemocratic477 and did not want to give up the idea and practice of running the and did not want to give up the idea and practice of running the state through harsh measures.state through harsh measures.478 This group, known in the political literature as the “ThirtyThis group, known in the political literature as the “Thirty--fives” and composed of the young generation of fives” and composed of the young generation of RPPRPP members, represented the opposition members, represented the opposition within the within the RPPRPP and formed the party's front called the moderates. This group argued that the and formed the party's front called the moderates. This group argued that the necessary steps should be taken to establish democratic governance as soon as possible and necessary steps should be taken to establish democratic governance as soon as possible and that a competitive political order should be idealised in the Republic of Turkey, whicthat a competitive political order should be idealised in the Republic of Turkey, which had h had been transformed into a multibeen transformed into a multi--party system.party system.479 On the other hand, this group was opposed On the other hand, this group was opposed by the called by the called ““radicalradical””, led by Recep Peker and consisting mostly of , led by Recep Peker and consisting mostly of RPPRPP members of the members of the older generation. This group, which was not in favour of the development of a democratic older generation. This group, which was not in favour of the development of a democratic
477 KarpatKarpat (2021), p. 291. (2021), p. 291.
478 TokerToker (2020)(2020), p. 164, , p. 164, Feroz Feroz (2020), p. 43, (2020), p. 43, ErerErer, , Tekin Tekin (1963) Türkiye’de Parti Kavgaları, 1. Edition, (1963) Türkiye’de Parti Kavgaları, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Ticaret Postası Matbaası, p. 221.İstanbul, Ticaret Postası Matbaası, p. 221.
479 “Kurultayda Yapılacak Olan Teklifin Mahiyeti Nedir”, Vatan, 21.7.1947, p. 1, ““Kurultayda Yapılacak Olan Teklifin Mahiyeti Nedir”, Vatan, 21.7.1947, p. 1, “CHPCHP’de Islahat İçin ’de Islahat İçin Çalışmalar”, Vatan, 28.7.1947, p. 1, “Çalışmalar”, Vatan, 28.7.1947, p. 1, “CHPCHP’de Beklenen Mühim Değişiklikler”, Cumhuriyet, 29.7.1947, p. 1, ’de Beklenen Mühim Değişiklikler”, Cumhuriyet, 29.7.1947, p. 1, Nihat Erim, “Prensipler, Metotlar ve Şahıslar…”, Ulus, 3.8.1947, p. 1, Burhan Asaf Belge, ‘’İyi Alametler’’, Nihat Erim, “Prensipler, Metotlar ve Şahıslar…”, Ulus, 3.8.1947, p. 1, Burhan Asaf Belge, ‘’İyi Alametler’’, Demokrat İzmir, 3.8.1947, p. 1Demokrat İzmir, 3.8.1947, p. 1--4, “Milli İradeyi Hakim Kılmaktan Başka Çare kalma4, “Milli İradeyi Hakim Kılmaktan Başka Çare kalmadı”, Vatan, 23.8.1947, p. dı”, Vatan, 23.8.1947, p. 11--3, ‘’Dün Kurultayda, Müfritlerle 35’ler Arasında Şiddetli Münakaşalar Oldu’’, Demokrat İzmir, 23.11.1947, 3, ‘’Dün Kurultayda, Müfritlerle 35’ler Arasında Şiddetli Münakaşalar Oldu’’, Demokrat İzmir, 23.11.1947, p. 1, p. 1,
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regime, argued that the authoritarian single
regime, argued that the authoritarian single--party rule should be party rule should be preserved,preserved, and that and that competitive politics should be competitive politics should be eliminated,eliminated, and the old order should continue.and the old order should continue. 480
Throughout the period, the moderates who defended the principles of democracy and
Throughout the period, the moderates who defended the principles of democracy and the the radicalradicals who wanted to preserve the singles who wanted to preserve the single--party mentality were in conflict within the party mentality were in conflict within the RPPRPP. However, after the resignation of the . However, after the resignation of the radicalradical Prime Minister Recep Peker, the main Prime Minister Recep Peker, the main group determining the policies of the party was the called “mid” majority clustered around group determining the policies of the party was the called “mid” majority clustered around the party's Secretary General Hilmi Uran. This majority, which was excluded from the the party's Secretary General Hilmi Uran. This majority, which was excluded from the distinction between distinction between radicalradicals and moderates, accepted democracy as a vision,s and moderates, accepted democracy as a vision, but neither but neither ensured that the necessary steps were taken to establish democratic rule as soon as possible ensured that the necessary steps were taken to establish democratic rule as soon as possible nor accepted the old authoritarian onenor accepted the old authoritarian one--party mentality.party mentality.481 Due to this duality and ambiguity, Due to this duality and ambiguity, Fuat Köprülü described the Fuat Köprülü described the RPPRPP's policy as 's policy as “a Machiavelian politics with two faces, “a Machiavelian politics with two faces, totalitarian on the inside and democratic on the outside”.totalitarian on the inside and democratic on the outside”.482 The main aim of this majority The main aim of this majority was to manoeuvre the party and ensure the security of the was to manoeuvre the party and ensure the security of the RPPRPP government by following a government by following a policy called "middle politics" and adopting an ostensibly democratic administration style.policy called "middle politics" and adopting an ostensibly democratic administration style.483
The first serious difference of opinion within the DP emerged at the First Grand
The first serious difference of opinion within the DP emerged at the First Grand Congress of the party. This difference of opinion turned into a dissolution after the 12 July Congress of the party. This difference of opinion turned into a dissolution after the 12 July Declaration, which led to an environment of reconciliation between the Declaration, which led to an environment of reconciliation between the RPPRPP and the DP. and the DP. HenceHence, the differences of opinion within the party first led to the formation of a, the differences of opinion within the party first led to the formation of a group called group called
480 “Halk Partisinde Görüş Ayrılıkları”, Vatan, 21.7.1947, p. 1, ‘’Müfritlerle Mücadele Başlıyor’’, “Halk Partisinde Görüş Ayrılıkları”, Vatan, 21.7.1947, p. 1, ‘’Müfritlerle Mücadele Başlıyor’’, Demokrat İzmir, 28.7.1947, p. 1Demokrat İzmir, 28.7.1947, p. 1--4, ‘’Halk Partisi’ndeki Fikir Ayrılığının Mahiyeti’’, Demokrat İzmir, 4.8.1947, 4, ‘’Halk Partisi’ndeki Fikir Ayrılığının Mahiyeti’’, Demokrat İzmir, 4.8.1947, p. 1, Cemalettin Saraçoğlu ‘’Bu Dar Zihniyettenp. 1, Cemalettin Saraçoğlu ‘’Bu Dar Zihniyetten Ne Beklenebilir’’, Demokrat İzmir, 24.8.1947, p. 1, Burhan Ne Beklenebilir’’, Demokrat İzmir, 24.8.1947, p. 1, Burhan Asaf Belge, ‘’Falih Rıfkı ile Bir Hasbihal’’, Demokrat İzmir, 29.7.1947, p. 1. Asaf Belge, ‘’Falih Rıfkı ile Bir Hasbihal’’, Demokrat İzmir, 29.7.1947, p. 1.
Falih Rıfkı Atay approached the generally accepted concept of
Falih Rıfkı Atay approached the generally accepted concept of radicalradicals and moderates from a different s and moderates from a different perspective. Atay defined the perspective. Atay defined the radicalradicals in the s in the RPPRPP as the pioneers who laboured for years on behalf of the party as the pioneers who laboured for years on behalf of the party and democracy and were always at the forefront of the revolutionary cause. On the other hand, he defined the and democracy and were always at the forefront of the revolutionary cause. On the other hand, he defined the moderates as those who were spiritually favourable to all kinds of collusion and barmoderates as those who were spiritually favourable to all kinds of collusion and bargaining and who, by allying gaining and who, by allying with the DP, were harmful to the with the DP, were harmful to the RPPRPP and beneficial to the opposition.and beneficial to the opposition. ‘’Falih Rıfkı ile Bir Hasbihal’’, ‘’Falih Rıfkı ile Bir Hasbihal’’, Demokrat İzmir, 29.7.1947, p. 1Demokrat İzmir, 29.7.1947, p. 1--4. 4.
481 Burhan Asaf Belge, ‘’Ocak ZihniyetiBurhan Asaf Belge, ‘’Ocak Zihniyeti-- NizamNizam--ı Ceditı Cedit-- Kazan’’, Demokrat İzmir, 24.11.1947, p. 1, Kazan’’, Demokrat İzmir, 24.11.1947, p. 1, Burhan Asaf Belge, ‘Tarih Boş Verecektir’’, Demokrat İzmir, 26.11.1947, p. 1, Burhan Asaf Belge, ‘Tarih Boş Verecektir’’, Demokrat İzmir, 26.11.1947, p. 1,
482 Fuat Köprülü, ‘’Bay Hilmi Uran’a Açık Mektup’’, Demokrat İzmir, 23.11.1947, p. 1. Fuat Köprülü, ‘’Bay Hilmi Uran’a Açık Mektup’’, Demokrat İzmir, 23.11.1947, p. 1.
483 Burhan Asaf Belge, ‘’Gürültü Koparan Bir Yazı’’, Demokrat İzmir, 14.9.1947, p. 1. Burhan Asaf Belge, ‘’Gürültü Koparan Bir Yazı’’, Demokrat İzmir, 14.9.1947, p. 1.
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“Independent Democrats Group”
“Independent Democrats Group”484 in the Parliament and then to the establishment of a new in the Parliament and then to the establishment of a new opposition party called Nation Party (NP).opposition party called Nation Party (NP).485
The
The radicalradicals within the DP thought that the party should take a harder line against the s within the DP thought that the party should take a harder line against the government. They argued that the party should withdraw from parliament and return to the government. They argued that the party should withdraw from parliament and return to the nation (sinenation (sine--I millet), otherwise the authoritarian mentality of the I millet), otherwise the authoritarian mentality of the RPPRPP government and the government and the repression and fraud in the 1946 elections would be accepted.repression and fraud in the 1946 elections would be accepted.486 In the following period, In the following period, these people even hardened their discourse with the beginning of a reconciliation process these people even hardened their discourse with the beginning of a reconciliation process between the between the RPPRPP and the DP, stating that the DP and its leaders had betrayed the struggle for and the DP, stating that the DP and its leaders had betrayed the struggle for freedom and democracy called the "spirit of 1946" and that the party had become a party of freedom and democracy called the "spirit of 1946" and that the party had become a party of collusion by entering the orbit of İsmet İnönü and the collusion by entering the orbit of İsmet İnönü and the RPPRPP..487 On the other hand, the On the other hand, the moderates within the DP argued that a more restrained attitude should be adopted, that moderates within the DP argued that a more restrained attitude should be adopted, that nothing could be achieved by leaving the assembly and that this situation would benefit the nothing could be achieved by leaving the assembly and that this situation would benefit the government, and that the struggle should be conductedgovernment, and that the struggle should be conducted through legal means in order to through legal means in order to prevent the DP from becoming a revolutionary organisation in front of the public.prevent the DP from becoming a revolutionary organisation in front of the public.488
In the struggle between moderates and moderates within the DP, so to speak, the
In the struggle between moderates and moderates within the DP, so to speak, the moderate front, including the founders, won. As a matter of fact, the hardmoderate front, including the founders, won. As a matter of fact, the hard--line moderates line moderates were purged on the grounds that they disrupted the party discipline and the unity of twere purged on the grounds that they disrupted the party discipline and the unity of the party. he party. After the purging of the intraAfter the purging of the intra--party opposition by the founders, the general policy of the DP party opposition by the founders, the general policy of the DP was determined by the moderates in favour of moderation.was determined by the moderates in favour of moderation.
484 This group was established on 13 May 1948 by 13 DP independent deputies who were expelled or This group was established on 13 May 1948 by 13 DP independent deputies who were expelled or resigned from the party as a result of the conflict between the DP General Administrative Board and the resigned from the party as a result of the conflict between the DP General Administrative Board and the Parliamentary Group. The aim of the group was to remain ouParliamentary Group. The aim of the group was to remain outside the party until the party congress was held tside the party until the party congress was held and to enter into a showdown with the founders against the party organisation at the congress. and to enter into a showdown with the founders against the party organisation at the congress. GoloğluGoloğlu (2021a), (2021a), p. 295,p. 295, KoçakKoçak (2016) (2016) p, 452p, 452--453. 453.
485 Compared to the Compared to the RPPRPP, the intra, the intra--party struggle within the DP was much tougher and this struggle party struggle within the DP was much tougher and this struggle resulted in the establishment of a new opposition party, the Nation Party (MP), on 20 July 1948. Among the resulted in the establishment of a new opposition party, the Nation Party (MP), on 20 July 1948. Among the founders of the new party were Fevzi Çakmak, Enis Akaygen, Mustafa Kentlifounders of the new party were Fevzi Çakmak, Enis Akaygen, Mustafa Kentli, Osman Nuri Köni, Osman , Osman Nuri Köni, Osman Bölükbaşı, Sadık Aldoğan, Hikmet Bayur and Sadık Aldoğan. The party's honorary chairman was Fevzi Bölükbaşı, Sadık Aldoğan, Hikmet Bayur and Sadık Aldoğan. The party's honorary chairman was Fevzi Çakmak and its president was Hikmet Bayur. Çakmak and its president was Hikmet Bayur. KoçakKoçak (2016), p. 471, (2016), p. 471, GoloğluGoloğlu (2021a), p. 303.(2021a), p. 303.
486 AğaoğluAğaoğlu, , Samet Samet (2020) Siyasi Günlük Demokrat Parti’nin Kuruluşu (Prepared by: Cemil Koçak), (2020) Siyasi Günlük Demokrat Parti’nin Kuruluşu (Prepared by: Cemil Koçak), 5. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 45, 5. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 45, AkyolAkyol, , Taha Taha (2021) Kuvvetler Ayrılığı Olmayınca Otoriter (2021) Kuvvetler Ayrılığı Olmayınca Otoriter Demokrasi 1946Demokrasi 1946--1960, 2. Edition, Ankara, Doğan Kitap, p. 97. 1960, 2. Edition, Ankara, Doğan Kitap, p. 97.
487 ÖnerÖner, p. 22, , p. 22, ArcayürekArcayürek, , CüneytCüneyt (1983) Demokrasinin İlk Yılları 1947(1983) Demokrasinin İlk Yılları 1947--1951, 1. Edition, Ankara, 1951, 1. Edition, Ankara, Bilgi Yayınevi, p. 155. Bilgi Yayınevi, p. 155.
488 BayarBayar, p. 70, , p. 70, ÇaylakÇaylak, , AdemAdem (2007)(2007) ‘1946‘1946--50 Arası50 Arası DönemdeDönemde Müfrit Muhafazakar Demokratlar ve Müfrit Muhafazakar Demokratlar ve Türk Demokrasisinin Almış Olduğu Biçim’, Ankara Üniversitesi SBF Dergisi, V:62, N:1, p. 22. Türk Demokrasisinin Almış Olduğu Biçim’, Ankara Üniversitesi SBF Dergisi, V:62, N:1, p. 22.
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5.3. Constitution And Democracy.3. Constitution And Democracy
In many countries, the inclusion of rights and freedoms in constitutions and legal
In many countries, the inclusion of rights and freedoms in constitutions and legal regulations is considered a matter of pride. However, in order to guarantee rights and regulations is considered a matter of pride. However, in order to guarantee rights and freedoms in a substantial manner, the constitutional guarantee must be complemented byfreedoms in a substantial manner, the constitutional guarantee must be complemented by legal regulations and practices. In other words, the fact that a right is regulated in the legal regulations and practices. In other words, the fact that a right is regulated in the constitution may not always be sufficient to constitute a sufficient level of guarantee for it. constitution may not always be sufficient to constitute a sufficient level of guarantee for it. In this context, the 1924 Constitution, which was in force at the tiIn this context, the 1924 Constitution, which was in force at the time of the Republic of me of the Republic of Turkey's transition to multiTurkey's transition to multi--party life, included rights and freedoms, but did not foresee party life, included rights and freedoms, but did not foresee mechanisms such as the separation of powers, the Constitutional Court and the independence mechanisms such as the separation of powers, the Constitutional Court and the independence of the judiciary to protect them against strong poliof the judiciary to protect them against strong political power.tical power.489 More importantly, due to More importantly, due to the adoption of the principle of unity of powers, the idea that the will of the Parliament was the adoption of the principle of unity of powers, the idea that the will of the Parliament was identical with the national will and therefore the laws enacted by the Parliament could not identical with the national will and therefore the laws enacted by the Parliament could not be contrary to the constitution prevailed.be contrary to the constitution prevailed.490
Although it was not a feature of the 1924 Constitution, the continuation of political life
Although it was not a feature of the 1924 Constitution, the continuation of political life as singleas single--party or multiparty or multi--party in this period was related to the party in this period was related to the political and political and social social developments in the period and the attitudes of political leaders. The 1924 Constitution developments in the period and the attitudes of political leaders. The 1924 Constitution aimed to establish a libertarian democratic order, but the lack of the social structure that aimed to establish a libertarian democratic order, but the lack of the social structure that would form the infrastructure of democracy and the urgency of the rwould form the infrastructure of democracy and the urgency of the reforms to be made in eforms to be made in the new period in which the country entered led to the adoption othe new period in which the country entered led to the adoption of onef one--party rule, which party rule, which allowed the necessary majority in the parliament to be easily achieved.allowed the necessary majority in the parliament to be easily achieved.491 In this context, the In this context, the idea that pluralism could be an obstacle to the steps to be taken towards the development of idea that pluralism could be an obstacle to the steps to be taken towards the development of the newly established state prevented the favouring of multiplicity of organs exercising the newly established state prevented the favouring of multiplicity of organs exercising sovereignty and multisovereignty and multi--party life.party life.492 This situation led to the identification of the party with This situation led to the identification of the party with the state and the unlimited sovereignty of the majority.the state and the unlimited sovereignty of the majority.
In 1945, when the Republic of Turkey started multi
In 1945, when the Republic of Turkey started multi--party life, although the existence party life, although the existence of a constitutional problem in the country was an issue that had begun to be addressed by of a constitutional problem in the country was an issue that had begun to be addressed by
489 AkyolAkyol, p. 173. , p. 173.
490 ÖzbudunÖzbudun, , ErgunErgun (2012) 1924 Anayasası, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları, (2012) 1924 Anayasası, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları, p. 81. p. 81.
491 DinçkolDinçkol, , Bihterin Bihterin (2015) ‘1924 Anayasası(2015) ‘1924 Anayasası DönemindeDöneminde Siyasal Muhalefet’, Marmara Üniversitesi Siyasal Muhalefet’, Marmara Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Hukuk Araştırmaları Dergisi, V: 21, N:2, p. 344.Hukuk Fakültesi Hukuk Araştırmaları Dergisi, V: 21, N:2, p. 344.
492 DinçkolDinçkol (2015)(2015), p. 344. , p. 344.
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intellectual circles, in the same period, neither party leaders nor party members expressed
intellectual circles, in the same period, neither party leaders nor party members expressed that there was a constitutional problem.that there was a constitutional problem.493
From the ruling party's point of view, İsmet İnönü clearly stated that there was no
From the ruling party's point of view, İsmet İnönü clearly stated that there was no constitutional problem in the country in his opening speech to the Parliament on 1 November constitutional problem in the country in his opening speech to the Parliament on 1 November 1945, stating that the only thing Turkey lacked was an opposition party.1945, stating that the only thing Turkey lacked was an opposition party.494 Hasan Saka, the Hasan Saka, the foreign minister of the period, made the following statement in an interview with Reuters foreign minister of the period, made the following statement in an interview with Reuters News Agency, referring to the democratic character of the 1924 Constitution: “News Agency, referring to the democratic character of the 1924 Constitution: “The The Republican regime, as a political institution, is developing with determination on the path Republican regime, as a political institution, is developing with determination on the path of modern democracy. Our Constitution can be compared with the most advanced of modern democracy. Our Constitution can be compared with the most advanced democratic constitutions and leaves others far behind...”democratic constitutions and leaves others far behind...”495 Yavuz Abadan, a Yavuz Abadan, a RPPRPP politician politician and legist, described the 1924 Constitution as "the sacred foundation of political life" and and legist, described the 1924 Constitution as "the sacred foundation of political life" and stated that the idea of amending the Constitution could cause a crisis and shake the public's stated that the idea of amending the Constitution could cause a crisis and shake the public's confidence in the future.confidence in the future.496
The DP's understanding of the constitution was limited to the one
The DP's understanding of the constitution was limited to the one--party culture from party culture from which it emerged.which it emerged.497 In this context, the DP's main constitutional issue was shaped around In this context, the DP's main constitutional issue was shaped around the idea that the 1924 Constitution should be amended to meet the requirements of multithe idea that the 1924 Constitution should be amended to meet the requirements of multi--party life and democracy. In this context, it advocated the amendment or abolition of antiparty life and democracy. In this context, it advocated the amendment or abolition of anti--democdemocratic laws that had been enacted under the oneratic laws that had been enacted under the one--party rule throughout the period. party rule throughout the period.
From the
From the viewviewpoint of the DP founders, there was no theoretical problem with the point of the DP founders, there was no theoretical problem with the constitutional issue. The real problem was practical. According to the founders, the 1924 constitutional issue. The real problem was practical. According to the founders, the 1924 Constitution had laid the foundations for a multiConstitution had laid the foundations for a multi--party democracy, but due to historical and party democracy, but due to historical and politpolitical reasons, this foundation was moved away ical reasons, this foundation was moved away from,from, and a singleand a single--party system was party system was adopted with the authorisation granted by the constitution. In the meantime, the democratic adopted with the authorisation granted by the constitution. In the meantime, the democratic mentality had been further distanced with laws that were considered unmentality had been further distanced with laws that were considered unconstitutional and constitutional and antianti--democratic.democratic.498 In this context, even before the foundation of the DP, the In this context, even before the foundation of the DP, the Memorandum Memorandum ofof FourFour, which was given to reform the , which was given to reform the RPPRPP, mentioned that the constitution of 1924 was the , mentioned that the constitution of 1924 was the most democratic constitution in the world and stated that the problems of the country could most democratic constitution in the world and stated that the problems of the country could
493 Tanör Tanör (2021)(2021), , p. 345. p. 345.
494 AbadanAbadan, , Yavuz Yavuz // SavcıSavcı, , Bahri Bahri (1959) Türkiye’de Anayasal Gelişmelere Bir Bakış, 1. Edition, (1959) Türkiye’de Anayasal Gelişmelere Bir Bakış, 1. Edition, Ankara, Ankara Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi Yayınları, p. 80. Ankara, Ankara Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi Yayınları, p. 80.
495 Ayın TarihiAyın Tarihi, Mayıs 1945, N: 138 V:138, p. 631, Mayıs 1945, N: 138 V:138, p. 631--633.633.
496 AkyolAkyol, p. 184. , p. 184.
497 AkyolAkyol, p. 175. , p. 175.
498 Koçak Koçak (2018), p. 84. (2018), p. 84.
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be solved by abolishing anti
be solved by abolishing anti--democratic laws. Later, when the DP was founded and the democratic laws. Later, when the DP was founded and the Republic of Turkey resumed multiRepublic of Turkey resumed multi--party life, Celal Bayar defined the essence of the new party life, Celal Bayar defined the essence of the new breakthrough of the Republic of Turkey as the completion of Atatürk's revolutions wbreakthrough of the Republic of Turkey as the completion of Atatürk's revolutions with ith “freedom” and “democracy” and stated that the legal basis for this was already in the 1924 “freedom” and “democracy” and stated that the legal basis for this was already in the 1924 Constitution. He also emphasised that the biggest legitimate basis for the birth and activities Constitution. He also emphasised that the biggest legitimate basis for the birth and activities of the DP was this constitution, which was “a great work of Atatüof the DP was this constitution, which was “a great work of Atatürk”.rk”.499 On the day of the On the day of the founding of the DP, Bayar again told journalists that the 1924 constitution was a democratic founding of the DP, Bayar again told journalists that the 1924 constitution was a democratic constitution and that the main cause of the democracy problem in the country was the oneconstitution and that the main cause of the democracy problem in the country was the one--party mentality of the party mentality of the RPPRPP: : “I would like to point out immediately that our party has not “I would like to point out immediately that our party has not even considered the necessity of changing the constitution. The principles enshrined in the even considered the necessity of changing the constitution. The principles enshrined in the constitution are in line with the highest interests of our nation and are sufficient to ensure its constitution are in line with the highest interests of our nation and are sufficient to ensure its risrise and progress. The whole issue is to ensure their implementation... We believe that one e and progress. The whole issue is to ensure their implementation... We believe that one party and democracy are incompatible.”party and democracy are incompatible.”500
This view of Celal Bayar on
This view of Celal Bayar on the constitution continued throughout the period and was the constitution continued throughout the period and was the basic view of the DP on the constitution. In fact, as early as 1949, Bayar stated that the the basic view of the DP on the constitution. In fact, as early as 1949, Bayar stated that the 1924 Constitution was one of the most advanced constitutions of the countries, that it was 1924 Constitution was one of the most advanced constitutions of the countries, that it was able to meet able to meet the needs of the country and reiterated that the main problem was the nonthe needs of the country and reiterated that the main problem was the non--implementation of the Constitution.implementation of the Constitution.501
In the parliamentary debate on the adoption of the United Nations Constitution before
In the parliamentary debate on the adoption of the United Nations Constitution before the founding of DP, Adnan Menderes stated that the 1924 Constitution was a model that was the founding of DP, Adnan Menderes stated that the 1924 Constitution was a model that was very suitable for democratic conditions and that there was a complete harmony bevery suitable for democratic conditions and that there was a complete harmony between the tween the UN Constitution and the 1924 Constitution, but that this harmony was disrupted due to the UN Constitution and the 1924 Constitution, but that this harmony was disrupted due to the antianti--democratic laws enacted by the democratic laws enacted by the RPPRPP.. 502
Fuat Köprülü, one of the four founders of the DP, explained that the constitution should
Fuat Köprülü, one of the four founders of the DP, explained that the constitution should be amended according to democratic procedures and principles and fully implemented rather be amended according to democratic procedures and principles and fully implemented rather than amending the constitution as follows: “Since the Democrat Party considerthan amending the constitution as follows: “Since the Democrat Party considers the full s the full implementation of the present constitution and the abolition of laws contrary to it as its first implementation of the present constitution and the abolition of laws contrary to it as its first
499 TimurTimur, , TanerTaner (1991) Türkiye’de Çok Partili Hayata Geçiş, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, (1991) Türkiye’de Çok Partili Hayata Geçiş, 1. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları, p. 29.p. 29.
500 ‘’Demokrat Partisi Beyanname ve Programını Hükümete Verdi’’ Son Posta, 8 Ocak 1946, p. 1. ‘’Demokrat Partisi Beyanname ve Programını Hükümete Verdi’’ Son Posta, 8 Ocak 1946, p. 1.
501 ŞahingirayŞahingiray (1956)(1956), , p. 389. p. 389.
502 TBMMTD, 7. Period, 2. Meeting, 19. Volume, 90. Session, 15.8.1945, s.170TBMMTD, 7. Period, 2. Meeting, 19. Volume, 90. Session, 15.8.1945, s.170--171.171.
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goal, it has not included any article in its programme on the points of the constitution that it
goal, it has not included any article in its programme on the points of the constitution that it considers in need of amendment and has considered this as a matter to be dealt with later.”considers in need of amendment and has considered this as a matter to be dealt with later.”503
Indeed, the DP's programme did not include any statement on making amendments to
Indeed, the DP's programme did not include any statement on making amendments to the 1924 Constitution, nor did it include a policy to ensure the "independence of the the 1924 Constitution, nor did it include a policy to ensure the "independence of the judiciary". Moreover, the programme did not mention rights and freedoms such as judiciary". Moreover, the programme did not mention rights and freedoms such as freedom freedom of opinion and expression, of opinion and expression, freedom of the press, freedom of the press, freedom of associationfreedom of association and and freedom of freedom of assembly and demonstrationassembly and demonstration. . In this context, one day after the foundation of the DP, Cihat In this context, one day after the foundation of the DP, Cihat Baban, in an article, criticised the DP programme as Baban, in an article, criticised the DP programme as “There is no record of any“There is no record of any fundamental fundamental provisions that touch upon the balance of provisions that touch upon the balance of legislative and legislative and executive powers within the state” executive powers within the state” and asked the following questions to the DP: and asked the following questions to the DP: “Does the DP favour a unicameral “Does the DP favour a unicameral parliamentary system like today, or does it favour an Assembly of Notables (Ayan Meclisi)? parliamentary system like today, or does it favour an Assembly of Notables (Ayan Meclisi)? Is it against the head of state being a party member? Which procedure will it resort to in Is it against the head of state being a party member? Which procedure will it resort to in order to prevent the enactment of laws thorder to prevent the enactment of laws that may be contrary to the Constitution?”at may be contrary to the Constitution?”504
As it can be seen, at the time when the Republic of Turkey started multi
As it can be seen, at the time when the Republic of Turkey started multi--party life, the party life, the leading figures of political life did not have a constitutional problem; on the contrary, they leading figures of political life did not have a constitutional problem; on the contrary, they were of the opinion that democracy could be framed and protected by the were of the opinion that democracy could be framed and protected by the 1924 1924 Constitution.Constitution.505
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5.3.1. .3.1. The Problem of AntiThe Problem of Anti--Democratic LawsDemocratic Laws
The transition of the Republic of Turkey to a multi
The transition of the Republic of Turkey to a multi--party system in 1945 led to a party system in 1945 led to a gradual change in the views of the gradual change in the views of the RPPRPP, the only party in , the only party in governmentgovernment. In fact, while Prime . In fact, while Prime Minister Şükrü Saraçoğlu stated in 1944 that the Turkish political regime could serve as an Minister Şükrü Saraçoğlu stated in 1944 that the Turkish political regime could serve as an example for all postexample for all post--war countries, in a statement made shortly afterwards he admitted that war countries, in a statement made shortly afterwards he admitted that measures that restricted or completely abolished measures that restricted or completely abolished most rights and freedoms in order to protect most rights and freedoms in order to protect the regime could be reconsidered.the regime could be reconsidered.506 One of the main issues emphasised by the opposition One of the main issues emphasised by the opposition both before and after the transition to multiboth before and after the transition to multi--party life was the abolition or amendment of party life was the abolition or amendment of antianti--democratic laws democratic laws limiting freedoms andlimiting freedoms and rights enacted by the rights enacted by the RPPRPP, which had been in , which had been in
503 Fuat Köprülü, ‘’Demokrat Parti ve Halk Partisi Programları Arasındaki Derin Farklar’’, Son Posta, Fuat Köprülü, ‘’Demokrat Parti ve Halk Partisi Programları Arasındaki Derin Farklar’’, Son Posta, 15.3.1947, p. 1. 15.3.1947, p. 1.
504 Cihat Baban, ‘’Demokrat Parti Doğum Sancıları İçinde’’ Tasvir, 8 Ocak 1946, p. 1. Cihat Baban, ‘’Demokrat Parti Doğum Sancıları İçinde’’ Tasvir, 8 Ocak 1946, p. 1.
505 Tanör Tanör (2021(2021)),, p. 345.p. 345.
506 KarpatKarpat (2021), p. 240. (2021), p. 240.
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government
government for nearly a quarter of a century, in order to preserve its power and secure the for nearly a quarter of a century, in order to preserve its power and secure the reforms.reforms. Zekeriya Sertel evaluated the demands of the opposition within the Zekeriya Sertel evaluated the demands of the opposition within the RPPRPP in his in his article titled "What Celal Bayar and his friends want" as follows: "If we are sincere in our article titled "What Celal Bayar and his friends want" as follows: "If we are sincere in our desire to move towards democracy, true and broad democracy, we should restore all the desire to move towards democracy, true and broad democracy, we should restore all the rights of citizens guaranteed by the constitution, abolish the laws arights of citizens guaranteed by the constitution, abolish the laws and measures characteristic nd measures characteristic of authoritarian regimes, and turn the country into a counof authoritarian regimes, and turn the country into a country where free citizens live. It is not try where free citizens live. It is not within the right and competence of anyone to abolish the rights granted by the Constitution." within the right and competence of anyone to abolish the rights granted by the Constitution." He stated that the antiHe stated that the anti--democratic laws enacted during the singledemocratic laws enacted during the single--party period, such as the party period, such as the Law on Societies, the Law on PLaw on Societies, the Law on Publications, the Law on the Duties and Powers of the Police ublications, the Law on the Duties and Powers of the Police and the Penal Code, were in contradiction with democracy and freedom.and the Penal Code, were in contradiction with democracy and freedom.507
In 1945, Sabiha Sertel and Mehmet Zekeriya Sertel
In 1945, Sabiha Sertel and Mehmet Zekeriya Sertel, the opposition journalists of the , the opposition journalists of the period, published a single issue of the magazine Görüşler with the aim of gathering different period, published a single issue of the magazine Görüşler with the aim of gathering different segments of the opposition to the onesegments of the opposition to the one--party rule under a single roof and voicing democratic party rule under a single roof and voicing democratic demandsdemands508, the most important theme covered in the magazine was the abolition of anti, the most important theme covered in the magazine was the abolition of anti--democratic laws. The issues mentioned in the magazine summarised the issues opposed by democratic laws. The issues mentioned in the magazine summarised the issues opposed by the opponents of the period. In this context, it was stated in the magazine that many rightsthe opponents of the period. In this context, it was stated in the magazine that many rights and freedoms of Turkish citizens were under lock and key due to the singleand freedoms of Turkish citizens were under lock and key due to the single--party rule in party rule in Turkey for many years, and the authoritarian, arbitrary and unaccountable governance Turkey for many years, and the authoritarian, arbitrary and unaccountable governance approach of the singleapproach of the single--party government was complained about.party government was complained about.509 In the magazine, in In the magazine, in relation to the antirelation to the anti--democratic laws enacted during the singledemocratic laws enacted during the single--party period, it was stated: party period, it was stated: “This is such a freedom and democracy that the Law on Publications has bound the citizen's “This is such a freedom and democracy that the Law on Publications has bound the citizen's mouth, the Law on Societies has tightened his wrists, the Law on the Duties and Powers of mouth, the Law on Societies has tightened his wrists, the Law on the Duties and Powers of the Police has put shackles on his feet, and other provisions and contents the Police has put shackles on his feet, and other provisions and contents have turned the have turned the citizen into a mannequin that cannot think, speak or move.”citizen into a mannequin that cannot think, speak or move.”510 It was stated that for the It was stated that for the democratic development of the country, the rights and freedoms that the Republic of Turkey democratic development of the country, the rights and freedoms that the Republic of Turkey had granted to its citizens through the Constitution and the Civil Code, but which had been had granted to its citizens through the Constitution and the Civil Code, but which had been restricted or completely abolished by the goverestricted or completely abolished by the government through antirnment through anti--democratic laws, should democratic laws, should
507 Mehmet Zekeriya Sertel, ‘’Celal Bayar ve Arkadaşları Ne İstiyorlardı?’’, Tan, 14Mehmet Zekeriya Sertel, ‘’Celal Bayar ve Arkadaşları Ne İstiyorlardı?’’, Tan, 14.6.1945. .6.1945.
508 Mehmet Zekeriya Sertel, ‘’Haftanın Görüşleri’’, Görüşler, V:1, N:1, 1.12.1945, p. 2. Mehmet Zekeriya Sertel, ‘’Haftanın Görüşleri’’, Görüşler, V:1, N:1, 1.12.1945, p. 2.
509 Esat Adil Müstecaplıoğlu, ‘’Anayasa, Demokrasi ve Kanunlarımız’’, Görüşler, V:1, N:1, 1.12.1945, Esat Adil Müstecaplıoğlu, ‘’Anayasa, Demokrasi ve Kanunlarımız’’, Görüşler, V:1, N:1, 1.12.1945, p. 6p. 6--7. 7.
510 Sabiha Sertel, ‘’Zincirli Hürriyet’’, Görüşler, V:1, N:1, 1.12.1945, p. 6Sabiha Sertel, ‘’Zincirli Hürriyet’’, Görüşler, V:1, N:1, 1.12.1945, p. 6--7.7.
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be restored to the citizens through necessary amendments, but it was stated that it was not
be restored to the citizens through necessary amendments, but it was stated that it was not possible to expect these amendments from either the current parliament or the possible to expect these amendments from either the current parliament or the RPPRPP..511
These demands of the opposition were not welcomed by the government and its
These demands of the opposition were not welcomed by the government and its supporters at first. In this context, Asım Us characterised the demands of the opposition as supporters at first. In this context, Asım Us characterised the demands of the opposition as “extreme demands and desires” and stated that the danger of war was still continuing an“extreme demands and desires” and stated that the danger of war was still continuing and d that these demands and desires would serve anarchy in the country, not freedom.that these demands and desires would serve anarchy in the country, not freedom.512
Etem İzzet Benice also made the following statement regarding the democratic
Etem İzzet Benice also made the following statement regarding the democratic demands of the opposition: demands of the opposition: “For people who believe in Atatürk, his regime, his constitution “For people who believe in Atatürk, his regime, his constitution and basic principles, most of these wishes have no value and seriousness.”and basic principles, most of these wishes have no value and seriousness.” Benice also stated Benice also stated that Turkey already had the purest and most advanced Turkish democracy, that the laws and that Turkey already had the purest and most advanced Turkish democracy, that the laws and administrative measures restricting rights and freedoms were the most natural necessities administrative measures restricting rights and freedoms were the most natural necessities taken during the extraordinary periods the country was gtaken during the extraordinary periods the country was going through oing through and that these and that these measures would be removed when the time came.measures would be removed when the time came.513
Necmettin Sadak made the following statement in relation to the opposition
Necmettin Sadak made the following statement in relation to the opposition demanding that antidemanding that anti--democratic laws be abolished as soon as possible: democratic laws be abolished as soon as possible: ''A party and a regime ''A party and a regime cannot be asked to commit the offence of giving weapons to overthrow that party and regime cannot be asked to commit the offence of giving weapons to overthrow that party and regime with its own hands. (...) Can there be a mentality as contrary to democracy as the impatience with its own hands. (...) Can there be a mentality as contrary to democracy as the impatience of those who want more freedom, more democracy, of those who want more freedom, more democracy, to wish that these things be done to wish that these things be done immediately by arbitrary decisions and by force?”immediately by arbitrary decisions and by force?”514
Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın also mentioned that the opposition, which complained about the
Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın also mentioned that the opposition, which complained about the lack of freedom, made maximum use of the freedom of thought and speech. He also lack of freedom, made maximum use of the freedom of thought and speech. He also emphasised that the maturity shown by the government despite all the criticisms of the emphasised that the maturity shown by the government despite all the criticisms of the opposopposition was in fact an expression of respect for the freedom of the ition was in fact an expression of respect for the freedom of the opinion opinion and the and the freedom freedom press.press.515
In September 1945, Prime Minister Şükrü
In September 1945, Prime Minister Şükrü Saraçoğlu expressed the government's Saraçoğlu expressed the government's discomfort against the opposition's harsh criticisms and democratic demands. In this context, discomfort against the opposition's harsh criticisms and democratic demands. In this context,
511 M. Zekeriya Sertel, ‘’Haftanın Görüşleri’’, Görüşler, V:1, N:1, 1.12.1945, p. 2. M. Zekeriya Sertel, ‘’Haftanın Görüşleri’’, Görüşler, V:1, N:1, 1.12.1945, p. 2.
512 Asım Us, ‘’Hürriyet Adına Müfrit İstekler’’, Haber, 20Asım Us, ‘’Hürriyet Adına Müfrit İstekler’’, Haber, 20.6..6.1945, p. 1. 1945, p. 1.
513 Etem İzzet Benice, ‘’Serbest Seçim Karşısında’’, Son Telgraf, 9Etem İzzet Benice, ‘’Serbest Seçim Karşısında’’, Son Telgraf, 9.6..6.1945, p. 1. 1945, p. 1.
514 Asım Us, ‘’Toprak Bayramını Kutlarken: Hürriyet, Demokrasi ve Parti Düşünceleri’’, Akşam, Asım Us, ‘’Toprak Bayramını Kutlarken: Hürriyet, Demokrasi ve Parti Düşünceleri’’, Akşam, 118.6.8.6.1945, p. 1. 1945, p. 1.
515 Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, ‘’Bizde Dahili Rejim ve Hükümet Meselesi’’, Tanin, 31Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, ‘’Bizde Dahili Rejim ve Hükümet Meselesi’’, Tanin, 31.8..8.1945. 1945.
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Saraçoğlu defined the opposition as “destructive.”
Saraçoğlu defined the opposition as “destructive.”516 Falih Rıfkı Atay, who wrote an article Falih Rıfkı Atay, who wrote an article supporting this view of the Prime Minister, claimed that the opposition was directly “fighting supporting this view of the Prime Minister, claimed that the opposition was directly “fighting against the regime.”against the regime.”517
As can be seen, even before the DP was founded, the main issue that the opposition in
As can be seen, even before the DP was founded, the main issue that the opposition in the country emphasised in relation to the constitution was the antithe country emphasised in relation to the constitution was the anti--democratic laws. At first, democratic laws. At first, the government responded harshly to these demands of the opposition, but sothe government responded harshly to these demands of the opposition, but some of the antime of the anti--democratic laws in the country were amended between 1945democratic laws in the country were amended between 1945--1950. In fact, in this period, 1950. In fact, in this period, what the government and the opposition agreed on was achieved not through amendments what the government and the opposition agreed on was achieved not through amendments to the Constitution, but through amendments to some antito the Constitution, but through amendments to some anti--democratic democratic laws. However, laws. However, although some improvements were achieved in some aspects of the legal regulations and although some improvements were achieved in some aspects of the legal regulations and practices, some problematic areas were preserved as they were, while in some areas even practices, some problematic areas were preserved as they were, while in some areas even more restrictive regulations and practices emerged.more restrictive regulations and practices emerged.
5
5.3.1.1. .3.1.1. The Problem of State and Party PresidencyThe Problem of State and Party Presidency
The first constitutional problem that the DP faced in this period was the issue of the
The first constitutional problem that the DP faced in this period was the issue of the unification of the presidency of the unification of the presidency of the partyparty and the presidency of the and the presidency of the statestate in a single person. in a single person. This was because the president used his powers, which were not included in the 1924 This was because the president used his powers, which were not included in the 1924 Constitution, in a politically irresponsible sphere with the title of the Permanent Chairman Constitution, in a politically irresponsible sphere with the title of the Permanent Chairman of the of the RPPRPP and thus managed both the party and the government.and thus managed both the party and the government. This situation provided This situation provided İnönü with an irresponsible and unauthorised political room for maİnönü with an irresponsible and unauthorised political room for manoeuvre as the President noeuvre as the President of the Republic when necessary, and an authorised but unaccountable political manoeuvre of the Republic when necessary, and an authorised but unaccountable political manoeuvre as the Permanent Chairman of the as the Permanent Chairman of the RPPRPP when necessary, which was not tolerable for the when necessary, which was not tolerable for the DP.DP.518
On this issue, Celal Bayar defined the unification of the presidency of the state and the
On this issue, Celal Bayar defined the unification of the presidency of the state and the party in one person as a violation of the constitution and stated that this situation could turn party in one person as a violation of the constitution and stated that this situation could turn into a dictatorship and prevent the parties from competing on equal tinto a dictatorship and prevent the parties from competing on equal terms.erms.519 Adnan Adnan Menderes also stated that the president, who was described as irresponsible in the Menderes also stated that the president, who was described as irresponsible in the constitution, should not take part in party struggles and that this office should act impartially constitution, should not take part in party struggles and that this office should act impartially
516 Ayın TarihiAyın Tarihi, Eylül 1945, V: 142, N:142, p. 25, Eylül 1945, V: 142, N:142, p. 25--27.27.
517 Falih Rıfkı Atay, ‘’Başbakan Milletle Konuşuyor’’, Ulus, 7Falih Rıfkı Atay, ‘’Başbakan Milletle Konuşuyor’’, Ulus, 7.9..9.1945, p. 1. 1945, p. 1.
518 Koçak Koçak (2018), p. 89. (2018), p. 89.
519 Şahingiray Şahingiray (1956), p. 296, ‘’Bayar’ın Nutku ve Halkın Heyecanı’’, Vatan, 17(1956), p. 296, ‘’Bayar’ın Nutku ve Halkın Heyecanı’’, Vatan, 17.7..7.1946.1946.
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in a position above the parties.
in a position above the parties.520 Menderes also stated that the concentration of the party Menderes also stated that the concentration of the party and state presidencies in the same person was a characteristic of totalitarian regimes and that and state presidencies in the same person was a characteristic of totalitarian regimes and that the chieftaincy system in the Republic of Turkey aggravated this characteristic.the chieftaincy system in the Republic of Turkey aggravated this characteristic.521
The opposition press also argued that the unification of the presidency of the state and
The opposition press also argued that the unification of the presidency of the state and the presidency of the party in a one person was contrary to the democratic mentality and that the presidency of the party in a one person was contrary to the democratic mentality and that this situation would cause inequality in the struggle between the partiesthis situation would cause inequality in the struggle between the parties. Regarding this issue, . Regarding this issue, Mithat Perin stated that İnönü's resignation from the presidency of the Mithat Perin stated that İnönü's resignation from the presidency of the RPPRPP was essential for was essential for "the best interests of the nation" and that the principle of impartiality of the presidency, which "the best interests of the nation" and that the principle of impartiality of the presidency, which would be brought about by this separatiwould be brought about by this separation, was also important for the multion, was also important for the multi--party political party political system to ensure competition under equal conditions.system to ensure competition under equal conditions.522
The DP also dealt with this issue in its First Grand Congress held on 7 January 1947
The DP also dealt with this issue in its First Grand Congress held on 7 January 1947 and at the end of the congress, it was stated that the presidency of the state and the presidency and at the end of the congress, it was stated that the presidency of the state and the presidency of the party should be separated from each other in the “Freedom Pact (Hüof the party should be separated from each other in the “Freedom Pact (Hürriyet Misakı)”, rriyet Misakı)”, which consisted of the basic principles put forward for the establishment of democracy in which consisted of the basic principles put forward for the establishment of democracy in Turkey.Turkey.523
The ruling party and the press supporting the ruling party were against the idea of
The ruling party and the press supporting the ruling party were against the idea of separating the presidency of the separating the presidency of the partyparty from the presidency of the from the presidency of the statestate. In this context, İsmet . In this context, İsmet İnönü, who evaluated this issue at the Second Extraordinary Grand Assembly of the İnönü, who evaluated this issue at the Second Extraordinary Grand Assembly of the RPPRPP on on 10 May 1946, stated that the combination of the presidency of the state and the presidency 10 May 1946, stated that the combination of the presidency of the state and the presidency of the party in one person did not contradict the Constitution of 1924 and that this situation of the party in one person did not contradict the Constitution of 1924 and that this situation was in line with the needs of the Republic of Turkey. Witwas in line with the needs of the Republic of Turkey. With this statement, İnönü informed h this statement, İnönü informed the opposition that it did not plan to change this procedure for the time being.the opposition that it did not plan to change this procedure for the time being.524 At this At this congress, however, the titles of “National Chief” and “Unchangeable General Chairman” of congress, however, the titles of “National Chief” and “Unchangeable General Chairman” of the party, which İnönü had given himself, were abolished.the party, which İnönü had given himself, were abolished.525
520 Adnan Menderes, ‘’Bir Cevap Münasebetiyle’’, Vatan, 22Adnan Menderes, ‘’Bir Cevap Münasebetiyle’’, Vatan, 22.6..6.1946, p. 2, 1946, p. 2, KılıçKılıç, , HalukHaluk (1991) (1991) Menderes’in Konuşmaları, Demeçleri ve Menderes’in Konuşmaları, Demeçleri ve Makaleleri 1. VolumeMakaleleri 1. Volume, 1. Edition, Ankara, Demokratlar Kulübü , 1. Edition, Ankara, Demokratlar Kulübü Yayınları, p. 88Yayınları, p. 88--92. 92.
521 Adnan Menderes, ‘’Yarının Hür ve Demokrat Türkiye’si Kurulurken’’, Demokrat İzmir, 2Adnan Menderes, ‘’Yarının Hür ve Demokrat Türkiye’si Kurulurken’’, Demokrat İzmir, 2.2..2.1947, p. 1947, p. 11--2.2.
522 Mithat Perin, Mithat Perin, ‘’Cumhur reisliği ve Siyasi Partiler’’, Demokrat İzmir, 11‘’Cumhur reisliği ve Siyasi Partiler’’, Demokrat İzmir, 11.4..4.1947, p. 1. 1947, p. 1.
523 EroğulEroğul, p. 32, , p. 32, GoloğluGoloğlu (2021a), p. 188. (2021a), p. 188.
524 KoçakKoçak (2018), p. 93, (2018), p. 93, GoloğluGoloğlu (2021a), p. 47, (2021a), p. 47, GülenGülen, , AhmetAhmet (2018) Türkiye’de Partili (2018) Türkiye’de Partili Cumhurbaşkanı Tartışmalarının Kısa Tarihçesi (1923Cumhurbaşkanı Tartışmalarının Kısa Tarihçesi (1923--1950), 1. Edition, İstanbul, Tarihçi Kitapevi Yayınları, p. 1950), 1. Edition, İstanbul, Tarihçi Kitapevi Yayınları, p. 50. 50.
525 AhmadAhmad (2020), p. 33. (2020), p. 33.
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The ruling press emphasised that this issue was not unconstitutional and that it was a
The ruling press emphasised that this issue was not unconstitutional and that it was a twentytwenty--fivefive--yearyear--old tradition. As a matter of fact, Nihat Erim evaluated this issue as follows: old tradition. As a matter of fact, Nihat Erim evaluated this issue as follows: “It is impossible to separate İsmet İnönü's name from the name of the Republican People's “It is impossible to separate İsmet İnönü's name from the name of the Republican People's Party... (...) In this case, it is not possible to find the expression of an objective and wellParty... (...) In this case, it is not possible to find the expression of an objective and well--intentioned thought in wanting to separate the party and its chief.”intentioned thought in wanting to separate the party and its chief.” and characterised the and characterised the opposition's claims as a “trap” against the opposition's claims as a “trap” against the RPPRPP..526 In parallel to Erim's view, Hüseyin Cahit In parallel to Erim's view, Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın stated that “It is not a requirement of democracy that the presidency of the state and Yalçın stated that “It is not a requirement of democracy that the presidency of the state and the presidency of the party should not be held by the same person” and defended the view the presidency of the party should not be held by the same person” and defended the view that “the DP's idea and desirthat “the DP's idea and desire cannot be defended in terms of principle and law.”e cannot be defended in terms of principle and law.”527
In the course of time, İsmet İnönü showed a tendency to act as an arbitrator as
In the course of time, İsmet İnönü showed a tendency to act as an arbitrator as president. The most important evidence of this was the statement he issued on 12 July 1947, president. The most important evidence of this was the statement he issued on 12 July 1947, at a time when the political struggle between the at a time when the political struggle between the RPPRPP and the DP was very fierce and the and the DP was very fierce and the democratic regime could reach a deadlock if the disagreements could not be resolved through democratic regime could reach a deadlock if the disagreements could not be resolved through a conciliatory initiative.a conciliatory initiative.528 In his statement, İnönü clearly emphasised impartiality with the In his statement, İnönü clearly emphasised impartiality with the statement statement “(...) as the Head of State, I consider myself equally duty“(...) as the Head of State, I consider myself equally duty--bound towards both bound towards both parties”parties” despite the fact that he was the President of the despite the fact that he was the President of the RPPRPP. Furthermore, İnönü stated that . Furthermore, İnönü stated that the basic condition between the two parties was the establishment of security and emphasised the basic condition between the two parties was the establishment of security and emphasised that this security was in a sense the security of the country. In addition to these, he tried to that this security was in a sense the security of the country. In addition to these, he tried to overcome the hesitations of the Dovercome the hesitations of the DP and other opposition parties and to protect the opposition P and other opposition parties and to protect the opposition with the statement with the statement “The opposition will live in securi“The opposition will live in security and will be confident that the ty and will be confident that the government does not intend to crush it”government does not intend to crush it” in the declaration.in the declaration.529 With this declaration, written With this declaration, written by İnönü in his capacity as the head of state, leaving aside his party presidency, a calm was by İnönü in his capacity as the head of state, leaving aside his party presidency, a calm was achieved to normalise interachieved to normalise inter--party relationsparty relations530 and the and the RPPRPP accepted to coexist with the accepted to coexist with the opposition by providing a legal legitimacy to the opposition.opposition by providing a legal legitimacy to the opposition.531
Inönü's statement was followed by DP leader Celal Bayar:
Inönü's statement was followed by DP leader Celal Bayar: “By deciding to stay out of “By deciding to stay out of parties in order to prevent the influence of the office of the President of the Republic from parties in order to prevent the influence of the office of the President of the Republic from being used in favour of only one party, the President of the Republic has taken the most being used in favour of only one party, the President of the Republic has taken the most correct and safest way to clarify the democracorrect and safest way to clarify the democratic atmosphere that is gradually spreading and tic atmosphere that is gradually spreading and
526 Nihat Erim, ‘’Devlet Başkanı ve Parti Başkanı’’, Ulus, 14Nihat Erim, ‘’Devlet Başkanı ve Parti Başkanı’’, Ulus, 14.5..5.1946, p. 2. 1946, p. 2.
527 Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, ‘’Cumhurbaşkanlığı ve Parti Başkanlığı’’, Tanin, 14Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, ‘’Cumhurbaşkanlığı ve Parti Başkanlığı’’, Tanin, 14.1..1.1947, p. 1. 1947, p. 1.
528 For the full text of the 12 July Declaration, For the full text of the 12 July Declaration, see also: Ulus, 12 Temmuz 1947, p. 1see also: Ulus, 12 Temmuz 1947, p. 1--2. 2.
529 GülenGülen, p. 66. , p. 66.
530 KarpatKarpat (2021), p. 265. (2021), p. 265.
531 ÇavdarÇavdar (2013), p. 462. (2013), p. 462.
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taking root in the country”
taking root in the country” and stated that the and stated that the RPPRPP should take the necessary steps for the should take the necessary steps for the democratic democratic progressprogress of the country as soon as possible, including resolving this issue.of the country as soon as possible, including resolving this issue.532 Fuat Fuat Köprülü stated that the president had broken the political deadlock by acting with complete Köprülü stated that the president had broken the political deadlock by acting with complete impartiality and that İnönü's decision had put him above the parties and made him a historical impartiality and that İnönü's decision had put him above the parties and made him a historical and national figure who belonged to both parties.and national figure who belonged to both parties.533
Cihat Baban, a member of the opposition press, stated that it was a necessity for the
Cihat Baban, a member of the opposition press, stated that it was a necessity for the President to have a position over the parties, that this necessity had been expressed by İsmet President to have a position over the parties, that this necessity had been expressed by İsmet İnönü himself and that İnönü, by assuming a neutral position over the partiİnönü himself and that İnönü, by assuming a neutral position over the parties with this es with this declaration, ensured political security and a normal political life in Turkish politics.declaration, ensured political security and a normal political life in Turkish politics.534 Ahmet Ahmet Emin Yalman described the 12 July declaration as “an advanced step on the road to national Emin Yalman described the 12 July declaration as “an advanced step on the road to national sovereignty”sovereignty”..535
Within the
Within the RPPRPP, there were two different views on the 12 July declaration. On the one , there were two different views on the 12 July declaration. On the one hand, the hand, the radicalradical members of the People's Party considered İnönü's tendency to become an members of the People's Party considered İnönü's tendency to become an impartial head of state and to give up the chairmanship of the party as a great weakness for impartial head of state and to give up the chairmanship of the party as a great weakness for them, as they had previously found all their vitality in relying on a leader. On the other them, as they had previously found all their vitality in relying on a leader. On the other hand, hand, the prothe pro--democracy moderates, who were determined to keep the People's Party alive as a democracy moderates, who were determined to keep the People's Party alive as a political entity, to make it a real party and to develop it,political entity, to make it a real party and to develop it, considered İnönü's decision as a considered İnönü's decision as a good step both for the country and for the immediate development of their party.good step both for the country and for the immediate development of their party.536
Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, responding the
Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, responding the radicalradical who did not want to accept the separation who did not want to accept the separation of the presidency of the state and the presidency of the party and the neutral position of the of the presidency of the state and the presidency of the party and the neutral position of the head of state, stated: head of state, stated: “To say that the People's Party will collapse if İnönü withdraws from “To say that the People's Party will collapse if İnönü withdraws from the presidency of the People's Party is the same as saying that there is no People's Party in the presidency of the People's Party is the same as saying that there is no People's Party in reality.”reality.” He stated that the party should now give importance to principles rather than He stated that the party should now give importance to principles rather than personalities.personalities.537 In parallel with this view, Nihat Erim, who had once advocated that the In parallel with this view, Nihat Erim, who had once advocated that the presidency of the state and the party should be held by the same person, stated that the head presidency of the state and the party should be held by the same person, stated that the head of state should be in a neutral position due to the conditions of the period and that thof state should be in a neutral position due to the conditions of the period and that the party e party
532 Burhan Asaf Belge, ‘’Bekliyoruz’’, Demokrat İzmir, 22Burhan Asaf Belge, ‘’Bekliyoruz’’, Demokrat İzmir, 22.9..9.1947, p. 1. 1947, p. 1.
533 Fuat Köprülü, ‘’Son Tebliğin Büyük Manası’’, Kuvvet, 12Fuat Köprülü, ‘’Son Tebliğin Büyük Manası’’, Kuvvet, 12.7..7.1947, p. 1. 1947, p. 1.
534 Cihat Baban, ‘’Gerçek Demokrasiye Doğru’’ Demokrat İzmir, 13Cihat Baban, ‘’Gerçek Demokrasiye Doğru’’ Demokrat İzmir, 13.7..7.1947, p. 2. 1947, p. 2.
535 Ahmet Emin Yalman, ‘’Yeni Rolün İlk Fiili Eseri’’, Vatan, 12Ahmet Emin Yalman, ‘’Yeni Rolün İlk Fiili Eseri’’, Vatan, 12.7..7.1947, p. 1. 1947, p. 1.
536 ‘’Halk Partisi’ndeki Fikir Ayrılığının Mahiyeti’’, Demokrat İzmir, 4‘’Halk Partisi’ndeki Fikir Ayrılığının Mahiyeti’’, Demokrat İzmir, 4.8..8.1947, p. 1.1947, p. 1.
537 ‘’İnönü’nün Son Kararı Etrafında Münakaşalar’’, Demokrat İzmir, 9‘’İnönü’nün Son Kararı Etrafında Münakaşalar’’, Demokrat İzmir, 9.8..8.1947, p. 1. 1947, p. 1.
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president should not be busy with party affairs in case he was elected as the head of the state
president should not be busy with party affairs in case he was elected as the head of the state in order for the in order for the RPPRPP to become a party based on principles rather than individuals.to become a party based on principles rather than individuals.538
İsmet İnönü made his clearest statement on the issue of state and party presidency at
İsmet İnönü made his clearest statement on the issue of state and party presidency at the Seventh Grand Congress of the the Seventh Grand Congress of the RPPRPP..539 In this context, in his opening speech, he spoke In this context, in his opening speech, he spoke about the positive developments brought about by the 12 July Declaration and once again about the positive developments brought about by the 12 July Declaration and once again emphasized the legal legitimacy of the opposition party. He also emphasized that the emphasized the legal legitimacy of the opposition party. He also emphasized that the administrative apparatus shouldadministrative apparatus should act impartially towards the parties, which was one of the act impartially towards the parties, which was one of the main issues emphasised by the opposition. In his speech, İnönü also mentioned the issue of main issues emphasised by the opposition. In his speech, İnönü also mentioned the issue of state and party presidency and made the following statement on the issue:state and party presidency and made the following statement on the issue:
''The fact that I, as the President of the Republic, should at the same time
''The fact that I, as the President of the Republic, should at the same time be the de facto chairman of the party has reappeared as a matter of new be the de facto chairman of the party has reappeared as a matter of new development. (...) Two years of experience in the postdevelopment. (...) Two years of experience in the post--war life and in the struggle war life and in the struggle against the opposing paagainst the opposing party gave a special meaning to my personal situation. In rty gave a special meaning to my personal situation. In this period of the development of the democratic regime under new conditions, this period of the development of the democratic regime under new conditions, my influence, rightly or wrongly, in favour of or against a party was seen as my influence, rightly or wrongly, in favour of or against a party was seen as exaggerated. It became necessary for me to iexaggerated. It became necessary for me to intervene in fierce interntervene in fierce inter--party party struggles and make judgements. I realise that the citizens consider it an element struggles and make judgements. I realise that the citizens consider it an element of security to see me on an equal footing with the parties. As long as I am the of security to see me on an equal footing with the parties. As long as I am the President of the Republic, it has become necessary for a personPresident of the Republic, it has become necessary for a person to be elected by to be elected by the congress to be the chairman of the party with all his powers. (...)''the congress to be the chairman of the party with all his powers. (...)''540
This statement of President İnönü showed that İnönü had now adopted the thesis of
This statement of President İnönü showed that İnönü had now adopted the thesis of separation of the presidency of the state and the presidency of the party, which had been separation of the presidency of the state and the presidency of the party, which had been defended by the DP for a long time. However, the issue of President İnönü's not assudefended by the DP for a long time. However, the issue of President İnönü's not assuming ming the de facto presidency of the the de facto presidency of the RPPRPP caused controversy at the congress and those who wanted caused controversy at the congress and those who wanted İnönü to remain at the head of the party, as in the past, argued that there was no problem in İnönü to remain at the head of the party, as in the past, argued that there was no problem in terms of the Constitution for İnönü to retain the title of party cterms of the Constitution for İnönü to retain the title of party chairman while he was the hairman while he was the
538 Nihat Erim, ‘’Prensipler, Metotlar ve Şahıslar’’, Ulus, 3 Ağustos 1947, p. 1, Burhan Asaf Belge, Nihat Erim, ‘’Prensipler, Metotlar ve Şahıslar’’, Ulus, 3 Ağustos 1947, p. 1, Burhan Asaf Belge, ‘’Kendi Aralarında’’, Demokrat İzmir, 6‘’Kendi Aralarında’’, Demokrat İzmir, 6.8..8.1947, p. 1. 1947, p. 1.
539 The Seventh Grand Congress of the The Seventh Grand Congress of the RPPRPP was held in Ankara between 17 November and 4 December was held in Ankara between 17 November and 4 December 1947. This congress was the longest congress of the 1947. This congress was the longest congress of the RPPRPP up to that time and the last congress of the up to that time and the last congress of the RPPRPP in in governmentgovernment. . KoçakKoçak (2016), p. 175. For İsmet İnönü's full speech at the congress, see also:(2016), p. 175. For İsmet İnönü's full speech at the congress, see also: CHPCHP Yedinci Büyük Yedinci Büyük Kurultay Tutanağı Kurultay Tutanağı (1956), Ankara, p. 18(1956), Ankara, p. 18--21. 21.
540 CHP CHP Yedinci Büyük Kurultay TutanağıYedinci Büyük Kurultay Tutanağı, p. 20., p. 20.
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president and to manage the party de facto.
president and to manage the party de facto.541 Former Prime Minister Recep Peker even Former Prime Minister Recep Peker even stated on this issue: stated on this issue: “The idea that the Democrat Party wants the President to be a neutral “The idea that the Democrat Party wants the President to be a neutral judge over the parties is unbecoming of a party that claims to have brought democracy to judge over the parties is unbecoming of a party that claims to have brought democracy to the country.”the country.”542 However, the congress, which took İnönü's statements on the partyHowever, the congress, which took İnönü's statements on the party--state state presidency issue as a directive, did not completely separate the presidency of the state and presidency issue as a directive, did not completely separate the presidency of the state and the presidency of the party, but accepted the following article with an amendment to the the presidency of the party, but accepted the following article with an amendment to the pparty statute: “In the event that the party chairman is elected as the president, all the powers arty statute: “In the event that the party chairman is elected as the president, all the powers and responsibilities of the chairmanship shall belong to the deputy chairman as long as he and responsibilities of the chairmanship shall belong to the deputy chairman as long as he holds this position.”holds this position.”543
This amendment to the statute was put into practice and it was declared that as long as
This amendment to the statute was put into practice and it was declared that as long as İnönü remained the President of the Republic, the Deputy Chairman would be in charge of İnönü remained the President of the Republic, the Deputy Chairman would be in charge of party affairs. However, İnönü did not actually leave the party affairs. However, İnönü did not actually leave the RPPRPP Presidency and continued to be Presidency and continued to be busy with the affairs of the party until the elections of 14 May 1950. Throughout the period, busy with the affairs of the party until the elections of 14 May 1950. Throughout the period, the opposition argued that the impartiality of the administration could not be ensured as long the opposition argued that the impartiality of the administration could not be ensured as long as İnönü did not completely leave tas İnönü did not completely leave the he RPPRPP and continuedand continued to criticise İnönü at public to criticise İnönü at public meetings. In this context, the lack of a clear concrete step in the 1945meetings. In this context, the lack of a clear concrete step in the 1945--1950 period on the 1950 period on the issue of the presidency of the stateissue of the presidency of the state--party presidency constituted one of the important party presidency constituted one of the important shortcomings in the early stages of the democrashortcomings in the early stages of the democratisation process.tisation process.
5
5..33.1.2. .1.2. Amendment of the Amendment of the Law on AssociationsLaw on Associations
One of the anti
One of the anti--democratic laws that the opposition demanded to be amended in the democratic laws that the opposition demanded to be amended in the new multinew multi--party era was the Law on Associations enacted during the singleparty era was the Law on Associations enacted during the single--party period. party period. This law, which was enacted in 1938, made the establishment and operation of associatiThis law, which was enacted in 1938, made the establishment and operation of associations, ons, including political parties, dependent on the permission of local administrative authorities including political parties, dependent on the permission of local administrative authorities and authorised the government and administrative authorities to close down associations and and authorised the government and administrative authorities to close down associations and political societies without any judicial decision.political societies without any judicial decision.544 This law, which was a product of the This law, which was a product of the
541 UranUran, , HilmiHilmi (2017) Meşrutiyet, Tek Parti, Çok Parti Hatıralarım (1908(2017) Meşrutiyet, Tek Parti, Çok Parti Hatıralarım (1908--1950), 2. Edition, İstanbul, 1950), 2. Edition, İstanbul, Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları, p. 389. ‘’Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları, p. 389. ‘’CHPCHP Genel Başkanlığı Meselesi Konuşuldu’’, Demokrat İzmir, Genel Başkanlığı Meselesi Konuşuldu’’, Demokrat İzmir, 11.12..12.1947, p. 1. 1947, p. 1.
542 ‘’Bu Bir İtaatkâr Kurultay Oldu’’, Demokrat İzmir, 4‘’Bu Bir İtaatkâr Kurultay Oldu’’, Demokrat İzmir, 4.12..12.1947, p. 1. 1947, p. 1.
543 This issue was regulated in the fourth section of the RPP Statute under the title of General Presidency This issue was regulated in the fourth section of the RPP Statute under the title of General Presidency in Article 73. in Article 73. CHPCHP Program ve TüzüğüProgram ve Tüzüğü (1947), Ankara, p. 73, (1947), Ankara, p. 73, CHPCHP Yedinci Büyük Kurultay TutanağıYedinci Büyük Kurultay Tutanağı, p. , p. 300. 300.
544 Tanör Tanör (2020), p. 347. (2020), p. 347.
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authoritarian single
authoritarian single--party mentality due to these provisions, could not be expected to be in party mentality due to these provisions, could not be expected to be in force with its current provisions in a period of transition to a multiforce with its current provisions in a period of transition to a multi--party democratic system.party democratic system.
In the justification of the bill submitted to the Parliament for the amendment of the
In the justification of the bill submitted to the Parliament for the amendment of the Law on Associations, it was stated that some provisions in the law could not fully meet the Law on Associations, it was stated that some provisions in the law could not fully meet the political and civil needs of recent years, and therefore the government aimed political and civil needs of recent years, and therefore the government aimed to regulate the to regulate the activity of establishing associations within a more liberal system. The draft law was activity of establishing associations within a more liberal system. The draft law was presented to the Parliament on 5 June 1946 and important opinions were expressed on it.presented to the Parliament on 5 June 1946 and important opinions were expressed on it.545
Adnan Menderes, who took the floor on behalf of the DP on the law, firstly stated that
Adnan Menderes, who took the floor on behalf of the DP on the law, firstly stated that he found the amendments made in the law important for the continuity of the multihe found the amendments made in the law important for the continuity of the multi--party party system, but that he did not find the amendments made sufficient because they did system, but that he did not find the amendments made sufficient because they did not comply not comply with the requirements of the day and that he found this draft law more reactionary than the with the requirements of the day and that he found this draft law more reactionary than the French Law on Societies and the Law on Societies of the Second Constitutional Period. French Law on Societies and the Law on Societies of the Second Constitutional Period. Menderes also emphasised that the national will could not prevail uMenderes also emphasised that the national will could not prevail unless the political nless the political organisation of the nation was realised or unless this freedom was restricted by the organisation of the nation was realised or unless this freedom was restricted by the government and the administrative apparatus.government and the administrative apparatus.546
The government, on the other hand, stated that the draft law adopted the most liberal
The government, on the other hand, stated that the draft law adopted the most liberal system in the world and that some of the articles in the law were essential for ensuring system in the world and that some of the articles in the law were essential for ensuring political security and that these articles ensured that political parties would fpolitical security and that these articles ensured that political parties would feel under control eel under control and work within the framework of the law.and work within the framework of the law.547
Following discussions and mutual expressions of opinion, important amendments
Following discussions and mutual expressions of opinion, important amendments were made to the Law on Associations. In this context, associations were transformed into were made to the Law on Associations. In this context, associations were transformed into legal entities, the right of registration of the local authority was abolished, establislegal entities, the right of registration of the local authority was abolished, establishing hing associations on the basis of class was liberalised and the government's supervision and associations on the basis of class was liberalised and the government's supervision and intervention in dissolution procedures were ended. Apart from these amendments, some intervention in dissolution procedures were ended. Apart from these amendments, some provisions opposed by the opposition were kept as they were. It is seen that provisions opposed by the opposition were kept as they were. It is seen that the amendments the amendments made to the law were a positive and important development in terms of the multimade to the law were a positive and important development in terms of the multi--party party democratic order, but the amendments were not sufficient due to the continued existence of democratic order, but the amendments were not sufficient due to the continued existence of some antisome anti--democratic articles in the law. In fact, considering tdemocratic articles in the law. In fact, considering the amendments made to the he amendments made to the
545 Koçak Koçak (2018), p. 423, “Cemiyetler Kanunu Son Şeklini Aldı”, Ulus, 4 Haziran 1946, p. 1, 4, “Yeni (2018), p. 423, “Cemiyetler Kanunu Son Şeklini Aldı”, Ulus, 4 Haziran 1946, p. 1, 4, “Yeni Cemiyetler Kanunu”, Vakit, 4 Haziran 1946, p. 1, 3.Cemiyetler Kanunu”, Vakit, 4 Haziran 1946, p. 1, 3.
546 TBMMTD, 7. Period, 3. Meeting, 24. Volume, 59. Session, 5.6.1946, p. 49TBMMTD, 7. Period, 3. Meeting, 24. Volume, 59. Session, 5.6.1946, p. 49--50, 50, GoloğluGoloğlu (2021a), p. (2021a), p. 52.52.
547 TBMMTD, 7. Period, 3. Meeting, TBMMTD, 7. Period, 3. Meeting, 24. Volume24. Volume, 59. Session,, 59. Session, 5.6.1946,5.6.1946, p. 57. p. 57.
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Law on Societies and considering possible political developments, the penalties related to
Law on Societies and considering possible political developments, the penalties related to political societies were further aggravated with the amendments made to Articles 141 and political societies were further aggravated with the amendments made to Articles 141 and 142 of the Turkish Penal Code.142 of the Turkish Penal Code.548 In fact, these amendments were not deemed sufficient by In fact, these amendments were not deemed sufficient by the government and in 1949, another amendment was made to these laws and the scope of the government and in 1949, another amendment was made to these laws and the scope of these laws was further expanded.these laws was further expanded.549
5
5..33.1.3. .1.3. Amendment of the Amendment of the Press LawPress Law
The press, which is one of the most
The press, which is one of the most significantsignificant factorsfactors of social development and of social development and political life and constitutes the most important element of opposition in democratic political life and constitutes the most important element of opposition in democratic administrations, was subjected to various restrictions during the authoritarian singleadministrations, was subjected to various restrictions during the authoritarian single--party party rule and was tried to be framed accordingly. In thrule and was tried to be framed accordingly. In this context, former Minister of Interior Şükrü is context, former Minister of Interior Şükrü Kaya stated that Kaya stated that “The press adapts to the political regime of the neighbourhood in which it “The press adapts to the political regime of the neighbourhood in which it lives. Every regime looks for a type of citizen that suits it, as well as a type of press (...)”lives. Every regime looks for a type of citizen that suits it, as well as a type of press (...)” was was the statement thathe statement that most clearly expressed the understanding of the press of the period.t most clearly expressed the understanding of the press of the period.550
In the early years of the Republic, the press, which was expected to serve national
In the early years of the Republic, the press, which was expected to serve national interests, was subjected to pressure and even silenced by being closed down at the slightest interests, was subjected to pressure and even silenced by being closed down at the slightest conflict with the political power. In this context, the Press Law enacted duriconflict with the political power. In this context, the Press Law enacted during the singleng the single--party rule constituted one of the most obvious examples of the pressure exerted on the party rule constituted one of the most obvious examples of the pressure exerted on the Turkish press. As a matter of fact, in June 1945, Celal Bayar submitted a motion to amend Turkish press. As a matter of fact, in June 1945, Celal Bayar submitted a motion to amend Article 50 of the Press Law, which authorised the singleArticle 50 of the Press Law, which authorised the single--party goparty government to close vernment to close newspapers in order to keep the press under pressure, but this motion was rejected.newspapers in order to keep the press under pressure, but this motion was rejected.551
The front close to the government, on the other hand, stated that this law had rarely
The front close to the government, on the other hand, stated that this law had rarely been applied in recent times and that there was maximum freedom of thought and speech in been applied in recent times and that there was maximum freedom of thought and speech in the country.the country.552 However, this law, which was characterised as antiHowever, this law, which was characterised as anti--democratic by the democratic by the
548 For the 1946 amendments to the Turkish Penal Code, see also:For the 1946 amendments to the Turkish Penal Code, see also: Koçak Koçak (2018), p. 447(2018), p. 447--453. 453.
549 For the amendments made in 1949 to Articles 141, 142 and 163 of the Turkish Penal Code see also: For the amendments made in 1949 to Articles 141, 142 and 163 of the Turkish Penal Code see also: KoçakKoçak (2017)(2017) p. 176p. 176--192. 192.
550 AlpayAlpay, , KabacalıKabacalı (1987), ‘Milli Şef(1987), ‘Milli Şef DönemininDöneminin Örtülü Sansürü’, Tarih ve Toplum, V:Örtülü Sansürü’, Tarih ve Toplum, V:88, N: 38, p. , N: 38, p. 1919--2020..
551 KarpatKarpat (2021), p. 242(2021), p. 242. .
552 Falih Rıfk AFalih Rıfk Ataytay, “Basın Hürriyetine Dar”, Ulus, 2, “Basın Hürriyetine Dar”, Ulus, 2.5..5.1946, p. 1, Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, ‘’Bizde Dahili 1946, p. 1, Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, ‘’Bizde Dahili Rejim ve Hükümet Meselesi’’ Tanin, 31Rejim ve Hükümet Meselesi’’ Tanin, 31.8..8.1945, p. 1. 1945, p. 1.
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opposition, became one of the most important topics of the period after the Republic of
opposition, became one of the most important topics of the period after the Republic of Turkey's transition to multiTurkey's transition to multi--party democratic life.party democratic life.
With the transition to multi
With the transition to multi--party life, the party life, the RPPRPP government started to take important government started to take important steps towards democratising the regime and one of these steps was the amendment of Article steps towards democratising the regime and one of these steps was the amendment of Article 50 of the Press Law, which authorised the government to close 50 of the Press Law, which authorised the government to close magazines magazines and and newspapersnewspapers.. In this context, Prime Minister Şükrü Saraçoğlu, in his justification for the amendment of In this context, Prime Minister Şükrü Saraçoğlu, in his justification for the amendment of Article 50 of the Law, stated that this authority in the hands of the government was necessary Article 50 of the Law, stated that this authority in the hands of the government was necessary for the protection of the revolutions and for them to grow anfor the protection of the revolutions and for them to grow and take root in the country, but d take root in the country, but as time passed, this necessity decreased with the political maturity of the country, and that as time passed, this necessity decreased with the political maturity of the country, and that this article, which had been used with restraint recently, had led to criticism of the this article, which had been used with restraint recently, had led to criticism of the government and that this authority should bgovernment and that this authority should be left to the courts.e left to the courts.553
While the law was being discussed in the Parliament on 13 June 1946, those who took
While the law was being discussed in the Parliament on 13 June 1946, those who took the floor on behalf of the government mentioned the importance of freedom of expression the floor on behalf of the government mentioned the importance of freedom of expression and freedom of opinion and emphasized that one of the most important elements of and freedom of opinion and emphasized that one of the most important elements of demdemocratic administration was the freedom of the press and stated that Article 50 of the Pressocratic administration was the freedom of the press and stated that Article 50 of the Press LawLaw had not been used for a long time and that this de facto situation had been legally had not been used for a long time and that this de facto situation had been legally consolidated with the amendment to the law.consolidated with the amendment to the law.554 The opposition, on the other hand, stated that The opposition, on the other hand, stated that the amendments to the law should not be limited to Article 50 and that other articles still the amendments to the law should not be limited to Article 50 and that other articles still suppress freedom of speech and opinion.suppress freedom of speech and opinion.555
After the evaluations on the law, Article 50 of the Press Law was amended and the
After the evaluations on the law, Article 50 of the Press Law was amended and the authority to close authority to close magazines and magazines and newspapers was taken from the government and given to newspapers was taken from the government and given to the courts.the courts.556 The new provision, in particular, removed the arbitrariness of the previous The new provision, in particular, removed the arbitrariness of the previous provision and based the offences related to the press on certain offences in the Turkish Penal provision and based the offences related to the press on certain offences in the Turkish Penal Code, thus creating a more democratic structure. However, the abolition of Article Code, thus creating a more democratic structure. However, the abolition of Article 50 did 50 did not fully ensure the freedom of the press that the opposition wanted.not fully ensure the freedom of the press that the opposition wanted.
Despite the amendment of Article 50 of the Press Law, the closure of newspapers by
Despite the amendment of Article 50 of the Press Law, the closure of newspapers by the government did not end. The existence of martial law in some cities ensured that the the government did not end. The existence of martial law in some cities ensured that the
553 TBMMTD, 7TBMMTD, 7. Period. Period, 3., 3. MeetingMeeting, 24., 24. VolumeVolume, 64. , 64. SessionSession, 13.6.1946, p. 169., 13.6.1946, p. 169.
554 TBMMTD, 7. Period, 3. Meeting, 24. Volume, 64. Session,TBMMTD, 7. Period, 3. Meeting, 24. Volume, 64. Session, 13.6.1946,13.6.1946, p. 262p. 262--269. 269.
555 TBMMTD, 7. Period, 3. Meeting, 24. Volume, 64. Session,TBMMTD, 7. Period, 3. Meeting, 24. Volume, 64. Session, 13.6.1946,13.6.1946, p. 269p. 269--270, Ahmet Emin 270, Ahmet Emin Yalman, ‘’Siyasi Havadaki İstidatlar”, Vatan, 13Yalman, ‘’Siyasi Havadaki İstidatlar”, Vatan, 13.6..6.1946, p. 1. 1946, p. 1.
556 AhmadAhmad, , FerozFeroz / / AhmadAhmad, , BB. . Turgay Turgay (2021) Türkiye’de Çok Partili Politikanın Açıklamalı (2021) Türkiye’de Çok Partili Politikanın Açıklamalı Kronolojisi (1945Kronolojisi (1945--1971), 1. Edition, İstanbul, Kırmızı Kedi Yayınevi, p. 27. 1971), 1. Edition, İstanbul, Kırmızı Kedi Yayınevi, p. 27.
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government's control over the press continued even if Article 50 was abolished. The most
government's control over the press continued even if Article 50 was abolished. The most important indication of this was that after the 1946 parliamentary elections, the DP President important indication of this was that after the 1946 parliamentary elections, the DP President Celal Bayar's statement accusing the government of rigging the electionsCelal Bayar's statement accusing the government of rigging the elections and oppression was and oppression was published in some newspapers and some of the newspapers that published the statement were published in some newspapers and some of the newspapers that published the statement were closed down by martial law.closed down by martial law. 557 As a matter of fact, during the discussion of the law on the As a matter of fact, during the discussion of the law on the extension of martial law for another six months in 1947, Celal Bayar argued that martial law extension of martial law for another six months in 1947, Celal Bayar argued that martial law was requested as "a means of political pressure" and stated that the main purpose was to was requested as "a means of political pressure" and stated that the main purpose was to limit the limit the freedom of the press.freedom of the press.558
In the first half of 1946, only Article 50 of the Press Law was amended. In December
In the first half of 1946, only Article 50 of the Press Law was amended. In December 1947, the lifting of martial law enabled the removal of the government pressure on the press, 1947, the lifting of martial law enabled the removal of the government pressure on the press, but the expected democratic steps in terms of freedom of the press could not but the expected democratic steps in terms of freedom of the press could not be taken fully be taken fully between 1945 and 1950. In fact, the government thought that the freedom of the press was between 1945 and 1950. In fact, the government thought that the freedom of the press was sufficient and argued that the criticisms against it stemmed from the abuse of the freedom of sufficient and argued that the criticisms against it stemmed from the abuse of the freedom of the press.the press.559 On the other hand, the opposition stated that freedom of the press was an On the other hand, the opposition stated that freedom of the press was an indispensable element of democratic administration and that dissatisfaction and lack of indispensable element of democratic administration and that dissatisfaction and lack of freedom in the country could not be eliminated unless freedom of the press was ensured.freedom in the country could not be eliminated unless freedom of the press was ensured.
5
5..33.1.4. .1.4. Abolition of Martial LawAbolition of Martial Law
Martial law, which refers to the suspension of the
Martial law, which refers to the suspension of the freedoms and freedoms and rights established by rights established by the Constitution through restriction and modification, became one of the main problems that the Constitution through restriction and modification, became one of the main problems that the opposition focused on after the Republic of Turkey's transition to multithe opposition focused on after the Republic of Turkey's transition to multi--party political party political life. Martial law, which was deemed necessary in life. Martial law, which was deemed necessary in the early years of the Republic and during the early years of the Republic and during World War II in order to World War II in order to retainretain order in the country, was brought back to the agenda by the order in the country, was brought back to the agenda by the opposition after the end of the war. In this context, theopposition after the end of the war. In this context, the unlawful practices of martial law, its unlawful practices of martial law, its
557 On 25 July 1946, Yeni Sabah and Gerçek newspapers, which had published Celal Bayar's statement On 25 July 1946, Yeni Sabah and Gerçek newspapers, which had published Celal Bayar's statement on the elections, were closed down by the martial law. Tanin newspaper, which published the same statement on the elections, were closed down by the martial law. Tanin newspaper, which published the same statement but sided with the government, was not subjected to subut sided with the government, was not subjected to such treatment.ch treatment. KarpatKarpat (2021), p. 259. (2021), p. 259.
558 TBMMTD, 8.TBMMTD, 8. PeriodPeriod, 1., 1. MeetingMeeting, 5., 5. VolumeVolume, 65. , 65. SessionSession, , 28.5.1947, p. 254. 28.5.1947, p. 254.
559 Nadir Nadi evaluated this view of the government as follows: Nadir Nadi evaluated this view of the government as follows: "With a mentality that always tends to "With a mentality that always tends to criminalise journalists, neither democracy nor freedom of opinion can be achieved in this country.”criminalise journalists, neither democracy nor freedom of opinion can be achieved in this country.” Nadir Nadir Nadi, ‘’Basına Kıymayın’’, Cumhuriyet, 9Nadi, ‘’Basına Kıymayın’’, Cumhuriyet, 9.11..11.1949, p. 1. 1949, p. 1.
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sanctions on freedom of expression and restrictions on fundamental rights and freedoms
sanctions on freedom of expression and restrictions on fundamental rights and freedoms were strongly criticised by the opposition.were strongly criticised by the opposition.560
While the martial law administration, which had been extended at intervals before and
While the martial law administration, which had been extended at intervals before and was wanted to be extended again in December 1946, was being discussed in the Parliament, was wanted to be extended again in December 1946, was being discussed in the Parliament, Refik Koraltan, who took the floor for the first time on behalf of the DP, statedRefik Koraltan, who took the floor for the first time on behalf of the DP, stated that martial that martial law was no longer necessary after the end of World War II and that the natural rights of the law was no longer necessary after the end of World War II and that the natural rights of the nation should not be restricted unless the existence of the danger expressed by the nation should not be restricted unless the existence of the danger expressed by the government could be explained.government could be explained.561 Fuat Köprülü emphasised that it was not right to violate Fuat Köprülü emphasised that it was not right to violate the freedoms of the people and to keep them under pressure through martial law and stated the freedoms of the people and to keep them under pressure through martial law and stated that “an administration that seems to be able to hold on only with martial law is a weak that “an administration that seems to be able to hold on only with martial law is a weak administration”.administration”.562 In relation to this issue, Sadık Aldoğan stated that the government wanted In relation to this issue, Sadık Aldoğan stated that the government wanted martial law so that “martial law so that “People would not gather in Istanbul and hold People would not gather in Istanbul and hold public meetingspublic meetings and the and the government could shut down newspapers whenever it wanted”government could shut down newspapers whenever it wanted”..563 The government, on the The government, on the other hand, argued that martial law was necessary for the security of the country and that it other hand, argued that martial law was necessary for the security of the country and that it was not used as a means of restriction or pressure on the political life or the press.was not used as a means of restriction or pressure on the political life or the press.564 In the In the end, it was decided to extend martial law for another six months. Although the government end, it was decided to extend martial law for another six months. Although the government argued that martial law was not used to suppress the freedom of the press, martial law became argued that martial law was not used to suppress the freedom of the press, martial law became the government's most powerful weapon against the opposition, ethe government's most powerful weapon against the opposition, especially the press.specially the press.565
The issue of martial law came to the agenda again in May 1947, and the government's
The issue of martial law came to the agenda again in May 1947, and the government's petition for the extension of martial law, which had last been extended until 23 June 1947, petition for the extension of martial law, which had last been extended until 23 June 1947, triggered a new debate.triggered a new debate.566 While the issue was discussed in the Parliament, heated debates While the issue was discussed in the Parliament, heated debates took place, and the opposition criticised the government's request very harshly. In this took place, and the opposition criticised the government's request very harshly. In this context, DP deputies reiterated that martial law was mainly used as a political measure context, DP deputies reiterated that martial law was mainly used as a political measure against theagainst the opposition and the press, that there was no reason to extend it and that it restricted opposition and the press, that there was no reason to extend it and that it restricted individual rights and freedoms, argued that the extension decision was unconstitutional and individual rights and freedoms, argued that the extension decision was unconstitutional and
560 KarakılıçKarakılıç, , Cem Cem (2015) ‘Türk Siyasal Hayatında Muhalefet (1945(2015) ‘Türk Siyasal Hayatında Muhalefet (1945--1950)’ (Do1950)’ (Doctoral Thesisctoral Thesis), T.C. ), T.C. Ankara Üniversitesi, Türk İnkılâp Tarihi Enstitüsü, p. 266. Ankara Üniversitesi, Türk İnkılâp Tarihi Enstitüsü, p. 266.
561 TBMMTD, 8.TBMMTD, 8. PeriodPeriod, 1, 1. Meeting. Meeting, 3., 3. VolumeVolume, 12. , 12. SessionSession, 4.12.1946, p. 13, 4.12.1946, p. 13--14.14.
562 TBMMTD, 8.TBMMTD, 8. PeriodPeriod, 1., 1. MeetingMeeting, 3., 3. VolumeVolume, 12. , 12. SessionSession,, 4.12.1946,4.12.1946, p. 17.p. 17.
563 TBMMTD, 8. Period, 1. Meeting, 3. Volume, 12. Session, 4.12.1946, p. 25, “Halk Partililer, TBMMTD, 8. Period, 1. Meeting, 3. Volume, 12. Session, 4.12.1946, p. 25, “Halk Partililer, Sıkıyönetimi Bir Zaruret Olarak Kabul Ediyorlar”, Vatan, 5Sıkıyönetimi Bir Zaruret Olarak Kabul Ediyorlar”, Vatan, 5.12..12.1946, p. 1, 1946, p. 1, “Meclis Sıkıyönetimi Altı Ay Daha “Meclis Sıkıyönetimi Altı Ay Daha Uzattı”, Cumhuriyet, 5Uzattı”, Cumhuriyet, 5.12..12.1946, p. 1.1946, p. 1.
564 TBMMTD, 8. Period, 1. Meeting, 3. Volume, 12. Session, 4.12.1946, p. 15.TBMMTD, 8. Period, 1. Meeting, 3. Volume, 12. Session, 4.12.1946, p. 15.
565 During this period, Tasvir and Demokrasi newspapers, which supported the DP, were closed down, During this period, Tasvir and Demokrasi newspapers, which supported the DP, were closed down, and Yeni Asır, Demokrat İzmir and Kuvvet newspapers were investigated.and Yeni Asır, Demokrat İzmir and Kuvvet newspapers were investigated. Goloğlu Goloğlu (2021a), p. 205(2021a), p. 205. .
566 “Sıkıyönetim Uzatılacak”, Akşam, 21“Sıkıyönetim Uzatılacak”, Akşam, 21.5..5.1947, s.1, “Sıkıyönetimin Temdidi”, Vatan, 281947, s.1, “Sıkıyönetimin Temdidi”, Vatan, 28.5..5.1947, s.1.1947, s.1.
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stated that the imposition of martial law in addition to the existing anti
stated that the imposition of martial law in addition to the existing anti--democratic laws was democratic laws was a major blow to democracy.a major blow to democracy.567 Sadık Aldoğan made the harshest criticism on behalf of the Sadık Aldoğan made the harshest criticism on behalf of the opposition. Aldoğan stated that martial law was a cause for embarrassment and said, opposition. Aldoğan stated that martial law was a cause for embarrassment and said, “ (...) “ (...) Martial law is a cruel form of administration that would make even absolutist rule look like Martial law is a cruel form of administration that would make even absolutist rule look like a mercy.”a mercy.”568
The government, on the other hand, drew attention to the danger of war and
The government, on the other hand, drew attention to the danger of war and emphasised the necessity of martial law and its contribution to peace and order. Taking the emphasised the necessity of martial law and its contribution to peace and order. Taking the floor on behalf of the government, Prime Minister Recep Peker rejected the criticisms of floor on behalf of the government, Prime Minister Recep Peker rejected the criticisms of the the opposition and the effects of martial law on domestic politics and defined martial law as an opposition and the effects of martial law on domestic politics and defined martial law as an element that ensures the existence and survival of the state.element that ensures the existence and survival of the state.569
Taking the floor after Prime Minister Recep Peker's statements, DP Chairman Celal
Taking the floor after Prime Minister Recep Peker's statements, DP Chairman Celal Bayar emphasised the agreement between the government and the DP on foreign policy and Bayar emphasised the agreement between the government and the DP on foreign policy and stated that they did not have any difference of opinion on this issue and touched upon stated that they did not have any difference of opinion on this issue and touched upon the the negative impact of martial law on domestic politics. In this context, Bayar stated that martial negative impact of martial law on domestic politics. In this context, Bayar stated that martial law was wanted to be extended solely for the purpose of suppressing freedom of opinion and law was wanted to be extended solely for the purpose of suppressing freedom of opinion and the press.the press.570 Following the opposition's objections and the government's statements, martial Following the opposition's objections and the government's statements, martial law was extended once again for six months.law was extended once again for six months.
With in this period, while the opposition complained that the government used martial
With in this period, while the opposition complained that the government used martial law to keep them under pressure, the government stated that martial law was only used to law to keep them under pressure, the government stated that martial law was only used to close down newspapers and that the only positive things it did were the fight agaclose down newspapers and that the only positive things it did were the fight against inst communism and the maintenance of public order.communism and the maintenance of public order.571 The belief that these issues could be The belief that these issues could be handled by normal legislation without martial law and the opposition's clear stance on this handled by normal legislation without martial law and the opposition's clear stance on this issue led to the decision to abolish martial law at the meeting of the issue led to the decision to abolish martial law at the meeting of the RPPRPP Parliamentary Parliamentary Group on 9 December 1947.Group on 9 December 1947.572 This decision was received very favourably in the pressThis decision was received very favourably in the press573 and the abolition of martial law was considered as "a victory of the Turkish Constitution" and the abolition of martial law was considered as "a victory of the Turkish Constitution"
567 TBMMTD, 8.TBMMTD, 8. PeriodPeriod, 1., 1. MeetingMeeting, 5., 5. VolumeVolume, 65. , 65. SessionSession, , 28.5.1947, p. 22728.5.1947, p. 227--.256..256.
568 TBMMTD, 8.TBMMTD, 8. PeriodPeriod, 1., 1. MeetingMeeting, 5., 5. VolumeVolume, 65. , 65. SessionSession,, 28.5.1947,28.5.1947, p. 240. p. 240.
569 TBMMTD, 8. Period, 1. Meeting, 5. Volume, 65. Session,TBMMTD, 8. Period, 1. Meeting, 5. Volume, 65. Session, 28.5.1947,28.5.1947, p. 249p. 249--253, “Başbakanın 253, “Başbakanın Meclisteki İzahları”, Vatan, 29Meclisteki İzahları”, Vatan, 29.5..5.1947, p. 2.1947, p. 2.
570 TBMMTD, 8. Period, 1. Meeting, 5. Volume, 65. Session,TBMMTD, 8. Period, 1. Meeting, 5. Volume, 65. Session, 28.5.1947, 28.5.1947, p. 253p. 253--254, “Sıkıyönetimi 254, “Sıkıyönetimi Karşı Demokratların İtirazı”, Vatan, 29Karşı Demokratların İtirazı”, Vatan, 29.5..5.1947, p. 1. 1947, p. 1.
571 UranUran, p. 396, , p. 396, ‘’Sıkıyönetim Sadece Gazete Kapatmıştır’’ Demokrat İzmir, 10.12.1947, p. 1. ‘’Sıkıyönetim Sadece Gazete Kapatmıştır’’ Demokrat İzmir, 10.12.1947, p. 1.
572 ‘’Sıkıyönetimin Kaldırılması Kararlaştı’’, Cumhuriyet, 10.12.1947, p. 1.‘’Sıkıyönetimin Kaldırılması Kararlaştı’’, Cumhuriyet, 10.12.1947, p. 1.
573 Cihat Baban, ‘’Sıkıyönetim Kalkıyor’’, Tasvir, 11.12.1947, p. 1, Nadir Nadi, ‘’Sıkıyönetim Cihat Baban, ‘’Sıkıyönetim Kalkıyor’’, Tasvir, 11.12.1947, p. 1, Nadir Nadi, ‘’Sıkıyönetim Kaldırılırken’’, Cumhuriyet, 11.12.1947, p. 1, Fuat Köprülü, ‘’Örfi İdarenin Kaldırılması’’, 12.12.1947, p. 1. Kaldırılırken’’, Cumhuriyet, 11.12.1947, p. 1, Fuat Köprülü, ‘’Örfi İdarenin Kaldırılması’’, 12.12.1947, p. 1.
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and it was stated that this decision was the first step towards the abolition of anti
and it was stated that this decision was the first step towards the abolition of anti--democratic democratic laws.laws.574 The lifting of martial law shortly after the establishment of Hasan Saka's government The lifting of martial law shortly after the establishment of Hasan Saka's government substantially confirmed the opposition's claims that martial law was a political problem, a substantially confirmed the opposition's claims that martial law was a political problem, a decision taken arbitrarily rather than out of necessity, and a snag in the caudecision taken arbitrarily rather than out of necessity, and a snag in the cause of se of democracy.democracy.575 Declared in 1940 and in force for seven years and oneDeclared in 1940 and in force for seven years and one--month, martial law month, martial law ended on 22 December 1947.ended on 22 December 1947.576
5
5..33.2. .2. Thoughts on the Amendment of the ConstitutionThoughts on the Amendment of the Constitution
As mentioned before, neither the
As mentioned before, neither the RPPRPP nor the DP expressed the idea of a change in the nor the DP expressed the idea of a change in the basic principles of the 1924 Constitution during the period when the Republic of Turkey was basic principles of the 1924 Constitution during the period when the Republic of Turkey was transitioning to multitransitioning to multi--party life. However, this issue was discussed and occasionally voiced party life. However, this issue was discussed and occasionally voiced by intellectual circlby intellectual circles during the period.es during the period.
In this period, Cihat Baban wrote one of the first and rare articles that brought a radical
In this period, Cihat Baban wrote one of the first and rare articles that brought a radical change in the Constitution to the agenda. Baban proposed the principle of separation of change in the Constitution to the agenda. Baban proposed the principle of separation of powers instead of the principle of unity of powers, which formed the basis opowers instead of the principle of unity of powers, which formed the basis of the 1924 f the 1924 Constitution, and mentioned the necessity of establishing a senate composed of independent Constitution, and mentioned the necessity of establishing a senate composed of independent individuals.individuals.577
Until the 1950 elections, the DP's main view on the constitution was limited to the
Until the 1950 elections, the DP's main view on the constitution was limited to the amendment of antiamendment of anti--democratic laws and the full implementation of the Constitution; there democratic laws and the full implementation of the Constitution; there was no mention of any constitutional or institutional measures to guarantee individwas no mention of any constitutional or institutional measures to guarantee individual rights ual rights and freedoms, which was the most important issue. However, both within the party and in and freedoms, which was the most important issue. However, both within the party and in the press supporting the DP, there were some people who talked about the idea of a change the press supporting the DP, there were some people who talked about the idea of a change in the basic principles of the 1924 Constitution. In this context, in the basic principles of the 1924 Constitution. In this context, DP Balıkesir delegate Sıtkı DP Balıkesir delegate Sıtkı Yırcalı, in his speech at the First Grand Congress of the party, defended the principle of Yırcalı, in his speech at the First Grand Congress of the party, defended the principle of balance of powers, which is a system of balance of powers, which is a system of balances and balances and checks, instead of the principle of unity checks, instead of the principle of unity of powers, which was the basis of the 1924 Constitution, and defended the idea of the of powers, which was the basis of the 1924 Constitution, and defended the idea of the Constitutional Court by mentioning that the democratic regime could turn into a majority Constitutional Court by mentioning that the democratic regime could turn into a majority
574 Burhan Asaf Belge, ‘’Örfi İdarenin Kalkmasından Sonra’’, Demokrat İzmir, 12.12.1947, p. 1.Burhan Asaf Belge, ‘’Örfi İdarenin Kalkmasından Sonra’’, Demokrat İzmir, 12.12.1947, p. 1.
575 KoçakKoçak (2016), p. 368. (2016), p. 368.
576 Tanör Tanör (2021)(2021),, p. 349, p. 349, AhmadAhmad / / AhmadAhmad, , p. 48. p. 48.
577 Cihat Baban, ‘’Anayasada Değişiklik Lazım’’, Tasvir, 19.7.1946, p. 1. Cihat Baban, ‘’Anayasada Değişiklik Lazım’’, Tasvir, 19.7.1946, p. 1.
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dictatorship if necessary measures were not taken and that judicial control should be
dictatorship if necessary measures were not taken and that judicial control should be established to prevent this.established to prevent this.578
One of the people who made a general evaluation of the 1924 Constitution during the
One of the people who made a general evaluation of the 1924 Constitution during the period was Burhan Asaf Belge, who was known to be close to the DP. In an article in the period was Burhan Asaf Belge, who was known to be close to the DP. In an article in the newspaper Demokrat İzmir, Belge stated that due to the implementation of the unity onewspaper Demokrat İzmir, Belge stated that due to the implementation of the unity of f powers, which was one of the principles underlying the 1924 Constitution in the Republic powers, which was one of the principles underlying the 1924 Constitution in the Republic of Turkey, the party that gained the majority of the Parliament alone or with the help of one of Turkey, the party that gained the majority of the Parliament alone or with the help of one of the other parties, had all kinds of powers to strengthen and consoliof the other parties, had all kinds of powers to strengthen and consolidate its political status date its political status and power by making amendments to the Constitution. He also stated that this principle of and power by making amendments to the Constitution. He also stated that this principle of the constitution was the reason why the country had been governed under onethe constitution was the reason why the country had been governed under one--party rule for party rule for a long time, why individual rights and freedoms ha long time, why individual rights and freedoms had been restricted through antiad been restricted through anti--democratic democratic laws, and why the demands of the opposition had been ignored.laws, and why the demands of the opposition had been ignored. In this context, Belge made In this context, Belge made two suggestions in order to solve this problem and establish democratic administration. two suggestions in order to solve this problem and establish democratic administration. Firstly, he stated that the principFirstly, he stated that the principle of separation of powers should be adopted by amending le of separation of powers should be adopted by amending the constitution so that the power of the party coming to power could be limited through the the constitution so that the power of the party coming to power could be limited through the check and balance mechanism. Secondly, he stated that in order to check and balance mechanism. Secondly, he stated that in order to instituteinstitute democracy with democracy with the 1924 Constitution, which was organised according to the principle of unity of powers, the 1924 Constitution, which was organised according to the principle of unity of powers, the parties should be sincerely committed to the cause of democracy, antithe parties should be sincerely committed to the cause of democracy, anti--democratic laws democratic laws should be amended or should be amended or abolished,abolished, and elections should be held with great honesty. Belge, and elections should be held with great honesty. Belge, whowho was in favour of the preservation of the constitution based on the unity of powers, was in favour of the preservation of the constitution based on the unity of powers, emphasised that in addition to the conditions mentioned above, there should also be an emphasised that in addition to the conditions mentioned above, there should also be an impartial administration and justice apparatus according to this system, otherwise timpartial administration and justice apparatus according to this system, otherwise the he continuation of the current system based on the unity of powers would lead to party continuation of the current system based on the unity of powers would lead to party dictatorship.dictatorship.579
In 1947, Nihat Erim, who was a
In 1947, Nihat Erim, who was a RPPRPP member and known for his closeness to İsmet member and known for his closeness to İsmet İnönü, was one of the people who wrote detailed articles on the 1924 Constitution and İnönü, was one of the people who wrote detailed articles on the 1924 Constitution and analysed the issue in a broad perspective with both academic and political dimensions. analysed the issue in a broad perspective with both academic and political dimensions. Describing the 1924 Constitution as a Describing the 1924 Constitution as a “constitution of revolution”, Erim stated that in the “constitution of revolution”, Erim stated that in the early years of the Republic, a oneearly years of the Republic, a one--party, oneparty, one--ruler system based on the doctrine of Jean ruler system based on the doctrine of Jean Jacques Rousseasu was adopted, which was Jacques Rousseasu was adopted, which was in regard toin regard to the principles of a singlthe principles of a single parliament e parliament
578 AkyolAkyol, p. 178. , p. 178.
579 Burhan Asaf Belge, ‘’Anayasamızın Hususiyetleri’’, Demokrat İzmir, 23.12.1947, p. 1Burhan Asaf Belge, ‘’Anayasamızın Hususiyetleri’’, Demokrat İzmir, 23.12.1947, p. 1--4. 4.
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and unity of powers, and that this system was considered a necessity by the ruling cadre in
and unity of powers, and that this system was considered a necessity by the ruling cadre in order for the regime to be built on solid foundations and for the revolutions to take root in order for the regime to be built on solid foundations and for the revolutions to take root in the country.the country.580 However, Erim stated that this system did more harm than good to the country However, Erim stated that this system did more harm than good to the country over time, and that the disadvantages of the system gradually began to prevail over its over time, and that the disadvantages of the system gradually began to prevail over its benefits, and therefore it should be abandoned.benefits, and therefore it should be abandoned.581 In this context, Erim stated that the multiIn this context, Erim stated that the multi--party system was adopted as a “safety valve” against the harms of the singleparty system was adopted as a “safety valve” against the harms of the single--party system party system and argued that some constitutional arrangements should be made in this new system and and argued that some constitutional arrangements should be made in this new system and the most important issues he emphathe most important issues he emphasised on the constitutional issue were the “principle of sised on the constitutional issue were the “principle of separation of powers” and the “bicameral system instead of the unicameral system”.separation of powers” and the “bicameral system instead of the unicameral system”.582
Erim stated that all democratic civilised countries, with some exceptions, adopted the
Erim stated that all democratic civilised countries, with some exceptions, adopted the principles of national sovereignty, representative government, separation of powers and the principles of national sovereignty, representative government, separation of powers and the supremacy of the constitution, and argued that the Republic of Turkey, with isupremacy of the constitution, and argued that the Republic of Turkey, with its transition to ts transition to multimulti--party political life, should implement the principle of coparty political life, should implement the principle of co--operation between the powers operation between the powers instead of unity of powers in order to establish the democratic administration style in the instead of unity of powers in order to establish the democratic administration style in the country in a short time.country in a short time.583 In this context, Erim referred to Montesquieu, the founder of the In this context, Erim referred to Montesquieu, the founder of the idea of separation of powers, and stated that the basic condition of political freedom could idea of separation of powers, and stated that the basic condition of political freedom could be ensured by the separation of the be ensured by the separation of the executive and executive and legislative powers, based on Montesquieu's legislative powers, based on Montesquieu's statement that "When the legislative power and the executive power are united in the hands statement that "When the legislative power and the executive power are united in the hands of the same person or the same committee, freedom disappears". In addition, Erim stated of the same person or the same committee, freedom disappears". In addition, Erim stated that it was dangerous for the judithat it was dangerous for the judicial power to be united with the executive or legislative cial power to be united with the executive or legislative power in the same hands as Montesquieu stated, and that he advocated the view that "the power in the same hands as Montesquieu stated, and that he advocated the view that "the power must stop the power", in other words, checks and balances, in order to prevent the power must stop the power", in other words, checks and balances, in order to prevent the endangeendangerment of freedom and fundamental rights.rment of freedom and fundamental rights. Erim summarised his defence of the Erim summarised his defence of the principle of the balance of powers as follows: principle of the balance of powers as follows: “(...) today, tyranny can be prevented not by “(...) today, tyranny can be prevented not by a complete separation of powers, but by establishing coa complete separation of powers, but by establishing co--operation and mutual control.”operation and mutual control.”584
Another issue that Nihat Erim emphasised in relation to the constitution was the
Another issue that Nihat Erim emphasised in relation to the constitution was the transition to a bicameral system instead of a unicameral system. According to Erim, while transition to a bicameral system instead of a unicameral system. According to Erim, while the unicameral system was considered useful in times of revolution due to its quick athe unicameral system was considered useful in times of revolution due to its quick and easy nd easy
580 Nihat Erim, ‘’Anayasa Meselelerimiz’’, Ulus, 17.7.1947, p. 2. Nihat Erim, ‘’Anayasa Meselelerimiz’’, Ulus, 17.7.1947, p. 2.
581 Nihat Erim, ‘’Nihat Erim, ‘’ CHPCHP’li Arkadaşlarla Bir Hasbihal”, ’li Arkadaşlarla Bir Hasbihal”, UlusUlus, , 2424.9..9.1946, p. 1, “Tek Parti Sisteminin 1946, p. 1, “Tek Parti Sisteminin Hususiyetleri”, Hususiyetleri”, UlusUlus, , 33.12..12.1947 p. 1. 1947 p. 1.
582 Nihat Erim, ‘’Anayasa Meselelerimiz’’, Ulus, 17.7.1947, p. 2. Nihat Erim, ‘’Anayasa Meselelerimiz’’, Ulus, 17.7.1947, p. 2.
583 Nihat Erim, ‘’Anayasa Meselelerimiz III’’, Ulus, 2.7.1947, p. 2. Nihat Erim, ‘’Anayasa Meselelerimiz III’’, Ulus, 2.7.1947, p. 2.
584 Nihat Erim, ‘’Anayasa Meselelerimiz II’’, Ulus, 18.7.1947, p. 2. Nihat Erim, ‘’Anayasa Meselelerimiz II’’, Ulus, 18.7.1947, p. 2.
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operation, he stated that this system could be harmful in normal times due to the fact that it
operation, he stated that this system could be harmful in normal times due to the fact that it could cause regime crises, that it could not fully meet the needs due to the fact that the laws could cause regime crises, that it could not fully meet the needs due to the fact that the laws were sometimes rushed, and that it could not provide the element were sometimes rushed, and that it could not provide the element of stability. In this context, of stability. In this context, he stated that a second parliament could play a "softening role, preventing impulsive and he stated that a second parliament could play a "softening role, preventing impulsive and sudden decisions, protecting the main institutions of the state from daily political ambitions", sudden decisions, protecting the main institutions of the state from daily political ambitions", and that by passing the laws passed byand that by passing the laws passed by the Parliament through a second filter, legal the Parliament through a second filter, legal infirmities and inability to meet the needs could be prevented and political stability could be infirmities and inability to meet the needs could be prevented and political stability could be ensured.ensured.585 In addition to all these, Nihat Erim stated that the constitutional issue should be In addition to all these, Nihat Erim stated that the constitutional issue should be made with the joint decision of made with the joint decision of RPPRPP and DP and that both parties could carry out this work and DP and that both parties could carry out this work with people who would have a say in this matter and put forward their ideas.with people who would have a say in this matter and put forward their ideas.586 At this At this point, Erim also made a selfpoint, Erim also made a self--criticism on behalf of his own party and stated that this issue criticism on behalf of his own party and stated that this issue could not be handled by those who defended the old authoritarian singlecould not be handled by those who defended the old authoritarian single--party system, party system, opposed the steps taken by the opposed the steps taken by the RPPRPP in the name of democratisation and put their personal in the name of democratisation and put their personal interests above the interests of the country.interests above the interests of the country.587
On 17 November 1947, the
On 17 November 1947, the RPPRPP's Seventh Grand Congress reaffirmed the principle of 's Seventh Grand Congress reaffirmed the principle of unity of powers, contrary to Nihat Erim's writings. At first, in the new party programme unity of powers, contrary to Nihat Erim's writings. At first, in the new party programme presented to the congress in 1947, the statement “The form of government of the Turkish presented to the congress in 1947, the statement “The form of government of the Turkish nation is based on the prnation is based on the principle of unity of powers”, which had been included in all party inciple of unity of powers”, which had been included in all party programmes of the programmes of the RPPRPP since 1935, was removed. This situation drew the attention of some since 1935, was removed. This situation drew the attention of some deputies from the Kemalist tradition within the deputies from the Kemalist tradition within the RPPRPP, who considered the omission of this , who considered the omission of this statement instatement in the party programme as a “work of negligence” and demanded an explanation the party programme as a “work of negligence” and demanded an explanation of its reasons.of its reasons.588
Hulki Karagülle, the spokesman of the commission that prepared the draft of the new
Hulki Karagülle, the spokesman of the commission that prepared the draft of the new party programme, defended the draft by stating that "There is no absolute principle of unity party programme, defended the draft by stating that "There is no absolute principle of unity of powers in our constitution" and emphasised that the programme was completelyof powers in our constitution" and emphasised that the programme was completely faithful faithful to the Constitution.to the Constitution.589 Feridun Fikri Düşünsel, who opposed Karagülle's statement, firstly Feridun Fikri Düşünsel, who opposed Karagülle's statement, firstly stated that this issue could not be glossed over by saying "It is not in our Constitution". In stated that this issue could not be glossed over by saying "It is not in our Constitution". In
585 Nihat Erim, ‘’Anayasa Meselelerimiz VI’’, Ulus, 24.7.1947, p. 2Nihat Erim, ‘’Anayasa Meselelerimiz VI’’, Ulus, 24.7.1947, p. 2--5. 5.
586 Nihat Erim, ‘’Anayasa Meselelerimiz VI’’, Ulus, 24.7.1947, p. 2. Nihat Erim, ‘’Anayasa Meselelerimiz VI’’, Ulus, 24.7.1947, p. 2.
587 ErimErim, , Nihat Nihat (2021) Günlükler 1925(2021) Günlükler 1925--19791979 1. Volume (1. Volume (Prepared by: Ahmet Demirel), 2. Edition, Prepared by: Ahmet Demirel), 2. Edition, İstanbul, Yapı Kredi Yayınları, p. 164. İstanbul, Yapı Kredi Yayınları, p. 164.
588 It was Manisa Deputy Muammer Alakant who raised this issue at the Congress. Alakant defended It was Manisa Deputy Muammer Alakant who raised this issue at the Congress. Alakant defended the principle of unity of powers at length and considered the absence of this principle in the programme as an the principle of unity of powers at length and considered the absence of this principle in the programme as an opposition to the Constitutionopposition to the Constitution. . CHPCHP Yedinci Büyük Kurultay Tutanağı,Yedinci Büyük Kurultay Tutanağı, p. 384p. 384--385. 385.
589 CHPCHP Yedinci Büyük Kurultay TutanağıYedinci Büyük Kurultay Tutanağı, p. 387. , p. 387.
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the rest of his speech, he opposed the draft programme by stating that this was the whole
the rest of his speech, he opposed the draft programme by stating that this was the whole spirit of the constitution, that the spirit of the constitution, that the RPPRPP was born directly from the principle of unity of powers was born directly from the principle of unity of powers and that the newly established Republic of Turkey was founded on the basis of unity of and that the newly established Republic of Turkey was founded on the basis of unity of powers.powers.590 Süreyya Örgeevren made the harshest comment on this issue. ÖrgeevrenSüreyya Örgeevren made the harshest comment on this issue. Örgeevren stated stated that the issue was a matter of regime and emphasised that there was no such thing as that the issue was a matter of regime and emphasised that there was no such thing as legislative, executive and judicial power in Kemalism and that Kemalism was a political legislative, executive and judicial power in Kemalism and that Kemalism was a political doctrine that rejected the principle of separation of powers. Örgeevren evedoctrine that rejected the principle of separation of powers. Örgeevren even stated that the n stated that the word "power" was not mentioned in the Constitution and defended the principle of unity of word "power" was not mentioned in the Constitution and defended the principle of unity of powers as follows: powers as follows: “Because we do not accept a multiplicity of powers. The power is one; it “Because we do not accept a multiplicity of powers. The power is one; it is the national will; it is national sovereignty. To think otherwise is to deny the Republican is the national will; it is national sovereignty. To think otherwise is to deny the Republican People's Party (...)”People's Party (...)”591
As a result, the statement
As a result, the statement "The form of government of the Turkish nation is based on "The form of government of the Turkish nation is based on the principle of unity of powers",the principle of unity of powers", which was not included in the draft programme at first, which was not included in the draft programme at first, was once again included in the programme and the was once again included in the programme and the RPPRPP made its political stance on this made its political stance on this issue clear.issue clear.
The party that approached the constitutional issue differently from the
The party that approached the constitutional issue differently from the RPPRPP and the DP and the DP during the period and put forward advanced ideas according to the conjuncture was the Millet during the period and put forward advanced ideas according to the conjuncture was the Millet Party (MP), which was founded in early 1948 as a result of the internal opposition movement Party (MP), which was founded in early 1948 as a result of the internal opposition movement within the DP. In this context, in Article 33 of the MP prowithin the DP. In this context, in Article 33 of the MP programmegramme592, the idea of a , the idea of a Constitutional Court was included in a party programme for the first time in our history by Constitutional Court was included in a party programme for the first time in our history by stating that no authority or person could exercise an authority not granted to him by law, that stating that no authority or person could exercise an authority not granted to him by law, that individual rights and freedoms could only be limitedindividual rights and freedoms could only be limited by law, but that a supreme court was by law, but that a supreme court was needed to decide whether these limitations were contrary to the Constitution and whether needed to decide whether these limitations were contrary to the Constitution and whether they exceeded the state of necessity.they exceeded the state of necessity.593 Furthermore, in the 35th article of the programme, Furthermore, in the 35th article of the programme, the necessity of establishing a second parliament elected by the people was mentioned in the necessity of establishing a second parliament elected by the people was mentioned in order to prevent some impulsive decisions from being taken and enacted into law, and to order to prevent some impulsive decisions from being taken and enacted into law, and to ensure that laws are enacteensure that laws are enacted in a more fundamental way and in a way that fully meets the d in a more fundamental way and in a way that fully meets the needs. The independence of the judiciary, which is one of the most important aspects of needs. The independence of the judiciary, which is one of the most important aspects of democratic administration, was also emphasised in the programme, and in Article 49 of the democratic administration, was also emphasised in the programme, and in Article 49 of the
590 CHP CHP Yedinci Büyük Kurultay TutanağıYedinci Büyük Kurultay Tutanağı, p. 388, p. 388--389.389.
591 CHP CHP Yedinci Büyük Kurultay Yedinci Büyük Kurultay TutanağıTutanağı, p. 390, p. 390--391.391.
592 For the full programme of the Millet Party see also: For the full programme of the Millet Party see also: KoçakKoçak (2016), p. 480(2016), p. 480--493.493.
593 AkyolAkyol, p. 189. , p. 189.
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programme, it was stated that all kinds of actions to be taken in relation to the judicial power
programme, it was stated that all kinds of actions to be taken in relation to the judicial power should be free from the intervention of the legislative and administrative authority and that should be free from the intervention of the legislative and administrative authority and that these actions should be ensured within the judicial organisationsthese actions should be ensured within the judicial organisations themselves. In this way, it themselves. In this way, it was envisaged to establish a council of judges and prosecutors independent from the was envisaged to establish a council of judges and prosecutors independent from the government.government.594
While the issue of the amendment of the constitution, which had previously been
While the issue of the amendment of the constitution, which had previously been discussed extensively by Nihat Erim, was an issue that both the discussed extensively by Nihat Erim, was an issue that both the RPPRPP and the DP were and the DP were uncomfortable with, towards the end of 1948, this issue became one of the mostuncomfortable with, towards the end of 1948, this issue became one of the most significantsignificant topics discussed in political circles. In this context, Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın who was the topics discussed in political circles. In this context, Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın who was the chairman of the party assembly group wrote an important article in Ulus newspaper on the chairman of the party assembly group wrote an important article in Ulus newspaper on the amendment of the constitution. He stated that the current Constitution had beamendment of the constitution. He stated that the current Constitution had beenen prepared to prepared to meet the needs of extraordinary periods, and as these needs were met, it was necessary to meet the needs of extraordinary periods, and as these needs were met, it was necessary to amend the Constitution in accordance with the current conditions and democratic needs. He amend the Constitution in accordance with the current conditions and democratic needs. He also emphasised that the also emphasised that the RPPRPP was in favour of the balance of powers.was in favour of the balance of powers.595 In other words, In other words, Yalçın declared that the Yalçın declared that the RPPRPP, which had reaffirmed the principle of unity of powers only a , which had reaffirmed the principle of unity of powers only a year ago at the Seventh Grand Congress, was in favour of and willing to adopt the balance year ago at the Seventh Grand Congress, was in favour of and willing to adopt the balance of powers. However, Yalçın's article angered the of powers. However, Yalçın's article angered the radicalradicals within the s within the RPPRPP596, and , and RPPRPP Deputy Deputy Chairman Hilmi Uran stated that the issue of amending the constitution could be decided by Chairman Hilmi Uran stated that the issue of amending the constitution could be decided by the congress and prevented the issue from being dragged out further within the party.the congress and prevented the issue from being dragged out further within the party.597
During the period, there were those who individually opposed the principle of unity of
During the period, there were those who individually opposed the principle of unity of powers, which was one of the basic principles of the 1924 Constitution and granted the powers, which was one of the basic principles of the 1924 Constitution and granted the government very wide powers, and they voiced their opinions both through the pressgovernment very wide powers, and they voiced their opinions both through the press and in and in the Parliament. However, for the first time in our history, a declaration demanding the the Parliament. However, for the first time in our history, a declaration demanding the “separation of powers” was published by journalists under the leadership of the Association “separation of powers” was published by journalists under the leadership of the Association of Journalists.of Journalists.598 In the declaration, it was stated that they were in favour of a constitutional In the declaration, it was stated that they were in favour of a constitutional amendment “based on the democratic development in our country and the establishment of amendment “based on the democratic development in our country and the establishment of
594 AkyolAkyol, p. 189. , p. 189.
595 Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, ‘’Anayasa Meselesi’’, 20.12.1948, p. 1Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, ‘’Anayasa Meselesi’’, 20.12.1948, p. 1--3. 3.
596 ErimErim, p. 315, ‘’, p. 315, ‘’CHPCHP Grubunda Dünkü GürültülüGrubunda Dünkü Gürültülü Toplantı’Toplantı’’, Demokrat İzmir, 22.12.1948, p. 1.’, Demokrat İzmir, 22.12.1948, p. 1.
597 ‘’‘’CHPCHP Meclis Grubu Meclis Grubu ToplantısıToplantısı’’, Ulus, 22.12.1948’’, Ulus, 22.12.1948, p. 1 , p. 1
598The journalists who signed the declaration were as follows: Kazım Şinasi Dersan (Akşam), Doğan The journalists who signed the declaration were as follows: Kazım Şinasi Dersan (Akşam), Doğan Nadi (Cumhuriyet), Faruk Gürtunca (Hergün), Sedat Simavi (Hürriyet), Selim Ragıp Emeç (Son Posta), Nadi (Cumhuriyet), Faruk Gürtunca (Hergün), Sedat Simavi (Hürriyet), Selim Ragıp Emeç (Son Posta), Bahadır Dülger (Son Saat), Ali Naci Karacan (Tan), Cihat BabanBahadır Dülger (Son Saat), Ali Naci Karacan (Tan), Cihat Baban (Tasvir), Ahmet Emin Yalman (Vatan), Reşat (Tasvir), Ahmet Emin Yalman (Vatan), Reşat Feyzi Yüzüncü (Yeni Sabah) ve Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın (President of the Association of Journalists). Feyzi Yüzüncü (Yeni Sabah) ve Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın (President of the Association of Journalists). AkyolAkyol, p. , p. 191. 191.
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a multi
a multi--party regime, which would not disrupt national unity, which would operate the party regime, which would not disrupt national unity, which would operate the control in the best way, which would provide citizens with the stable order of democratic life control in the best way, which would provide citizens with the stable order of democratic life and which would be based on the principle of separation of powers'” and thiand which would be based on the principle of separation of powers'” and this idea was s idea was described as a “national cause” and it was emphasised that whatever was necessary for the described as a “national cause” and it was emphasised that whatever was necessary for the realisation of this cause would be done. It was also stated in the declaration that the principle realisation of this cause would be done. It was also stated in the declaration that the principle of "separation of powers" would be a solution to the poliof "separation of powers" would be a solution to the political deadlock in the country.tical deadlock in the country.599
In the last days of 1948, it was observed that there were people within the DP who
In the last days of 1948, it was observed that there were people within the DP who favoured the idea of amending the 1924 Constitution. On 22 December 1948, Adnan favoured the idea of amending the 1924 Constitution. On 22 December 1948, Adnan Menderes, who took the floor at the DP General Administrative Board meeting, made the Menderes, who took the floor at the DP General Administrative Board meeting, made the followifollowing evaluation about the constitution: ng evaluation about the constitution: “Today's constitution is old. It was prepared “Today's constitution is old. It was prepared with the necessity of revolutions. The principle of unity of powers was adopted in order to with the necessity of revolutions. The principle of unity of powers was adopted in order to resolve everything quickly. (...) The reason for the misfortunes is the unity ofresolve everything quickly. (...) The reason for the misfortunes is the unity of powers in the powers in the constitution.” constitution.” Refik Şevket İnce, a member of the General Administrative Board, who took Refik Şevket İnce, a member of the General Administrative Board, who took the floor at the same meeting, stated that he agreed with Adnan Menderes, but said that it the floor at the same meeting, stated that he agreed with Adnan Menderes, but said that it was not right for the constitutional amendment to be made by a Parliament that was not was not right for the constitutional amendment to be made by a Parliament that was not consconsidered legitimate by the DP.idered legitimate by the DP.600
In the following day's meeting, Menderes stated that the demands in the declaration
In the following day's meeting, Menderes stated that the demands in the declaration issued by the "Journalists' Association" were justified and emphasised that the politics of issued by the "Journalists' Association" were justified and emphasised that the politics of domination, which the DP had been fighting against since its foundation, stemmeddomination, which the DP had been fighting against since its foundation, stemmed from the from the principle of unity of powers in the constitution.principle of unity of powers in the constitution. Menderes continued his speech as follows: Menderes continued his speech as follows: “This Constitution, inspired by the ideas of Jean“This Constitution, inspired by the ideas of Jean--Jacques Rousseau, gives absolute power Jacques Rousseau, gives absolute power to a few people on behalf of the Parliament. For this reason, theto a few people on behalf of the Parliament. For this reason, the human idea rejected the human idea rejected the system of unity of powers and replaced it with the principle of separation or balance of system of unity of powers and replaced it with the principle of separation or balance of powers”powers” and stated that the personal tyranny caused by this system should be ended and that and stated that the personal tyranny caused by this system should be ended and that separation or balance of powers was necessary for the democratic development of the separation or balance of powers was necessary for the democratic development of the country.country.601
Samet Ağaoğlu, who took the floor at the same meeting, agreed with Menderes's
Samet Ağaoğlu, who took the floor at the same meeting, agreed with Menderes's statements and stated that the system of unity of powers led to the nation's tyranny instead statements and stated that the system of unity of powers led to the nation's tyranny instead
599 ‘’Anayasanın Tadili’’, Ulus, 23.12.1948, p. 5, ‘’Anayasanın Tadili ve İstanbul Gazetecileri’’, ‘’Anayasanın Tadili’’, Ulus, 23.12.1948, p. 5, ‘’Anayasanın Tadili ve İstanbul Gazetecileri’’, Cumhuriyet, 23.12.1948, p. 1, ‘’İstanbul Gazeteleri MümessillerininCumhuriyet, 23.12.1948, p. 1, ‘’İstanbul Gazeteleri Mümessillerinin ToplantısıToplantısı, Akşam, 23.12.1948, p. 1. , Akşam, 23.12.1948, p. 1.
600 AğaoğluAğaoğlu (2020)(2020), p. 284. , p. 284.
601 AğaoğluAğaoğlu (2020)(2020), p. 287. , p. 287.
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of the ruler's tyranny. He also mentioned that in order to guarantee freedom, a Constitutional
of the ruler's tyranny. He also mentioned that in order to guarantee freedom, a Constitutional Court should be established to analyse the opposition of laws to the Constitution.Court should be established to analyse the opposition of laws to the Constitution.602
Speaking at the meeting afterwards, DP President Celal Bayar stated that the principle
Speaking at the meeting afterwards, DP President Celal Bayar stated that the principle of separation of powers would strengthen İsmet İnönü and that this would be a “disaster” for of separation of powers would strengthen İsmet İnönü and that this would be a “disaster” for the DP. He stated that the congress should be held on an important issue sucthe DP. He stated that the congress should be held on an important issue such as the h as the constitution, which concerned the future of the country, and that the DP's priority regarding constitution, which concerned the future of the country, and that the DP's priority regarding the constitutional issue was the amendment or abolition of antithe constitutional issue was the amendment or abolition of anti--democratic laws contrary to democratic laws contrary to the Constitution rather than the amendment of the Constitutiothe Constitution rather than the amendment of the Constitution.n.603
In the meantime, although the DP had a clear position on the constitutional issue before
In the meantime, although the DP had a clear position on the constitutional issue before the Second Grand Assembly, for the first time, the party commissioned Refik Şevket İnce the Second Grand Assembly, for the first time, the party commissioned Refik Şevket İnce and Samet Ağaoğlu to prepare a report for the amendment of the constitution.and Samet Ağaoğlu to prepare a report for the amendment of the constitution. In the report, In the report, it was stated that the most serious consequence of the Constitution of 1924, resulting from it was stated that the most serious consequence of the Constitution of 1924, resulting from the principle of unity of powers, was that the laws passed by the Parliament had to be the principle of unity of powers, was that the laws passed by the Parliament had to be implemented regardless of whether they were contrary to the Cimplemented regardless of whether they were contrary to the Consonstitution or not, since they titution or not, since they were the work of the national will. In this context, it was emphasised that in order to prevent were the work of the national will. In this context, it was emphasised that in order to prevent the enactment of laws contrary to the constitution and to protect the main principles of the the enactment of laws contrary to the constitution and to protect the main principles of the constitution against any possibility, iconstitution against any possibility, it was necessary to establish a supreme court that would t was necessary to establish a supreme court that would examine and determine whether the laws were contrary to the constitution or not, which had examine and determine whether the laws were contrary to the constitution or not, which had examples in democratic countries and which limited the absolute power of the power holding examples in democratic countries and which limited the absolute power of the power holding the majority in ththe majority in the Parliament.e Parliament.604
As Bayar repeatedly stated, the DP made its clearest decision on constitutional
As Bayar repeatedly stated, the DP made its clearest decision on constitutional amendment at the Second Grand Congress held on 20amendment at the Second Grand Congress held on 20--25 June 1949. While the report of the 25 June 1949. While the report of the General Administrative Board, which General Administrative Board, which would set the agenda of the congress, was being would set the agenda of the congress, was being prepared, Adnan Menderes acted contrary to what he had said a few months earlier and prepared, Adnan Menderes acted contrary to what he had said a few months earlier and defended the idea that there would be no amendment to the constitution, and this idea defended the idea that there would be no amendment to the constitution, and this idea prevailed in the congress as well.prevailed in the congress as well.605 Already in the congress, the constitutional amendment Already in the congress, the constitutional amendment was passed over with “cliched words”.was passed over with “cliched words”.606 In the report of the General Administrative Board In the report of the General Administrative Board prepared at the end of the congress, it was stated that the prepared at the end of the congress, it was stated that the RPPRPP “still could not get rid of being “still could not get rid of being
602 AğaoğluAğaoğlu (2020)(2020), p. 288, , p. 288, AkyolAkyol, p. 193. , p. 193.
603 AğaoğluAğaoğlu (2020)(2020), p. 290, , p. 290, ‘’Anayasada Yapılacak Tadilat ve DP’nin Görüşü’’, Demokrat İzmir, ‘’Anayasada Yapılacak Tadilat ve DP’nin Görüşü’’, Demokrat İzmir, 26.12.1948, p. 6. 26.12.1948, p. 6.
604 AğaoğluAğaoğlu (1972), (1972), p. 64p. 64--65. 65.
605 AğaoğluAğaoğlu (2020)(2020), p. 334. , p. 334.
606 AkyolAkyol, p. 197. , p. 197.
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an organisation standing against the freedom and democracy movement”, that anti
an organisation standing against the freedom and democracy movement”, that anti--democratic laws were still not abolished, that a safe election law that would fully reflect the democratic laws were still not abolished, that a safe election law that would fully reflect the will of the nation had not been established, and that the issue of state and parwill of the nation had not been established, and that the issue of state and party presidency ty presidency could not be resolved.could not be resolved.607 In short, it was emphasised that it was not possible to claim that In short, it was emphasised that it was not possible to claim that the Freedom Pact had been fully realised. The constitutional issue was only mentioned in the the Freedom Pact had been fully realised. The constitutional issue was only mentioned in the report as “The present constitution should be fully implemented” and the door to report as “The present constitution should be fully implemented” and the door to constitutionaconstitutional amendments was closed.l amendments was closed.
During this period, Ali Fuat Başgil was one of the most prominent figures who wrote
During this period, Ali Fuat Başgil was one of the most prominent figures who wrote academic articles on the constitution. The most striking point of Başgil's writings was that academic articles on the constitution. The most striking point of Başgil's writings was that he talked about the danger of democracy and the benefits of the bicameral parlihe talked about the danger of democracy and the benefits of the bicameral parliamentary amentary procedure at a time when Turkey was going through the most controversial period of the procedure at a time when Turkey was going through the most controversial period of the transition to multitransition to multi--party democracy and efforts were intensifying to end the authoritarian party democracy and efforts were intensifying to end the authoritarian oneone--party rule that had lasted for a long time. Pointing out that in party rule that had lasted for a long time. Pointing out that in democratic administrations democratic administrations “a pleasant atmosphere of civilised freedom may prevail, as well as a heavy oppression and “a pleasant atmosphere of civilised freedom may prevail, as well as a heavy oppression and bondage or a horrible idleness”, Başgil stated that the greatest danger of today's bondage or a horrible idleness”, Başgil stated that the greatest danger of today's representative democracies was the strong or weak majorrepresentative democracies was the strong or weak majority in the parliament elected by the ity in the parliament elected by the will of the people, which has absolute power, decides, makes laws, and draws a plan of action will of the people, which has absolute power, decides, makes laws, and draws a plan of action and activity for the government.and activity for the government.608 Underlining that this principle of majority did not reflect Underlining that this principle of majority did not reflect the whole of the Parliament, Başgil stated that in the actual situation, in the lawthe whole of the Parliament, Başgil stated that in the actual situation, in the law--making and making and decisiondecision--making process, not the absolute majority of the Parliament was taken as a basis, making process, not the absolute majority of the Parliament was taken as a basis, but the mabut the majority during the Parliamentary debates, and that this situation upset the "principle jority during the Parliamentary debates, and that this situation upset the "principle of majority" of the society and the Parliament.of majority" of the society and the Parliament. 609 In addition, Başgil stated that the majority, In addition, Başgil stated that the majority, which became an unrivalled force in democracies, could act in a way that would be merciful which became an unrivalled force in democracies, could act in a way that would be merciful even to the cruelest dictators based on the sanctity of the national will. In this context, Başgil even to the cruelest dictators based on the sanctity of the national will. In this context, Başgil argued that the priargued that the principle of the balance of powers was adopted in democratic countries in nciple of the balance of powers was adopted in democratic countries in order to prevent this danger of democracy arising from the principle of majority in practice order to prevent this danger of democracy arising from the principle of majority in practice and that the "double parliamentary procedure" was the best solution to this need.and that the "double parliamentary procedure" was the best solution to this need. 610
Ali Fuat Başgil stated that the bicameral parliamentary procedure prevented a majority,
Ali Fuat Başgil stated that the bicameral parliamentary procedure prevented a majority, which prioritised its own interests above the interests of the nation, from pursuing a policy which prioritised its own interests above the interests of the nation, from pursuing a policy
607 ‘’DP Kongresinde Okunan Raporun Metni’’, Demokrat İzmir, 21.12.1949, p. 3. ‘’DP Kongresinde Okunan Raporun Metni’’, Demokrat İzmir, 21.12.1949, p. 3.
608 BaşgilBaşgil, , AA. . FuatFuat (1948) ‘Demokrasinin Tehlikesi ve Çift Meclis Usulü, Hür Fikirler, N: 2, p. 75(1948) ‘Demokrasinin Tehlikesi ve Çift Meclis Usulü, Hür Fikirler, N: 2, p. 75--76. 76.
609 Başgil Başgil (1948), p. 75(1948), p. 75--76. 76.
610 Başgil Başgil (1948), p. 77. (1948), p. 77.
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of oppression and authority by disregarding the rights and freedoms of citizens.
of oppression and authority by disregarding the rights and freedoms of citizens.611 In this In this context, Başgil underlined that democratic administration is not an absolute guarantee of context, Başgil underlined that democratic administration is not an absolute guarantee of rights and freedoms and stated that serious dangers may arise if this administration is not rights and freedoms and stated that serious dangers may arise if this administration is not adorned with a balance of powers, and that the greatest danger iadorned with a balance of powers, and that the greatest danger is “the transfer of s “the transfer of authority authority and and power into the hands of a single majority in a single parliament”.power into the hands of a single majority in a single parliament”. He drew attention to He drew attention to the fact that this majority seemed to be under the command of the ruling majority, but in fact the fact that this majority seemed to be under the command of the ruling majority, but in fact the majority was in the hands of powerful personalities, even a single person, the chief. In the majority was in the hands of powerful personalities, even a single person, the chief. In this case, Başgil stated that the main functithis case, Başgil stated that the main function of the Parliament was to “cover the shame of on of the Parliament was to “cover the shame of the personal government” and that although the 1924 Constitution was the most democratic the personal government” and that although the 1924 Constitution was the most democratic constitution in the constitution in the world, the Republic of Turkey was under the oppression of personal world, the Republic of Turkey was under the oppression of personal governments and lived under their shadow because the state order, which was shaped governments and lived under their shadow because the state order, which was shaped according to the principles of unicameral parliament and unity of powers during the National according to the principles of unicameral parliament and unity of powers during the National Struggle, conStruggle, continued in the same way and the Constitution was not organised with the tinued in the same way and the Constitution was not organised with the procedures, principles and institutions necessary for democratic administration.procedures, principles and institutions necessary for democratic administration.612 Therefore, according to Başgil, the most important benefit of the bicameral system was “to Therefore, according to Başgil, the most important benefit of the bicameral system was “to prevent the tyranny of a single parliament under the chief.”prevent the tyranny of a single parliament under the chief.”613
In addition, Başgil stated that the second parliament, which would be established as a
In addition, Başgil stated that the second parliament, which would be established as a fixed institution, would ensure stability in the state administration by ensuring continuity in fixed institution, would ensure stability in the state administration by ensuring continuity in domestic and foreign politicsdomestic and foreign politics614, would bring "perfection" to the laws by acting as a filter in , would bring "perfection" to the laws by acting as a filter in the lawthe law--making processmaking process615 and would act as a brake against the majority in the popular and would act as a brake against the majority in the popular assembly.assembly.616
Stating in his writings throughout the period that the 1924 Constitution should be
Stating in his writings throughout the period that the 1924 Constitution should be fundamentally amended, Başgil was hesitant to see this amendment made by the Assembly fundamentally amended, Başgil was hesitant to see this amendment made by the Assembly under the absolute sovereignty of the under the absolute sovereignty of the RPPRPP, which had an authoritarian single, which had an authoritarian single--party tradition. party tradition. In this context, he argued that the constitutional amendment, which he considered as an In this context, he argued that the constitutional amendment, which he considered as an indispensable for the establishment of democratic administration, should be made by the indispensable for the establishment of democratic administration, should be made by the newly elected “Constituentnewly elected “Constituent Assembly”, which would think in a neutral andAssembly”, which would think in a neutral and objective manner, objective manner,
611 ‘’Prof. Ali Fuad Başgil Fikirlerini Anlatıyor’’, Vatan, 27.7.1947, p. 1, ‘’Prof. Ali Fuad Başgil Fikirlerini Anlatıyor’’, Vatan, 27.7.1947, p. 1, BaşgilBaşgil, , AA. . FuatFuat (1949a) (1949a) ‘Demokraside İkinci Meclis ve Faydaları’, Hür Fikirler, İstanbul, N: 3, p. 125.‘Demokraside İkinci Meclis ve Faydaları’, Hür Fikirler, İstanbul, N: 3, p. 125.
612 Ali Fuat Başgil, ‘’Anayasa Davası’’, Vatan, 29.12.1948, p. 1. Ali Fuat Başgil, ‘’Anayasa Davası’’, Vatan, 29.12.1948, p. 1.
613 BaşgilBaşgil (1949a), p. 126. (1949a), p. 126.
614 BaşgilBaşgil (1949a), p. 126. (1949a), p. 126.
615 BaşgilBaşgil (1949a), p. 130, (1949a), p. 130, BaşgilBaşgil, , AA. . FuatFuat (1949b) ‘Tek Meclis Usulünün Dayandığı Esaslar’, Hür (1949b) ‘Tek Meclis Usulünün Dayandığı Esaslar’, Hür Fikirler, İstanbul, N: 4, p. 167Fikirler, İstanbul, N: 4, p. 167--168. 168.
616 Başgil Başgil (1949a), p. 126. (1949a), p. 126.
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and he stated that the Republic of Turkey would leave the system of unity of powers and
and he stated that the Republic of Turkey would leave the system of unity of powers and enter a system of balance of powers by making these constitutional amendments.enter a system of balance of powers by making these constitutional amendments.617
By 1950, the country was in the mood for elections and the constitutional issue was
By 1950, the country was in the mood for elections and the constitutional issue was one of the most important items on the agenda. In this context, the statements made by one of the most important items on the agenda. In this context, the statements made by President and President and RPPRPP Chairman İsmet İnönü on the constitution were of great importance in Chairman İsmet İnönü on the constitution were of great importance in terms of showing that there was a constitutional issue in the country.terms of showing that there was a constitutional issue in the country. In his election speeches, In his election speeches, İnönü stated that the 1924 Constitution had provided great services to the country, but that İnönü stated that the 1924 Constitution had provided great services to the country, but that this constitution had now "outlived its time" and emphasised thathis constitution had now "outlived its time" and emphasised that stability and security would t stability and security would be brought to political life with a constitution organised according to the Western method.be brought to political life with a constitution organised according to the Western method.618 In this context, İnönü referred to the amendments to be made to the constitution in his In this context, İnönü referred to the amendments to be made to the constitution in his speeches and mentioned that a second parliament would be established in order to ensure speeches and mentioned that a second parliament would be established in order to ensure stability and to enact every law in accordance with the Constitutionstability and to enact every law in accordance with the Constitution619, that a high court was , that a high court was needed to check whether a law was constitutional or not and that this need would be met by needed to check whether a law was constitutional or not and that this need would be met by establishing the Constitutional Court.establishing the Constitutional Court.620 Furthermore, İnönü stated that the Six Arrows, Furthermore, İnönü stated that the Six Arrows, which was a practice of the partywhich was a practice of the party--state regime, would be removed from the Constitution and state regime, would be removed from the Constitution and the privileged position of the privileged position of RPPRPP principles would be terminated.principles would be terminated.621
During this period, the DP also conducted an intensive election campaign. However,
During this period, the DP also conducted an intensive election campaign. However, the issue of constitutional amendment raised by İnönü during this period was not emphasised the issue of constitutional amendment raised by İnönü during this period was not emphasised at all and no reply was given to İnönü on this issue. In general, economic probleat all and no reply was given to İnönü on this issue. In general, economic problems and ms and unconstitutional laws and practices during the unconstitutional laws and practices during the RPPRPP rule were criticised.rule were criticised.622
When the election manifestos of
When the election manifestos of RPPRPP and DP are analysed, both parties mentioned the and DP are analysed, both parties mentioned the constitutional issue. In this context, in the constitutional issue. In this context, in the RPPRPP's election manifesto, under the title 's election manifesto, under the title “Reinforcement of the Regime”, a constitutional amendment determined according to the “Reinforcement of the Regime”, a constitutional amendment determined according to the principles of western democracy was mentioned, and it was stated that a second parliament principles of western democracy was mentioned, and it was stated that a second parliament would be established, the duties and powewould be established, the duties and powers of the Head of State would be reconsidered rs of the Head of State would be reconsidered according to democratic procedures and principles, and the Six Arrows, which according to democratic procedures and principles, and the Six Arrows, which were were
617 Ali Fuat Başgil, ‘’Anayasa Tadili Hakkında Düşünceler’’, Vatan, 19.6.1949, p. 2. Ali Fuat Başgil, ‘’Anayasa Tadili Hakkında Düşünceler’’, Vatan, 19.6.1949, p. 2.
618 ‘’İnönü’nün Polatlı’da İlk Seçim Nutku, Ulus, 24.3.1950, p. 1. ‘’İnönü’nün Polatlı’da İlk Seçim Nutku, Ulus, 24.3.1950, p. 1.
619 ‘’İnönü Dün İlk Seçim Nutkunu Söyledi’’, Cumhuriyet, 24.3.1950, p. 1‘’İnönü Dün İlk Seçim Nutkunu Söyledi’’, Cumhuriyet, 24.3.1950, p. 1--4, 4, TuranTuran, , İlhanİlhan (2003) İsmet (2003) İsmet İnönü Konuşma, Demeç, Makale, Mesaj ve Söyleşiler, Ankara, 1. Edition, TBMM Kültür, Sanat ve Yayın İnönü Konuşma, Demeç, Makale, Mesaj ve Söyleşiler, Ankara, 1. Edition, TBMM Kültür, Sanat ve Yayın Kurulu Yayınları, p. 387Kurulu Yayınları, p. 387--389. 389.
620 ‘’İnönü Adana Nutkunda Gene Şiddet Politikasına Temas Etti’’, Cumhuriyet, 3.4.1950, p. 3, ‘’İnönü Adana Nutkunda Gene Şiddet Politikasına Temas Etti’’, Cumhuriyet, 3.4.1950, p. 3, TuranTuran, , p. 407. p. 407.
621 ‘’Anayasadan Altı Oklu Prensipler Çıkarılacak’’, Cumhuriyet, 26.3.1950, p. 1, ‘’Anayasadan Altı Oklu Prensipler Çıkarılacak’’, Cumhuriyet, 26.3.1950, p. 1, TuranTuran, p. 390, p. 390--393.393.
622 Şahingiray Şahingiray (1956), p. 392(1956), p. 392--416, 416, KılçıkKılçık, p. 424, p. 424--425. 425.
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considered to be the requirements of the single
considered to be the requirements of the single--party era, would be removed from the party era, would be removed from the Constitution.Constitution.623
The DP's election manifesto was in the nature of a response to the
The DP's election manifesto was in the nature of a response to the RPPRPP's election 's election manifesto and especially by bringing up the possibility of a change of government, it was manifesto and especially by bringing up the possibility of a change of government, it was tried to assure that there would be no political crisis in the country.tried to assure that there would be no political crisis in the country. Regarding the Regarding the constitutional issue, it was firstly stated that although the 1924 Constitution recognised the constitutional issue, it was firstly stated that although the 1924 Constitution recognised the sovereignty of the nation, it could not "prevent singlesovereignty of the nation, it could not "prevent single--party and caste domination" because party and caste domination" because it lacked the sanctions to guarantee the it lacked the sanctions to guarantee the freedoms and freedoms and rights of citrights of citizens, and in this context, izens, and in this context, it was stated that it was stated that “We are determined to make fundamental amendments to the Constitution “We are determined to make fundamental amendments to the Constitution to guarantee the rights and freedoms of citizens and a stable state order based on the will of to guarantee the rights and freedoms of citizens and a stable state order based on the will of the nation”.the nation”.624
As a result, both parties agreed before the elections that the 1924 Constitution should
As a result, both parties agreed before the elections that the 1924 Constitution should be amended according to democratic procedures and principles. After the 14 May 1950 be amended according to democratic procedures and principles. After the 14 May 1950 elections, the government changed hands, but the constitution of the singleelections, the government changed hands, but the constitution of the single--party erparty era a remained unchanged. The Republic of Turkey entered this period without the institutions of remained unchanged. The Republic of Turkey entered this period without the institutions of separation of powers, checks and balances, which are conditions for democratic governance. separation of powers, checks and balances, which are conditions for democratic governance. Moreover, promises that would have strengthened democracy by amending thMoreover, promises that would have strengthened democracy by amending the constitution, e constitution, such as the separation of powers (checks and balances), bicameral parliamentary procedure, such as the separation of powers (checks and balances), bicameral parliamentary procedure, independence of the judiciary and the establishment of the Constitutional Court, could not independence of the judiciary and the establishment of the Constitutional Court, could not be realised or were not intended to be realised.be realised or were not intended to be realised.
5
5.4. Election And Democracy.4. Election And Democracy
The most important element of a democratic administration is that the national will
The most important element of a democratic administration is that the national will determines the political power through a free and secure election. In this framework, determines the political power through a free and secure election. In this framework, elections are one of the most fundamental characteristics of a political system in terelections are one of the most fundamental characteristics of a political system in terms of its ms of its democratic status and constitute the basis of today's representative democracies. The concept democratic status and constitute the basis of today's representative democracies. The concept of elections, which could not be fully implemented during the singleof elections, which could not be fully implemented during the single--party period, was one party period, was one of the most of the most essentialessential issues on the political agenda between issues on the political agenda between 1945 and 1950, when the 1945 and 1950, when the
623 KaynarKaynar, , MM. . KaanKaan / / KalkanKalkan, , NurettinNurettin (Editors) (2022) Cumhuriyet(Editors) (2022) Cumhuriyet DönemiDönemi Partiler, Seçimler, Partiler, Seçimler, Beyannameler (1923Beyannameler (1923--1980), 1. Edition, Ankara, TBMM Basımevi, p. 141, 1980), 1. Edition, Ankara, TBMM Basımevi, p. 141, KoçakKoçak (2017), p. 408.(2017), p. 408.
624 Kaynar Kaynar // KalkanKalkan, p. 153, , p. 153, KoçakKoçak (2017), p. 417, ‘’DP’nin Seçim Beyannamesi’’, Vatan, 9.5.1950, (2017), p. 417, ‘’DP’nin Seçim Beyannamesi’’, Vatan, 9.5.1950, p. 3. p. 3.
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Republic of Turkey entered multi
Republic of Turkey entered multi--party life. In this context, one of the main issues party life. In this context, one of the main issues emphasised by the opposition throughout the period was the preparation and implementation emphasised by the opposition throughout the period was the preparation and implementation of an election law regulated according to democratic procedures and principles. Tof an election law regulated according to democratic procedures and principles. The he government also took some steps on this issue, but these steps were considered insufficient government also took some steps on this issue, but these steps were considered insufficient by the opposition.by the opposition.
The first and the clearest statement regarding the electoral law during the period came
The first and the clearest statement regarding the electoral law during the period came from İsmet İnönü on 1 November 1945. In his opening speech to the Parliament, İnönü from İsmet İnönü on 1 November 1945. In his opening speech to the Parliament, İnönü touched upon the issue of elections and stated that he wished the new elections to btouched upon the issue of elections and stated that he wished the new elections to be held in e held in 1947 and with a 1947 and with a direct electiondirect election system after the necessary steps were taken for a democratic system after the necessary steps were taken for a democratic regime in domestic politics.regime in domestic politics.625 This statement of İnönü foreshadowed the amendments to be This statement of İnönü foreshadowed the amendments to be made in the election law in the future.made in the election law in the future.
During this period, the Democrat Party was founded and one of the most important
During this period, the Democrat Party was founded and one of the most important issues mentioned in the party's programme was the election issue. In this context, it was issues mentioned in the party's programme was the election issue. In this context, it was stated in the programme that in order for the national will to be fully manifested, estated in the programme that in order for the national will to be fully manifested, elections lections should be held in a secure manner, free from all kinds of interference, in a should be held in a secure manner, free from all kinds of interference, in a directdirect, free and , free and secret ballot, and that political parties should have equal rights and opportunities.secret ballot, and that political parties should have equal rights and opportunities.626
In a very short time after its foundation, the DP rapidly organised itself and succeeded
In a very short time after its foundation, the DP rapidly organised itself and succeeded in gaining the trust of the people by convincing them that it was a real opposition party. This in gaining the trust of the people by convincing them that it was a real opposition party. This put the DP in a position to challenge the put the DP in a position to challenge the RPPRPP, and it was even accepted by the , and it was even accepted by the RPPRPP members members that the DP could even win the elections to be held in 1947 and come to that the DP could even win the elections to be held in 1947 and come to governmentgovernment..627 Meanwhile, DP President Celal Bayar declared that the DP was in a position to participate Meanwhile, DP President Celal Bayar declared that the DP was in a position to participate in the elections even if it was decided that the elections would be held in advance, once a in the elections even if it was decided that the elections would be held in advance, once a directdirect, safe and fair electoral system was provided, but he also stated that even if the elections , safe and fair electoral system was provided, but he also stated that even if the elections were to be held early, it would not be unreasonable to hold them three months in advance.were to be held early, it would not be unreasonable to hold them three months in advance.628
Both the DP's emergence as a strong opposition party and Celal Bayar's statement on
Both the DP's emergence as a strong opposition party and Celal Bayar's statement on the elections mobilised the the elections mobilised the RPPRPP and the government took a tactical step and decided to bring and the government took a tactical step and decided to bring the elections forward in order to prevent the opposition from developing further. In this the elections forward in order to prevent the opposition from developing further. In this context, it was decided to hold the municipal elections, which should have been held on 1 context, it was decided to hold the municipal elections, which should have been held on 1
625 TBMMTD, 7. Period, 3. Meeting, 20. Volume, 1. SessionTBMMTD, 7. Period, 3. Meeting, 20. Volume, 1. Session, 1.11.1945,, 1.11.1945, p. 7p. 7--8,8, TokerToker (2020)(2020), p. 67. , p. 67.
626 KoçakKoçak (2018), p. 48(2018), p. 48--49. 49.
627 KarpatKarpat (2021), p. 248. (2021), p. 248.
628 TokerToker (2020)(2020), p. 84. , p. 84.
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September 1946, on 26 May 1946. This decision was an important sign that the
September 1946, on 26 May 1946. This decision was an important sign that the parliamentary elections, which were to be held in 1947, would also be held earlier.parliamentary elections, which were to be held in 1947, would also be held earlier.629
The government defended the decision to move the municipal elections to an earlier
The government defended the decision to move the municipal elections to an earlier date, citing the problems in foreign and domestic politicsdate, citing the problems in foreign and domestic politics630, and started to talk about the , and started to talk about the possibility of moving the parliamentary elections to an earlier date as well.possibility of moving the parliamentary elections to an earlier date as well.631 The opposition The opposition strongly opposed this decision and stated that the main purpose of this decision was to strongly opposed this decision and stated that the main purpose of this decision was to prevent the DP from developing. Moreover, it was stated that the decision to hold early prevent the DP from developing. Moreover, it was stated that the decision to hold early elections before the newly established parties had completed theelections before the newly established parties had completed their organisation in the multiir organisation in the multi--party political life, which was still at its very beginning, would prevent “freedom of vote” party political life, which was still at its very beginning, would prevent “freedom of vote” and “the will of the nation” and it was emphasised that this step taken by the government and “the will of the nation” and it was emphasised that this step taken by the government was a move that “prevented the free manifestwas a move that “prevented the free manifestation of the will of the nation”.ation of the will of the nation”.632
With the decision to bring forward the municipal elections, the DP's participation in
With the decision to bring forward the municipal elections, the DP's participation in the elections became one of the most the elections became one of the most significantsignificant issuesissues on the agenda. In this process, the on the agenda. In this process, the press supporting the press supporting the RPPRPP stated that the opposition had almost no chance of winning the stated that the opposition had almost no chance of winning the elections at this stage and that the opposition should act patiently within the framework set elections at this stage and that the opposition should act patiently within the framework set by the government.by the government.633 In addition, it was emphasised that the DP's criticisms of the early In addition, it was emphasised that the DP's criticisms of the early elections were unfoundedelections were unfounded634 and that the elections should take place in an honest and and that the elections should take place in an honest and impartial manner and the DP was asked to participate in the elections.impartial manner and the DP was asked to participate in the elections.635 The DP, on the other The DP, on the other hand, announced its final decision on whether or not to participate in the elections with a hand, announced its final decision on whether or not to participate in the elections with a circular on 8 May 1946.circular on 8 May 1946. In the circular, it was stated that the In the circular, it was stated that the RPPRPP acted with the objectives acted with the objectives of stopping the development of other parties and maintaining its of stopping the development of other parties and maintaining its governmentgovernment for a while for a while longer, and a decision was taken not to participate in the municipal elections with the longer, and a decision was taken not to participate in the municipal elections with the statement statement “The Democrat Party considers it an obligation to express clearly that if it accepts “The Democrat Party considers it an obligation to express clearly that if it accepts the responsibility of participating in the elections under these conditions, it will have the responsibility of participating in the elections under these conditions, it will have committed a mistake on the account of the future of Turkish democracy”.committed a mistake on the account of the future of Turkish democracy”. In additIn addition, it was ion, it was
629 EroğulEroğul, p. 21. , p. 21.
630 TBMMTD, 7TBMMTD, 7. . PeriodPeriod, 3., 3. MeetingMeeting, 22., 22. VolumeVolume, 45. , 45. SessionSession, 29.4.1946, p. 215., 29.4.1946, p. 215.
631 TBMMTD, 7.TBMMTD, 7. PeriodPeriod, 3., 3. MeetingMeeting, 22., 22. VolumeVolume, 45. , 45. SessionSession, 29.4.1946, p. 218. , 29.4.1946, p. 218.
632 TBMMTD, 7.TBMMTD, 7. PeriodPeriod, 3., 3. MeetingMeeting, 22., 22. VolumeVolume, 45. , 45. SessionSession, 29.4.1946, p. 216., 29.4.1946, p. 216.
633 Nadir Nadi, ‘’Önümüzdeki İmtihan’’, Cumhuriyet, 28.4.1946, p. 1, Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, ‘’İnkılabın Nadir Nadi, ‘’Önümüzdeki İmtihan’’, Cumhuriyet, 28.4.1946, p. 1, Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, ‘’İnkılabın Yeni Safhası Başlarken’’, Tanin, 30.4.1946, p. 1. Yeni Safhası Başlarken’’, Tanin, 30.4.1946, p. 1.
634 Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, ‘’Dahili Siyasette İlk Parlamento Çarpışmaları’’, Tanin, 1.5.1946, p. 1. Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, ‘’Dahili Siyasette İlk Parlamento Çarpışmaları’’, Tanin, 1.5.1946, p. 1.
635 Nadir Nadi, ‘’Tenkitler ve Seçimler’’, Cumhuriyet, 1.5.1946, p. 1. Nadir Nadi, ‘’Tenkitler ve Seçimler’’, Cumhuriyet, 1.5.1946, p. 1.
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stated that the party would participate in the parliamentary elections on the condition that
stated that the party would participate in the parliamentary elections on the condition that they would be held in 1947.they would be held in 1947.636
Meanwhile, the DP's decision was harshly criticised by the press supporting the
Meanwhile, the DP's decision was harshly criticised by the press supporting the RPPRPP. . In this context, it was emphasised in the press that the DP wanted to stay away from an In this context, it was emphasised in the press that the DP wanted to stay away from an election that would be lost anywayelection that would be lost anyway637, that this decision would harm both the party and the , that this decision would harm both the party and the democratic development of the countrydemocratic development of the country638 and even that the DP's decision to boycott the and even that the DP's decision to boycott the elections was associated with communism and that this tactic might have foreign origins.elections was associated with communism and that this tactic might have foreign origins.639 The opposition, on the other hand, maintained a similar attitude towards the election and The opposition, on the other hand, maintained a similar attitude towards the election and made harsh statements. Especially Fuat Köprülü, in a statement to the foreign press, accused made harsh statements. Especially Fuat Köprülü, in a statement to the foreign press, accused the government of using illegal methods to prevent the DP from organisinthe government of using illegal methods to prevent the DP from organising and g and developing.developing.640
While discussions on early elections were ongoing, the Extraordinary Congress of the
While discussions on early elections were ongoing, the Extraordinary Congress of the RPPRPP convened in Ankara on 10 May 1946. Some of the most important topics of the convened in Ankara on 10 May 1946. Some of the most important topics of the convention were the convention were the directdirect and early elections. İsmet İnönü began his opening speech by and early elections. İsmet İnönü began his opening speech by saying: saying: “Dear members, I have called you to decide on a new stage of the Turkish popular “Dear members, I have called you to decide on a new stage of the Turkish popular will: Singlewill: Single--directdirect elections.”elections.”, signalling that a new path was being taken with regard to the , signalling that a new path was being taken with regard to the electoral system. In his speech, İnönü stated that due to the developmentselectoral system. In his speech, İnönü stated that due to the developments in foreign and in foreign and domestic politics, if no extraordinary obstacle arose, they decided to hold new elections in a domestic politics, if no extraordinary obstacle arose, they decided to hold new elections in a short period of time. Moreover, İsmet İnönü emphasised another point as important as the short period of time. Moreover, İsmet İnönü emphasised another point as important as the directdirect elections and underlined that "the citizen must be convinced that free elections are elections and underlined that "the citizen must be convinced that free elections are being held and that the votes he casts will be kept secret and protected". In addition, İnönü, being held and that the votes he casts will be kept secret and protected". In addition, İnönü, without mentioning the DP personally, stated that the tactic of not particiwithout mentioning the DP personally, stated that the tactic of not participating in the pating in the elections was to accuse the internalelections was to accuse the internal administration of the country against foreign states and administration of the country against foreign states and that preventing the voters from going to the polls could lead the citizens to illegal ways by that preventing the voters from going to the polls could lead the citizens to illegal ways by separating them from the path of legal endeavour.separating them from the path of legal endeavour.641
DP President Celal Bayar responded to İsmet İnönü's opening speech and stated that
DP President Celal Bayar responded to İsmet İnönü's opening speech and stated that there was no compelling reason for the elections to be brought forward, that the there was no compelling reason for the elections to be brought forward, that the
636 Şahingiray Şahingiray (1956), p. 435(1956), p. 435--437, 437, TokerToker (2020)(2020), p. 89, , p. 89, AhmadAhmad / / AhmadAhmad, p. 25. , p. 25.
637 ‘’Demokrat Partinin Tamimi Üzerine’’, Ulus, 10.5.1946, p. 1. ‘’Demokrat Partinin Tamimi Üzerine’’, Ulus, 10.5.1946, p. 1.
638 Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, ‘’İntihabat ve Demokrat Parti’’, Tanin, 10.5.1946, p. 1.Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, ‘’İntihabat ve Demokrat Parti’’, Tanin, 10.5.1946, p. 1.
639 Falih Rıfkı Atay, ‘’Basiret Sahipleri Dört Gözle İbret Alsınlar’’, Ulus, 15.5.1946, p. 1. Falih Rıfkı Atay, ‘’Basiret Sahipleri Dört Gözle İbret Alsınlar’’, Ulus, 15.5.1946, p. 1.
640 KoçakKoçak (2018), p. 380, (2018), p. 380, TokerToker (2020)(2020), p. 81. , p. 81.
641 ‘’İnönü’nün Tarihi Söylevi’’, Ulus, 11.5.1946, p. 1‘’İnönü’nün Tarihi Söylevi’’, Ulus, 11.5.1946, p. 1--2, ‘’İsmet İnönü’nün Mühim Nutku’’, Akşam, 2, ‘’İsmet İnönü’nün Mühim Nutku’’, Akşam, 11.5.1946, p. 111.5.1946, p. 1--4, ‘’4, ‘’CHPCHP Kurultayı Açıldı’’, Vakit, 11.5.1946, p. 1. Kurultayı Açıldı’’, Vakit, 11.5.1946, p. 1. ErerErer, p. 107, p. 107--108. 108.
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parliamentary elections had previously been declared to be held in 1947 by İsmet İnönü
parliamentary elections had previously been declared to be held in 1947 by İsmet İnönü himself, and that as long as antihimself, and that as long as anti--democratic laws were not abolished and procedures were democratic laws were not abolished and procedures were not abandoned, the freedom and security of elections would be doubted and the nanot abandoned, the freedom and security of elections would be doubted and the national will tional will would not be fully manifested.would not be fully manifested.642
During these conflicts, early municipal elections were held on 26 May 1946.
During these conflicts, early municipal elections were held on 26 May 1946.643 The The DP claimed that the municipal elections were not held by free and secret ballot, that pressure, DP claimed that the municipal elections were not held by free and secret ballot, that pressure, threats and corruption occurred, and that the participation in the elections was very low. threats and corruption occurred, and that the participation in the elections was very low. Hikmet Bayur brought these allegations of the opposition to theHikmet Bayur brought these allegations of the opposition to the Parliament with a Parliament with a parliamentary question. Bayur's parliamentary question was answered by Minister of Interior parliamentary question. Bayur's parliamentary question was answered by Minister of Interior Hilmi Uran, who stated that the elections were held honestly, that the voter turnout was high Hilmi Uran, who stated that the elections were held honestly, that the voter turnout was high and that there was no pressure or fraud before or aand that there was no pressure or fraud before or after the voting process.fter the voting process.644
5
5.4.1. .4.1. Amendment to the ElectAmendment to the Electoraloral Law: Adoption of Law: Adoption of DirectDirect Electoral SystemElectoral System
The adoption of the
The adoption of the directdirect electoral system constitutes one of the important points in electoral system constitutes one of the important points in the course ofthe course of Turkish democracy. After many years of experience, it was deemed necessary Turkish democracy. After many years of experience, it was deemed necessary to adopt an electoral law based on the principle of direct election of the nation's own to adopt an electoral law based on the principle of direct election of the nation's own representatives as an important step in the democratic development of the country. In this representatives as an important step in the democratic development of the country. In this ccontext, in ontext, in compliance with compliance with the decision taken by the the decision taken by the RPPRPP Congress, the draft law, which Congress, the draft law, which was based on a was based on a directdirect electoral system, which had previously been implemented as aelectoral system, which had previously been implemented as ann indirect indirect system, began to be discussed in the Parliament on 31 May 1946.system, began to be discussed in the Parliament on 31 May 1946.
Only a minor amendment was made to the law, adopting a
Only a minor amendment was made to the law, adopting a directdirect electoral procedure, electoral procedure, and “no fundamental changes were deemed necessary on the provisions already in force”. and “no fundamental changes were deemed necessary on the provisions already in force”. While the law was being discussed in the Parliament, important political debates took place. While the law was being discussed in the Parliament, important political debates took place. Firstly, Minister of Interior Hilmi Uran, who took thFirstly, Minister of Interior Hilmi Uran, who took the floor on the whole bill, stated that the e floor on the whole bill, stated that the essence of the bill was the adoption of a essence of the bill was the adoption of a directdirect electoral system and emphasised that this new electoral system and emphasised that this new
642 GoloğluGoloğlu (2021a), p. 47, (2021a), p. 47, ErerErer, p. 109, ‘’Demokrat Parti’nin Bir Beyannamesi’’, Akşam, 14.5.1946, , p. 109, ‘’Demokrat Parti’nin Bir Beyannamesi’’, Akşam, 14.5.1946, p. 1p. 1--2. 2.
643 Ahmad / AhmadAhmad / Ahmad, p. 26., p. 26.
644 TBMMTD, 7.TBMMTD, 7. PeriodPeriod, 3., 3. MeetingMeeting, 23., 23. VolumeVolume, 57. , 57. SessionSession, 31.5.1946, p. 240, 31.5.1946, p. 240--245, 245, GoloğluGoloğlu (2021a), (2021a), p. 48p. 48--49. 49.
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bill contained
bill contained ““provisions for the extension of citizen law and the more fundamental provisions for the extension of citizen law and the more fundamental provision of electoral security”.provision of electoral security”.645
The opposition firstly expressed its satisfaction with this law and stated that the
The opposition firstly expressed its satisfaction with this law and stated that the transition to a transition to a direct electoraldirect electoral system was a fundamental step towards democratic system was a fundamental step towards democratic administration. Then opposition addressed the shortcomings of the law, stating that this law administration. Then opposition addressed the shortcomings of the law, stating that this law did not contain provisions that fully met the needs of the multidid not contain provisions that fully met the needs of the multi--party systemparty system646, that it was , that it was impossible to overthrow the government with this law prepared by the governmentimpossible to overthrow the government with this law prepared by the government647, and , and that the principle of secret ballot, impartiality and judicial guarantee should be adopted in that the principle of secret ballot, impartiality and judicial guarantee should be adopted in the elections.the elections.648
Members of the ruling party, on the other hand, considered this law as a turning point
Members of the ruling party, on the other hand, considered this law as a turning point in the democratic development of the country and accused the opposition of lacking “good in the democratic development of the country and accused the opposition of lacking “good faith” and sincerity due to their criticisms.faith” and sincerity due to their criticisms.649 Some members of the ruling party even Some members of the ruling party even accused the opposition of “treason” for their views and claims, and described these attitudes accused the opposition of “treason” for their views and claims, and described these attitudes aimed at preventing the harmony and democratic progress of the country as an example of aimed at preventing the harmony and democratic progress of the country as an example of “corruption” and “immorality”.“corruption” and “immorality”.650 As a result of the discussions on the bill, the As a result of the discussions on the bill, the direct direct election election system was adopted on 5 June 1946 with the amendment made to the Parliamentary Election system was adopted on 5 June 1946 with the amendment made to the Parliamentary Election Law.Law.651
While the adoption of the law on parliamentary elections and the
While the adoption of the law on parliamentary elections and the direct direct electoral electoral system was generally regarded as a positive development, there were also those in the system was generally regarded as a positive development, there were also those in the scientific world who opposed these developments. For example, Prof. Dr. Hüseyin Nail scientific world who opposed these developments. For example, Prof. Dr. Hüseyin Nail Kubalı, in an article published in Cumhuriyet newspaper, defined the democKubalı, in an article published in Cumhuriyet newspaper, defined the democratic regime as ratic regime as “a regime that requires the qualities of intellectual and political maturity in the citizen” and “a regime that requires the qualities of intellectual and political maturity in the citizen” and stated that the citizen who would elect a deputy should at least be litstated that the citizen who would elect a deputy should at least be literate. In this context, erate. In this context, Kubalı emphasised that the issue of single and Kubalı emphasised that the issue of single and indirect indirect elections was a matter of intellectual elections was a matter of intellectual and political level and stated that the literacy rate in the Republic of Turkey was very low and political level and stated that the literacy rate in the Republic of Turkey was very low
645 TBMMTD, 7.TBMMTD, 7. PeriodPeriod, 3., 3. MeetingMeeting, 23., 23. VolumeVolume, 57. , 57. SessionSession, 31.5.1946, p. 246. , 31.5.1946, p. 246.
646 TBMMTD, 7. TBMMTD, 7. PeriodPeriod, 3. , 3. MeetingMeeting, 23. , 23. VolumeVolume, 57. , 57. SessionSession,, 31.5.1946, 31.5.1946, p. 246p. 246--249.249.
647 TBMMTD, 7. TBMMTD, 7. PeriodPeriod, 3. , 3. MeetingMeeting, 23. , 23. VolumeVolume, 57. , 57. SessionSession, , 31.5.1946, 31.5.1946, p. 253.p. 253.
648 TBMMTD, 7. TBMMTD, 7. PeriodPeriod, 3. , 3. MeetingMeeting, 23. , 23. VolumeVolume, 57. , 57. SessionSession,, 31.5.1946, 31.5.1946, p. 246.p. 246.
649 TBMMTD, 7. TBMMTD, 7. PeriodPeriod, 3. , 3. MeetingMeeting, 23. , 23. VolumeVolume, 57. , 57. SessionSession, , 31.5.1946, 31.5.1946, p. 258. p. 258.
650 TBMMTD, 7. TBMMTD, 7. PeriodPeriod, 3. , 3. MeetingMeeting, 23. , 23. VolumeVolume, 57. , 57. SessionSession, , 31.5.1946, 31.5.1946, p. 260p. 260--261. 261.
651 AhmadAhmad / / AhmadAhmad, p. 27, ‘’Kanun Mecliste Dün Kabul Edildi’’, Ulus, 6.6.1946, p. 1, , p. 27, ‘’Kanun Mecliste Dün Kabul Edildi’’, Ulus, 6.6.1946, p. 1, ‘’Seçim ‘’Seçim Kanunu’’, Vakit, 6.6.1946, p. 1.Kanunu’’, Vakit, 6.6.1946, p. 1.
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and that the
and that the indirect indirect election procedure should be applied for a while longer and that the election procedure should be applied for a while longer and that the literacy rate should be at least 75 per cent for the transition to a literacy rate should be at least 75 per cent for the transition to a direct direct election system.election system.652
Menderes touched upon this issue while the draft law was being discussed in the
Menderes touched upon this issue while the draft law was being discussed in the Parliament, and by associating democracy with literacy, he accused those who used this Parliament, and by associating democracy with literacy, he accused those who used this situation as an excuse to postpone the country's transition to a democratic regime of beisituation as an excuse to postpone the country's transition to a democratic regime of being ng insincere. In the continuation of his speech, Menderes gave examples from the world and insincere. In the continuation of his speech, Menderes gave examples from the world and made the following statement: made the following statement: “If democracy was measured by the number of literate people, “If democracy was measured by the number of literate people, Germany of the last fifteen years would not have lived through the darkestGermany of the last fifteen years would not have lived through the darkest years of years of absolutism, and democracy would not have taken its roots in England of the sixteenth absolutism, and democracy would not have taken its roots in England of the sixteenth century, where the number of literate people was so small that it could be counted on the century, where the number of literate people was so small that it could be counted on the fingers.”fingers.”653
5
5.4.2. .4.2. 1946 Early General Elections1946 Early General Elections
With a radical decision, the
With a radical decision, the RPPRPP decided to hold the parliamentary elections, which decided to hold the parliamentary elections, which should have been held in 1947, at an early date in order to should have been held in 1947, at an early date in order to hinderhinder the DP from being the DP from being organised throughout the country, to prevent it from being adopted more by the public and organised throughout the country, to prevent it from being adopted more by the public and thus to maintain its thus to maintain its governmentgovernment for a while longer.for a while longer.654 In this context, with a decision taken In this context, with a decision taken in the Parliament on 10 June 1946, it was decided to hold the parliamentary elections on 21 in the Parliament on 10 June 1946, it was decided to hold the parliamentary elections on 21 July 1946.July 1946.655
After the decision to hold elections was taken, the DP was faced with the decision of
After the decision to hold elections was taken, the DP was faced with the decision of whether or not to rewhether or not to re--enter the elections. Either it would lose its political legitimacy in the enter the elections. Either it would lose its political legitimacy in the eyes of the government and the few deputies it had in the Parliament by deceyes of the government and the few deputies it had in the Parliament by deciding not to enter iding not to enter the elections once again, or it would participate in the elections despite the new Electoral the elections once again, or it would participate in the elections despite the new Electoral Law, which it opposed, and the concrete repressive policies seen in the municipal elections Law, which it opposed, and the concrete repressive policies seen in the municipal elections and continue its struggle in a narrow field left to and continue its struggle in a narrow field left to it by the government.it by the government.656 Shortly afterwards, Shortly afterwards, the DP acted in accordance with the wishes of the party organisation and public opinion and the DP acted in accordance with the wishes of the party organisation and public opinion and
652 Hüseyin Nail Kubalı, ‘’Tek Dereceli Seçim ve Yurt Realitesi’’, Cumhuriyet, 15.5.1946, p. 2. Hüseyin Nail Kubalı, ‘’Tek Dereceli Seçim ve Yurt Realitesi’’, Cumhuriyet, 15.5.1946, p. 2.
653 TBMMTD, 7. TBMMTD, 7. PeriodPeriod, 3. , 3. MeetingMeeting, 23. , 23. VolumeVolume, 57. , 57. SessionSession, 31.5.1946, p. 247, , 31.5.1946, p. 247, ErerErer, p. 111. , p. 111.
654 LewisLewis, , p. 410.p. 410.
655 TBMMTD, 7.TBMMTD, 7. PeriodPeriod, 3., 3. MeetingMeeting, 24., 24. VolumeVolume, 61. , 61. SessionSession, 10.6.1946, ‘’Milletvekili Seçimi 21 , 10.6.1946, ‘’Milletvekili Seçimi 21 Temmuz’da Yapılacak’’, Cumhuriyet, 10.6.1946, p. 1, ‘’Meclis Seçimi Yenileme Kararı Verdi’’, Ulus, Temmuz’da Yapılacak’’, Cumhuriyet, 10.6.1946, p. 1, ‘’Meclis Seçimi Yenileme Kararı Verdi’’, Ulus, 11.6.1946, p. 1, ‘’Büyük Millet Meclisi Seçimin Yenilenmesine Karar Verdi’’, Akşam / Vakit, 11.6.1946, p. 1. 11.6.1946, p. 1, ‘’Büyük Millet Meclisi Seçimin Yenilenmesine Karar Verdi’’, Akşam / Vakit, 11.6.1946, p. 1.
656 KoçakKoçak (2018), p. 455. (2018), p. 455.
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decided to participate in the elections, despite the fact that the party members were in favour
decided to participate in the elections, despite the fact that the party members were in favour of boycotting the elections and the handicaps of the current situation.of boycotting the elections and the handicaps of the current situation.657
The election process was very tough for both the DP and the
The election process was very tough for both the DP and the RPPRPP. The DP organised . The DP organised large large public meetingspublic meetings throughout the election period and talked about the corruption, throughout the election period and talked about the corruption, oppression, cost of living, antioppression, cost of living, anti--democratic laws and practices during the singledemocratic laws and practices during the single--party rule party rule and based its political propaganda on the inadequacies of the and based its political propaganda on the inadequacies of the RPPRPP. DP Istanbul Provincial . DP Istanbul Provincial Chairman Kenan Öner expressed this issue as follows: “Our election propaganda is what the Chairman Kenan Öner expressed this issue as follows: “Our election propaganda is what the People's Party has done until today.”People's Party has done until today.”658 In the In the public meetingspublic meetings organised in various parts of organised in various parts of the country, DP President Celal Bayar spoke of “the full manifestation of the national will”, the country, DP President Celal Bayar spoke of “the full manifestation of the national will”, “the importance of free elections”, “the deepening of rights and freedoms”, and “the “the importance of free elections”, “the deepening of rights and freedoms”, and “the innocence of the vote”.innocence of the vote”.659 Moreover, during the election process, the DP launched a Moreover, during the election process, the DP launched a mobilisation for freedom, in the words of the Democrats, a “movement against the tyranny”, mobilisation for freedom, in the words of the Democrats, a “movement against the tyranny”, and this was reflected in the famous slogan “Enough! The word is the nation's”.and this was reflected in the famous slogan “Enough! The word is the nation's”.660
After the election process began, the
After the election process began, the RPPRPP first started by warning the party first started by warning the party organisations about certain issues. In this context, party organisations were instructed to organisations about certain issues. In this context, party organisations were instructed to avoid attitudes that would harden the political atmosphere and not to resort to heavyavoid attitudes that would harden the political atmosphere and not to resort to heavy--handed handed methods in election activities.methods in election activities.661 In addition to these warnings, the Ministry of Interior also In addition to these warnings, the Ministry of Interior also sent a circular to the provinces, asking them to ensure that citizens could vote comfortably sent a circular to the provinces, asking them to ensure that citizens could vote comfortably in the elections and to be sensitive about the neutrality of civil servants.in the elections and to be sensitive about the neutrality of civil servants.662
Throughout the election process, the
Throughout the election process, the RPPRPP utilised all the means of the state and the utilised all the means of the state and the party, praised its previous activities and conducted its propaganda by mentioning the success party, praised its previous activities and conducted its propaganda by mentioning the success of the Turkish Revolution.of the Turkish Revolution.663 In addition, a large part of the In addition, a large part of the RPPRPP's election propaganda 's election propaganda consisted of its responses to the DP's criticisms and developed a strategy of refutation and consisted of its responses to the DP's criticisms and developed a strategy of refutation and
657 Doğan Nadi, ''Celal Bayar'la Mülakat'', Cumhuriyet, 13.6.1946, p. 3, Doğan Nadi, ''Celal Bayar'la Mülakat'', Cumhuriyet, 13.6.1946, p. 3, SevgenSevgen, , NazmiNazmi (1951), Celal (1951), Celal Bayar Diyor Ki: 1920Bayar Diyor Ki: 1920--1950 (Nutuk1950 (Nutuk-- HitabetHitabet-- BeyanatBeyanat-- Hasbihal), 1. Hasbihal), 1. EditionEdition, İstanbul, İstanbul Tan Matbaası, , İstanbul, İstanbul Tan Matbaası, p. 110, p. 110, EroğulEroğul, p. 22, , p. 22, GoloğluGoloğlu (2021a), p. 66. (2021a), p. 66.
658 Turan,Turan, Şerafettin Şerafettin (1999) Türk Devrim Tarihi 4. Kitap 1. Bölüm Çağdaşlık Yolunda Yeni Türkiye (1999) Türk Devrim Tarihi 4. Kitap 1. Bölüm Çağdaşlık Yolunda Yeni Türkiye (10 Kasım 1938(10 Kasım 1938--14 Mayıs 1950), 1. Edition, Ankara, Bilgi Yayınları, p. 216, 14 Mayıs 1950), 1. Edition, Ankara, Bilgi Yayınları, p. 216, GoloğluGoloğlu (2021a), p. 66. (2021a), p. 66.
659 ŞahingirayŞahingiray, , ÖzelÖzel (1955) Celal Bayar’ın 1946, 1950 ve 1954 Yılları Seçim Kampanyasındaki Söylev (1955) Celal Bayar’ın 1946, 1950 ve 1954 Yılları Seçim Kampanyasındaki Söylev ve Demeçleri, 1. Edition, Ankara, Doğuş Matbaası, p. 17ve Demeçleri, 1. Edition, Ankara, Doğuş Matbaası, p. 17--43. 43.
660 KarpatKarpat (2021), p. 255, (2021), p. 255, GoloğluGoloğlu (2021a), p. 70. (2021a), p. 70.
661 ‘’‘’CHPCHP Teşkilatına Mühim Direktifler Verdi’’ Cumhuriyet, 25.6.1946, p. 1, ‘’Seçim Hazırlığı’’, Teşkilatına Mühim Direktifler Verdi’’ Cumhuriyet, 25.6.1946, p. 1, ‘’Seçim Hazırlığı’’, Akşam, 25.6.1946, p. 2. Akşam, 25.6.1946, p. 2.
662 BinarkBinark, , İsmetİsmet (2009) Türk Parlamento Tarihi TBMM VII.(2009) Türk Parlamento Tarihi TBMM VII. DönemDönem (8 Mart 1943(8 Mart 1943--5 Ağustos 1946) 5 Ağustos 1946) Volume 1, Ankara, 1. Edition, TBMM Kültür, Sanat ve Yayın Kurulu Yayınları, p. 634. Volume 1, Ankara, 1. Edition, TBMM Kültür, Sanat ve Yayın Kurulu Yayınları, p. 634.
663 "Başbakanın Partisi Adına İlk Nutku", Yeni Sabah, 9.7.1946, p. 1."Başbakanın Partisi Adına İlk Nutku", Yeni Sabah, 9.7.1946, p. 1.
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denial by turning the propaganda issue into a self
denial by turning the propaganda issue into a self--defence manoeuvre.defence manoeuvre.664 In this process, In this process, İsmet İnönü, the Head of State and İsmet İnönü, the Head of State and RPPRPP Chairman, issued a declaration on the elections, Chairman, issued a declaration on the elections, mentioning the importance of the concept of national will, that the mentioning the importance of the concept of national will, that the direct direct electoral system electoral system was a revolution in the country's politics and that the criticisms against the was a revolution in the country's politics and that the criticisms against the RPPRPP were were exaggerated and asked for votes from the electorate.exaggerated and asked for votes from the electorate.665
What was interesting in this whole election process was that the public actively
What was interesting in this whole election process was that the public actively participated in the debates, supported the opposition party with great enthusiasm and there participated in the debates, supported the opposition party with great enthusiasm and there was a direct communication between the parliamentary candidates and the public. was a direct communication between the parliamentary candidates and the public. CanCandidates, who rarely travelled to the constituencies during the singledidates, who rarely travelled to the constituencies during the single--party period, rushed party period, rushed to the constituencies in this election process, interacted with the people, asked about their to the constituencies in this election process, interacted with the people, asked about their needs and asked for their votes.needs and asked for their votes.666
Finally, on 21 July 1946, parliamentary elections were held for the first time in the
Finally, on 21 July 1946, parliamentary elections were held for the first time in the Republic of Turkey in a Republic of Turkey in a directdirect and multiand multi--party system.party system.667 The 1946 parliamentary elections, The 1946 parliamentary elections, which were based which were based upoupon the majority system, resulted in a great superiority of the n the majority system, resulted in a great superiority of the RPPRPP and and aas regardss regards to the official results, to the official results, RPPRPP won 396 parliamentary seats, DP 62 and independents won 396 parliamentary seats, DP 62 and independents 7.7.668
The announcement of the results of the elections brought with it controversies. The
The announcement of the results of the elections brought with it controversies. The adoption of the open ballotadoption of the open ballot--secret counting method, the lack of impartial observation and the secret counting method, the lack of impartial observation and the absence of any audit due to the burning and destruction of ballot papers afterabsence of any audit due to the burning and destruction of ballot papers after the results were the results were announced led to the emergence of allegations of fraud and corruption in the elections.announced led to the emergence of allegations of fraud and corruption in the elections.669 Despite the Despite the RPPRPP's warnings to its organisations and the Ministry of Interior's directive on 's warnings to its organisations and the Ministry of Interior's directive on elections, some elections, some RPPRPP provincial administrators and administrative bodies interfered in the provincial administrators and administrative bodies interfered in the elections with the mentality of the old singleelections with the mentality of the old single--party administration, since the Election Law party administration, since the Election Law left all the duties to the administrative apparatus.left all the duties to the administrative apparatus.670 Bayar explained that the elections would Bayar explained that the elections would actually take place in this way one day before the elections as follows: actually take place in this way one day before the elections as follows: “We are going to “We are going to
664 KarakılıçKarakılıç, p. 211. , p. 211.
665 BinarkBinark, p. 635, p. 635--641. 641.
666 KarpatKarpat (2021), p. 257. (2021), p. 257.
667 ‘’Seçim Günündeyiz’’, Ulus, 21.7.1946, p. 1, ‘’Milli Mukadderatımız, Bugün Yapılacak Seçimde ‘’Seçim Günündeyiz’’, Ulus, 21.7.1946, p. 1, ‘’Milli Mukadderatımız, Bugün Yapılacak Seçimde Belli Olacak”, Vatan, 21.7.1946, p. 1, ‘’Türk Demokrasisi Bugün İmtihan Veriyor”, Cumhuriyet, 21,7.1946, p. Belli Olacak”, Vatan, 21.7.1946, p. 1, ‘’Türk Demokrasisi Bugün İmtihan Veriyor”, Cumhuriyet, 21,7.1946, p. 1, ‘’Milli İradenin Tecelli Edeceği Gün Geldi”, Tasvir1, ‘’Milli İradenin Tecelli Edeceği Gün Geldi”, Tasvir, 21.7.1946, p. 1., 21.7.1946, p. 1.
668 BinarkBinark, p. 665, p. 665. .
669 ZürcherZürcher, p. 312., p. 312.
670 GiritlioğluGiritlioğlu, , FahirFahir (1965), Türk Siyasi Tarihinde Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi’nin Mevkii, 1. Edition, (1965), Türk Siyasi Tarihinde Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi’nin Mevkii, 1. Edition, Ankara, Ayyıldız Matbaası, p. 192Ankara, Ayyıldız Matbaası, p. 192--195. 195.
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elections under unprecedented threats and pressures. In the face of these pressures, a free
elections under unprecedented threats and pressures. In the face of these pressures, a free and honest election is out of the question. Despite this, our party is entering the elections to and honest election is out of the question. Despite this, our party is entering the elections to fulfil its national duty.”fulfil its national duty.”671
This situation was harshly criticised by the DP after the announcement of the election
This situation was harshly criticised by the DP after the announcement of the election results. Celal Bayar stated that the elections were immoral, that the elections did not reflect results. Celal Bayar stated that the elections were immoral, that the elections did not reflect the real administration of the nation and that the the real administration of the nation and that the RPPRPP resorted to all kinds of means before resorted to all kinds of means before and after the elections in order to maintain its and after the elections in order to maintain its governmentgovernment..672 Fevzi Çakmak, who was Fevzi Çakmak, who was elected as an independent deputy from the DP lists, reacted by stating that the elections were elected as an independent deputy from the DP lists, reacted by stating that the elections were not a legal election.not a legal election.673 Journalist Ahmet Emin Yalman, who supported the DP, made the Journalist Ahmet Emin Yalman, who supported the DP, made the following comment about the elections: following comment about the elections: “What had a party founded six months ago done to “What had a party founded six months ago done to endear itself to the people and gain their trust, even though it lacked all kinds of means? The endear itself to the people and gain their trust, even though it lacked all kinds of means? The truth is that the Democrat Party did not win this election. Only the People's Party lost.”truth is that the Democrat Party did not win this election. Only the People's Party lost.” 674
While the opposition's criticisms and claims about the elections continued, İsmet İnönü
While the opposition's criticisms and claims about the elections continued, İsmet İnönü issued a statement three days after the elections with a conciliatory and moderate attitude. In issued a statement three days after the elections with a conciliatory and moderate attitude. In the declaration, without mentioning the events before and after the electhe declaration, without mentioning the events before and after the elections, the claims and tions, the claims and criticisms of the opposition in any way, he stated that a new era had begun and asked for a criticisms of the opposition in any way, he stated that a new era had begun and asked for a peaceful period by mutually forgetting and forgiving the angry words during the elections.peaceful period by mutually forgetting and forgiving the angry words during the elections.675 However, this conciliatory attitude and style of İnönü did not allay the anger of the However, this conciliatory attitude and style of İnönü did not allay the anger of the opposition. As a matter of fact, the Democrat Party objected to the election results in 37 opposition. As a matter of fact, the Democrat Party objected to the election results in 37 provinces, organised large provinces, organised large public meetingspublic meetings in Izmir, Adana, Ankara and Bursa, and in Izmir, Adana, Ankara and Bursa, and emphasised that the national will was not fully reflected in the elections by mentioning the emphasised that the national will was not fully reflected in the elections by mentioning the rigging of the elections, the oppression of civil servants and the violent actions of the rigging of the elections, the oppression of civil servants and the violent actions of the gendarmerie.gendarmerie.676 In response to this harsh attitude of the opposition, the martial law In response to this harsh attitude of the opposition, the martial law command, one of the most important political weapons of the command, one of the most important political weapons of the RPPRPP government, took action government, took action and banned publications that cast doubt on the election results and disturbed the peace in the and banned publications that cast doubt on the election results and disturbed the peace in the
671 ErerErer, p. 138. , p. 138.
672 Celal Bayar, "Demokrat Parti Liderinin İddiaları", Tanin, 25.7.1946, p. 1Celal Bayar, "Demokrat Parti Liderinin İddiaları", Tanin, 25.7.1946, p. 1--22,, ''Celal Bayar'ın ''Celal Bayar'ın Beyanatı'', Yeni Sabah, (25.07.1946), p. 1.Beyanatı'', Yeni Sabah, (25.07.1946), p. 1.
673 "Seçim Kanuni Bir Seçim Olmaktan Çıkmıştır", Yeni Sabah, 23.07.1946, p. 1."Seçim Kanuni Bir Seçim Olmaktan Çıkmıştır", Yeni Sabah, 23.07.1946, p. 1.
674 Ahmet Ahmet Emin Yalman, ''Millet, Hükmünü Vermiştir", Vatan, 23.07.1946, p. 1Emin Yalman, ''Millet, Hükmünü Vermiştir", Vatan, 23.07.1946, p. 1--3.3.
675 ‘’İnönü'nün Millette Beyannamesi’’, Ulus, 25.7.1946, p. 1, ‘’İnönü'nün Beyannamesi’’, Cumhuriyet, ‘’İnönü'nün Millette Beyannamesi’’, Ulus, 25.7.1946, p. 1, ‘’İnönü'nün Beyannamesi’’, Cumhuriyet, 25.7.1946, p. 1, ‘’Milli Şefin Beyannamesi’’, Vakit, 25.7.1946, p. 1. 25.7.1946, p. 1, ‘’Milli Şefin Beyannamesi’’, Vakit, 25.7.1946, p. 1.
676 ‘’Demokrat Parti Seçimin Feshedilmesini İsteyecek’’, Cumhuriyet, 24.7.1946, p. 1, ‘’İzmir'de Yarın ‘’Demokrat Parti Seçimin Feshedilmesini İsteyecek’’, Cumhuriyet, 24.7.1946, p. 1, ‘’İzmir'de Yarın Bir Miting Yapılıyor’’, Yeni Sabah, 25.7.1946, p. 1, ‘’Demokrat Parti'nin İzmir'de Dün Yaptığı Miting’’, Bir Miting Yapılıyor’’, Yeni Sabah, 25.7.1946, p. 1, ‘’Demokrat Parti'nin İzmir'de Dün Yaptığı Miting’’, Cumhuriyet, 26.7.1946, p. 1, ‘’Bursa'da Dün Büyük BCumhuriyet, 26.7.1946, p. 1, ‘’Bursa'da Dün Büyük Bir Miting Yapıldı’’, Cumhuriyet, 29.7. 1946, p. 1ir Miting Yapıldı’’, Cumhuriyet, 29.7. 1946, p. 1..
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country, and closed down some newspapers on the grounds that they violated this ban.
country, and closed down some newspapers on the grounds that they violated this ban.677 Despite these measures, the opposition's attitude towards the elections did not change; on Despite these measures, the opposition's attitude towards the elections did not change; on the contrary, it continued to increase.the contrary, it continued to increase.
Both the inadequacy of the existing Electoral Law in terms of the elements to ensure
Both the inadequacy of the existing Electoral Law in terms of the elements to ensure electoral security and supervision and the irregularities and pressures experienced due to the electoral security and supervision and the irregularities and pressures experienced due to the failure of the administrative apparatus to ensure impartiality before and affailure of the administrative apparatus to ensure impartiality before and after the elections ter the elections caused the 1946 elections, the first democratic test of the Republic of Turkey, to be known caused the 1946 elections, the first democratic test of the Republic of Turkey, to be known as “rigged” and “shady” in Turkish political history. This event constituted one of the most as “rigged” and “shady” in Turkish political history. This event constituted one of the most important political offences used by the opposition aimportant political offences used by the opposition against the gainst the RPPRPP government between government between 19451945--1950. As a matter of fact, from this date onwards, the DP, in particular, took every 1950. As a matter of fact, from this date onwards, the DP, in particular, took every opportunity to state that the Election Law should be amended according to democratic opportunity to state that the Election Law should be amended according to democratic procedures and principles, judicial security should be procedures and principles, judicial security should be ensured,ensured, and the impartiality of the and the impartiality of the administrative apparatus should be established.administrative apparatus should be established.
5
5.4.3. .4.3. 1946 Elections and Aftermath1946 Elections and Aftermath
Although the 1946 elections were over, the d
Although the 1946 elections were over, the discussionsiscussions on the elections and the on the elections and the Electoral Law continued both in public and in the Parliament. At every opportunity, the Electoral Law continued both in public and in the Parliament. At every opportunity, the opposition, particularly the DP, expressed the irregularities in the elections, criticised the opposition, particularly the DP, expressed the irregularities in the elections, criticised the antianti--democratic election law in force, and madedemocratic election law in force, and made efforts to enact an election law prepared in efforts to enact an election law prepared in accordance with democratic procedures and principles that would ensure free, honest and accordance with democratic procedures and principles that would ensure free, honest and safe elections. Especially the issue of “election security” became asafe elections. Especially the issue of “election security” became a chronic problem and chronic problem and constituted one of the main themes of the opposition propaganda. DP President Celal Bayar constituted one of the main themes of the opposition propaganda. DP President Celal Bayar mentioned the secrecy of the vote, the publicity of the classification and judicial security in mentioned the secrecy of the vote, the publicity of the classification and judicial security in almost every statement and he underlined the needalmost every statement and he underlined the need for the preparation of an election law in for the preparation of an election law in accordance with democratic procedures and principles.accordance with democratic procedures and principles.678 Likewise, Adnan Menderes, who Likewise, Adnan Menderes, who attributed great importance to the manifestation of the national will, emphasised the attributed great importance to the manifestation of the national will, emphasised the importance of the election security issue by stating that measures to prevent the smallest importance of the election security issue by stating that measures to prevent the smallest
677 ‘’Gazetelerin Tahrikçi Yayın Yapmasına İzin Verilmiyor’’, Ulus, 25.7.1946, p. 1, ‘’Sıkıyönetim ‘’Gazetelerin Tahrikçi Yayın Yapmasına İzin Verilmiyor’’, Ulus, 25.7.1946, p. 1, ‘’Sıkıyönetim Komutanlığının Tebliği’’, Cumhuriyet, 25.7.1946, p. 1, ‘’Örfi İdare Ağır Neşriyata Son Veriyor’’, Yeni Sabah, Komutanlığının Tebliği’’, Cumhuriyet, 25.7.1946, p. 1, ‘’Örfi İdare Ağır Neşriyata Son Veriyor’’, Yeni Sabah, 25.7.1946, p. 1, ‘’İki Gazete Kapatıldı’’, Cumhuri25.7.1946, p. 1, ‘’İki Gazete Kapatıldı’’, Cumhuriyet, 26.7.1946, p. 1, ‘’Yeni Sabah ve Gerçek Gazeteleri yet, 26.7.1946, p. 1, ‘’Yeni Sabah ve Gerçek Gazeteleri Kapatıldı’’, Akşam, 26.7.1946, p. 2. Kapatıldı’’, Akşam, 26.7.1946, p. 2.
678 KarakılıçKarakılıç, p. 302. , p. 302.
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abuse in the country should be taken in order to establish the regime of freedom.
abuse in the country should be taken in order to establish the regime of freedom.679 In this In this context, shortly after the 1946 elections, Nadir Nadi criticised the existing electoral law and context, shortly after the 1946 elections, Nadir Nadi criticised the existing electoral law and stated that if the law was not revised in line with the demands of the opposition and the stated that if the law was not revised in line with the demands of the opposition and the requirements of the democratic regime, the same political picrequirements of the democratic regime, the same political picture and debates would emerge ture and debates would emerge four years later.four years later.680
Dissatisfied with the election law, the DP's first serious attempt to amend this law was
Dissatisfied with the election law, the DP's first serious attempt to amend this law was made on 19 September 1946. The aim of this proposal, submitted by DP deputies Hazım made on 19 September 1946. The aim of this proposal, submitted by DP deputies Hazım Bozca, Hasan Dinçer and Nuri Özsan, was to make some urgent amendments that preventBozca, Hasan Dinçer and Nuri Özsan, was to make some urgent amendments that prevented ed the manifestation of national will for the upcoming bythe manifestation of national will for the upcoming by--elections. However, this proposal was elections. However, this proposal was rejected at the commission stage.rejected at the commission stage.681
This issue was also discussed at the First Grand Congress of the DP held on 7 January
This issue was also discussed at the First Grand Congress of the DP held on 7 January 1947 and it was emphasised that the current electoral law was the biggest obstacle to the full 1947 and it was emphasised that the current electoral law was the biggest obstacle to the full manifestation of the national will in the elections to be held in the futurmanifestation of the national will in the elections to be held in the future and it was stated e and it was stated that this law should be regulated according to democratic principles in order to ensure the that this law should be regulated according to democratic principles in order to ensure the security and innocence of the citizens' vote and to secure the principle of national security and innocence of the citizens' vote and to secure the principle of national sovereignty.sovereignty.682
In February 1947, mukhtar and village committee elections were on the agenda and
In February 1947, mukhtar and village committee elections were on the agenda and DP decided to participate in these elections despite the fact that it was stated that the existing DP decided to participate in these elections despite the fact that it was stated that the existing Village Law would cause great victimisation to DP. Considering the position Village Law would cause great victimisation to DP. Considering the position and duty of the and duty of the mukhtar in the general elections, these elections were of great importance for both parties.mukhtar in the general elections, these elections were of great importance for both parties.683
679 EsirciEsirci, , ŞükrüŞükrü (1967) Menderes Diyor Ki Birinci Kitap (7.1.1946(1967) Menderes Diyor Ki Birinci Kitap (7.1.1946--14.5.1950), 1. Edition, İstanbul, 14.5.1950), 1. Edition, İstanbul, Demokrasi Yayınları, p. 144. Demokrasi Yayınları, p. 144.
680 Nadir Nadi, ‘’Fırtınadan Sonra’’, Cumhuriyet, 28.8.1946, p. 1. Nadir Nadi, ‘’Fırtınadan Sonra’’, Cumhuriyet, 28.8.1946, p. 1.
681 In the justification of this proposal, it was stated that the country was in need of a new election law In the justification of this proposal, it was stated that the country was in need of a new election law in accordance with democratic conditions and the national structure, and it was emphasised that it was a in accordance with democratic conditions and the national structure, and it was emphasised that it was a necessity to "urgently amend the provisions ofnecessity to "urgently amend the provisions of the election law that are flawed and far from providing security the election law that are flawed and far from providing security to the citizens". In this context, the proposal called for the revision of Article 24 in a way to ensure voting to the citizens". In this context, the proposal called for the revision of Article 24 in a way to ensure voting immunity, the amendment of the principles of Article 25 regulating election hoimmunity, the amendment of the principles of Article 25 regulating election hours, the abolition of the urs, the abolition of the provisions of Article 27 allowing the burning of ballot papers, the reorganisation of Article 34 in a way to grant provisions of Article 27 allowing the burning of ballot papers, the reorganisation of Article 34 in a way to grant signature authority to party representatives, and the correction of the principles of Article 46 regarding criminalsignature authority to party representatives, and the correction of the principles of Article 46 regarding criminal and judicial procedures. and judicial procedures. Afyon Karahisar Deputy Hazım Bozca and two friends, Proposal for a law amending Afyon Karahisar Deputy Hazım Bozca and two friends, Proposal for a law amending Articles 24, 25, 27, 34 and 46 of the Articles 24, 25, 27, 34 and 46 of the Law on Election of DeputiesLaw on Election of Deputies (2/5) (2/5) Ordinal NumberOrdinal Number: 185. TBMMTD, 8.: 185. TBMMTD, 8. PeriodPeriod, 2., 2. MeetingMeeting, 12., 12. VolumeVolume, 86. , 86. SessionSession, 9.7.1948 p. 2, 9.7.1948 p. 2--4. 4.
682 EroğulEroğul, p. 32, , p. 32, GoloğluGoloğlu (2021a), p. 188, (2021a), p. 188, ‘’Demokrat Parti Kongresi Bir "Hürriyet Misakı’’ Kabul ‘’Demokrat Parti Kongresi Bir "Hürriyet Misakı’’ Kabul ederek Nihayetlendi’’, Demokrat İzmir, 12.1.1947, p. 1. ederek Nihayetlendi’’, Demokrat İzmir, 12.1.1947, p. 1.
683 Burhan Asaf Belge, ‘’Muhtar Seçimleri’’, Demokrat İzmir, 21.2.1947, p. 1, Burhan Asaf Belge, ‘’Muhtar Seçimleri’’, Demokrat İzmir, 21.2.1947, p. 1, KarakılıçKarakılıç, p. 251, p. 251
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As a result of the elections, the
As a result of the elections, the RPPRPP once again achieved a decisive and overwhelming once again achieved a decisive and overwhelming victory.victory.684
The elections took place in a very harsh and heated environment, and the pressure and
The elections took place in a very harsh and heated environment, and the pressure and influence of the administrative mechanism was strongly felt as in the 1946 parliamentary influence of the administrative mechanism was strongly felt as in the 1946 parliamentary elections and this situation led to complaints from the elections and this situation led to complaints from the opposition.opposition.685 The opposition The opposition emphasised that it was completely inappropriate to talk about democracy and national emphasised that it was completely inappropriate to talk about democracy and national sovereignty in countries where an administration was not based on free and correct sovereignty in countries where an administration was not based on free and correct electionselections686, declared that the government was based on corrupt elections, declared that the government was based on corrupt elections687, stated that in , stated that in many places appointments were made, not elections, and questioned the innocence of the many places appointments were made, not elections, and questioned the innocence of the vote.vote.688
O
On the other handn the other hand, t, the governmenthe government flatly rejected the opposition's claims and flatly rejected the opposition's claims and responded to the opposition's allegations with the same intensity. In this context, Recep Peker responded to the opposition's allegations with the same intensity. In this context, Recep Peker labelled the opposition as “slanderer” and stated that there was no pressure, corruption and labelled the opposition as “slanderer” and stated that there was no pressure, corruption and irregularities in the mirregularities in the mukhtar elections as claimed by the opposition and that the incidents that ukhtar elections as claimed by the opposition and that the incidents that took place in the elections were just the frictions that took place everywhere at all times. took place in the elections were just the frictions that took place everywhere at all times. Peker also stated that the opposition slandered the admPeker also stated that the opposition slandered the administrative apparatus and accused the inistrative apparatus and accused the opposition of disrespecting the voting citizens.opposition of disrespecting the voting citizens.689
Meanwhile, the government announced that parliamentary by
Meanwhile, the government announced that parliamentary by--elections would be held elections would be held on 6 April 1947.on 6 April 1947.690 The government focused on the issue of the opposition's participation in The government focused on the issue of the opposition's participation in the elections and stated that the DP should refrain from such behaviour considering the the elections and stated that the DP should refrain from such behaviour considering the possibility of boycotting the elections. The Prime Minister of the period, Recep Peker, possibility of boycotting the elections. The Prime Minister of the period, Recep Peker, expresexpressed this most clearly. Peker praised the laws that the opposition described as antised this most clearly. Peker praised the laws that the opposition described as anti--democratic, underlined the necessity of these laws and stated that it would be a grave and democratic, underlined the necessity of these laws and stated that it would be a grave and
684 ‘’Her Tarafta ‘’Her Tarafta CHPCHP Adayları Büyük Çoğunluk Kazandı’’, Ulus, 1.3.1947, p. 1, ‘’Muhtar Seçimi Her Adayları Büyük Çoğunluk Kazandı’’, Ulus, 1.3.1947, p. 1, ‘’Muhtar Seçimi Her Tarafta Tarafta CHPCHP Lehinde’’, Ulus, 5.3.1947, p. 1.Lehinde’’, Ulus, 5.3.1947, p. 1.
685 “Muhtar Seçimleri İçin Şikayetler Başladı”, Cumhuriyet, 17.2.1947, p. 1, ‘’Muhtar Seçimlerinde “Muhtar Seçimleri İçin Şikayetler Başladı”, Cumhuriyet, 17.2.1947, p. 1, ‘’Muhtar Seçimlerinde Şikayetler Çoğaldı’’, Demokrat İzmir, 23.2.1947, p. 1, Şikayetler Çoğaldı’’, Demokrat İzmir, 23.2.1947, p. 1, EroğulEroğul, p. 37. , p. 37.
686 ‘’Celal Bayar Son Muhtar Seçimlerinde Yapılan Yolsuzluklar Hakkında Beyanatta Bulundu’’, Vatan, ‘’Celal Bayar Son Muhtar Seçimlerinde Yapılan Yolsuzluklar Hakkında Beyanatta Bulundu’’, Vatan, 7.3.1947, p.17.3.1947, p.1--4, ‘’Son Muhtar Seçimleri Dolayısı ile Celâl Bayar’ın Bütün Millete Beyannamesi’’, Demokrat 4, ‘’Son Muhtar Seçimleri Dolayısı ile Celâl Bayar’ın Bütün Millete Beyannamesi’’, Demokrat İzmir, 7.3.1947, p. 1.İzmir, 7.3.1947, p. 1.
687 ‘’Celal Bayar, Recep Peker’e Cevap Veriyor’’, Demokrat İzmir, 9.3.1947, p. 4.‘’Celal Bayar, Recep Peker’e Cevap Veriyor’’, Demokrat İzmir, 9.3.1947, p. 4.
688 ‘’Muhtar Seçimleri Devam Ediyor’’, Demokrat İzmir, 24.2.1947, p. 1, “Muhtar Seçimleri Tartışmalı ‘’Muhtar Seçimleri Devam Ediyor’’, Demokrat İzmir, 24.2.1947, p. 1, “Muhtar Seçimleri Tartışmalı Oluyor”, Cumhuriyet, 24.2.1947, p. 1.Oluyor”, Cumhuriyet, 24.2.1947, p. 1.
689 ‘’Başbakanın Demeci’’, Vatan, 8.3.1947, p. 1, ‘’Başbakanın Hayretle Karşılanacak Beyanatı’’, ‘’Başbakanın Demeci’’, Vatan, 8.3.1947, p. 1, ‘’Başbakanın Hayretle Karşılanacak Beyanatı’’, Demokrat İzmir, 8.3.1947, p. 1, ‘’Peker’in Cevabı’’, Ulus, 8.3.1947, p. 1, ‘’R. Peker Delilsiz İddiaları Demokrat İzmir, 8.3.1947, p. 1, ‘’Peker’in Cevabı’’, Ulus, 8.3.1947, p. 1, ‘’R. Peker Delilsiz İddiaları Cevaplandırdı”, Vakit, 8.3.1947, p. 1, Cevaplandırdı”, Vakit, 8.3.1947, p. 1,
690 TokerToker (2020)(2020), p. 145, , p. 145, BurçakBurçak, p. 117, p. 117--118. 118.
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wrong decision for the DP not to participate in the elections and described the decision to
wrong decision for the DP not to participate in the elections and described the decision to boycott the elections as “a crime committed against the country”.boycott the elections as “a crime committed against the country”.691
While the DP had not yet made a final decision on whether or not
While the DP had not yet made a final decision on whether or not to participate in the to participate in the byby--elections, Celal Bayar gave the first sign that the DP would not participate in the elections elections, Celal Bayar gave the first sign that the DP would not participate in the elections in a statement he made. In his statement, Bayar mentioned the martial law in the country and in a statement he made. In his statement, Bayar mentioned the martial law in the country and the government's policy of oppression and sthe government's policy of oppression and stated that the DP would not be tricked.tated that the DP would not be tricked.692 The The party, on the other hand, informed the public and the government about its clear decision on party, on the other hand, informed the public and the government about its clear decision on byby--elections with a declaration on 3 April 1947. In the declaration, it was stated that the elections with a declaration on 3 April 1947. In the declaration, it was stated that the existing electoral law was not capable of ensuring security, that existing electoral law was not capable of ensuring security, that the elections were held under the elections were held under the pressure of the administrative apparatus and that all efforts made by the DP to ensure the pressure of the administrative apparatus and that all efforts made by the DP to ensure electoral security were blocked or ignored by the government, and that participating in electoral security were blocked or ignored by the government, and that participating in elections under antielections under anti--democratic conditions was democratic conditions was described as "a crime against democracy" described as "a crime against democracy" and that the elections would be boycotted.and that the elections would be boycotted.693
This decision of the DP was harshly criticised by the government. Prime Minister
This decision of the DP was harshly criticised by the government. Prime Minister Recep Peker criticised the DP's decision as “not entering the elections is an act of sabotage Recep Peker criticised the DP's decision as “not entering the elections is an act of sabotage in the national duty”.in the national duty”.694 The press, which supported the government, labelled the DP's The press, which supported the government, labelled the DP's decision as “bragging” and “degeneracy”decision as “bragging” and “degeneracy” 695 and emphasised the insufficiency of the reasons and emphasised the insufficiency of the reasons for not entering the elections.for not entering the elections.696
In response to the statements of Peker and the press supporting the government, DP
In response to the statements of Peker and the press supporting the government, DP President Bayar also made a statement. In his statement, Bayar talked about the necessity of President Bayar also made a statement. In his statement, Bayar talked about the necessity of democracy, which is a system of freedom, for the emergence of citizens who are fdemocracy, which is a system of freedom, for the emergence of citizens who are free and ree and have rights and explained that the prhave rights and explained that the preliminaryeliminary situationsituation for the establishment of this system for the establishment of this system is a free and secure electoral system.is a free and secure electoral system.697 Fuat KöprülüFuat Köprülü stated that Prime Minister Recep stated that Prime Minister Recep Peker's discourses and the actions of his government reflected the authoritarian singlePeker's discourses and the actions of his government reflected the authoritarian single--party party
691 ‘’İzmir Dün Çok Heyecanlı Bir Gün Yaşadı’’, Cumhuriyet, 2.4.1947, p. 1, ‘’B. Recep Peker’in ‘’İzmir Dün Çok Heyecanlı Bir Gün Yaşadı’’, Cumhuriyet, 2.4.1947, p. 1, ‘’B. Recep Peker’in Mühim Nutku’’, Akşam, 2.4.1947, p. 1, ‘’Başbakan Dün Halkevinde Bir Konuşma Yaptı’’, Demokrat İzmir, Mühim Nutku’’, Akşam, 2.4.1947, p. 1, ‘’Başbakan Dün Halkevinde Bir Konuşma Yaptı’’, Demokrat İzmir, 2.4.1947, p. 1.2.4.1947, p. 1.
692 ‘’C. Bayar Bodrum’da’’, Demokrat İzmir, 1.4.1947, p. 1. ‘’C. Bayar Bodrum’da’’, Demokrat İzmir, 1.4.1947, p. 1.
693 ‘’Demokrat Parti’nin Byennamesi’’, Demokrat İzmir, 4.4.1947, p. 1, ‘’Demokrat Parti’nin Byennamesi’’, Demokrat İzmir, 4.4.1947, p. 1,
694 ‘’DP’nin Beyannamesine Başbakanın Cevabı’’, Cumhuriyet, 5.4.1947, p. 1, ‘’B. Recep Peker ‘’DP’nin Beyannamesine Başbakanın Cevabı’’, Cumhuriyet, 5.4.1947, p. 1, ‘’B. Recep Peker Manisa’da Demokrat Parti’ye Cevap Verdi’’, Akşam, 5.4.1947, p. 1, Burhan Asaf Belge, ‘’Kararın İlk Manisa’da Demokrat Parti’ye Cevap Verdi’’, Akşam, 5.4.1947, p. 1, Burhan Asaf Belge, ‘’Kararın İlk Tepkileri’’, Demokrat İzmir, 5.4.1947, p. 1.Tepkileri’’, Demokrat İzmir, 5.4.1947, p. 1.
695 Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, “Tek Bir Programları Vardır: Palavra”, Ant, 5.4.1947, p. 1.Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, “Tek Bir Programları Vardır: Palavra”, Ant, 5.4.1947, p. 1.
696Necmettin Sadak, “Demokrat Partisinin Gerekçesi Düşünceleri Maalesef Değiştirmemiştir”, Akşam, Necmettin Sadak, “Demokrat Partisinin Gerekçesi Düşünceleri Maalesef Değiştirmemiştir”, Akşam, 5.4.1947, p. 15.4.1947, p. 1--2.2.
697 ‘’Demokrat Parti Genel Başkanı Celâl Bayar Başbakan Recep Peker’e Cevap Verdi’’, Demokrat ‘’Demokrat Parti Genel Başkanı Celâl Bayar Başbakan Recep Peker’e Cevap Verdi’’, Demokrat İzmir, 6.4.1947, p. 1İzmir, 6.4.1947, p. 1--4. 4.
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mentality.
mentality.698 While the political debates continued, parliamentary byWhile the political debates continued, parliamentary by--elections were held on elections were held on 6 April 1947 and naturally, the candidates of the 6 April 1947 and naturally, the candidates of the RPPRPP, which participated as a single, which participated as a single--party, party, won the elections.won the elections.699
5
5.4.4. .4.4. A Democratic Step on Electoral Law: Adoption of the Principle of Secret A Democratic Step on Electoral Law: Adoption of the Principle of Secret Ballot and Open CountingBallot and Open Counting
After the by
After the by--elections held in 1947, the opposition stated at every opportunity that elections held in 1947, the opposition stated at every opportunity that electoral security was the first condition of democracy and freedom, and therefore the electoral security was the first condition of democracy and freedom, and therefore the electoral law should be regulated according to democratic procedures and principles,electoral law should be regulated according to democratic procedures and principles, otherwise the will of the nation would not be manifested in any way and the Constitution otherwise the will of the nation would not be manifested in any way and the Constitution would not be able to deliver the expected benefits.would not be able to deliver the expected benefits.700 The clearest statements on this issue The clearest statements on this issue were made by Sadık Aldoğan and Fevzi Çakmak. In one of his statements, Aldoğan stated were made by Sadık Aldoğan and Fevzi Çakmak. In one of his statements, Aldoğan stated that the elections were not conducted correctly in the country due to the antithat the elections were not conducted correctly in the country due to the anti--democratic democratic election law and therefore the national welection law and therefore the national will was not fully manifested and that the DP would ill was not fully manifested and that the DP would not participate in the elections until this situation was corrected.not participate in the elections until this situation was corrected.701 In one of his statements, In one of his statements, Çakmak stated that the elections held so far did not reflect the national will, and therefore Çakmak stated that the elections held so far did not reflect the national will, and therefore the majority of the people and the majority in the Parliament were completely different from the majority of the people and the majority in the Parliament were completely different from each other, and that if a new and honest eeach other, and that if a new and honest election were to be held with an election law lection were to be held with an election law organised according to democratic procedures and principles, the results obtained a year ago organised according to democratic procedures and principles, the results obtained a year ago could not be obtained again.could not be obtained again.702
When this issue was analysed from the perspective of the ruling party, the Prime
When this issue was analysed from the perspective of the ruling party, the Prime Minister of the period, Hasan Saka, made the clearest statement. In this context, Saka Minister of the period, Hasan Saka, made the clearest statement. In this context, Saka defended the current electoral law, which was constantly voiced by the DP and seen as ondefended the current electoral law, which was constantly voiced by the DP and seen as one e of the most important issues for the transition to a democratic administration, as follows: of the most important issues for the transition to a democratic administration, as follows: “An antidemocratic word was coined, but I do not know where and why it was coined. The “An antidemocratic word was coined, but I do not know where and why it was coined. The election law required by democracy has been made. I am convinced that if elelection law required by democracy has been made. I am convinced that if elections were ections were
698 Fuat Köprülü, ‘’Başvekilin nutku münasebetiyle’’, Demokrat İzmir, 6.4.1947, p. 1. Fuat Köprülü, ‘’Başvekilin nutku münasebetiyle’’, Demokrat İzmir, 6.4.1947, p. 1.
699 ‘’Dört İlimizde Dün Yapılan Seçim’’, Cumhuriyet, 7.4.1947, p. 1, ‘’Dört Vilayette de ‘’Dört İlimizde Dün Yapılan Seçim’’, Cumhuriyet, 7.4.1947, p. 1, ‘’Dört Vilayette de CHPCHP Adayları Adayları Kazandı’’, Vakit, 7.4.1947, p. 1. Kazandı’’, Vakit, 7.4.1947, p. 1.
700 ‘’Seçim Hürriyeti Davamızın Esasıdır’’, Demokrat İzmir, 10.4.1947, p. 1, ‘’C. Bayar’ın Rize’deki ‘’Seçim Hürriyeti Davamızın Esasıdır’’, Demokrat İzmir, 10.4.1947, p. 1, ‘’C. Bayar’ın Rize’deki Mühim Nutku’’, Demokrat İzmir, 3.11.1947, p. 1, ‘’D. Parti ve Hükümet Cihazının Takibi’’, Demokrat İzmir, Mühim Nutku’’, Demokrat İzmir, 3.11.1947, p. 1, ‘’D. Parti ve Hükümet Cihazının Takibi’’, Demokrat İzmir, 18.4.1947, p. 1, ‘’D. Parti ve Hükümet Cihazının Tak18.4.1947, p. 1, ‘’D. Parti ve Hükümet Cihazının Takibi’’, Demokrat İzmir, 18.4.1947, p. 1.ibi’’, Demokrat İzmir, 18.4.1947, p. 1.
701 ‘’Memlekette Siyasi Ahlakın Bugünkü Durumu Nedir?’’, Demokrat İzmir, 22.4.1947, p. 1. ‘’Memlekette Siyasi Ahlakın Bugünkü Durumu Nedir?’’, Demokrat İzmir, 22.4.1947, p. 1.
702 ‘’Mareşal Mühim Beyanatta Bulundu’’, Demokrat İzmir, 29.8.1947, p. 1.‘’Mareşal Mühim Beyanatta Bulundu’’, Demokrat İzmir, 29.8.1947, p. 1.
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held in France, England and America with this law, even the voters there would be satisfied.”
held in France, England and America with this law, even the voters there would be satisfied.” He also stated that this election law did not contradict the principle of secret ballot and open He also stated that this election law did not contradict the principle of secret ballot and open counting, which is the most important principle of democratic elecounting, which is the most important principle of democratic elections, but if there were ctions, but if there were some gaps, they would be eliminated.some gaps, they would be eliminated.703
The opposition, on the other hand, considered this statement of the Prime Minister as
The opposition, on the other hand, considered this statement of the Prime Minister as “mocking the truth”“mocking the truth”704 and not taking the cause of democracy and public opinion and not taking the cause of democracy and public opinion seriously.seriously.705 The DP Istanbul Provincial Chairman Kenan Öner criticised Saka's statement The DP Istanbul Provincial Chairman Kenan Öner criticised Saka's statement the most harshly. Öner stated that the the most harshly. Öner stated that the RPPRPP had resorted to every means to hold on to the had resorted to every means to hold on to the position of power and made the following statement regarding the election issue: position of power and made the following statement regarding the election issue: “The “The RPPRPP has turned the election process into a legal oligarchy system with an oligarchy mentality”has turned the election process into a legal oligarchy system with an oligarchy mentality”..706
Held towards the end of 1947, the
Held towards the end of 1947, the RPPRPP's Seventh Grand Congress did not fulfil the 's Seventh Grand Congress did not fulfil the expectations of the opposition regarding the election law. As a matter of fact, although İnönü expectations of the opposition regarding the election law. As a matter of fact, although İnönü stated in his opening speech that the antistated in his opening speech that the anti--democratic election law could be amended and democratic election law could be amended and emphasised the impartiality emphasised the impartiality of the administrative apparatus, which is one of the most of the administrative apparatus, which is one of the most important elements of political security, no tangible step was taken on these issues at the end important elements of political security, no tangible step was taken on these issues at the end of the congress.of the congress.707 Burhan Asaf Belge analysed this situation as follows: “Let us say without Burhan Asaf Belge analysed this situation as follows: “Let us say without hesitation that there are no objections that have disappeared. And neither the mentality nor hesitation that there are no objections that have disappeared. And neither the mentality nor the organisation has changed! The People's Party has not been able to transform itself ithe organisation has changed! The People's Party has not been able to transform itself into a nto a political party that can function in a democratic regime!”political party that can function in a democratic regime!” 708 and stated that the and stated that the RPPRPP was was reluctant and unsuccessful in realising the cause of democracy.reluctant and unsuccessful in realising the cause of democracy.709
Shortly after the congress, in January 1948, the issue of electoral law came to the
Shortly after the congress, in January 1948, the issue of electoral law came to the agenda again.agenda again.710 In this context, on 14 January 1948, Prime Minister Hasan Saka requested In this context, on 14 January 1948, Prime Minister Hasan Saka requested a resolution of principle from the a resolution of principle from the RPPRPP Parliamentary Group to make the necessary Parliamentary Group to make the necessary
703 ‘’Başbakanın Dünkü Basın‘’Başbakanın Dünkü Basın ToplantısıToplantısı’’, Ulus, 11.11.1947, p. 2, ‘’Hasan Saka Peker’den Farksız ’’, Ulus, 11.11.1947, p. 2, ‘’Hasan Saka Peker’den Farksız Konuştu’’, Demokrat İzmir, 11.11.1947, p. 1. Konuştu’’, Demokrat İzmir, 11.11.1947, p. 1.
704 ‘’Seçim Kanununun Demokratik Olduğunu İddia, Aklıselimle Alaydır’’, Demokrat İzmir, ‘’Seçim Kanununun Demokratik Olduğunu İddia, Aklıselimle Alaydır’’, Demokrat İzmir, 13.11.1047, p. 1, 13.11.1047, p. 1,
705 ‘’Celal Bayar, H. Saka’ya Cevap Verdi’’, Demokrat İzmir, 14.11.1947, p. 1, ‘’Hasan Saka’nın Son ‘’Celal Bayar, H. Saka’ya Cevap Verdi’’, Demokrat İzmir, 14.11.1947, p. 1, ‘’Hasan Saka’nın Son Beyanatı Hayret Uyandırdı’’, Demokrat İzmir, 12.11.1947, p. 1. Beyanatı Hayret Uyandırdı’’, Demokrat İzmir, 12.11.1947, p. 1.
706 ‘’Kenan Öner Diyor Ki’’, Demokrat İzmir, 17.11.1947, p. 1‘’Kenan Öner Diyor Ki’’, Demokrat İzmir, 17.11.1947, p. 1--2. 2.
707 ‘’İnönü’nün Tarihi Nutku’’, Ulus, 18.11.1947, p. 1‘’İnönü’nün Tarihi Nutku’’, Ulus, 18.11.1947, p. 1--2, ‘’İnönü’nün Dünkü Nutku’’, Cumhuriyet, 2, ‘’İnönü’nün Dünkü Nutku’’, Cumhuriyet, 18.11.1947, p. 1, ‘’Halk Partisi Kurultayı Dün Açıldı’’, Demokrat İzmir, 18.11.1947, p. 1.18.11.1947, p. 1, ‘’Halk Partisi Kurultayı Dün Açıldı’’, Demokrat İzmir, 18.11.1947, p. 1.
708 Burhan Asaf Belge, ‘’Kurultayın Bilançosu’’, Demokrat İzmir, 5.12.1947, p. 1. Burhan Asaf Belge, ‘’Kurultayın Bilançosu’’, Demokrat İzmir, 5.12.1947, p. 1.
709 Burhan Asaf Belge, ‘’Millet Hükmünü Vermelidir’’, Demokrat İzmir, 6.12.1947, p. 1.Burhan Asaf Belge, ‘’Millet Hükmünü Vermelidir’’, Demokrat İzmir, 6.12.1947, p. 1.
710 ‘’Seçim Kanunu Meselesi’’, Ulus, 6.1.1948, p. 1. ‘’Seçim Kanunu Meselesi’’, Ulus, 6.1.1948, p. 1.
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amendments to the electoral law according to the principle of secret ballot and open
amendments to the electoral law according to the principle of secret ballot and open counting, and this request was accepted despite the opposition of counting, and this request was accepted despite the opposition of radicalradical RPPRPP members.members.711
In 1948, while the most important item on the agenda was the election law, the
In 1948, while the most important item on the agenda was the election law, the government also took important steps towards the development of the democratic regime government also took important steps towards the development of the democratic regime and amended some laws that the opposition characterised as antiand amended some laws that the opposition characterised as anti--democratic and contrary to democratic and contrary to the principle of electoral security. In this context, first of all, Article 18 of the Law of the the principle of electoral security. In this context, first of all, Article 18 of the Law of the Police Powers, which restricted personal immunity and contradicted the principle of election Police Powers, which restricted personal immunity and contradicted the principle of election security, was abolished on 20 February 1948.security, was abolished on 20 February 1948.712 This move was welcomed by the opposition This move was welcomed by the opposition and the abolition of the law was considered as a decision that fully adjusted individual and the abolition of the law was considered as a decision that fully adjusted individual freedom and state interest.freedom and state interest.713 Another antiAnother anti--democratic law that was abolished was the Law democratic law that was abolished was the Law on Prosecution of the Public Servants, which granted the administrative apparatus great on Prosecution of the Public Servants, which granted the administrative apparatus great powers in the elections and prevented civil servants from being tried according to the powers in the elections and prevented civil servants from being tried according to the principles of judiciaprinciples of judicial review.l review. 714 Necessary amendments were made to this law, and it was Necessary amendments were made to this law, and it was decided that administrative officials could be tried on the basis of judicial review, and thus decided that administrative officials could be tried on the basis of judicial review, and thus another important step was taken to ensure electoral security.another important step was taken to ensure electoral security.715
The
The radicalradicals within the s within the RPPRPP completely opposed the abolition of these laws and stated completely opposed the abolition of these laws and stated that these laws were not in opposition to the constitution or democracythat these laws were not in opposition to the constitution or democracy716 and that the and that the election law issue should be resolved first.election law issue should be resolved first.717 Faik Öztrak was the person who expressed the Faik Öztrak was the person who expressed the thoughts of the detractors within the thoughts of the detractors within the RPPRPP most clearly. Öztrak made the following statement most clearly. Öztrak made the following statement about the abolition of antiabout the abolition of anti--democratic laws: democratic laws:
“What is left, they said we would not want martial law, we abolished it.
“What is left, they said we would not want martial law, we abolished it. They said we would not want such and such article of the Law on the Duties and They said we would not want such and such article of the Law on the Duties and Powers of the Police, we abolished it. They said the Head of State should not be Powers of the Police, we abolished it. They said the Head of State should not be
711 ‘’Seçim Kanununda Tadiller Yapılacak’’, Ulus, 14.1.1948, ‘’‘’Seçim Kanununda Tadiller Yapılacak’’, Ulus, 14.1.1948, ‘’CHPCHP Seçim Kanunun Tadiline Karar Seçim Kanunun Tadiline Karar Verdi’’, Demokrat İzmir, 14.1.1948, p. 1, ‘’Verdi’’, Demokrat İzmir, 14.1.1948, p. 1, ‘’CHPCHP Meclis Grubu Seçim Kanununun Tadili Fikrini Kabul Etti’’, Meclis Grubu Seçim Kanununun Tadili Fikrini Kabul Etti’’, Akşam, 14.1.1948, p. 1. Akşam, 14.1.1948, p. 1.
712 Feroz Feroz // FerozFeroz, p. 52, ‘’Polis Salahiyet Kanununun 18. Maddesi Tarihe Karıştı’’, Cumhuriyet, , p. 52, ‘’Polis Salahiyet Kanununun 18. Maddesi Tarihe Karıştı’’, Cumhuriyet, 21.2.1948, p. 1, ‘’18. Madde Polis Vazife Salahiyet Kanunundan Çıkarıldı’’, Ulus, 21.2.1948, p. 1, ‘’Meclis 21.2.1948, p. 1, ‘’18. Madde Polis Vazife Salahiyet Kanunundan Çıkarıldı’’, Ulus, 21.2.1948, p. 1, ‘’Meclis 18. Maddenin Kaldırılmasını Kabul Etti”, Vatan, 21.2.1948, p. 1.18. Maddenin Kaldırılmasını Kabul Etti”, Vatan, 21.2.1948, p. 1.
713 ‘’18’inci Madde Tarihe Karıştı’’, Demokrat İzmir, 21.2.1948, p. 1, ‘’18’inci Madde Tarihe Karıştı’’, Demokrat İzmir, 21.2.1948, p. 1,
714 ‘’Başbakan Yeni Seçim Kanunu Tasarısı Üzerinde İzahat Verdi’’, Ulus, 12.5.1948, p. 1, ‘’Memurin ‘’Başbakan Yeni Seçim Kanunu Tasarısı Üzerinde İzahat Verdi’’, Ulus, 12.5.1948, p. 1, ‘’Memurin Muhakemat Kanununun Tadili’’, Demokrat İzmir, 18.5.1948, p. 1, ‘’Muhakemat Kanununun Tadili’’, Demokrat İzmir, 18.5.1948, p. 1, ‘’Memurin Muhakemat Kanunu Prensibini Tayin İçin Bir Komisyon Kurulması Kararlaştı’’, Ulus, 21.5.1948, p. 1.
715 ‘’Memurin Muhakemat Kanunu’nun Tadili Grupça Kabul Edildi’’, Akşam, 9.6.1948, p. 1, ‘’Memurin ‘’Memurin Muhakemat Kanunu’nun Tadili Grupça Kabul Edildi’’, Akşam, 9.6.1948, p. 1, ‘’Memurin Muhakemat Kanunu Nihayet Tadil Ediliyor’’, Demokrat İzmir, 9.6.1948, p. 1. Muhakemat Kanunu Nihayet Tadil Ediliyor’’, Demokrat İzmir, 9.6.1948, p. 1.
716 TBMMTD, 8. TBMMTD, 8. PeriodPeriod, 2. , 2. MeetingMeeting, 10. , 10. VolumeVolume, 45. , 45. SessionSession, 20.2.1948, p. 261, 20.2.1948, p. 261--264, “18’inci Madde 264, “18’inci Madde Tarihe Karıştı”, Demokrat İzmir, 21.2.1948, p. 1. Tarihe Karıştı”, Demokrat İzmir, 21.2.1948, p. 1.
717 ‘’‘’CHPCHP’li Müfritlerin Uğradığı Yeni Hezimetler’’, Demokrat İzmir, ’li Müfritlerin Uğradığı Yeni Hezimetler’’, Demokrat İzmir, 21.5.1948, p. 1,21.5.1948, p. 1,
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the head of the Party, we complied, we did it all, this is all that is left. (...) When
the head of the Party, we complied, we did it all, this is all that is left. (...) When the Charter of Freedom was announced, we spoke against it with much fanfare, the Charter of Freedom was announced, we spoke against it with much fanfare, we said it was not a Charter of Freedom, it was a Charter to undermine freedom, we said it was not a Charter of Freedom, it was a Charter to undermine freedom, but we are but we are actually accepting them one by one.”actually accepting them one by one.”718
Öztrak's statement showed that the hardliners within the
Öztrak's statement showed that the hardliners within the RPPRPP were still openly opposed were still openly opposed to the full establishment and implementation of democratic governance.to the full establishment and implementation of democratic governance.
Turning back to the issue of the electoral law, in March 1948, the government draft on
Turning back to the issue of the electoral law, in March 1948, the government draft on the amendment to the electoral law was sent to the Parliament. First of all, the draft law the amendment to the electoral law was sent to the Parliament. First of all, the draft law described the existing electoral law as a step forward in line with the main pdescribed the existing electoral law as a step forward in line with the main principles of rinciples of democracy, and stated that it contained all democratic elements and that the problem was in democracy, and stated that it contained all democratic elements and that the problem was in its implementation. In the rest of the draft, the amendments to be made were discussed.its implementation. In the rest of the draft, the amendments to be made were discussed.719
In addition to the government's draft, the DP also prepared a draft on 16 April 1948 on
In addition to the government's draft, the DP also prepared a draft on 16 April 1948 on the electoral law and requested that this draft be discussed in the commissions with the the electoral law and requested that this draft be discussed in the commissions with the government's draft. In the draft, it was stated that the existing electoral lawgovernment's draft. In the draft, it was stated that the existing electoral law did not ensure did not ensure the secrecy of the vote and the security of classification, and it was emphasised that the the secrecy of the vote and the security of classification, and it was emphasised that the government's amendment proposal partially satisfied the national desire according to the old government's amendment proposal partially satisfied the national desire according to the old provisions of the law. However, it was stated that the gprovisions of the law. However, it was stated that the government draft was incomplete in overnment draft was incomplete in terms of ensuring electoral security. In this context, the most important issue that the DP terms of ensuring electoral security. In this context, the most important issue that the DP emphasised in its draft electoral law was that in order to make the parliamentary elections emphasised in its draft electoral law was that in order to make the parliamentary elections safe in the eyes of the citizens and tsafe in the eyes of the citizens and the world, the elections should be subject to judicial he world, the elections should be subject to judicial supervision, in other words, the election process should be completely under the control and supervision, in other words, the election process should be completely under the control and supervision of judges.supervision of judges.720
The opposition expressed its demands regarding the electoral law not only through the
The opposition expressed its demands regarding the electoral law not only through the draft law but also through draft law but also through public meetingspublic meetings organised in all corners of the country.organised in all corners of the country.721 In this In this
718 Mithat Perin, ‘’Mithat Perin, ‘’CHPCHP’nin Acıklı İtirafları’’, Demokrat İzmir, 21.5.1948, p. 1’nin Acıklı İtirafları’’, Demokrat İzmir, 21.5.1948, p. 1--6. 6.
719 In the draft law the scope of Article 24 was In the draft law the scope of Article 24 was expanded,expanded, and the indoor voting was introduced, Article and the indoor voting was introduced, Article 25 dealt with the changes regarding the voting period, Article 27 adopted new principles regarding the 25 dealt with the changes regarding the voting period, Article 27 adopted new principles regarding the determination and counting of votes, and Article 34 redefined the duties and responsibilities of the persodetermination and counting of votes, and Article 34 redefined the duties and responsibilities of the persons who ns who would take part in the elections. would take part in the elections. Draft Law on adding a paragraph to Article 15 and amending Articles 24, 25, Draft Law on adding a paragraph to Article 15 and amending Articles 24, 25, 27 and 34 of the Law on Election of Deputies 27 and 34 of the Law on Election of Deputies (1/318) (1/318) Ordinal NumberOrdinal Number: 185. TBMMTD, 8. : 185. TBMMTD, 8. PeriodPeriod, 2. , 2. MeetingMeeting, , 12. 12. VolumeVolume, 86. , 86. SessionSession, 9.7.1948, p. 1, 9.7.1948, p. 1--2.2.
720 Istanbul Deputy Fuat Hulusi Demirelli and six of his friends, Proposal for a law amending some Istanbul Deputy Fuat Hulusi Demirelli and six of his friends, Proposal for a law amending some articles of the Law on Election of Deputies (2/96) Ordinal Number: 185. TBMMTD, 8. articles of the Law on Election of Deputies (2/96) Ordinal Number: 185. TBMMTD, 8. PeriodPeriod, 2. , 2. MeetingMeeting, 12. , 12. VolumeVolume, 86. , 86. SessionSession, 9.7.1948, p. 13, 9.7.1948, p. 13--15, ‘’Demokrat Parti’nin Yeni Bir Teklifi: Seçim Kanunu Tasarısı’’, 15, ‘’Demokrat Parti’nin Yeni Bir Teklifi: Seçim Kanunu Tasarısı’’, Demokrat İzmir, 16.4.1948, p. 1. Demokrat İzmir, 16.4.1948, p. 1.
721 KarpatKarpat (202(20211), p. 318. ), p. 318.
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context, the unpleasant experience of the elections of 21 July 1946 was mentioned, and it
context, the unpleasant experience of the elections of 21 July 1946 was mentioned, and it was insistently emphasized that in order to “alleviate the suffering in the country” and “the was insistently emphasized that in order to “alleviate the suffering in the country” and “the full manifestation of the national will”, electoral security should be afull manifestation of the national will”, electoral security should be adopted, secret ballot dopted, secret ballot and public classification procedures should be adopted, and judicial security should be and public classification procedures should be adopted, and judicial security should be provided in the elections in the provided in the elections in the public meetingspublic meetings. It was also emphasised that the DP would . It was also emphasised that the DP would not participate in the elections unless these issues wenot participate in the elections unless these issues were met.re met.722
After the drafts of the election law submitted by the government and the DP were
After the drafts of the election law submitted by the government and the DP were examined by the commissions and the necessary amendments were made, the parliamentary examined by the commissions and the necessary amendments were made, the parliamentary debates on the law started on 2 July 1948.debates on the law started on 2 July 1948.723
The first speech on the draft law was made by Justice Commission Spokesperson and
The first speech on the draft law was made by Justice Commission Spokesperson and RPPRPP Deputy Emin Halim Ergun. Describing the new election law as an unprecedented Deputy Emin Halim Ergun. Describing the new election law as an unprecedented civilisation, Ergun stated that the amendments to the election law were made in order to civilisation, Ergun stated that the amendments to the election law were made in order to ensure the national will and electoral security in a complete and absolute manner. Ergun ensure the national will and electoral security in a complete and absolute manner. Ergun then then touched upon the issue of judicial security, which the opposition insisted on, and stated that touched upon the issue of judicial security, which the opposition insisted on, and stated that the inclusion of members of the judiciary in the election boards and orthe inclusion of members of the judiciary in the election boards and organisation would not ganisation would not provide the desired judicial security, and that this would even harm the system as it would provide the desired judicial security, and that this would even harm the system as it would mean the involvement of the judiciary in politics.mean the involvement of the judiciary in politics.724
The government's perspective on the draft law was best summarised by Süreyya
The government's perspective on the draft law was best summarised by Süreyya Örgeevren as follows: “The aim, the purpose of this bill does not contain any other purpose Örgeevren as follows: “The aim, the purpose of this bill does not contain any other purpose than to make the secrecy of the vote, the openness of the classification, in other wordthan to make the secrecy of the vote, the openness of the classification, in other words, the s, the electoral security in the already existing law better, clearer and more specified with some electoral security in the already existing law better, clearer and more specified with some additional sanctions.”additional sanctions.” 725 With this statement, ÖrgeevrenWith this statement, Örgeevren emphasised that the existing emphasised that the existing provisions, spirit and meaning of the electoral law remained the same, that the problem was provisions, spirit and meaning of the electoral law remained the same, that the problem was
722 ‘’Celal Bayar’ın Ordu’da Söylediği Mühim Nutuk’’, Demokrat İzmir, 1.5.1948, p. 1, ‘’Hala Seçim ‘’Celal Bayar’ın Ordu’da Söylediği Mühim Nutuk’’, Demokrat İzmir, 1.5.1948, p. 1, ‘’Hala Seçim Emniyeti Sağlanamıyor’’, Demokrat İzmir, 10.5.1948, p. 1, ‘’Türkiye’de Namuslu Seçim İstiyoruz’’, Demokrat Emniyeti Sağlanamıyor’’, Demokrat İzmir, 10.5.1948, p. 1, ‘’Türkiye’de Namuslu Seçim İstiyoruz’’, Demokrat İzmir, 14.5.1948, p. 1, İzmir, 14.5.1948, p. 1, ‘’DP’nin Dün İstanbul’da Yaptığı Büyük Miting’’, Cumhuriyet, 17.5.1948, p. 1, ‘’DP’nin Dün İstanbul’da Yaptığı Büyük Miting’’, Cumhuriyet, 17.5.1948, p. 1, ‘’Manisalıların Sesi’’, Demokrat İzmir, 17.5.1948, p. 1, ‘’Ankara Muazzam Bir Miting Yaptı’’, Demokrat İzmir, ‘’Manisalıların Sesi’’, Demokrat İzmir, 17.5.1948, p. 1, ‘’Ankara Muazzam Bir Miting Yaptı’’, Demokrat İzmir, 31.5.1948, p. 1,31.5.1948, p. 1, ‘’C. Bayar Dün Adana’da Bir Nutuk Söyledi’’, Akşam, 15.6.1948, p. 2, ‘’Adnan Menderes ‘’C. Bayar Dün Adana’da Bir Nutuk Söyledi’’, Akşam, 15.6.1948, p. 2, ‘’Adnan Menderes Giresun’da Bir Konuşma Yaptı’’, Akşam, 29.5.1948, p. 2, Sadık Aldoğan, “Seçim İşlerinde En Büyük Giresun’da Bir Konuşma Yaptı’’, Akşam, 29.5.1948, p. 2, Sadık Aldoğan, “Seçim İşlerinde En Büyük Teminat”, Yeni Sabah, 28.6.1948, p.1Teminat”, Yeni Sabah, 28.6.1948, p.1--5. ‘’Bu Tasarıyla Millet Önüne Çıkıl5. ‘’Bu Tasarıyla Millet Önüne Çıkılamaz’’, Demokrat İzmir, 30.6.1948, amaz’’, Demokrat İzmir, 30.6.1948, p. 1. p. 1.
723 EroğulEroğul, p. 57. Seçim kanunuyla ilgili komisyonlarda yapılan değişiklikler için see also: TBMMTD, , p. 57. Seçim kanunuyla ilgili komisyonlarda yapılan değişiklikler için see also: TBMMTD, 8. 8. PeriodPeriod, 2. , 2. MeetingMeeting, 12. , 12. VolumeVolume, 86. , 86. SessionSession, 9.7.1948, S. Sayısı: 185, p. 24, 9.7.1948, S. Sayısı: 185, p. 24--43. 43.
724 TBMMTD, 8. TBMMTD, 8. PeriodPeriod, 2. , 2. MeetingMeeting, 12. , 12. VolumeVolume, 80. , 80. SessionSession, 2.7.1948, p. 590, 2.7.1948, p. 590--594.594.
725 TBMMTD, 8. TBMMTD, 8. PeriodPeriod, 2. , 2. MeetingMeeting, 12. , 12. VolumeVolume, 81. , 81. SessionSession, 3.7.1948, p. 635. , 3.7.1948, p. 635.
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not in the law but in the practice and that this problem had been overcome with the new draft
not in the law but in the practice and that this problem had been overcome with the new draft law.law.726
The basis of the opposition's criticisms was the issue of judicial guarantee, which was
The basis of the opposition's criticisms was the issue of judicial guarantee, which was insistently emphasised to ensure electoral security and the principle of impartiality but insistently emphasised to ensure electoral security and the principle of impartiality but rejected by the government. In this context, while in the current election lawrejected by the government. In this context, while in the current election law the election the election process was managed entirely by process was managed entirely by RPPRPP--affiliated administrative chiefs and the opposition affiliated administrative chiefs and the opposition constantly expressed its discontent with this issue, the fact that the election process in the constantly expressed its discontent with this issue, the fact that the election process in the new draft law will be managed by mayors and members who wernew draft law will be managed by mayors and members who were also fully affiliated with e also fully affiliated with the the RPPRPP's statutes and programmes was considered to be contrary to the principle of electoral 's statutes and programmes was considered to be contrary to the principle of electoral security and impartiality.security and impartiality.727 DP Deputy Adnan Menderes explained this issue in the DP Deputy Adnan Menderes explained this issue in the following words: following words: “(...) how can it be assumed that 100 per cent unilateral committees, “(...) how can it be assumed that 100 per cent unilateral committees, consisting of the mayors of the municipality and people to be elected from among the consisting of the mayors of the municipality and people to be elected from among the members of the municipality who undoubtedly have the same tendencies, will manage the members of the municipality who undoubtedly have the same tendencies, will manage the elections in suelections in such a way as to give confidence to the public conscience?”ch a way as to give confidence to the public conscience?”728
During the long and controversial parliamentary debates, all opinions and proposals of
During the long and controversial parliamentary debates, all opinions and proposals of the opposition were rejected by the the opposition were rejected by the RPPRPP729 and as a result, the new draft electoral law, which and as a result, the new draft electoral law, which was completely prepared and the content of which was determined by the was completely prepared and the content of which was determined by the RPPRPP and its and its government, was adopted by a large majority on 9 July 1948.government, was adopted by a large majority on 9 July 1948.730
As the new election law did not meet the demands of the opposition, DP convened the
As the new election law did not meet the demands of the opposition, DP convened the Consultative Congress on 8 July 1948 to discuss whether to participate in the byConsultative Congress on 8 July 1948 to discuss whether to participate in the by--elections elections or not. In the recommendation decision taken after the congress, it was stated thor not. In the recommendation decision taken after the congress, it was stated that DP should at DP should not participate in the bynot participate in the by--elections due to the election law, which was far from making the elections due to the election law, which was far from making the national will dominant.national will dominant.731 This recommendation decision was adopted by the DP General This recommendation decision was adopted by the DP General Administrative Administrative Board,Board, and it was announced to the public with a declaration that the DP and it was announced to the public with a declaration that the DP would not participate in the bywould not participate in the by--elections. In the declaration, it was emphasised that in order elections. In the declaration, it was emphasised that in order for the national will to be fully manifested, the elections should be held in a secure manner,for the national will to be fully manifested, the elections should be held in a secure manner,
726 KoçakKoçak (2016), p. 609. (2016), p. 609.
727 TBMMTD, 8. TBMMTD, 8. PeriodPeriod, 2. , 2. MeetingMeeting, 12. , 12. VolumeVolume, 80. , 80. SessionSession, 2.7.1948, p. 602, 2.7.1948, p. 602--603, 684603, 684--685, 685, TBMMTD, 8. TBMMTD, 8. PeriodPeriod, 2. , 2. MeetingMeeting, 12. , 12. VolumeVolume, 84. , 84. SessionSession, 7.7.1948, p. 879. , 7.7.1948, p. 879.
728 TBMMTD, 8. TBMMTD, 8. PeriodPeriod, 2. , 2. MeetingMeeting, 12. , 12. VolumeVolume, 80. , 80. SessionSession, 2.7.1948, p. 600. , 2.7.1948, p. 600.
729 Ayrıntı için see also: TBMMTD, 8. Ayrıntı için see also: TBMMTD, 8. PeriodPeriod, 2. , 2. MeetingMeeting, 12. , 12. VolumeVolume, 82. , 82. SessionSession, 5.7.1948, p. 707, 5.7.1948, p. 707--762, TBMMTD, 8. 762, TBMMTD, 8. PeriodPeriod, 2. , 2. MeetingMeeting, 12. , 12. VolumeVolume, 84. , 84. SessionSession, 7.7.1948, p. 877, 7.7.1948, p. 877--922.922.
730 TBMMTD, 8. TBMMTD, 8. PeriodPeriod, 2. , 2. MeetingMeeting, 12. , 12. VolumeVolume, 86. , 86. SessionSession, 9.7.1948, p. 1110. , 9.7.1948, p. 1110.
731 ‘’DP Ara Seçimlere İştirak Etmeyecek’’, Demokrat İzmir, 10.7.1948, p. 1‘’DP Ara Seçimlere İştirak Etmeyecek’’, Demokrat İzmir, 10.7.1948, p. 1--4, ‘’Demokrat Parti Dün 4, ‘’Demokrat Parti Dün Kati Kararını Verdi’’, Cumhuriyet, 10.7.1948, p. 1. Kati Kararını Verdi’’, Cumhuriyet, 10.7.1948, p. 1.
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free from all kinds of pressure, interference and fraud, but it was stated that in the election
free from all kinds of pressure, interference and fraud, but it was stated that in the election experiences so far, the element of security could not be ensured and the steps taken by the experiences so far, the element of security could not be ensured and the steps taken by the DP in this direction were ignored and rejected by the government. InDP in this direction were ignored and rejected by the government. In this context, it was this context, it was stated that the DP decided not to participate in the bystated that the DP decided not to participate in the by--elections since the last election law elections since the last election law adopted could not ensure electoral security.adopted could not ensure electoral security.732
In this process, the other elements of the opposition, the Independent Democrats and
In this process, the other elements of the opposition, the Independent Democrats and the Millet Party, also announced that they would not participate in the elections.the Millet Party, also announced that they would not participate in the elections.733 Hikmet Hikmet Bayur, the chairman of the Nation Party, considered participation in the elections as “betrayal Bayur, the chairman of the Nation Party, considered participation in the elections as “betrayal of the nation” and made the following statement: of the nation” and made the following statement: “Participation of our party in the by“Participation of our party in the by--elections to be held under the current circumstances would be nothing but a means for a elections to be held under the current circumstances would be nothing but a means for a game to be played against the world of democracy.”game to be played against the world of democracy.”734
After the adoption of the new electoral law, the first parliamentary by
After the adoption of the new electoral law, the first parliamentary by--elections were elections were held in thirteen provinces in which only the held in thirteen provinces in which only the RPPRPP participated.participated.735 Naturally, the Naturally, the RPPRPP candidates again won the elections.candidates again won the elections.736 As the participation rate was very low, the elections As the participation rate was very low, the elections were extremely uninspiring and there were also many complaints of irregularities, corruption were extremely uninspiring and there were also many complaints of irregularities, corruption and repression.and repression. 737 Based on all these, the opposition continued to criticise the mentality of Based on all these, the opposition continued to criticise the mentality of the 17 July elections as the same as the mentality of 21 July 1946the 17 July elections as the same as the mentality of 21 July 1946738, reminded the mistakes , reminded the mistakes of the electoral lawof the electoral law739, called for the resignation of the government and called for general , called for the resignation of the government and called for general elections to be held as soon as possible.elections to be held as soon as possible.740
Towards the end of 1948, Hasan Saka's government, which was worn out due to both
Towards the end of 1948, Hasan Saka's government, which was worn out due to both political and economic problems, was subjected to criticism from both the opposition and political and economic problems, was subjected to criticism from both the opposition and his own party due to its inability to make the moves expected of it. The Prime Ministehis own party due to its inability to make the moves expected of it. The Prime Minister, who r, who
732 ‘’Demokrat Parti’nin Beyannamesi’’, Demokrat İzmir, 19.7.1948, p. 1‘’Demokrat Parti’nin Beyannamesi’’, Demokrat İzmir, 19.7.1948, p. 1--4, ‘’DP’nin Seçime Dair 4, ‘’DP’nin Seçime Dair Millete Beyannamesi’’, Cumhuriyet, 19.7.1948, p. 1, ‘’Muhalefet Partisi Beklenen Beyannameyi Yayınladı’’, Millete Beyannamesi’’, Cumhuriyet, 19.7.1948, p. 1, ‘’Muhalefet Partisi Beklenen Beyannameyi Yayınladı’’, Son Posta, 19.7.1948, p. 1, Son Posta, 19.7.1948, p. 1,
733 ‘’Kısmi Seçimlere ‘’Kısmi Seçimlere Muhalefetin Topyekûn Girmeyeceği Belli Oldu’’, Yeni Sabah, 14 Temmuz 1948, Muhalefetin Topyekûn Girmeyeceği Belli Oldu’’, Yeni Sabah, 14 Temmuz 1948, p. 1.p. 1.
734 Mustafa Kentli, ‘’Mustafa Kentli, ‘’CHPCHP’nin Yeni Mücadele Teknikleri’’, Kudret, 27.7.1948, p. 1’nin Yeni Mücadele Teknikleri’’, Kudret, 27.7.1948, p. 1--2.2.
735 KarpatKarpat (202(20211), p. 320, ), p. 320, KoçakKoçak (2016), p. 622. (2016), p. 622.
736 ‘’13 İlde Yapılan Seçimi ‘’13 İlde Yapılan Seçimi CHPCHP Adayları Kazandılar”, Cumhuriyet, 19.10.1948, p. 1. Adayları Kazandılar”, Cumhuriyet, 19.10.1948, p. 1.
737 ‘’Millet İktidara Büyük Bir Ders Verdi’’, Demokrat İzmir, 18.10.1948, p. 1, ‘’Ara Seçimler Dün Pek ‘’Millet İktidara Büyük Bir Ders Verdi’’, Demokrat İzmir, 18.10.1948, p. 1, ‘’Ara Seçimler Dün Pek Sönük Geçti”, Cumhuriyet, 18.10.1948, p. 1.Sönük Geçti”, Cumhuriyet, 18.10.1948, p. 1.
738 ‘’Seçim Yolsuzlukları Açığa Vuruluyor’’, Demokrat İzmir, 24.10.1948, p. 1.‘’Seçim Yolsuzlukları Açığa Vuruluyor’’, Demokrat İzmir, 24.10.1948, p. 1.
739 ‘’Fuat Köprülü’ye Göre Ara Seçimin Neticesi”, Cumhuriyet, 22.10.1948, p. 1, ‘’Fuat Köprülü’ye Göre Ara Seçimin Neticesi”, Cumhuriyet, 22.10.1948, p. 1,
740 ‘’Seçimleri Yenilemek Zaruret Haline Geldi’’, Demokrat İzmir, 23.10.1948, p. 1, ‘’DP Yeni Seçimler ‘’Seçimleri Yenilemek Zaruret Haline Geldi’’, Demokrat İzmir, 23.10.1948, p. 1, ‘’DP Yeni Seçimler İçin Sesini Yükseltiyor’’, Cumhuriyet, 23.10.1948, p. 1.İçin Sesini Yükseltiyor’’, Cumhuriyet, 23.10.1948, p. 1.
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lost his strength and capability in the face of this situation, resigned on 14 January 1949.
lost his strength and capability in the face of this situation, resigned on 14 January 1949.741 One day later, the task of forming the new government was given to Şemsettin Günaltay.One day later, the task of forming the new government was given to Şemsettin Günaltay.742
5
5.4.5. .4.5. Electoral Law Bringing a Change of Electoral Law Bringing a Change of GovernmentGovernment
One of the most
One of the most essentialessential topicstopics to be to be handlehandle with by the government of Şemsettin with by the government of Şemsettin Günaltay, who took office on 15 January 1949, was the election law. As a matter of fact, in Günaltay, who took office on 15 January 1949, was the election law. As a matter of fact, in his speech presenting the government programme on 24 January 1949, Günaltay signalled his speech presenting the government programme on 24 January 1949, Günaltay signalled the steps to be taken regarding the electthe steps to be taken regarding the election law as follows: ion law as follows: “Our government will not fail to “Our government will not fail to take into consideration the measures that science and experience will suggest in order to take into consideration the measures that science and experience will suggest in order to ensure that the 1950 elections are held in the most secure manner thensure that the 1950 elections are held in the most secure manner that will leave no room at will leave no room for doubt in the hearts of any citizen.”for doubt in the hearts of any citizen.”743 In fact, GünaltayIn fact, Günaltay stated in another speech that stated in another speech that democracy would only be possible if elections were held in complete freedom and security, democracy would only be possible if elections were held in complete freedom and security, and he said that and he said that “preparing a complete and perfect election law is also a historical debt for “preparing a complete and perfect election law is also a historical debt for us”.us”.744 In a statement he made later, he said that as the government, they wanted to prepare In a statement he made later, he said that as the government, they wanted to prepare an election law together with the opposition parties and, if necessary, they were determined an election law together with the opposition parties and, if necessary, they were determined to provide “judicial guarantee”, which was the most important issue on the elto provide “judicial guarantee”, which was the most important issue on the election law of ection law of the opposition.the opposition.745
As a matter of fact, in parallel with these statements, shortly after the formation of the
As a matter of fact, in parallel with these statements, shortly after the formation of the government, it was decided to establish a commission under the chairmanship of Nihat Erim government, it was decided to establish a commission under the chairmanship of Nihat Erim to amend the election law.to amend the election law.746 By attaching great importance to the election issue, the By attaching great importance to the election issue, the Commission carried out a disciplined study to appease the public and the opposition. In this Commission carried out a disciplined study to appease the public and the opposition. In this context, the electoral laws of many states were translated, the electoral legislation applied in context, the electoral laws of many states were translated, the electoral legislation applied in Turkey sTurkey since 1877 was brought together, local and foreign experts were listened to, and all ince 1877 was brought together, local and foreign experts were listened to, and all these were published under the title “Pink Book”.these were published under the title “Pink Book”.747 In addition, a draft text on the new In addition, a draft text on the new
741 “Hasan Saka Kabinesi İstifa Etti”, Yeni Sabah, 15.1.1949, p. 1, ‘’Hasan Saka Kabinesi Nihayet İstifa “Hasan Saka Kabinesi İstifa Etti”, Yeni Sabah, 15.1.1949, p. 1, ‘’Hasan Saka Kabinesi Nihayet İstifa Ettirildi’’, Demokrat İzmir, 15.1.1949, p. 1, Ettirildi’’, Demokrat İzmir, 15.1.1949, p. 1, EroğulEroğul, p. 59, , p. 59, GoloğluGoloğlu (2021a), p. 313(2021a), p. 313--314. 314.
742 ‘’Yeni Kabineyi Şemsettin Günaltay Kuruyor’’, Demokrat İzmir, 16.1.1949, p. 1, ‘’Şemsettin ‘’Yeni Kabineyi Şemsettin Günaltay Kuruyor’’, Demokrat İzmir, 16.1.1949, p. 1, ‘’Şemsettin Günaltay Başbakan Oldu’’, Cumhuriyet, 16.1.1949, p. 1. Günaltay Başbakan Oldu’’, Cumhuriyet, 16.1.1949, p. 1.
743 TBMMTD, 8. TBMMTD, 8. PeriodPeriod, 3. , 3. MeetingMeeting, 15. , 15. VolumeVolume, 36. , 36. SessionSession, 24.1.1949, p. 168., 24.1.1949, p. 168.
744 ‘’Başbakan Ş. Günaltay’ın Basına Mühim Demeci’’, Akşam, 22.4.1949, p. 1, ‘’Başbakanın Basın ‘’Başbakan Ş. Günaltay’ın Basına Mühim Demeci’’, Akşam, 22.4.1949, p. 1, ‘’Başbakanın Basın Konferansı’’, Cumhuriyet, 22.4.1949, p. 1. Konferansı’’, Cumhuriyet, 22.4.1949, p. 1.
745 ‘’Başbakan’ın İstanbul’daki Basın‘’Başbakan’ın İstanbul’daki Basın ToplantısıToplantısı’’, Ulus, 14.5.1949, p. 1, ‘’Ş. Günaltay Mühim Bir ’’, Ulus, 14.5.1949, p. 1, ‘’Ş. Günaltay Mühim Bir Konuşma Yaptı’’, Demokrat İzmir, 14.5.1949, p. 1. Konuşma Yaptı’’, Demokrat İzmir, 14.5.1949, p. 1.
746 ‘’Seçim ve Basın Kanunları Yeniden Tetkike Başlandı’’, Demokrat İzmir, 11.2.1949, p. 1, ‘’Seçim ‘’Seçim ve Basın Kanunları Yeniden Tetkike Başlandı’’, Demokrat İzmir, 11.2.1949, p. 1, ‘’Seçim Kanunu Üzerinde Tetkiklere Başlanıyor’’, Ulus, 11.2.1949, p. 1. Kanunu Üzerinde Tetkiklere Başlanıyor’’, Ulus, 11.2.1949, p. 1.
747 ‘’Pembe Kitap Yayımlandı’’, Ulus, 10.5.1949‘’Pembe Kitap Yayımlandı’’, Ulus, 10.5.1949, p. 1. , p. 1.
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election law was prepared by a technical committee. However, this draft text, which reflects
election law was prepared by a technical committee. However, this draft text, which reflects the authoritarian spirit and expression of the the authoritarian spirit and expression of the RPPRPP, remained far from providing judicial , remained far from providing judicial assurance.assurance.748
The work of the government was seen as inadequate by the opposition. In particular,
The work of the government was seen as inadequate by the opposition. In particular, the inability to fully ensure the issue of judicial guarantee and the spread of the work done the inability to fully ensure the issue of judicial guarantee and the spread of the work done over a wide period of time began to be seen as a delaying tactic. In this contover a wide period of time began to be seen as a delaying tactic. In this context, DP Chairman ext, DP Chairman Celal Bayar, in a speech he made, stated that the Günaltay government had moved away Celal Bayar, in a speech he made, stated that the Günaltay government had moved away from its promises and expressed his despair and stated that general elections should be held from its promises and expressed his despair and stated that general elections should be held immediately.immediately.749 Indeed, the government delayed the electoral law issue until after the Second Indeed, the government delayed the electoral law issue until after the Second Grand Congress of the DP. In this way, not only was it avoided from giving a "victory Grand Congress of the DP. In this way, not only was it avoided from giving a "victory document" to the DP executives before the congress, but also it would have prevented them document" to the DP executives before the congress, but also it would have prevented them ffrom a situation that could have brought them together again with this new draft, while the rom a situation that could have brought them together again with this new draft, while the separation movement that the DP had experienced in the last year was expected to increase separation movement that the DP had experienced in the last year was expected to increase during the congress.during the congress.750
As a matter of fact, the Second
As a matter of fact, the Second Grand Congress of the DP convened in Ankara on 20 Grand Congress of the DP convened in Ankara on 20 June 1949June 1949751 and the most important issue discussed at the congress was, of course, the and the most important issue discussed at the congress was, of course, the election issue. In particular, it was reiterated that the elections should be supervised by the election issue. In particular, it was reiterated that the elections should be supervised by the courts and election security would be guaranteed in this way. In addition, the congrcourts and election security would be guaranteed in this way. In addition, the congress ess emphasised that interfering with the freedom to vote and tampering with the results of emphasised that interfering with the freedom to vote and tampering with the results of elections were equated with disrupting the security of life and property and that such elections were equated with disrupting the security of life and property and that such interventions should be strongly resisted.interventions should be strongly resisted.752 Some delegates even stated that they were Some delegates even stated that they were willing to sacrifice their lives if necessary to prwilling to sacrifice their lives if necessary to preserveeserve the honour of the ballot box.the honour of the ballot box.753
Later, a main cases commission was established at the congress and the question was
Later, a main cases commission was established at the congress and the question was posed to this commission: posed to this commission: "What will be the situation if the anti"What will be the situation if the anti--democratic laws are not democratic laws are not amended, the electoral law is not amended in such a way as to provide security and judicial amended, the electoral law is not amended in such a way as to provide security and judicial guarantees, and finally if the methods of 21 July are attempted to be applied in the next guarantees, and finally if the methods of 21 July are attempted to be applied in the next
748 ‘’Seçim Kanunu İçin Neşriyata Başlandı’’, Zafer, 1.7.1949, p. 1, ‘’Seçim Kanunu Tasarısı Dün İlan ‘’Seçim Kanunu İçin Neşriyata Başlandı’’, Zafer, 1.7.1949, p. 1, ‘’Seçim Kanunu Tasarısı Dün İlan Edildi’’, Akşam, 13.8.1949, p. 1. Edildi’’, Akşam, 13.8.1949, p. 1.
749 ‘’Eğer ‘’Eğer CHPCHP Kendine Güveniyorsa Ne duruyor Tam Fırsattır, Umumi Seçimlere Gidelim’’, Demokrat Kendine Güveniyorsa Ne duruyor Tam Fırsattır, Umumi Seçimlere Gidelim’’, Demokrat İzmir, 18.5.1949, p. 1, ‘’Bayar Samsun’da’’, Zafer, 14.5.1949, p. 1İzmir, 18.5.1949, p. 1, ‘’Bayar Samsun’da’’, Zafer, 14.5.1949, p. 1..
750 EroğulEroğul, p. 60, p. 60--61. 61.
751 ‘’Bütün Milletin Ümidini Kendisine Bağladığı Büyük Kongre’’, Demokrat İzmir, 21.6.1949, p. 1. ‘’Bütün Milletin Ümidini Kendisine Bağladığı Büyük Kongre’’, Demokrat İzmir, 21.6.1949, p. 1.
752 KarpatKarpat (2021), p. 327. (2021), p. 327.
753 ‘’DP’nin Dünkü Büyük Heyecanı’’, Demokrat İzmir, 22.6.1949, p. 1. ‘’DP’nin Dünkü Büyük Heyecanı’’, Demokrat İzmir, 22.6.1949, p. 1.
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general elections with more or less differences?”
general elections with more or less differences?” In the report titled “National Assurance In the report titled “National Assurance Oath”, which was prepared in response to this question and unanimously accepted by the Oath”, which was prepared in response to this question and unanimously accepted by the congress, it was firstly stated that the main purpose of the election law and the provisions congress, it was firstly stated that the main purpose of the election law and the provisions related to elections was to related to elections was to provideprovide the free manifestation of the national will. In the the free manifestation of the national will. In the following, it was emphasised that citizens have the right of selffollowing, it was emphasised that citizens have the right of self--defence against any attitude defence against any attitude and behaviour that would prevent the full manifestation ofand behaviour that would prevent the full manifestation of the national will, provided that the national will, provided that they remain within the legal methods.they remain within the legal methods.754
The government's reaction to the decision taken at the DP Congress was very harsh.
The government's reaction to the decision taken at the DP Congress was very harsh. The Prime Ministry issued a statement and stated that, especially at a time when steps were The Prime Ministry issued a statement and stated that, especially at a time when steps were taken to regulate the election law according to democratic procedures and principtaken to regulate the election law according to democratic procedures and principles, the les, the DP's National Assurance Oath, which was described as contrary to the understanding of the DP's National Assurance Oath, which was described as contrary to the understanding of the rule of law, threatened civil servants and tried to put citizens under pressure and fear.rule of law, threatened civil servants and tried to put citizens under pressure and fear.755 In In the press supporting the government, the Congress of the DP was interpreted as contrary to the press supporting the government, the Congress of the DP was interpreted as contrary to “freedom and democracy”“freedom and democracy” 756, and it was stated that no matter how the election law was , and it was stated that no matter how the election law was amended, the DP would not attach importance to this and would continue to move forward amended, the DP would not attach importance to this and would continue to move forward by taking actual measures in its own way.by taking actual measures in its own way.757
In the meantime, the draft electoral law prepared by the government was submitted to
In the meantime, the draft electoral law prepared by the government was submitted to a Science Committee composed of people independent from politics for examination.a Science Committee composed of people independent from politics for examination.758 The The committee, which started its work on 14 September 1949 asked the following question to committee, which started its work on 14 September 1949 asked the following question to the parties on 23 September 1949: the parties on 23 September 1949: “What do you think the electoral system that ensures “What do you think the electoral system that ensures electoral security should be like?”electoral security should be like?” and requested a report from the parties on this issue.and requested a report from the parties on this issue.759
In the report sent by the
In the report sent by the RPPRPP to the Sciento the Sciencece Committee, it was requested that the draft Committee, it was requested that the draft electoral law prepared by the party be examined scientifically and any that any deficiencies electoral law prepared by the party be examined scientifically and any that any deficiencies in terms of electoral security, electoral safety and electoral technique should be eliminated in terms of electoral security, electoral safety and electoral technique should be eliminated
754 BurçakBurçak, p. 253, p. 253--255, 255, ErerErer, p. 249. , p. 249.
755 ‘’Hükümetimiz Dün Akşam Bir Tebliğ Yayınladı’’, Ulus, 28.6.1949, p. 1, ‘’Hükümet Dün Garip Bir ‘’Hükümetimiz Dün Akşam Bir Tebliğ Yayınladı’’, Ulus, 28.6.1949, p. 1, ‘’Hükümet Dün Garip Bir Beyanname Neşretti’’, Demokrat İzmir, 28.6.1949, p. 1. Beyanname Neşretti’’, Demokrat İzmir, 28.6.1949, p. 1.
756 Yavuz Abadan, ‘’Hürriyet ve Demokrasi Yolunda’’, Ulus, 3.8.1949, p. 1. Yavuz Abadan, ‘’Hürriyet ve Demokrasi Yolunda’’, Ulus, 3.8.1949, p. 1.
757 Asım Us, ‘’İhtilal Metodu Hala Devam Ediyor’’, Yeni Gazete, 20.7. 1949, p. 1. Asım Us, ‘’İhtilal Metodu Hala Devam Ediyor’’, Yeni Gazete, 20.7. 1949, p. 1.
758 This committee consisted of eleven persons, two elected by secret ballot from the Faculty of Law of This committee consisted of eleven persons, two elected by secret ballot from the Faculty of Law of Istanbul and Ankara Universities, two elected from the members of the Court of Cassation and the Council of Istanbul and Ankara Universities, two elected from the members of the Court of Cassation and the Council of State, and one elected from the bar associationsState, and one elected from the bar associations of Istanbul, Ankara and Izmir. of Istanbul, Ankara and Izmir. ‘’Adli Teminatın Mahiyeti ‘’Adli Teminatın Mahiyeti Nedir?’’, Zafer, 2.7.1949, p. 1, Nedir?’’, Zafer, 2.7.1949, p. 1, EroğulEroğul, p. 65. , p. 65.
759 ‘’İlim Heyeti Partilerin Düşüncelerini Sordu’’, Ulus, 23.9.1949, p. 1, ‘’İlim Heyeti’’, Demokrat İzmir, ‘’İlim Heyeti Partilerin Düşüncelerini Sordu’’, Ulus, 23.9.1949, p. 1, ‘’İlim Heyeti’’, Demokrat İzmir, 23.9.1949, p. 1. 23.9.1949, p. 1.
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and corrected.
and corrected.760 In the report prepared by the DP, in order to ensure electoral security not In the report prepared by the DP, in order to ensure electoral security not only in reality but also in the public conscience, it was requested that as large a mass of only in reality but also in the public conscience, it was requested that as large a mass of citizens as possible should be able to easily participate in the elections, that the citizens as possible should be able to easily participate in the elections, that the adadministration of elections should be entrusted to impartial bodies, that the Supreme ministration of elections should be entrusted to impartial bodies, that the Supreme Electoral Council should examine and decide on the objections to the election minutes as the Electoral Council should examine and decide on the objections to the election minutes as the final decisionfinal decision--making authority, that the election procedures, except for the smaking authority, that the election procedures, except for the secrecy of the ecrecy of the vote, should be carried out in an absolutely open manner, and that citizens should be given vote, should be carried out in an absolutely open manner, and that citizens should be given the right to file criminal cases against those who “disrupt the manifestation of the national the right to file criminal cases against those who “disrupt the manifestation of the national will”.will”.761 The MP, on the other hand, stated that it considered “the formation of the Science The MP, on the other hand, stated that it considered “the formation of the Science Committee as a game of the government” and that it would not participate in the Committee as a game of the government” and that it would not participate in the responsibility of drafting the law.responsibility of drafting the law.762
The Scientific Committee presented the text it prepared on the election law to the
The Scientific Committee presented the text it prepared on the election law to the Prime Ministry on December 2, 1949, after an intense period of work. In the text prepared Prime Ministry on December 2, 1949, after an intense period of work. In the text prepared by the delegation, negative references were made to previous election experiences, by the delegation, negative references were made to previous election experiences, and it and it was emphasized that the current law and system were not welcomed and trusted by the was emphasized that the current law and system were not welcomed and trusted by the public, and therefore it was stated that new principles should be determined. The most public, and therefore it was stated that new principles should be determined. The most important principles determined by the committee were as follows: administratiimportant principles determined by the committee were as follows: administrative officials ve officials should be completely excluded from the electoral mechanism and electoral affairs should be should be completely excluded from the electoral mechanism and electoral affairs should be carried out completely under the "supervision and supervision" of judges, all transactions carried out completely under the "supervision and supervision" of judges, all transactions related to elections should be carried out openly except for related to elections should be carried out openly except for the secrecy of votes, the public the secrecy of votes, the public should be provided with the easiest way to complain and object to election affairs, a should be provided with the easiest way to complain and object to election affairs, a "Supreme Electoral Court" should be established and all claims and objections related to "Supreme Electoral Court" should be established and all claims and objections related to elections should be examined and finalised by thelections should be examined and finalised by this institution, and bad acts and illegal acts is institution, and bad acts and illegal acts in election affairs should be considered as crimes and necessary penalties should be in election affairs should be considered as crimes and necessary penalties should be imposed.imposed.763
Meanwhile, on 6 December 1949, the
Meanwhile, on 6 December 1949, the RPPRPP Parliamentary Group took an important Parliamentary Group took an important step towards ensuring electoral security by accepting the principle of judicial guarantee in step towards ensuring electoral security by accepting the principle of judicial guarantee in
760 ‘’‘’CHPCHP İlmi Heyete Cevap Verdi’’, Ulus, 12.10.1949, p. 1. İlmi Heyete Cevap Verdi’’, Ulus, 12.10.1949, p. 1.
761 ‘’DP Seçim Kanununda Bulunmasını Elzem Gördüğü Esasları İzah Ediyor’’, Demokrat İzmir, ‘’DP Seçim Kanununda Bulunmasını Elzem Gördüğü Esasları İzah Ediyor’’, Demokrat İzmir, 12.10.1949, p. 1.12.10.1949, p. 1.
762 ‘’MP Seçim Kanunu Çalışmalarına Katılmıyor’’, Son Posta, 9.10.1949, p. 1.‘’MP Seçim Kanunu Çalışmalarına Katılmıyor’’, Son Posta, 9.10.1949, p. 1.
763 GoloğluGoloğlu (2021a), p. 378, ‘’İlim Heyetinin Hazırladığı Seçim Projesinin Tam Metni’’, Zafer, (2021a), p. 378, ‘’İlim Heyetinin Hazırladığı Seçim Projesinin Tam Metni’’, Zafer, 17.12.1949, p.1, 6, ‘’İlmi Heyetin Hazırladığı Yeni Seçim Tasarısı’’, Demokrat İzmir, 17.12.1949, p. 1, 5. 17.12.1949, p.1, 6, ‘’İlmi Heyetin Hazırladığı Yeni Seçim Tasarısı’’, Demokrat İzmir, 17.12.1949, p. 1, 5.
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elections.
elections.764 After the draft prepared by the Scientific Committee was examined by the After the draft prepared by the Scientific Committee was examined by the government, some amendments were made without touching the principle and essence, and government, some amendments were made without touching the principle and essence, and the draft was submitted to the Parliament on 16 December 1949.the draft was submitted to the Parliament on 16 December 1949.765 Adnan Menderes stated Adnan Menderes stated that he considered the draft law as a step forward from what had been done so far and as a that he considered the draft law as a step forward from what had been done so far and as a step very close to the principles set by the DP regarding the electoral law.step very close to the principles set by the DP regarding the electoral law.766
While the electoral law works were progressing
While the electoral law works were progressing, , the DP convened Consultative the DP convened Consultative Congress on 7 January 1950. The aim of this congress was to ensure that the new electoral Congress on 7 January 1950. The aim of this congress was to ensure that the new electoral law being prepared was in line with the wishes of the DP and to law being prepared was in line with the wishes of the DP and to create acreate a moral pressure on moral pressure on the government by stating that they would not participate in the 1950 general elections unless the government by stating that they would not participate in the 1950 general elections unless the changes desired by the DP were made.the changes desired by the DP were made.767
Celal Bayar, who made the opening speech of the congress, considered it as a victory
Celal Bayar, who made the opening speech of the congress, considered it as a victory that the Science Committee, which prepared the draft election law, especially took into that the Science Committee, which prepared the draft election law, especially took into account the views of the DP and emphasised that the new election law was a step foraccount the views of the DP and emphasised that the new election law was a step forward in ward in terms of electoral security and stated that the DP would participate in the elections.terms of electoral security and stated that the DP would participate in the elections.768
Adnan Menderes, who made a speech on the last day of the congress, claimed that the
Adnan Menderes, who made a speech on the last day of the congress, claimed that the government was making slander and accusations against the DP as the elections approached government was making slander and accusations against the DP as the elections approached and stated that the main purpose of the government was to divide the DP and to win and stated that the main purpose of the government was to divide the DP and to win the the upcoming 1950 elections by creating unrest and turmoil. Furthermore, Menderes stated that upcoming 1950 elections by creating unrest and turmoil. Furthermore, Menderes stated that if the stance of the government continued in this manner, the DP would not participate in the if the stance of the government continued in this manner, the DP would not participate in the elections and would resign before entering the Parliament, regardleselections and would resign before entering the Parliament, regardless of the number of s of the number of deputies gained.deputies gained.769
After the three
After the three--day congress, the DP General Administrative Board issued a day congress, the DP General Administrative Board issued a declaration and announced the decisions taken to the public. In the declaration, the pressure declaration and announced the decisions taken to the public. In the declaration, the pressure and threat policy of the and threat policy of the RPPRPP against the DP was described as against the DP was described as ““a result of the irritation aroused a result of the irritation aroused
764 ‘’Seçimlerde Yargıçların Nezaret ve Murakabe Prensibi Kabul Edildi’’, Ulus, 7.12.1949, p. 1, ‘’‘’Seçimlerde Yargıçların Nezaret ve Murakabe Prensibi Kabul Edildi’’, Ulus, 7.12.1949, p. 1, ‘’CHPCHP Grubu’nun Dünkü GizliGrubu’nun Dünkü Gizli Toplantısı’Toplantısı’’, Demokrat İzmir, 7.12.1949, p. 1. ’, Demokrat İzmir, 7.12.1949, p. 1.
765 Draft Law on Election of Deputies and report of the Provisional Committee Draft Law on Election of Deputies and report of the Provisional Committee (1/642) Ordinal Number: (1/642) Ordinal Number: 161. TBMMTD, 8. 161. TBMMTD, 8. PeriodPeriod, 4. , 4. MeetingMeeting, 24. , 24. VolumeVolume, 45. , 45. SessionSession, 7.2.1950, p. 1, 7.2.1950, p. 1--8, ‘’Hükümet Seçim Kanunu 8, ‘’Hükümet Seçim Kanunu Tasarısını Dün Meclise Verdi’’, Ulus, 17.12.1949, p. 1, ‘’Yeni Seçim Kanunu Meclis’e Verildi’’, Son Posta, Tasarısını Dün Meclise Verdi’’, Ulus, 17.12.1949, p. 1, ‘’Yeni Seçim Kanunu Meclis’e Verildi’’, Son Posta, 17.12.1949, p. 1. 17.12.1949, p. 1.
766 ‘’Adnan Menderes’in Başbakana Cevabı’’, Akşam, 26.12.1949, p. 2‘’Adnan Menderes’in Başbakana Cevabı’’, Akşam, 26.12.1949, p. 2..
767 BurçakBurçak, p. 189, , p. 189, EroğulEroğul, p. 69. , p. 69.
768 ‘’DP İdare Amirlerine Hasım Değildir’’, Demokrat İzmir, 9.1.1950, p. 5‘’DP İdare Amirlerine Hasım Değildir’’, Demokrat İzmir, 9.1.1950, p. 5..
769 ‘’DP’nin Ankara‘’DP’nin Ankara Toplantısı Toplantısı Sona Erdi’ Demokrat İzmir, 10.1.1950, p. 5, ‘’DP İstişari Kongresi Sona Sona Erdi’ Demokrat İzmir, 10.1.1950, p. 5, ‘’DP İstişari Kongresi Sona Erdi’’, Zafer, 10.1.1950, p. 5Erdi’’, Zafer, 10.1.1950, p. 5..
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by the possibility of a change of
by the possibility of a change of governmentgovernment”” and it was stated that if this attitude continued, and it was stated that if this attitude continued, the DP would not participate in the elections for the benefit of the country, and even if it did, the DP would not participate in the elections for the benefit of the country, and even if it did, it might decide to withdraw from the Parliament.it might decide to withdraw from the Parliament. In addition, in the declaration, the new In addition, in the declaration, the new draft election law was evaluated as “a democratic step forward” and in this context, it was draft election law was evaluated as “a democratic step forward” and in this context, it was emphasised that in this period when important steps were taken for the establishment of emphasised that in this period when important steps were taken for the establishment of democratic administration, the democratic administration, the RPPRPP should conseshould consent to the arbitration of the nation and nt to the arbitration of the nation and reminded that its greatest duty at election time was to ensure that the elections were held in reminded that its greatest duty at election time was to ensure that the elections were held in peace and security.peace and security.770
Finally, the draft election law was submitted to the Parliament on 7 February 1950.
Finally, the draft election law was submitted to the Parliament on 7 February 1950. The draft law was prepared in a very democratic manner in terms of basic principles. In this The draft law was prepared in a very democratic manner in terms of basic principles. In this context, the principles of secret ballot, open counting and judicial supervisiocontext, the principles of secret ballot, open counting and judicial supervision were accepted, n were accepted, judges were appointed as the chairmen of election boards, and it was also envisaged that the judges were appointed as the chairmen of election boards, and it was also envisaged that the Supreme Electoral Council would be established to evaluate and decide on objections and Supreme Electoral Council would be established to evaluate and decide on objections and claims related to elections.claims related to elections.771 In short, the principles that the DP had been emphasising for In short, the principles that the DP had been emphasising for years and which were essential for the establishment of a democratic administration were years and which were essential for the establishment of a democratic administration were secured.secured.
The government, referring to the stages of preparation of the draft law, stated that this
The government, referring to the stages of preparation of the draft law, stated that this work was done very seriously and argued that the draft law absolutely ensures electoral work was done very seriously and argued that the draft law absolutely ensures electoral security and was in full conformity with the spirit and text of the Constitutisecurity and was in full conformity with the spirit and text of the Constitution.on.772
Looking at the opposition's views on the draft law, the DP supported the draft law as a
Looking at the opposition's views on the draft law, the DP supported the draft law as a principle, as the principles it had emphasized for years and considered essential for the principle, as the principles it had emphasized for years and considered essential for the establishment of democratic administration were secured. The DP's satisfactionestablishment of democratic administration were secured. The DP's satisfaction was was expressed by Adnan Menderes during the parliamentary debates. Menderes firstly stated that expressed by Adnan Menderes during the parliamentary debates. Menderes firstly stated that the DP had worked hard since the beginning of the multithe DP had worked hard since the beginning of the multi--party political life in order to have party political life in order to have an election law in accordance with such democratic procedures and an election law in accordance with such democratic procedures and principles, and that this principles, and that this cause had formed the basis of the political struggles.cause had formed the basis of the political struggles. In the continuation of his speech, In the continuation of his speech, Menderes stated that this draft law was of a nature that would be the basis for free and honest Menderes stated that this draft law was of a nature that would be the basis for free and honest elections and that good and beautiful results would be obtained thanks to this law, which was elections and that good and beautiful results would be obtained thanks to this law, which was
770 BurçakBurçak, p. 190, ‘’Demokrat Parti’nin Mühim Tebliği’’, Demokrat İzmir, 13.1.1950, p. 1, p. 190, ‘’Demokrat Parti’nin Mühim Tebliği’’, Demokrat İzmir, 13.1.1950, p. 1--6, 6, ‘’Demokrat Parti’nin Beyannamesi’’, Zafer, 13.1.1950, p. 1‘’Demokrat Parti’nin Beyannamesi’’, Zafer, 13.1.1950, p. 1--55..
771 Milletvekilleri Seçimi Kanunu tasarısı ve Geçici Komisyon raporu (1/642) S. Sayısı: 161. Milletvekilleri Seçimi Kanunu tasarısı ve Geçici Komisyon raporu (1/642) S. Sayısı: 161. TBMMTD, 8. TBMMTD, 8. PeriodPeriod, 4. , 4. MeetingMeeting, 24. , 24. VolumeVolume, 45. , 45. SessionSession, 7.2.1950, p. 30, 7.2.1950, p. 30--49. 49.
772 TBMMTD, 8. TBMMTD, 8. PeriodPeriod, 4. , 4. MeetingMeeting, 24. , 24. VolumeVolume, 45. , 45. SessionSession, 7.2.1950, p. 149. , 7.2.1950, p. 149.
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a product of democratic mentality, but in order to obtain this result, democratic mentality
a product of democratic mentality, but in order to obtain this result, democratic mentality should be taken as a basis in the implementation of the law.should be taken as a basis in the implementation of the law.773
Compared to the previous parliamentary debates, this time there were no violent
Compared to the previous parliamentary debates, this time there were no violent conflicts between the conflicts between the RPP,RPP, and the DP and a positive atmosphere was created between the and the DP and a positive atmosphere was created between the two parties. This positive atmosphere was reflected in the vote and Prime Minister Şemsettin two parties. This positive atmosphere was reflected in the vote and Prime Minister Şemsettin Günaltay, speaking on behalf of the government, thanked the DP for supporting them.Günaltay, speaking on behalf of the government, thanked the DP for supporting them.774
Harsh criticisms against the draft law came from the MP side. In this context, the
Harsh criticisms against the draft law came from the MP side. In this context, the deputies of the MP stated that the draft law was contrary to the Constitution, democracy, deputies of the MP stated that the draft law was contrary to the Constitution, democracy, justice and the Declaration of Human Rights, and emphasised that the draft law was justice and the Declaration of Human Rights, and emphasised that the draft law was far from far from ensuring judicial security.ensuring judicial security. 775 They also opposed the majority method and argued that the They also opposed the majority method and argued that the proportional representation system should be adopted in order to ensure plurality of voices proportional representation system should be adopted in order to ensure plurality of voices in the parliament and to prevent the domination of the majority.in the parliament and to prevent the domination of the majority.776
After long discussions and fierce debates in the parliament, the electoral law was put
After long discussions and fierce debates in the parliament, the electoral law was put to the vote on 16 February 1950 and the draft law was accepted by a large majority.to the vote on 16 February 1950 and the draft law was accepted by a large majority.777 With With the joint votes of the joint votes of RPPRPP and DP, an election law that satisfied both parties and complied with and DP, an election law that satisfied both parties and complied with democratic procedures and principles was prepared for the first time with the contributions democratic procedures and principles was prepared for the first time with the contributions of academics and experts. As a result, the new electoral law regulates the security, of academics and experts. As a result, the new electoral law regulates the security, managememanagement and supervision of elections and stipulates that the electoral process shall be nt and supervision of elections and stipulates that the electoral process shall be conducted by the election boards under full judicial supervision and control. In this way, the conducted by the election boards under full judicial supervision and control. In this way, the law provided many guarantees and enabled free elections to be held under delaw provided many guarantees and enabled free elections to be held under democratic mocratic conditions.conditions.
On 24 March 1950, with a decision taken in the Parliament, it was decided to hold
On 24 March 1950, with a decision taken in the Parliament, it was decided to hold general elections on 14 May 1950.general elections on 14 May 1950.778 Thus, shortly after the adoption of the new election Thus, shortly after the adoption of the new election law, the most important agenda of the country became the election issue and intensive law, the most important agenda of the country became the election issue and intensive election campaigns began. election campaigns began.
773 TBMMTD, 8. TBMMTD, 8. PeriodPeriod, 4. , 4. MeetingMeeting, 24. , 24. VolumeVolume, 48. , 48. SessionSession, 16.2.1950, p. 706., 16.2.1950, p. 706.
774 TBMMTD, 8. TBMMTD, 8. PeriodPeriod, 4. , 4. MeetingMeeting, 24. , 24. VolumeVolume, 48. , 48. SessionSession, 16.2.1950, p. 711. , 16.2.1950, p. 711.
775 TBMMTD, 8. TBMMTD, 8. PeriodPeriod, 4. , 4. MeetingMeeting, 24. , 24. VolumeVolume, 45. , 45. SessionSession, 7.2.1950, p. 151. , 7.2.1950, p. 151.
776 TBMMTD, 8. TBMMTD, 8. PeriodPeriod, 4. , 4. MeetingMeeting, 24. , 24. VolumeVolume, 45. , 45. SessionSession, 7.2.1950, p. 168. , 7.2.1950, p. 168.
777 TBMMTD, 8. TBMMTD, 8. PeriodPeriod, 4. , 4. MeetingMeeting, 24. , 24. VolumeVolume, 48. , 48. SessionSession, 16.2.1950, p. 710, ‘’Yeni Seçim Kanunu , 16.2.1950, p. 710, ‘’Yeni Seçim Kanunu Dün Kanuniyet Kebetti’’, Zafer, 17.2.1950, p. 1, ‘’Meclis Yeni Seçim Kanunu Kabul Etti’’, Cumhuriyet, Dün Kanuniyet Kebetti’’, Zafer, 17.2.1950, p. 1, ‘’Meclis Yeni Seçim Kanunu Kabul Etti’’, Cumhuriyet, 17.2.1950, p. 1, ‘’Seçim Tasarısı Dün Kanunlaştı’’, Demokrat İzmir, 17.2.1950, p. 1. 17.2.1950, p. 1, ‘’Seçim Tasarısı Dün Kanunlaştı’’, Demokrat İzmir, 17.2.1950, p. 1.
778 TBMMTD, 8. TBMMTD, 8. PeriodPeriod, 4. , 4. MeetingMeeting, 25. , 25. VolumeVolume, 72. , 72. SessionSession, 24.3.1950, p. 1046. , 24.3.1950, p. 1046.
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Throughout the campaign, the ruling party emphasised foreign policy and underlined
Throughout the campaign, the ruling party emphasised foreign policy and underlined that the foreign policy problems concerning the future of the country could be solved by that the foreign policy problems concerning the future of the country could be solved by İnönü and experienced İnönü and experienced RPPRPP cadres. It was also stated that the cadres. It was also stated that the RPPRPP was a party founded by was a party founded by Atatürk, that it implemented and defended Atatürk's principles and reforms and that it had Atatürk, that it implemented and defended Atatürk's principles and reforms and that it had taken great steps towards the establishment of democratic governance.taken great steps towards the establishment of democratic governance. Moreover, unlike Moreover, unlike other electoral processes, the other electoral processes, the RPPRPP also expressed its obedience and submialso expressed its obedience and submission to the ssion to the democratic administration. As a matter of fact, İsmet İnönü clearly expressed this obedience democratic administration. As a matter of fact, İsmet İnönü clearly expressed this obedience and submission with this sentence: and submission with this sentence: “(...) sometimes one loses, one feels sad. (...) Whatever “(...) sometimes one loses, one feels sad. (...) Whatever the outcome of the elections, it will be necessary to submit to fate. (...)”.the outcome of the elections, it will be necessary to submit to fate. (...)”.779
On the other hand, during the election campaign, the DP repeated the views it had been
On the other hand, during the election campaign, the DP repeated the views it had been insistently defending since 1946, but this time it used a insistently defending since 1946, but this time it used a calmer and more normal tone.calmer and more normal tone.780 Unlike 1946, this time DP also expressed that it had no complaints about the government. Unlike 1946, this time DP also expressed that it had no complaints about the government. As a matter of fact, Celal Bayar stated in his speeches that there was no problem with the As a matter of fact, Celal Bayar stated in his speeches that there was no problem with the administration of the electoral apparatus and that there was no sign of anyadministration of the electoral apparatus and that there was no sign of any injustice as in the injustice as in the 1946 elections, and that the adopted electoral law was reassuring and that the mentality and 1946 elections, and that the adopted electoral law was reassuring and that the mentality and domination of 1946 had been destroyed and would not be repeated.domination of 1946 had been destroyed and would not be repeated.781
Finally, on 14 May 1950, for the first time in the Republic of Turkey, an election was
Finally, on 14 May 1950, for the first time in the Republic of Turkey, an election was held in which the Supreme Electoral Council was in place, the principle of held in which the Supreme Electoral Council was in place, the principle of direct, direct, secret and secret and open counting was observed, and most importantly, judicial guarantees were provided. The open counting was observed, and most importantly, judicial guarantees were provided. The elections were held in great peaceelections were held in great peace782 and according to the election results, 408 of the 487 and according to the election results, 408 of the 487 parliamentary seats were won by the DP, 69 by the parliamentary seats were won by the DP, 69 by the RPPRPP, 1 by the MP and 9 by , 1 by the MP and 9 by independents.independents.783 Thus, the 27Thus, the 27--year rule of the year rule of the RPPRPP came to an end and the political power came to an end and the political power once held by the once held by the RPPRPP was transferred to the DP.was transferred to the DP.
779 ‘’İnönü’nün İzmir’de Gazetecilerle Konuşması’’, Vatan, ‘’İnönü’nün İzmir’de Gazetecilerle Konuşması’’, Vatan, 4.5.1950, p. 1.4.5.1950, p. 1.
780 ToprakToprak, , BedirhanBedirhan (2005b) Cumhuriyet Ansiklopedisi, 2.(2005b) Cumhuriyet Ansiklopedisi, 2. VolumeVolume 19411941--1960, 5. Edition, İstanbul, 1960, 5. Edition, İstanbul, Yapı Kredi Yayınları, p. 164. Yapı Kredi Yayınları, p. 164.
781 Şahingiray Şahingiray (1955), p. 52(1955), p. 52--56. 56.
782 ‘’9 Milyon Vatandaş Rey Veriyor’’, Zafer, 14.5.1950, p. 1, ‘’Büyük Yurtta Seçim Var, Sandık ‘’9 Milyon Vatandaş Rey Veriyor’’, Zafer, 14.5.1950, p. 1, ‘’Büyük Yurtta Seçim Var, Sandık Başına’’, Demokrat İzmir, 14.5.1950, p. 1, ‘’Seçimler Bugün Yapılıyor’’, Ulus, 14.5.1950, p. 1, ‘’Yurtta Genel Başına’’, Demokrat İzmir, 14.5.1950, p. 1, ‘’Seçimler Bugün Yapılıyor’’, Ulus, 14.5.1950, p. 1, ‘’Yurtta Genel Seçim Bugün Yapılıyor’’, Cumhuriyet, 14.5.1950, p. 1,Seçim Bugün Yapılıyor’’, Cumhuriyet, 14.5.1950, p. 1, ‘’Bu Sabah Sekizden İtibaren Yurdun Her Tarafında ‘’Bu Sabah Sekizden İtibaren Yurdun Her Tarafında Seçime Başlandı’’, Akşam, 14.5.1950, p. 1, ‘’Seçimler Bütün Yurtta Sükunetle Sona Erdi’’, Ulus, 15.5.1950, Seçime Başlandı’’, Akşam, 14.5.1950, p. 1, ‘’Seçimler Bütün Yurtta Sükunetle Sona Erdi’’, Ulus, 15.5.1950, p. 1, ‘’Seçim Neticeleri’’, Demokrat İzmir, 15.5.1950, p. 1. p. 1, ‘’Seçim Neticeleri’’, Demokrat İzmir, 15.5.1950, p. 1.
783 ÖztürkÖztürk,, KazımKazım (1999) Türk Parlamento Tarihi TBMM IX.(1999) Türk Parlamento Tarihi TBMM IX. DönemDönem (1950(1950--1954) Volume 1, Ankara, 1954) Volume 1, Ankara, 1. Edition, Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi Vakfı Yayınları, p. 8, 1. Edition, Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi Vakfı Yayınları, p. 8, EroğulEroğul, p. 71, , p. 71, KoçakKoçak (2017), p. 445, (2017), p. 445, YetkinYetkin, , p. 583. p. 583.
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Following the election results, the
Following the election results, the RPPRPP issued a declaration on 16 May 1950, stating issued a declaration on 16 May 1950, stating that the elections had been lost and emphasizing that this was a possibility that could be that the elections had been lost and emphasizing that this was a possibility that could be expected in democratic regimes based on the will of the people. In the rest of the declaration, expected in democratic regimes based on the will of the people. In the rest of the declaration, it was stated that the it was stated that the RPPRPP, which would henceforth be in the position of opposition and , which would henceforth be in the position of opposition and criticism, would always serve the country and the nation.criticism, would always serve the country and the nation.784 The DP also issued a declaration The DP also issued a declaration on 17 May 1950. In the declaration, it was stated that the on 17 May 1950. In the declaration, it was stated that the RPPRPP had finally abandoned its fate had finally abandoned its fate to the will of the nation and that the DP was pleased on behalf of the country with this to the will of the nation and that the DP was pleased on behalf of the country with this decision of the decision of the RPPRPP, which had ruled the country alone and without question for twenty, which had ruled the country alone and without question for twenty--seven years.seven years.785
784 UranUran, p. 463. , p. 463.
785 SevgenSevgen, p. 424, ‘’D. Parti Genel İdare Kurulu Millete Hitaben Bir Beyanname Hazırladı’’, Demokrat , p. 424, ‘’D. Parti Genel İdare Kurulu Millete Hitaben Bir Beyanname Hazırladı’’, Demokrat İzmir, 18.5.1950, p. 6, ‘’Demokrat Parti Genel Kurulu Dün Bir Beyanname Neşretti’’, Zafer, 19.5.1950, p. 4. İzmir, 18.5.1950, p. 6, ‘’Demokrat Parti Genel Kurulu Dün Bir Beyanname Neşretti’’, Zafer, 19.5.1950, p. 4.
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6. CONCLUSION
6. CONCLUSION
In this thesis, based on the concept of democracy, which had been shelved for a long
In this thesis, based on the concept of democracy, which had been shelved for a long time in the Republic of Turkey, the establishment years of the multitime in the Republic of Turkey, the establishment years of the multi--party system (1945party system (1945--1950), one of the most important periods in the history of Turkish democracy, were 1950), one of the most important periods in the history of Turkish democracy, were discussed discussed and in this context, the steps taken towards the reand in this context, the steps taken towards the re--establishment of democratic governance establishment of democratic governance were mentioned and the extent to which they were successful or not were evaluated. This were mentioned and the extent to which they were successful or not were evaluated. This evaluation was based on the approach of the RPP, the ruling party oevaluation was based on the approach of the RPP, the ruling party of the period, and the DP, f the period, and the DP, the strongest opposition party, to the concept of democracy and the political struggle arising the strongest opposition party, to the concept of democracy and the political struggle arising from different approaches.from different approaches.
In the newly established Republic of Turkey, sovereignty was unconditionally given
In the newly established Republic of Turkey, sovereignty was unconditionally given to the nation and the national will was considered above all else, thus a great step was taken to the nation and the national will was considered above all else, thus a great step was taken in the context of the concept of democracy. However, this concept of nation wain the context of the concept of democracy. However, this concept of nation was perceived s perceived as as ““a nation to be createda nation to be created”” by the elite class, which laid the foundations of the newly by the elite class, which laid the foundations of the newly established state and was mostly composed of military and bureaucrats.established state and was mostly composed of military and bureaucrats.786 In this context, In this context, the nation and the national will were considered as elements that needed to be educated and the nation and the national will were considered as elements that needed to be educated and shaped, and a series of reform movements were initiated with the understanding of "for the shaped, and a series of reform movements were initiated with the understanding of "for the people, despite the people" for the modernisation of thpeople, despite the people" for the modernisation of the people. This situation caused the e people. This situation caused the RPP government, which was responsible for state administration, to become authoritarian RPP government, which was responsible for state administration, to become authoritarian and to act with a singleand to act with a single--party mentality, while at the same time ensuring that the concept, party mentality, while at the same time ensuring that the concept, institutions and elements of democracy iinstitutions and elements of democracy in the country remained in the shadow of this n the country remained in the shadow of this mentality.mentality.
By 1945, the internal social, economic and political developments that the country had
By 1945, the internal social, economic and political developments that the country had experienced since the Ottoman Empire, the liberal ideasexperienced since the Ottoman Empire, the liberal ideas787 in the intellectuals and politicians in the intellectuals and politicians of the Republican era, and the changes in the international system led to the Republic of of the Republican era, and the changes in the international system led to the Republic of Turkey's transition to a multiTurkey's transition to a multi--party system. The concept of democracy was the main actor in party system. The concept of democracy was the main actor in shaping this system, which was reintshaping this system, which was reintroduced after a long period of time. It was the roduced after a long period of time. It was the establishment of the DP in 1946, which emerged as a reaction to the dominant ideology and establishment of the DP in 1946, which emerged as a reaction to the dominant ideology and
786 ÇahaÇaha, , Ömer Ömer ‘Cumhuriyet ve Demokrasi’: Eren, Güler (Editor) (1998) Cumhuriyet 1923‘Cumhuriyet ve Demokrasi’: Eren, Güler (Editor) (1998) Cumhuriyet 1923--1998 1998 Dönemi Dönemi Değerlendirmesi Volume II Siyasal Değerlendirme, I. Edition, Ankara, Yeni Türkiye, p. 1065.Değerlendirmesi Volume II Siyasal Değerlendirme, I. Edition, Ankara, Yeni Türkiye, p. 1065.
787 KarpatKarpat (2021), p. 233.(2021), p. 233.
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authoritarian single
authoritarian single--party mentality of the party mentality of the RPPRPP's military's military--civilian bureaucrats and civilian bureaucrats and intellectuals, that made this concept the dominant actor in shaping the political system.intellectuals, that made this concept the dominant actor in shaping the political system.
Since its foundation on 7 January 1946, the DP used the concept of democracy as a
Since its foundation on 7 January 1946, the DP used the concept of democracy as a tool to criticise the system shaped on the basis of the authoritarian singletool to criticise the system shaped on the basis of the authoritarian single--party mentality and party mentality and to bring the state closer to the people. The DP aimed to eliminate this mentato bring the state closer to the people. The DP aimed to eliminate this mentality as soon as lity as soon as possible and to establish a truly democratic administration in the period the country had just possible and to establish a truly democratic administration in the period the country had just entered.entered. In order to realise this goal, DP demanded that a real opposition should be allowed In order to realise this goal, DP demanded that a real opposition should be allowed to exist in order to ensure that the government is sto exist in order to ensure that the government is subject to control based on the concept of ubject to control based on the concept of democracy, that antidemocracy, that anti--democratic laws and practices that restricted the rights and freedoms of democratic laws and practices that restricted the rights and freedoms of citizens under the authoritarian onecitizens under the authoritarian one--party rule, which were previously enacted on the party rule, which were previously enacted on the grounds of national security, shougrounds of national security, should be abolished, that the 1924 Constitution should be fully ld be abolished, that the 1924 Constitution should be fully implemented, and that an election law that would ensure the full formation of the national implemented, and that an election law that would ensure the full formation of the national will, which will, which is theis the most important element of democracy, should be enacted and implemented.most important element of democracy, should be enacted and implemented.
Throughout the period, the DP based its political discourse and the existence of the
Throughout the period, the DP based its political discourse and the existence of the party on the aboveparty on the above--mentioned issues and insistently expressed these issues in its congresses, mentioned issues and insistently expressed these issues in its congresses, public meetings and parliamentary debates. The fact that the DP proved to be public meetings and parliamentary debates. The fact that the DP proved to be a real a real opposition party during this struggle, that it could be an alternative for the ruling position by opposition party during this struggle, that it could be an alternative for the ruling position by gaining the support of the people, and that the citizens became the first actor in this struggle gaining the support of the people, and that the citizens became the first actor in this struggle for democracy and shaped both the government and the ofor democracy and shaped both the government and the opposition in line with their wishes pposition in line with their wishes and desires enabled the RPP to make concessions from the authoritarian singleand desires enabled the RPP to make concessions from the authoritarian single--party party mentality and take the necessary steps for the establishment of democratic administration.mentality and take the necessary steps for the establishment of democratic administration.
During the period, the RPP itself was influential in determining the content and
During the period, the RPP itself was influential in determining the content and boundaries of the steps taken to reboundaries of the steps taken to re--establish the political system based on the concept of establish the political system based on the concept of democracy.democracy. The RPP's understanding of democracy and democratic system was limited to The RPP's understanding of democracy and democratic system was limited to the authoritarian singlethe authoritarian single--party culture. As a matter of fact, the concept of freedom, which is party culture. As a matter of fact, the concept of freedom, which is the most important element of democracy, was seen by the RPP as a right whose limits wethe most important element of democracy, was seen by the RPP as a right whose limits were re determined by the legitimate and lawdetermined by the legitimate and law--based authority that constituted tbased authority that constituted the basis of the he basis of the existence of the state, and in parallel with this view, it was stated that the main duty of the existence of the state, and in parallel with this view, it was stated that the main duty of the government was to prevent the dangers that might arise from the abuse of freedom. In this government was to prevent the dangers that might arise from the abuse of freedom. In this context, the RPP, which considered itself as the foundcontext, the RPP, which considered itself as the founder and protector of the state and the er and protector of the state and the republic, had a limited and authorityrepublic, had a limited and authority--based understanding of democracy and even stated that based understanding of democracy and even stated that democracy could be limited when deemed necessary.democracy could be limited when deemed necessary.
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This understanding of the RPP carried over the entire period. The steps that were
This understanding of the RPP carried over the entire period. The steps that were insistently expressed by the DP and seen as essential for the establishment of democratic insistently expressed by the DP and seen as essential for the establishment of democratic administration were implemented through the filter of this understanding. This situaadministration were implemented through the filter of this understanding. This situation tion caused some of the steps taken towards the establishment of democratic administration to be caused some of the steps taken towards the establishment of democratic administration to be incomplete and even led to the preservation or further increase of the existing antiincomplete and even led to the preservation or further increase of the existing anti--democratic qualities. In this context, the continuation of the intolerant democratic qualities. In this context, the continuation of the intolerant attitude towards the attitude towards the opposition despite the transition to the multiopposition despite the transition to the multi--party system during the period, the aggravation party system during the period, the aggravation of some criminal provisions despite the partially democratic characterisation of laws such as of some criminal provisions despite the partially democratic characterisation of laws such as the Law on Societies and the Press Law, which the Law on Societies and the Press Law, which were the products of the singlewere the products of the single--party rule, party rule, and the continuation of the partyand the continuation of the party--state presidency in practice, if not in theory, constituted state presidency in practice, if not in theory, constituted concrete examples of this notion of democracy. The most important reason for this was the concrete examples of this notion of democracy. The most important reason for this was the RPP's belief that a regime oRPP's belief that a regime of freedom to be established through democracy would jeopardise f freedom to be established through democracy would jeopardise both the reforms made for the modernisation of the country and the existence of its own both the reforms made for the modernisation of the country and the existence of its own governmentgovernment and authority. On the other hand, it should be noted that despite the RPP's and authority. On the other hand, it should be noted that despite the RPP's limited and authoritarian notion of democracy, important steps such as the adoption of a limited and authoritarian notion of democracy, important steps such as the adoption of a direct direct electoral system, the abolition of martial law, and the adoption of an electoral law in electoral system, the abolition of martial law, and the adoption of an electoral law in 1950 that satisfied both the RPP and the DP and ensured electoral security were also taken1950 that satisfied both the RPP and the DP and ensured electoral security were also taken during the period. The most important reason for taking these democratic steps was the during the period. The most important reason for taking these democratic steps was the emergence of a party that responded to the expectations and wishes of the people and emergence of a party that responded to the expectations and wishes of the people and provided them with a choice.provided them with a choice.
In addition to the RPP's limited and authority
In addition to the RPP's limited and authority--based conception of democracy, the most based conception of democracy, the most important reason for the incomplete steps taken towards the establishment of democratic important reason for the incomplete steps taken towards the establishment of democratic administration during the period was the 1924 Constitution itself. Because, althoadministration during the period was the 1924 Constitution itself. Because, although this ugh this Constitution emphasised that national sovereignty unconditionally belonged to the people Constitution emphasised that national sovereignty unconditionally belonged to the people and gave wide coverage to individual rights and freedoms, it lacked the checks and balances and gave wide coverage to individual rights and freedoms, it lacked the checks and balances mechanisms that would ensure their security and protect them from mechanisms that would ensure their security and protect them from the domination of the the domination of the majority in the Parliament due to its adoption of the principle of unity of powers. This majority in the Parliament due to its adoption of the principle of unity of powers. This situation prevented the steps taken in the period based on the concept of democracy from situation prevented the steps taken in the period based on the concept of democracy from becoming permanent. Although this was the reality that ebecoming permanent. Although this was the reality that emerged due to the 1924 merged due to the 1924 Constitution, the RPP, which was in a position to lose pConstitution, the RPP, which was in a position to lose powerower during the period, and the DP, during the period, and the DP, which harshly criticised the antiwhich harshly criticised the anti--democratic structure that emerged due to the absolute power democratic structure that emerged due to the absolute power given to the government by this Constitution, ogiven to the government by this Constitution, opposed the idea of amending the Constitution pposed the idea of amending the Constitution in accordance with democratic procedures and principles as in liberal democracies in accordance with democratic procedures and principles as in liberal democracies
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throughout the period. The most important reason for this was that the Constitution gave the
throughout the period. The most important reason for this was that the Constitution gave the party that gained the majority in the Parliament a wide field of action and enabled it to party that gained the majority in the Parliament a wide field of action and enabled it to consolidate its consolidate its governmentgovernment and authority. In this context, the and authority. In this context, the RPPRPP's belief that it could 's belief that it could maintain its position of maintain its position of governmentgovernment and the DP's belief that it could come to and the DP's belief that it could come to governmentgovernment led led to the preservation of the 1924 Constitution in its current form during the period.to the preservation of the 1924 Constitution in its current form during the period.
In conclusion, even though the parties attributed different meanings to the concept of
In conclusion, even though the parties attributed different meanings to the concept of democracy in the period between 1945 and 1950, when the Republic of Turkey adopted democracy in the period between 1945 and 1950, when the Republic of Turkey adopted multimulti--party life, when the steps and discourses taken towards the establishment of theparty life, when the steps and discourses taken towards the establishment of the political system were evaluated as a whole, this concept was only seen as a means of political political system were evaluated as a whole, this concept was only seen as a means of political participation by both RPP and DP. As a matter of fact, the certainty of the permanence of the participation by both RPP and DP. As a matter of fact, the certainty of the permanence of the multimulti--party system and the determining position of the citizen in party system and the determining position of the citizen in the political struggle made the political struggle made it necessary to eliminate the factors that prevented the manifestation of the national will and it necessary to eliminate the factors that prevented the manifestation of the national will and the functioning of the democratic political system within the existing system, and the the functioning of the democratic political system within the existing system, and the government ensured the shaping of the system government ensured the shaping of the system based on this concept in order to maintain the based on this concept in order to maintain the position of position of governmentgovernment and the opposition in order to come to the position of and the opposition in order to come to the position of governmentgovernment.. In this context, during this period, steps were taken in areas directly related to the system In this context, during this period, steps were taken in areas directly related to the system such as opposition, constsuch as opposition, constitution and election, which can be considered as elements that affect itution and election, which can be considered as elements that affect political participation and determine its framework, and efforts were made to bring into force political participation and determine its framework, and efforts were made to bring into force to the democracy. While some of the steps taken were incomplete due to the RPP's limited to the democracy. While some of the steps taken were incomplete due to the RPP's limited anand authorityd authority--based notion of freedom, some of them made the political system more based notion of freedom, some of them made the political system more democratic. However, the fact that democracy remained limited to certain areas as mentioned democratic. However, the fact that democracy remained limited to certain areas as mentioned above showed that this concept was still not fully internalised in the Republic of above showed that this concept was still not fully internalised in the Republic of Turkey and Turkey and that democracy could not be handled in different dimensions and become a culture. As a that democracy could not be handled in different dimensions and become a culture. As a matter of fact, although the steps taken between 1945matter of fact, although the steps taken between 1945--1950 and the proof of the changeability 1950 and the proof of the changeability of the government in 1950 brought a new dimension to Turkish demof the government in 1950 brought a new dimension to Turkish democracy, the ocracy, the implementation of practices and events that were completely contrary to the concept of implementation of practices and events that were completely contrary to the concept of democracy in other periods of the Republic of Turkey proved this situation.democracy in other periods of the Republic of Turkey proved this situation.
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7.
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Ağaoğlu, , AhmetAhmet (1930) Serbest İnsanlar Ülkesinde, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Sanayi Nefise (1930) Serbest İnsanlar Ülkesinde, 1. Edition, İstanbul, Sanayi Nefise Matbaası.Matbaası.
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Ağaoğlu, , AhmetAhmet (2018) Serbest Fırka Hatıraları, 3. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları.(2018) Serbest Fırka Hatıraları, 3. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları.
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Ağaoğlu, , Samet Samet (1972) Demokrat Parti’nin Doğuş ve Yükseliş Sebepleri Bir Soru, 1. (1972) Demokrat Parti’nin Doğuş ve Yükseliş Sebepleri Bir Soru, 1. Edition, Ankara, Baha Matbaası. Edition, Ankara, Baha Matbaası.
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Ağaoğlu, , Samet Samet (2020) Siyasi Günlük Demokrat Parti’nin Kuruluşu (Prepared by: Cemil (2020) Siyasi Günlük Demokrat Parti’nin Kuruluşu (Prepared by: Cemil Koçak), 5. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları. Koçak), 5. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları.
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Ağaoğulları, , MM. . Ali Ali (Editor) (2015) Sokrates’ten Jakobenlere Batı’da Siyasal Düşünceler, (Editor) (2015) Sokrates’ten Jakobenlere Batı’da Siyasal Düşünceler, 6. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları6. Edition, İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları..
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Mardin
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TBMMTD, 7. Period, 2. Meeting, 19. Volume, 90. Session, 15.8.1945.
TBMMTD, 7. Period, 2. Meeting, 19. Volume, 90. Session, 15.8.1945.
TBMMTD, 7. Period, 3. Meeting, 20. Volume, 1. Session, 1.11.1945.
TBMMTD, 7. Period, 3. Meeting, 20. Volume, 1. Session, 1.11.1945.
TBMMTD, 7. Period, 3. Meeting, 20. Volume, 12. Session, 17.12.1945
TBMMTD, 7. Period, 3. Meeting, 20. Volume, 12. Session, 17.12.1945. .
TBMMTD, 7. Period, 3. Meeting, 22. Volume, 45. Session, 29.4.1946
TBMMTD, 7. Period, 3. Meeting, 22. Volume, 45. Session, 29.4.1946. .
TBMMTD, 7. Period, 3. Meeting, 23. Volume, 57. Session, 31.5.1946.
TBMMTD, 7. Period, 3. Meeting, 23. Volume, 57. Session, 31.5.1946.
TBMMTD, 7. Period, 3. Meeting, 24. Volume, 59. Session, 5.6.1946.
TBMMTD, 7. Period, 3. Meeting, 24. Volume, 59. Session, 5.6.1946.
TBMMTD, 7. Period, 3. Meeting, 24. Volume, 61. Session, 10.6.1946.
TBMMTD, 7. Period, 3. Meeting, 24. Volume, 61. Session, 10.6.1946.
TBMMTD, 7. Period, 3. Meeting, 24. Volume, 64. Session, 13.6.1946.
TBMMTD, 7. Period, 3. Meeting, 24. Volume, 64. Session, 13.6.1946.
TBMMTD, 8. Period, 0. Meeting, 1. Volume, 16. Session, 15.8.1946
TBMMTD, 8. Period, 0. Meeting, 1. Volume, 16. Session, 15.8.1946..
TBMMTD, 8. Period, 1. Meeting, 3. Volume, 12. Session, 4.12.1946.
TBMMTD, 8. Period, 1. Meeting, 3. Volume, 12. Session, 4.12.1946.
TBMMTD, 8. Period, 1. Meeting, 5. Volume, 65. Session, 28.5.1947.
TBMMTD, 8. Period, 1. Meeting, 5. Volume, 65. Session, 28.5.1947.
TBMMTD, 8. Period, 2. Meeting, 10. Volume, 45. Session, 20.2.1948.
TBMMTD, 8. Period, 2. Meeting, 10. Volume, 45. Session, 20.2.1948.
TBMMTD, 8. Period, 2. Meeting, 12. Volume, 80. Session, 2.7.1948.
TBMMTD, 8. Period, 2. Meeting, 12. Volume, 80. Session, 2.7.1948.
TBMMTD, 8. Period, 2. Meeting, 12. Volume, 81. Session, 3.7.1948.
TBMMTD, 8. Period, 2. Meeting, 12. Volume, 81. Session, 3.7.1948.
TBMMTD, 8. Period, 2. Meeting, 12. Volume, 82. Session, 5.7.1948.
TBMMTD, 8. Period, 2. Meeting, 12. Volume, 82. Session, 5.7.1948.
TBMMTD, 8. Period, 2. Meeting, 12. Volume, 84. Session, 7.7.1948.
TBMMTD, 8. Period, 2. Meeting, 12. Volume, 84. Session, 7.7.1948.
TBMMTD, 8. Period, 2. Meeting, 12. Volume, 86. Session, 9.7.1948.
TBMMTD, 8. Period, 2. Meeting, 12. Volume, 86. Session, 9.7.1948.
TBMMTD, 8. Period, 3. Meeting, 15. Volume, 36. Session, 24.1.1949.
TBMMTD, 8. Period, 3. Meeting, 15. Volume, 36. Session, 24.1.1949.
TBMMTD, 8. Period, 4. Meeting, 24. Volume, 45. Session, 7.2.1950.
TBMMTD, 8. Period, 4. Meeting, 24. Volume, 45. Session, 7.2.1950.
TBMMTD, 8. Period, 4. Meeting, 24. Volume, 48. Session, 16.2.1950.
TBMMTD, 8. Period, 4. Meeting, 24. Volume, 48. Session, 16.2.1950.
173
TBMMTD, 8. Period, 4. Meeting, 25. Volume, 72. Session, 24.3.1950.
TBMMTD, 8. Period, 4. Meeting, 25. Volume, 72. Session, 24.3.1950.
CHP Yedinci Büyük Kurultay Tutanağı
CHP Yedinci Büyük Kurultay Tutanağı (1956), Ankara.(1956), Ankara.
CHP Program ve Tüzüğü
CHP Program ve Tüzüğü (1947), Ankara. (1947), Ankara.
Periodicals
Periodicals
Ayın Tarihi
Ayın Tarihi, May, Mayıs ıs 1945, V: 138, N:138, p. 521945, V: 138, N:138, p. 52--53.53.
Ayın TarihiAyın Tarihi, May, Mayısıs 1945, N: 138 V:138, p. 6311945, N: 138 V:138, p. 631--633.633.
Ayın Tarihi
Ayın Tarihi, Eylül 1945, V: 142, N:142, p. 25, Eylül 1945, V: 142, N:142, p. 25--27.27.
Adnan Menderes, “Bir Cevap Münasebetiyle”, Vatan, 22.6.1946.Adnan Menderes, “Bir Cevap Münasebetiyle”, Vatan, 22.6.1946.
Adnan Menderes,
Adnan Menderes, “Yarının Hür ve “Yarının Hür ve Demokrat Türkiye’si Kurulurken”, Demokrat İzmir, Demokrat Türkiye’si Kurulurken”, Demokrat İzmir, 2.2.1947.2.2.1947.
Ahmet Emin Yalman, “Millet, Hükmünü Vermiştir", Vatan, 23.07.1946.
Ahmet Emin Yalman, “Millet, Hükmünü Vermiştir", Vatan, 23.07.1946.
Ahmet Emin Yalman, “Siyasi Havadaki İstidatlar”, Vatan, 13.6.1946, p. 1.
Ahmet Emin Yalman, “Siyasi Havadaki İstidatlar”, Vatan, 13.6.1946, p. 1.
Ahmet Emin Yalman, “Yeni Rolün İlk Fiili Eseri”, Vatan, 12.7.1947.
Ahmet Emin Yalman, “Yeni Rolün İlk Fiili Eseri”, Vatan, 12.7.1947.
Ali Fuat Başgil, “Anayasa Davası”, Vatan, 29.12.1948. Ali Fuat Başgil, “Anayasa Davası”, Vatan, 29.12.1948.
Ali Fuat Başgil, “Anayasa Tadili Hakkında Düşünceler”, Vatan, 19.6.1949, p. 2.
Ali Fuat Başgil, “Anayasa Tadili Hakkında Düşünceler”, Vatan, 19.6.1949, p. 2.
Asım Us, “Hürriyet Adına Müfrit İstekler”, Haber, 20.6.1945.
Asım Us, “Hürriyet Adına Müfrit İstekler”, Haber, 20.6.1945.
Asım Us, “İhtilal Metodu Hala Devam Ediyor”,
Asım Us, “İhtilal Metodu Hala Devam Ediyor”, Yeni GazeteYeni Gazete, 20.7. 1949. , 20.7. 1949.
Asım Us, “Milli Birlik Düşmanları”, Vakit, 26.6.1945.
Asım Us, “Milli Birlik Düşmanları”, Vakit, 26.6.1945.
Asım Us, “Toprak Bayramını Kutlarken: Hürriyet, Demokrasi ve Parti Düşünceleri”, Akşam,
Asım Us, “Toprak Bayramını Kutlarken: Hürriyet, Demokrasi ve Parti Düşünceleri”, Akşam, 18.6.1945. 18.6.1945.
Burhan Asaf Belge, ‘Tarih Boş Verecektir
Burhan Asaf Belge, ‘Tarih Boş Verecektir””, Demokrat İzmir, 26.11.1947, Demokrat İzmir, 26.11.1947. .
Burhan Asaf Belge,
Burhan Asaf Belge, ““Anayasamızın HususiyetleriAnayasamızın Hususiyetleri””, Demokrat İzmir, 23.12.1947, Demokrat İzmir, 23.12.1947. .
Burhan Asaf Belge, “Bekliyoruz”, Demokrat İzmir, 22.9.1947.
Burhan Asaf Belge, “Bekliyoruz”, Demokrat İzmir, 22.9.1947.
Burhan Asaf Belge,
Burhan Asaf Belge, ““Falih Rıfkı ile Bir HasbihalFalih Rıfkı ile Bir Hasbihal””, Demokrat İzmir, 29.7.1947, Demokrat İzmir, 29.7.1947. .
Burhan Asaf Belge,
Burhan Asaf Belge, ““Gürültü Koparan Bir YazıGürültü Koparan Bir Yazı””, Demokrat İzmir, 14.9.1947, Demokrat İzmir, 14.9.1947..
Burhan Asaf Belge, “İyi Alametler”, Demokrat İzmir, 3.8.1947.
Burhan Asaf Belge, “İyi Alametler”, Demokrat İzmir, 3.8.1947.
174
Burhan Asaf Belge, “Kararın İlk Tepkileri”, Demokrat İzmir, 5.4.1947.
Burhan Asaf Belge, “Kararın İlk Tepkileri”, Demokrat İzmir, 5.4.1947.
Burhan Asaf Belge,
Burhan Asaf Belge, ““Kendi AralarındaKendi Aralarında””, Demokrat İzmir, 6, Demokrat İzmir, 6.8..8.19471947. .
Burhan Asaf Belge, “Kurultayın Bilançosu”, Demokrat İzmir, 5.12.1947.
Burhan Asaf Belge, “Kurultayın Bilançosu”, Demokrat İzmir, 5.12.1947.
Burhan Asaf Belge, “Millet Hükmünü Vermelidir”, Demokrat İzmir, 6.12.1947.
Burhan Asaf Belge, “Millet Hükmünü Vermelidir”, Demokrat İzmir, 6.12.1947.
Burhan Asaf Belge,
Burhan Asaf Belge, ““Muhtar SeçimleriMuhtar Seçimleri””, Demokrat İzmir, 21.2.1947, Demokrat İzmir, 21.2.1947..
Burhan Asaf Belge, “Nihat Erim Demokrasisi”, Demokrat İzmir, 19.2.1947.
Burhan Asaf Belge, “Nihat Erim Demokrasisi”, Demokrat İzmir, 19.2.1947.
Burhan Asaf Belge,
Burhan Asaf Belge, ““Ocak ZihniyetiOcak Zihniyeti-- NizamNizam--ı Ceditı Cedit-- KazanKazan””, Demokrat İzmir, 24.11.1947, Demokrat İzmir, 24.11.1947. .
Burhan Asaf Belge,
Burhan Asaf Belge, ““Örfi İdarenin Kalkmasından SonraÖrfi İdarenin Kalkmasından Sonra””, Demokrat İzmir, 12.12.1947, Demokrat İzmir, 12.12.1947..
Burhan Asaf Belge,
Burhan Asaf Belge, “Uydurma Demokrasi Taraftarlarının Uydurma Muhalefeti”, Demokrat “Uydurma Demokrasi Taraftarlarının Uydurma Muhalefeti”, Demokrat İzmir, 17.12.1947.İzmir, 17.12.1947.
Celal Bayar, "Demokrat Parti Liderinin İddiaları", Tanin, 25.07.1946.
Celal Bayar, "Demokrat Parti Liderinin İddiaları", Tanin, 25.07.1946.
Cemalettin Saraçoğlu
Cemalettin Saraçoğlu ““Bu Dar Zihniyetten Ne BeklenebilirBu Dar Zihniyetten Ne Beklenebilir””, Demokrat İzmir, 24.8.1947, Demokrat İzmir, 24.8.1947..
Cihat Baban, “Anayasada Değişiklik Lazım”, Tasvir
Cihat Baban, “Anayasada Değişiklik Lazım”, Tasvir, 19.7.1946. , 19.7.1946.
Cihat Baban,
Cihat Baban, ““Demokrat Parti Doğum Sancıları İçindeDemokrat Parti Doğum Sancıları İçinde”” Tasvir, 8 Ocak 1946Tasvir, 8 Ocak 1946..
Cihat Baban, “Gerçek Demokrasiye Doğru” Demokrat İzmir, 13 Temmuz 1947.
Cihat Baban, “Gerçek Demokrasiye Doğru” Demokrat İzmir, 13 Temmuz 1947.
Cihat Baban, “Sıkıyönetim Kalkıyor”, Tasvir, 11.12.1947.
Cihat Baban, “Sıkıyönetim Kalkıyor”, Tasvir, 11.12.1947.
Doğan Nadi, “Celal Bayar'la Mülakat”, Cumhuriyet, 13.6.1946.
Doğan Nadi, “Celal Bayar'la Mülakat”, Cumhuriyet, 13.6.1946.
Ekrem Uşaklıgil, “İkinci Bir Parti Yapılabilir mi?”, Son Posta, 9.6.1945.
Ekrem Uşaklıgil, “İkinci Bir Parti Yapılabilir mi?”, Son Posta, 9.6.1945.
Esat Adil Müstecaplıoğlu, “Anayasa, Demokrasi ve Kanunlarımız”, Görüşler, V:1, N:1,
Esat Adil Müstecaplıoğlu, “Anayasa, Demokrasi ve Kanunlarımız”, Görüşler, V:1, N:1, 1.12.1945. 1.12.1945.
Etem İzzet Benice, “İnönü Konuştu”, Son Telgraf, 20.5.1945
Etem İzzet Benice, “İnönü Konuştu”, Son Telgraf, 20.5.1945..
Etem İzzet Benice, “Serbest Seçim Karşısında”, Son Telgraf, 9.6.1945.
Etem İzzet Benice, “Serbest Seçim Karşısında”, Son Telgraf, 9.6.1945.
Etem İzzet Benice, “Serbest Seçim Karşısında”, Son Telgraf, 9.6.1945.
Etem İzzet Benice, “Serbest Seçim Karşısında”, Son Telgraf, 9.6.1945.
Falih Rıfk Atay, “Basın Hürriyetine Dar”, Ulus, 2.5.1946.
Falih Rıfk Atay, “Basın Hürriyetine Dar”, Ulus, 2.5.1946.
Falih Rıfkı Atay, “Basiret Sahipleri Dört Gözle İbret Alsınlar”, Ulus, 15.5.1946.
Falih Rıfkı Atay, “Basiret Sahipleri Dört Gözle İbret Alsınlar”, Ulus, 15.5.1946.
Falih Rıfkı Atay, “Başbakan Milletle Konuşuyor”, Ulus, 7.9.1945.
Falih Rıfkı Atay, “Başbakan Milletle Konuşuyor”, Ulus, 7.9.1945.
175
Falih Rıfkı Atay, “Gerçek Demokrasiye
Falih Rıfkı Atay, “Gerçek Demokrasiye Doğru”, Ulus, 18.5.1945. Doğru”, Ulus, 18.5.1945.
Falih Rıfkı Atay, “Halkı Saymak Lazımdır”, 4.6.1946.
Falih Rıfkı Atay, “Halkı Saymak Lazımdır”, 4.6.1946.
Falih Rıfkı Atay, “Hürriyet Yolu Anarşi Yolu”, Ulus, 5.7.1946.
Falih Rıfkı Atay, “Hürriyet Yolu Anarşi Yolu”, Ulus, 5.7.1946.
Falih Rıfkı Atay, “Seçime Nasıl Gidiyoruz”, Ulus, 4.7.1946.
Falih Rıfkı Atay, “Seçime Nasıl Gidiyoruz”, Ulus, 4.7.1946.
Falih Rıfkı Atay, “Ümitsizliğe Düşmek Doğru Mudur?”, Ulus, 21.5.1946.
Falih Rıfkı Atay, “Ümitsizliğe Düşmek Doğru Mudur?”, Ulus, 21.5.1946.
Falih Rıfkı Atay, “Yeni Parti Kuruldu…”, Ulus, 8.12.1946.
Falih Rıfkı Atay, “Yeni Parti Kuruldu…”, Ulus, 8.12.1946.
Fevzi Lütfi Karaosmanoğlu, “Muhalefetin İktidardan Görünüşü”, Demokrat İzmir, 4.7.1947.
Fevzi Lütfi Karaosmanoğlu, “Muhalefetin İktidardan Görünüşü”, Demokrat İzmir, 4.7.1947.
Fuat Köprülü, “Başbakan’ın Nutku Münasebetiyle”, Demokrat İzmir, 6.4.1947.
Fuat Köprülü, “Başbakan’ın Nutku Münasebetiyle”, Demokrat İzmir, 6.4.1947.
Fuat Köprülü, “Başvekilin nutku münasebetiyle”, Demokrat İzmir, 6.4.1947.
Fuat Köprülü, “Başvekilin nutku münasebetiyle”, Demokrat İzmir, 6.4.1947.
Fuat Köprülü, “Bay Hilmi Uran’a Açık Mektup”, Demokrat İzmir, 23.11.1947, p. 1.
Fuat Köprülü, “Bay Hilmi Uran’a Açık Mektup”, Demokrat İzmir, 23.11.1947, p. 1.
Fuat Köprülü, “Demokrat Parti ve Halk Partisi Programları Arasındaki Derin Farklar”, Son
Fuat Köprülü, “Demokrat Parti ve Halk Partisi Programları Arasındaki Derin Farklar”, Son Posta, 15.3.1947.Posta, 15.3.1947.
Fuat Köprülü, “Demokrat Parti'yi Yıkmaya İmkân Yoktur”, Kudret, 9.2.1948.
Fuat Köprülü, “Demokrat Parti'yi Yıkmaya İmkân Yoktur”, Kudret, 9.2.1948.
Fuat Köprülü, “Örfi İdarenin Kaldırılması”, 12.12.1947.
Fuat Köprülü, “Örfi İdarenin Kaldırılması”, 12.12.1947.
Fuat Köprülü, “Son Tebliğin Büyük Manası”, Kuvvet, 12.7.1947.
Fuat Köprülü, “Son Tebliğin Büyük Manası”, Kuvvet, 12.7.1947.
Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, “Anayasa Meselesi”, 20.12.1948.
Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, “Anayasa Meselesi”, 20.12.1948.
Hüseyin
Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, “Bizde Dahili Rejim ve Hükümet Meselesi” Tanin, 31.8.1945.Cahit Yalçın, “Bizde Dahili Rejim ve Hükümet Meselesi” Tanin, 31.8.1945.
Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, “Bizde Dahili Rejim ve Hükümet Meselesi”, Tanin, 31 Ağustos 1945.
Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, “Bizde Dahili Rejim ve Hükümet Meselesi”, Tanin, 31 Ağustos 1945.
Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, “Cumhurbaşkanlığı ve Parti Başkanlığı”, Tanin, 14.1.1947.
Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, “Cumhurbaşkanlığı ve Parti Başkanlığı”, Tanin, 14.1.1947.
Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, “Dahili Siyasette İlk Parlamento Çarpışmaları”, Tanin, 1.5.1946.
Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, “Dahili Siyasette İlk Parlamento Çarpışmaları”, Tanin, 1.5.1946.
Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, “Demokrat Parti Denilen Meçhul”, 18.7.1946.
Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, “Demokrat Parti Denilen Meçhul”, 18.7.1946.
Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, “İnkılabın Yeni Safhası Başlarken”, Tanin, 30.4.1946.
Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, “İnkılabın Yeni Safhası Başlarken”, Tanin, 30.4.1946.
Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, “İnkılabın Yeni Safhası Başlarken”, Tanin, 30.4.1946.
Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, “İnkılabın Yeni Safhası Başlarken”, Tanin, 30.4.1946.
Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, “İntihabat ve Demokrat Parti”, Tanin, 10.5.1946, p. 1.
Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, “İntihabat ve Demokrat Parti”, Tanin, 10.5.1946, p. 1.
Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, “Tek Bir Programları Vardır: Palavra”, Ant, 5.4.1947, p. 1.
Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, “Tek Bir Programları Vardır: Palavra”, Ant, 5.4.1947, p. 1.
Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, “Yeni Parti…”, Tanin, 5.12.1945.
Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, “Yeni Parti…”, Tanin, 5.12.1945.
Hüseyin Nail Kubalı, “Tek Dereceli Seçim ve Yurt Realitesi”, Cumhuriyet, 15.5.1946.
Hüseyin Nail Kubalı, “Tek Dereceli Seçim ve Yurt Realitesi”, Cumhuriyet, 15.5.1946.
Mehmet Zekeriya Sertel, “Celal Bayar ve Arkadaşları Ne İstiyorlardı?”, Tan, 14.6.1945.
Mehmet Zekeriya Sertel, “Celal Bayar ve Arkadaşları Ne İstiyorlardı?”, Tan, 14.6.1945.
176
Mehmet Zekeriya Sertel, “Haftanın Görüşleri”, Görüşler
Mehmet Zekeriya Sertel, “Haftanın Görüşleri”, Görüşler, V:1, N:1, 1.12.1945. , V:1, N:1, 1.12.1945.
Mithat Perin, “CHP’nin Acıklı İtirafları”, Demokrat İzmir, 21.5.1948.
Mithat Perin, “CHP’nin Acıklı İtirafları”, Demokrat İzmir, 21.5.1948.
Mithat Perin,
Mithat Perin, “Cumhur reisliği ve Siyasi Partiler”, Demokrat İzmir, 11.4.1947.“Cumhur reisliği ve Siyasi Partiler”, Demokrat İzmir, 11.4.1947.
Mithat Perin, “Türkiye’de Muhalefetin Muvaffakiyeti”, Demokrat İzmir, 6.3.1947.
Mithat Perin, “Türkiye’de Muhalefetin Muvaffakiyeti”, Demokrat İzmir, 6.3.1947.
Mustafa Kentli, “CHP’nin Yeni Mücadele Teknikleri”, Kudret, 27.7.1948.
Mustafa Kentli, “CHP’nin Yeni Mücadele Teknikleri”, Kudret, 27.7.1948.
Nadir Nadi, “Basına Kıymayın”, Cumhuriyet, 9.11.1949.
Nadir Nadi, “Basına Kıymayın”, Cumhuriyet, 9.11.1949.
Nadir Nadi, “Fırtınadan Sonra”, Cumhuriyet, 28.8.1946.
Nadir Nadi, “Fırtınadan Sonra”, Cumhuriyet, 28.8.1946.
Nadir Nadi, “Halk İradesinde İleri Adım”, Cumhuriyet, 21.5.1945.
Nadir Nadi, “Halk İradesinde İleri Adım”, Cumhuriyet, 21.5.1945.
Nadir Nadi, “Milli Şefi Dinlerken”, Cumhuriyet, 5.5.1946.
Nadir Nadi, “Milli Şefi Dinlerken”, Cumhuriyet, 5.5.1946.
Nadir Nadi, “Önümüzdeki İmtihan”, Cumhuriyet, 28.4.1946.
Nadir Nadi, “Önümüzdeki İmtihan”, Cumhuriyet, 28.4.1946.
Nadir Nadi, “Önümüzdeki İmtihan”, Cumhuriyet, 28.4.1946.
Nadir Nadi, “Önümüzdeki İmtihan”, Cumhuriyet, 28.4.1946.
Nadir Nadi, “Seçimlere Dair Birkaç Söz”, Cumhuriyet, 4.5.1946.
Nadir Nadi, “Seçimlere Dair Birkaç Söz”, Cumhuriyet, 4.5.1946.
Nadir Nadi, “Sıkıyönetim Kaldırılırken”, Cumhuriyet, 11.12.1947.
Nadir Nadi, “Sıkıyönetim Kaldırılırken”, Cumhuriyet, 11.12.1947.
Nadir Nadi, “Tenkitler ve Seçimler”, Cumhuriyet, 1.5.1946.
Nadir Nadi, “Tenkitler ve Seçimler”, Cumhuriyet, 1.5.1946.
Nadir Nadi, “Türk Halkçılığında Gelişme”, Cumhuriyet, 9.6.1945.
Nadir Nadi, “Türk Halkçılığında Gelişme”, Cumhuriyet, 9.6.1945.
Nadir Nadi, “Yeni Partinin Karakteri”, Cumhuriyet, 9.1.1946.
Nadir Nadi, “Yeni Partinin Karakteri”, Cumhuriyet, 9.1.1946.
Necmettin Sadak, “Bir İyi Haber: Celal Bayar’ın Kurmak Üzere Olduğu Parti”, Akşam,
Necmettin Sadak, “Bir İyi Haber: Celal Bayar’ın Kurmak Üzere Olduğu Parti”, Akşam, 3.12.1945.3.12.1945.
Necmettin Sadak, “Cumhurbaşkanının Güzel Nutku”, Akşam, 20.5.1945.
Necmettin Sadak, “Cumhurbaşkanının Güzel Nutku”, Akşam, 20.5.1945.
Necmettin Sadak, “Demokrat Parti’ye “Hoş Geldin” Deriz”, Akşam, 9.1.1946.
Necmettin Sadak, “Demokrat Parti’ye “Hoş Geldin” Deriz”, Akşam, 9.1.1946.
Necmettin Sadak, “Demokrat Partisinin Gerekçesi Düşünceleri Maalesef Değiştirmemiştir”,
Necmettin Sadak, “Demokrat Partisinin Gerekçesi Düşünceleri Maalesef Değiştirmemiştir”, Akşam, 5.4.1947, p. 1Akşam, 5.4.1947, p. 1--2.2.
Necmettin Sadak, “Toprak Bayramını Kutlarken: Hürriyet, Demokrasi ve Parti
Necmettin Sadak, “Toprak Bayramını Kutlarken: Hürriyet, Demokrasi ve Parti Düşünceleri”, Akşam, 18.6.1945.Düşünceleri”, Akşam, 18.6.1945.
Necmettin Sadak, “Yeni Partilerin Doğması İçin Bazı Kanunların Değişmesi Gerektir”,
Necmettin Sadak, “Yeni Partilerin Doğması İçin Bazı Kanunların Değişmesi Gerektir”, Akşam, 24.6.1945.Akşam, 24.6.1945.
Nihat Erim,
Nihat Erim, ““CHP’li Arkadaşlarla Bir Hasbihal”, CHP’li Arkadaşlarla Bir Hasbihal”, UlusUlus, , 24.9.1946.24.9.1946.
Nihat Erim,
Nihat Erim, “Anayasa Meselelerimiz”, Ulus, 17.7.1947. “Anayasa Meselelerimiz”, Ulus, 17.7.1947.
Nihat Erim,
Nihat Erim, “Anayasa Meselelerimiz II”, Ulus, 18.7.1947. “Anayasa Meselelerimiz II”, Ulus, 18.7.1947.
177
Nihat Erim,
Nihat Erim, “Anayasa Meselelerimiz III”, Ulus, 2“Anayasa Meselelerimiz III”, Ulus, 200.7.1947. .7.1947.
Nihat Erim,
Nihat Erim, “Anayasa Meselelerimiz VI”, Ulus, 24.7.1947. “Anayasa Meselelerimiz VI”, Ulus, 24.7.1947.
Nihat Erim,
Nihat Erim, “Bocalayan Muhalefet”, Ulus, 14.2.1947. “Bocalayan Muhalefet”, Ulus, 14.2.1947.
Nihat Erim, “Demokrasi Gaye Midir, Vasıta Mıdır?”, Ulus, 30.5.1946.
Nihat Erim, “Demokrasi Gaye Midir, Vasıta Mıdır?”, Ulus, 30.5.1946.
Nihat Erim, “Devlet Başkanı ve Parti Başkanı”, Ulus, 14.5.1946.
Nihat Erim, “Devlet Başkanı ve Parti Başkanı”, Ulus, 14.5.1946.
Nihat Erim, “İktidarı Ele Alacaklarmış!”, Ulus, 5.7.1946.
Nihat Erim, “İktidarı Ele Alacaklarmış!”, Ulus, 5.7.1946.
Nihat Erim, “Prensipler, Metotlar ve Şahıslar”, Ulus, 3.8.1947.
Nihat Erim, “Prensipler, Metotlar ve Şahıslar”, Ulus, 3.8.1947.
Nihat Erim, “Prensipler, Metotlar ve Şahıslar…”, Ulus, 3.8.1947.
Nihat Erim, “Prensipler, Metotlar ve Şahıslar…”, Ulus, 3.8.1947.
Refik Şevket İnce, “Bütçe Münasebeti ile Hükümetin Durumu”, Yeni Asır, 31.5.1945.
Refik Şevket İnce, “Bütçe Münasebeti ile Hükümetin Durumu”, Yeni Asır, 31.5.1945.
Sabiha Sertel, “Zincirli Hürriyet”, Görüşler, V:1, N:1, 1.12.1945.
Sabiha Sertel, “Zincirli Hürriyet”, Görüşler, V:1, N:1, 1.12.1945.
Sadık Aldoğan, “Seçim İşlerinde En Büyük Teminat”, Yeni Sabah, 28.6.1948.
Sadık Aldoğan, “Seçim İşlerinde En Büyük Teminat”, Yeni Sabah, 28.6.1948.
Yavuz Abadan, “Hürriyet ve Demokrasi Yolunda”, Ulus, 3.8.1949.
Yavuz Abadan, “Hürriyet ve Demokrasi Yolunda”, Ulus, 3.8.1949.
Ziyad Ebüzziya, “B.M. Meclisi Müzakereleri Yurda Ferahlık ve Huzur Verdi”, Tasvir,
Ziyad Ebüzziya, “B.M. Meclisi Müzakereleri Yurda Ferahlık ve Huzur Verdi”, Tasvir, 18.5.1945. 18.5.1945.
Ziyad Ebüzziya, “İkinci Bir Partiye Doğru İlk Adım”, Tasvir, 8.6.1945.
Ziyad Ebüzziya, “İkinci Bir Partiye Doğru İlk Adım”, Tasvir, 8.6.1945.
Ziyad Ebüzziya, “Meclis’in Sesi, Halkın Kulağı”, Tasvir, 18.5.1945.
Ziyad Ebüzziya, “Meclis’in Sesi, Halkın Kulağı”, Tasvir, 18.5.1945.
Ziyad Ebüzziya, “Meclis’in Sesi, Halkın Kulağı”, Tasvir, 19.5.1945.
Ziyad Ebüzziya, “Meclis’in Sesi, Halkın Kulağı”, Tasvir, 19.5.1945.
“Tek Parti Sisteminin Hususiyetleri”,
“Tek Parti Sisteminin Hususiyetleri”, UlusUlus, , 3.12.1947.3.12.1947.
“Bayar’ın Nutku ve Halkın Heyecanı”, Vatan, 17.7.1946.
“Bayar’ın Nutku ve Halkın Heyecanı”, Vatan, 17.7.1946.
“Celal Bayar’ın Demeci”, Cumhuriyet, 14.3.1946.
“Celal Bayar’ın Demeci”, Cumhuriyet, 14.3.1946.
“Celal Bayar Muvazaa Dedikodularını Yalanlıyor”, Vakit, 14.3.1946.
“Celal Bayar Muvazaa Dedikodularını Yalanlıyor”, Vakit, 14.3.1946.
“
“Demokrat Parti Dün Resmen Teessüs Etti”, Cumhuriyet, 8.1.1946. Demokrat Parti Dün Resmen Teessüs Etti”, Cumhuriyet, 8.1.1946.
“Pazar Konuşması”, Ulus, 19.8.1945.
“Pazar Konuşması”, Ulus, 19.8.1945.
“Gülünç Bir Şantaj”, Ulus, 20.8.1945.
“Gülünç Bir Şantaj”, Ulus, 20.8.1945.
“Meclisin Sesi, Halkın Kulağı”, Tasvir, 18.5.1945.
“Meclisin Sesi, Halkın Kulağı”, Tasvir, 18.5.1945.
“Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi Yeni Partiyi Çok İyi Karşılıyor”, Akşam, 3.12.1945.
“Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi Yeni Partiyi Çok İyi Karşılıyor”, Akşam, 3.12.1945.
“Memleket Celal Bayar’dan Ne Bekleyebilir”, Millet, 7.2.1946.
“Memleket Celal Bayar’dan Ne Bekleyebilir”, Millet, 7.2.1946.
178
“Yeni Partinin Dış Siyaseti Atatürk’ün Takip Ettiği Yol”, Yeni Sabah, 11.1.1946.
“Yeni Partinin Dış Siyaseti Atatürk’ün Takip Ettiği Yol”, Yeni Sabah, 11.1.1946.
“Celal Bayar ve Adnan Menderes’in Aydın’da Dünkü Nutukları”, Cumhuriyet, 18.7.1946.
“Celal Bayar ve Adnan Menderes’in Aydın’da Dünkü Nutukları”, Cumhuriyet, 18.7.1946.
“C. Halk Partisinin Tazyik ve Engellemeleri Arttı”, Demokrat İzmir, 9.2.1947.
“C. Halk Partisinin Tazyik ve Engellemeleri Arttı”, Demokrat İzmir, 9.2.1947.
“Gidenlerin Yeri Asla Boş Kalmayacaktır”, Ulus, 16.12.1947.
“Gidenlerin Yeri Asla Boş Kalmayacaktır”, Ulus, 16.12.1947.
“Uydurma Demokraside Muhalefet”, Demokrat İzmir, 16.12.1947.
“Uydurma Demokraside Muhalefet”, Demokrat İzmir, 16.12.1947.
“Bayar’ın İstanbul’daki Nutku”, Demokrat İzmir, 18.1.1948.
“Bayar’ın İstanbul’daki Nutku”, Demokrat İzmir, 18.1.1948.
“Kurultayda Yapılacak Olan Teklifin Mahiyeti Nedir”, Vatan, 21.7.1947.
“Kurultayda Yapılacak Olan Teklifin Mahiyeti Nedir”, Vatan, 21.7.1947.
“CHP’de Islahat İçin Çalışmalar”, Vatan, 28.7.1947.
“CHP’de Islahat İçin Çalışmalar”, Vatan, 28.7.1947.
“CHP’de Beklenen Mühim Değişiklikler”, Cumhuriyet, 29.7.1947.
“CHP’de Beklenen Mühim Değişiklikler”, Cumhuriyet, 29.7.1947.
“Milli İradeyi Hâkim Kılmaktan Başka Çare kalmadı”, Vatan, 23.8.1947. “Milli İradeyi Hâkim Kılmaktan Başka Çare kalmadı”, Vatan, 23.8.1947.
“Dün Kurultayda, Müfritlerle 35’ler Arasında Şiddetli Münakaşalar Oldu”, Demokrat İzmir,
“Dün Kurultayda, Müfritlerle 35’ler Arasında Şiddetli Münakaşalar Oldu”, Demokrat İzmir, 23.11.1947.23.11.1947.
“Demokrat Partinin Tamimi Üzerine”, Ulus, 10.5.1946.
“Demokrat Partinin Tamimi Üzerine”, Ulus, 10.5.1946.
“Halk Partisinde Görüş Ayrılıkları”, Vatan, 21.7.1947.
“Halk Partisinde Görüş Ayrılıkları”, Vatan, 21.7.1947.
“Müfritlerle Mücadele Başlıyor”,
“Müfritlerle Mücadele Başlıyor”, Demokrat İzmir, 28.7.1947.Demokrat İzmir, 28.7.1947.
“Halk Partisi’ndeki Fikir Ayrılığının Mahiyeti”, Demokrat İzmir, 4.8.1947.
“Halk Partisi’ndeki Fikir Ayrılığının Mahiyeti”, Demokrat İzmir, 4.8.1947.
“Falih Rıfkı ile Bir Hasbihal”, Demokrat İzmir, 29.7.1947.
“Falih Rıfkı ile Bir Hasbihal”, Demokrat İzmir, 29.7.1947.
“Demokrat Partisi Beyanname ve Programını Hükümete Verdi” Son Posta, 8.1.1946.
“Demokrat Partisi Beyanname ve Programını Hükümete Verdi” Son Posta, 8.1.1946.
“Halk Partisi’ndeki Fikir Ayrılığının Mahiyeti”, Demokrat İzmir, 4.8.1947.
“Halk Partisi’ndeki Fikir Ayrılığının Mahiyeti”, Demokrat İzmir, 4.8.1947.
“İnönü’nün Son Kararı Etrafında Münakaşalar”, Demokrat İzmir, 9.8.1947.
“İnönü’nün Son Kararı Etrafında Münakaşalar”, Demokrat İzmir, 9.8.1947.
“Bu Bir İtaatkâr Kurultay Oldu”, Demokrat İzmir, 4.12.1947.
“Bu Bir İtaatkâr Kurultay Oldu”, Demokrat İzmir, 4.12.1947.
“CHP Genel Başkanlığı Meselesi Konuşuldu”, Demokrat İzmir, 1.12.1947.
“CHP Genel Başkanlığı Meselesi Konuşuldu”, Demokrat İzmir, 1.12.1947.
“Cemiyetler Kanunu Son Şeklini Aldı”, Ulus, 4.6.1946.
“Cemiyetler Kanunu Son Şeklini Aldı”, Ulus, 4.6.1946.
“Yeni Cemiyetler Kanunu”, Vakit, 4.6.1946.
“Yeni Cemiyetler Kanunu”, Vakit, 4.6.1946.
“Halk Partililer, Sıkıyönetimi Bir Zaruret Olarak Kabul Ediyorlar”, Vatan, 5.12.1946.
“Halk Partililer, Sıkıyönetimi Bir Zaruret Olarak Kabul Ediyorlar”, Vatan, 5.12.1946.
“Meclis Sıkıyönetimi Altı Ay Daha Uzattı”, Cumhuriyet, 5.12.1946.
“Meclis Sıkıyönetimi Altı Ay Daha Uzattı”, Cumhuriyet, 5.12.1946.
“Sıkıyönetim Uzatılacak”, Akşam, 21.5.1947.
“Sıkıyönetim Uzatılacak”, Akşam, 21.5.1947.
179
“Sıkıyönetimin Temdidi”, Vatan, 28.5.1947.
“Sıkıyönetimin Temdidi”, Vatan, 28.5.1947.
“Başbakanın Meclisteki İzahları”, Vatan, 29.5.1947.
“Başbakanın Meclisteki İzahları”, Vatan, 29.5.1947.
“Sıkıyönetimi Karşı Demokratların İtirazı”, Vatan, 29.5.1947.
“Sıkıyönetimi Karşı Demokratların İtirazı”, Vatan, 29.5.1947.
“Sıkıyönetim Sadece Gazete Kapatmıştır” Demokrat İzmir, 10.12.1947.
“Sıkıyönetim Sadece Gazete Kapatmıştır” Demokrat İzmir, 10.12.1947.
“Sıkıyönetimin Kaldırılması Kararlaştı”, Cumhuriyet, 10.12.1947.
“Sıkıyönetimin Kaldırılması Kararlaştı”, Cumhuriyet, 10.12.1947.
“CHP Grubunda Dünkü Gürültülü Toplantı”, Demokrat İzmir, 22.12.1948.
“CHP Grubunda Dünkü Gürültülü Toplantı”, Demokrat İzmir, 22.12.1948.
“CHP Meclis Grubu Toplantısı”, Ulus, 22.12.1948.
“CHP Meclis Grubu Toplantısı”, Ulus, 22.12.1948.
“Anayasanın Tadili”, Ulus, 23.12.1948.
“Anayasanın Tadili”, Ulus, 23.12.1948.
“Anayasanın Tadili ve İstanbul Gazetecileri”, Cumhuriyet, 23.12.1948.
“Anayasanın Tadili ve İstanbul Gazetecileri”, Cumhuriyet, 23.12.1948.
“İstanbul Gazeteleri Mümessillerinin Toplantısı, Akşam, 23.12.1948.
“İstanbul Gazeteleri Mümessillerinin Toplantısı, Akşam, 23.12.1948.
“Anayasada Yapılacak Tadilat ve DP’nin Görüşü”, Demokrat İzmir, 26.12.1948.
“Anayasada Yapılacak Tadilat ve DP’nin Görüşü”, Demokrat İzmir, 26.12.1948.
“DP Kongresinde Okunan Raporun Metni”,
“DP Kongresinde Okunan Raporun Metni”, Demokrat İzmir, 21.12.1949.Demokrat İzmir, 21.12.1949.
“Prof. Ali Fuad Başgil Fikirlerini Anlatıyor”, Vatan, 27.7.1947.
“Prof. Ali Fuad Başgil Fikirlerini Anlatıyor”, Vatan, 27.7.1947.
“İnönü’nün Polatlı’da İlk Seçim Nutku, Ulus, 24.3.1950.
“İnönü’nün Polatlı’da İlk Seçim Nutku, Ulus, 24.3.1950.
“İnönü Dün İlk Seçim Nutkunu Söyledi”, Cumhuriyet, 24.3.1950.
“İnönü Dün İlk Seçim Nutkunu Söyledi”, Cumhuriyet, 24.3.1950.
“İnönü Adana Nutkunda Gene Şiddet Politikasına Temas Etti”, Cumhuriyet, 3.4.1950.
“İnönü Adana Nutkunda Gene Şiddet Politikasına Temas Etti”, Cumhuriyet, 3.4.1950.
“Anayasadan Altı Oklu Prensipler Çıkarılacak”, Cumhuriyet, 26.3.1950.
“Anayasadan Altı Oklu Prensipler Çıkarılacak”, Cumhuriyet, 26.3.1950.
“İnönü’nün Tarihi Söylevi”, Ulus, 11.5.1946.
“İnönü’nün Tarihi Söylevi”, Ulus, 11.5.1946.
“İsmet İnönü’nün Mühim Nutku”, Akşam, 11.5.1946.
“İsmet İnönü’nün Mühim Nutku”, Akşam, 11.5.1946.
“CHP Kurultayı Açıldı”, Vakit, 11.5.1946.
“CHP Kurultayı Açıldı”, Vakit, 11.5.1946.
“Demokrat Parti’nin Bir Beyannamesi”, Akşam, 14.5.1946.
“Demokrat Parti’nin Bir Beyannamesi”, Akşam, 14.5.1946.
“Kanun Mecliste Dün Kabul Edildi”, Ulus, 6.6.1946.
“Kanun Mecliste Dün Kabul Edildi”, Ulus, 6.6.1946.
“Seçim Kanunu”, Vakit, 6.6.1946.
“Seçim Kanunu”, Vakit, 6.6.1946.
“Milletvekili Seçimi 21 Temmuz’da Yapılacak”, Cumhuriyet, 10.6.1946.
“Milletvekili Seçimi 21 Temmuz’da Yapılacak”, Cumhuriyet, 10.6.1946.
“Meclis Seçimi Yenileme Kararı
“Meclis Seçimi Yenileme Kararı Verdi”, Ulus, 11.6.1946. Verdi”, Ulus, 11.6.1946.
“Büyük Millet Meclisi Seçimin Yenilenmesine Karar Verdi”, Akşam / Vakit, 11.6.1946.
“Büyük Millet Meclisi Seçimin Yenilenmesine Karar Verdi”, Akşam / Vakit, 11.6.1946.
180
“CHP Teşkilatına Mühim Direktifler Verdi” Cumhuriyet, 25.6.1946.
“CHP Teşkilatına Mühim Direktifler Verdi” Cumhuriyet, 25.6.1946.
“Seçim Hazırlığı”, Akşam, 25.6.1946.
“Seçim Hazırlığı”, Akşam, 25.6.1946.
"Başbakanın Partisi Adına İlk Nutku", Yeni Sabah, 9.7.1946.
"Başbakanın Partisi Adına İlk Nutku", Yeni Sabah, 9.7.1946.
“Seçim Günündeyiz”, Ulus, 21.7.1946.
“Seçim Günündeyiz”, Ulus, 21.7.1946.
“Milli Mukadderatımız, Bugün Yapılacak Seçimde Belli Olacak”, Vatan, 21.7.1946.
“Milli Mukadderatımız, Bugün Yapılacak Seçimde Belli Olacak”, Vatan, 21.7.1946.
“Türk Demokrasisi Bugün İmtihan Veriyor”, Cumhuriyet, 21,7.1946.
“Türk Demokrasisi Bugün İmtihan Veriyor”, Cumhuriyet, 21,7.1946.
“Milli İradenin Tecelli Edeceği Gün Geldi”, Tasvir, 21.7.1946.
“Milli İradenin Tecelli Edeceği Gün Geldi”, Tasvir, 21.7.1946.
“Celal Bayar'ın Beyanatı”, Yeni Sabah, (25.07.1946).
“Celal Bayar'ın Beyanatı”, Yeni Sabah, (25.07.1946).
"Seçim Kanuni Bir Seçim Olmaktan Çıkmıştır", Yeni Sabah, 23.07.1946.
"Seçim Kanuni Bir Seçim Olmaktan Çıkmıştır", Yeni Sabah, 23.07.1946.
“
“İnönü'nün Millette Beyannamesi”, Ulus, 25.7.1946. İnönü'nün Millette Beyannamesi”, Ulus, 25.7.1946.
“İnönü'nün Beyannamesi”, Cumhuriyet, 25.7.1946.
“İnönü'nün Beyannamesi”, Cumhuriyet, 25.7.1946.
“Milli Şefin Beyannamesi”, Vakit, 25.7.1946.
“Milli Şefin Beyannamesi”, Vakit, 25.7.1946.
“Demokrat Parti Seçimin Feshedilmesini İsteyecek”, Cumhuriyet, 24.7.1946.
“Demokrat Parti Seçimin Feshedilmesini İsteyecek”, Cumhuriyet, 24.7.1946.
“İzmir'de Yarın Bir Miting Yapılıyor”, Yeni Sabah, 25.7.1946.
“İzmir'de Yarın Bir Miting Yapılıyor”, Yeni Sabah, 25.7.1946.
“Demokrat Parti'nin İzmir'de Dün Yaptığı Miting”, Cumhuriyet, 26.7.1946.
“Demokrat Parti'nin İzmir'de Dün Yaptığı Miting”, Cumhuriyet, 26.7.1946.
“Bursa'da Dün Büyük Bir Miting Yapıldı”, Cumhuriyet, 29.7. 1946.
“Bursa'da Dün Büyük Bir Miting Yapıldı”, Cumhuriyet, 29.7. 1946.
“Gazetelerin Tahrikçi Yayın Yapmasına İzin Verilmiyor”, Ulus, 25.7.1946.
“Gazetelerin Tahrikçi Yayın Yapmasına İzin Verilmiyor”, Ulus, 25.7.1946.
“Sıkıyönetim Komutanlığının Tebliği”, Cumhuriyet, 25.7.1946.
“Sıkıyönetim Komutanlığının Tebliği”, Cumhuriyet, 25.7.1946.
“
“Örfi İdare Ağır Neşriyata Son Veriyor”, Örfi İdare Ağır Neşriyata Son Veriyor”, Yeni Sabah, 25.7.1946.Yeni Sabah, 25.7.1946.
“İki Gazete Kapatıldı”, Cumhuriyet, 26.7.1946.
“İki Gazete Kapatıldı”, Cumhuriyet, 26.7.1946.
“Yeni Sabah ve Gerçek Gazeteleri Kapatıldı”, Akşam, 26.7.1946, p. 2.
“Yeni Sabah ve Gerçek Gazeteleri Kapatıldı”, Akşam, 26.7.1946, p. 2.
“Demokrat Parti Kongresi Bir "Hürriyet Misakı” Kabul ederek Nihayetlendi”, Demokrat
“Demokrat Parti Kongresi Bir "Hürriyet Misakı” Kabul ederek Nihayetlendi”, Demokrat İzmir, 12.1.1947. İzmir, 12.1.1947.
“Her Tarafta CHP Adayları Büyük Çoğunluk Kazandı”, Ulus, 1.3.1947.
“Her Tarafta CHP Adayları Büyük Çoğunluk Kazandı”, Ulus, 1.3.1947.
“Muhtar Seçimi Her Tarafta CHP Lehinde”, Ulus, 5.3.1947.
“Muhtar Seçimi Her Tarafta CHP Lehinde”, Ulus, 5.3.1947.
181
“Muhtar Seçimleri İçin Şikayetler Başladı”, Cumhuriyet, 17.2.1947.
“Muhtar Seçimleri İçin Şikayetler Başladı”, Cumhuriyet, 17.2.1947.
“Muhtar Seçimlerinde Şikayetler Çoğaldı”, Demokrat
“Muhtar Seçimlerinde Şikayetler Çoğaldı”, Demokrat İzmir, 23.2.1947.İzmir, 23.2.1947.
“Celal Bayar Son Muhtar Seçimlerinde Yapılan Yolsuzluklar Hakkında Beyanatta Bulundu”,
“Celal Bayar Son Muhtar Seçimlerinde Yapılan Yolsuzluklar Hakkında Beyanatta Bulundu”, Vatan, 7.3.1947.Vatan, 7.3.1947.
“Son Muhtar Seçimleri Dolayısı ile Celâl Bayar’ın Bütün Millete Beyannamesi”, Demokrat
“Son Muhtar Seçimleri Dolayısı ile Celâl Bayar’ın Bütün Millete Beyannamesi”, Demokrat İzmir, 7.3.1947.İzmir, 7.3.1947.
“Celal Bayar, Recep Peker’e Cevap Veriyor”, Demokrat İzmir, 9.3.1947.
“Celal Bayar, Recep Peker’e Cevap Veriyor”, Demokrat İzmir, 9.3.1947.
“Muhtar Seçimleri Devam Ediyor”, Demokrat İzmir, 24.2.1947.
“Muhtar Seçimleri Devam Ediyor”, Demokrat İzmir, 24.2.1947.
“Muhtar Seçimleri Tartışmalı Oluyor”, Cumhuriyet, 24.2.1947.
“Muhtar Seçimleri Tartışmalı Oluyor”, Cumhuriyet, 24.2.1947.
“Başbakanın Demeci”, Vatan, 8.3.1947.
“Başbakanın Demeci”, Vatan, 8.3.1947.
“Başbakanın Hayretle Karşılanacak Beyanatı”, Demokrat İzmir, 8.3.1947.
“Başbakanın Hayretle Karşılanacak Beyanatı”, Demokrat İzmir, 8.3.1947.
“Peker’in Cevabı”, Ulus, 8.3.1947.
“Peker’in Cevabı”, Ulus, 8.3.1947.
“R. Peker Delilsiz İddiaları Cevaplandırdı”, Vakit, 8.3.1947.
“R. Peker Delilsiz İddiaları Cevaplandırdı”, Vakit, 8.3.1947.
“Demokrat Parti Genel Başkanı Celâl Bayar Başbakan Recep Peker’e Cevap Verdi”,
“Demokrat Parti Genel Başkanı Celâl Bayar Başbakan Recep Peker’e Cevap Verdi”, Demokrat İzmir, 6.4.1947.Demokrat İzmir, 6.4.1947.
“İzmir Dün Çok Heyecanlı Bir Gün Yaşadı”, Cumhuriyet, 2.4.1947.
“İzmir Dün Çok Heyecanlı Bir Gün Yaşadı”, Cumhuriyet, 2.4.1947.
“B. Recep Peker’in Mühim Nutku”, Akşam, 2.4.1947.
“B. Recep Peker’in Mühim Nutku”, Akşam, 2.4.1947.
“Başbakan Dün Halkevinde Bir Konuşma Yaptı”, Demokrat İzmir, 2.4.1947.
“Başbakan Dün Halkevinde Bir Konuşma Yaptı”, Demokrat İzmir, 2.4.1947.
“C. Bayar Bodrum’da”, Demokrat İzmir, 1.4.1947.
“C. Bayar Bodrum’da”, Demokrat İzmir, 1.4.1947.
“Demokrat Parti’nin Byennamesi”,
“Demokrat Parti’nin Byennamesi”, Demokrat İzmir, 4.4.1947. Demokrat İzmir, 4.4.1947.
“DP’nin Beyannamesine Başbakanın Cevabı”, Cumhuriyet, 5.4.1947.
“DP’nin Beyannamesine Başbakanın Cevabı”, Cumhuriyet, 5.4.1947.
“B. Recep Peker Manisa’da Demokrat Parti’ye Cevap Verdi”, Akşam, 5.4.1947.
“B. Recep Peker Manisa’da Demokrat Parti’ye Cevap Verdi”, Akşam, 5.4.1947.
“Dört İlimizde Dün Yapılan Seçim”, Cumhuriyet, 7.4.1947.
“Dört İlimizde Dün Yapılan Seçim”, Cumhuriyet, 7.4.1947.
“Dört Vilayette de CHP Adayları Kazandı”, Vakit, 7.4.1947.
“Dört Vilayette de CHP Adayları Kazandı”, Vakit, 7.4.1947.
“Seçim Hürriyeti Davamızın Esasıdır”, Demokrat İzmir, 10.4.1947.
“Seçim Hürriyeti Davamızın Esasıdır”, Demokrat İzmir, 10.4.1947.
“C. Bayar’ın Rize’deki Mühim Nutku”, Demokrat İzmir, 3.11.1947.
“C. Bayar’ın Rize’deki Mühim Nutku”, Demokrat İzmir, 3.11.1947.
“D. Parti ve Hükümet Cihazının Takibi”, Demokrat İzmir, 18.4.1947.
“D. Parti ve Hükümet Cihazının Takibi”, Demokrat İzmir, 18.4.1947.
182
“D. Parti ve Hükümet Cihazının Takibi”, Demokrat İzmir, 18.4.1947.
“D. Parti ve Hükümet Cihazının Takibi”, Demokrat İzmir, 18.4.1947.
“Memlekette Siyasi Ahlakın Bugünkü Durumu Nedir?”, Demokrat İzmir, 22.4.1947.
“Memlekette Siyasi Ahlakın Bugünkü Durumu Nedir?”, Demokrat İzmir, 22.4.1947.
“Mareşal Mühim Beyanatta Bulundu”, Demokrat İzmir, 29.8.1947.
“Mareşal Mühim Beyanatta Bulundu”, Demokrat İzmir, 29.8.1947.
“Başbakanın Dünkü Basın Toplantısı”, Ulus, 11.11.1947, p. 2,
“Başbakanın Dünkü Basın Toplantısı”, Ulus, 11.11.1947, p. 2,
“Hasan Saka Peker’den Farksız Konuştu”, Demokrat İzmir, 11.11.1947, p. 1.
“Hasan Saka Peker’den Farksız Konuştu”, Demokrat İzmir, 11.11.1947, p. 1.
“Seçim Kanununun Demokratik Olduğunu İddia, Aklıselimle Alaydır”, Demokrat İzmir,
“Seçim Kanununun Demokratik Olduğunu İddia, Aklıselimle Alaydır”, Demokrat İzmir, 13.11.1047.13.11.1047.
“Celal Bayar, H. Saka’ya Cevap Verdi”, Demokrat İzmir, 14.11.1947.
“Celal Bayar, H. Saka’ya Cevap Verdi”, Demokrat İzmir, 14.11.1947.
“Hasan
“Hasan Saka’nın Son Beyanatı Hayret Uyandırdı”, Demokrat İzmir, 12.11.1947. Saka’nın Son Beyanatı Hayret Uyandırdı”, Demokrat İzmir, 12.11.1947.
“Kenan Öner Diyor Ki”, Demokrat İzmir, 17.11.1947.
“Kenan Öner Diyor Ki”, Demokrat İzmir, 17.11.1947.
“İnönü’nün Tarihi Nutku”, Ulus, 18.11.1947.
“İnönü’nün Tarihi Nutku”, Ulus, 18.11.1947.
“İnönü’nün Dünkü Nutku”, Cumhuriyet, 18.11.1947.
“İnönü’nün Dünkü Nutku”, Cumhuriyet, 18.11.1947.
“Halk Partisi Kurultayı Dün Açıldı”, Demokrat İzmir, 18.11.1947.
“Halk Partisi Kurultayı Dün Açıldı”, Demokrat İzmir, 18.11.1947.
“Seçim Kanunu Meselesi”, Ulus, 6.1.1948.
“Seçim Kanunu Meselesi”, Ulus, 6.1.1948.
“Seçim Kanununda Tadiller Yapılacak”, Ulus, 14.1.1948.
“Seçim Kanununda Tadiller Yapılacak”, Ulus, 14.1.1948.
“CHP Seçim Kanunun Tadiline Karar Verdi”, Demokrat İzmir, 14.1.1948.
“CHP Seçim Kanunun Tadiline Karar Verdi”, Demokrat İzmir, 14.1.1948.
“CHP Meclis Grubu Seçim Kanununun Tadili Fikrini Kabul Etti”, Akşam, 14.1.1948.
“CHP Meclis Grubu Seçim Kanununun Tadili Fikrini Kabul Etti”, Akşam, 14.1.1948.
“Polis Salahiyet Kanununun 18. Maddesi Tarihe Karıştı”, Cumhuriyet, 21.2.1948.
“Polis Salahiyet Kanununun 18. Maddesi Tarihe Karıştı”, Cumhuriyet, 21.2.1948.
“18. Madde Polis Vazife Salahiyet Kanunundan Çıkarıldı”, Ulus, 21.2.1948.
“18. Madde Polis Vazife Salahiyet Kanunundan Çıkarıldı”, Ulus, 21.2.1948.
“Meclis 18. Maddenin Kaldırılmasını Kabul Etti”, Vatan, 21.2.1948.
“Meclis 18. Maddenin Kaldırılmasını Kabul Etti”, Vatan, 21.2.1948.
“18’inci Madde Tarihe Karıştı”, Demokrat İzmir, 21.2.1948.
“18’inci Madde Tarihe Karıştı”, Demokrat İzmir, 21.2.1948.
“Başbakan Yeni Seçim Kanunu Tasarısı Üzerinde İzahat Verdi”, Ulus, 12.5.1948.
“Başbakan Yeni Seçim Kanunu Tasarısı Üzerinde İzahat Verdi”, Ulus, 12.5.1948.
“Memurin Muhakemat Kanununun Tadili”, Demokrat İzmir, 18.5.1948.
“Memurin Muhakemat Kanununun Tadili”, Demokrat İzmir, 18.5.1948.
“
“Memurin Muhakemat Kanunu Prensibini Tayin İçin Bir Komisyon Kurulması Kararlaştı”, Ulus, 21.5.1948.
“Memurin Muhakemat Kanunu’nun Tadili Grupça Kabul Edildi”, Akşam, 9.6.1948.
“Memurin Muhakemat Kanunu’nun Tadili Grupça Kabul Edildi”, Akşam, 9.6.1948.
183
“Memurin Muhakemat Kanunu Nihayet Tadil Ediliyor”, Demokrat İzmir, 9.6.1948.
“Memurin Muhakemat Kanunu Nihayet Tadil Ediliyor”, Demokrat İzmir, 9.6.1948.
“18’inci Madde Tarihe Karıştı”, Demokrat İzmir, 21.2.1948.
“18’inci Madde Tarihe Karıştı”, Demokrat İzmir, 21.2.1948.
“CHP’li Müfritlerin Uğradığı Yeni Hezimetler”, Demokrat İzmir, 21.5.1948.
“CHP’li Müfritlerin Uğradığı Yeni Hezimetler”, Demokrat İzmir, 21.5.1948.
“Demokrat Parti’nin Yeni Bir Teklifi: Seçim Kanunu Tasarısı”, Demokrat İzmir, 16.4.1948.
“Demokrat Parti’nin Yeni Bir Teklifi: Seçim Kanunu Tasarısı”, Demokrat İzmir, 16.4.1948.
“Celal Bayar’ın Ordu’da Söylediği Mühim Nutuk”, Demokrat İzmir, 1.5.1948.
“Celal Bayar’ın Ordu’da Söylediği Mühim Nutuk”, Demokrat İzmir, 1.5.1948.
“Hala Seçim Emniyeti Sağlanamıyor”, Demokrat İzmir, 10.5.1948.
“Hala Seçim Emniyeti Sağlanamıyor”, Demokrat İzmir, 10.5.1948.
“Türkiye’de Namuslu Seçim İstiyoruz”, Demokrat İzmir, 14.5.1948.
“Türkiye’de Namuslu Seçim İstiyoruz”, Demokrat İzmir, 14.5.1948.
“DP’nin Dün İstanbul’da Yaptığı Büyük Miting”, Cumhuriyet, 17.5.1948.
“DP’nin Dün İstanbul’da Yaptığı Büyük Miting”, Cumhuriyet, 17.5.1948.
“Manisalıların Sesi”, Demokrat İzmir, 17.5.1948.
“Manisalıların Sesi”, Demokrat İzmir, 17.5.1948.
“Ankara Muazzam Bir Miting Yaptı”, Demokrat İzmir, 31.5.1948.
“Ankara Muazzam Bir Miting Yaptı”, Demokrat İzmir, 31.5.1948.
“C. Bayar Dün Adana’da Bir Nutuk Söyledi”, Akşam, 15.6.1948.
“C. Bayar Dün Adana’da Bir Nutuk Söyledi”, Akşam, 15.6.1948.
“Adnan Menderes Giresun’da Bir Konuşma Yaptı”, Akşam, 29.5.1948.
“Adnan Menderes Giresun’da Bir Konuşma Yaptı”, Akşam, 29.5.1948.
“Bu Tasarıyla Millet Önüne Çıkılamaz”, Demokrat İzmir, 30.6.1948.
“Bu Tasarıyla Millet Önüne Çıkılamaz”, Demokrat İzmir, 30.6.1948.
“DP Ara Seçimlere İştirak Etmeyecek”, Demokrat İzmir, 10.7.1948.
“DP Ara Seçimlere İştirak Etmeyecek”, Demokrat İzmir, 10.7.1948.
“Demokrat Parti Dün Kati Kararını Verdi”, Cumhuriyet, 10.7.1948.
“Demokrat Parti Dün Kati Kararını Verdi”, Cumhuriyet, 10.7.1948.
“Demokrat Parti’nin Beyannamesi”, Demokrat İzmir, 19.7.1948.
“Demokrat Parti’nin Beyannamesi”, Demokrat İzmir, 19.7.1948.
“DP’nin Seçime Dair Millete Beyannamesi”, Cumhuriyet, 19.7.1948.
“DP’nin Seçime Dair Millete Beyannamesi”, Cumhuriyet, 19.7.1948.
“Muhalefet Partisi Beklenen Beyannameyi Yayınladı”, Son Posta, 19.7.1948.
“Muhalefet Partisi Beklenen Beyannameyi Yayınladı”, Son Posta, 19.7.1948.
“Kısmi Seçimlere Muhalefetin Topyekûn Girmeyeceği Belli Oldu”, Yeni Sabah, 14 Temmuz
“Kısmi Seçimlere Muhalefetin Topyekûn Girmeyeceği Belli Oldu”, Yeni Sabah, 14 Temmuz 1948.1948.
“13 İlde Yapılan Seçimi CHP Adayları Kazandılar”, Cumhuriyet, 19.10.1948.
“13 İlde Yapılan Seçimi CHP Adayları Kazandılar”, Cumhuriyet, 19.10.1948.
“Millet İktidara Büyük Bir Ders Verdi”, Demokrat İzmir, 18.10.1948.
“Millet İktidara Büyük Bir Ders Verdi”, Demokrat İzmir, 18.10.1948.
“Ara Seçimler Dün Pek Sönük Geçti”, Cumhuriyet, 18.10.1948.
“Ara Seçimler Dün Pek Sönük Geçti”, Cumhuriyet, 18.10.1948.
“Seçim Yolsuzlukları Açığa Vuruluyor”, Demokrat İzmir, 24.10.1948.
“Seçim Yolsuzlukları Açığa Vuruluyor”, Demokrat İzmir, 24.10.1948.
“Fuat Köprülü’ye Göre Ara Seçimin Neticesi”,
“Fuat Köprülü’ye Göre Ara Seçimin Neticesi”, Cumhuriyet, 22.10.1948.Cumhuriyet, 22.10.1948.
184
“Seçimleri Yenilemek Zaruret Haline Geldi”, Demokrat İzmir, 23.10.1948. “Seçimleri Yenilemek Zaruret Haline Geldi”, Demokrat İzmir, 23.10.1948.
“DP Yeni Seçimler İçin Sesini Yükseltiyor”, Cumhuriyet, 23.10.1948.
“DP Yeni Seçimler İçin Sesini Yükseltiyor”, Cumhuriyet, 23.10.1948.
“Hasan Saka Kabinesi İstifa Etti”, Yeni Sabah, 15.1.1949.
“Hasan Saka Kabinesi İstifa Etti”, Yeni Sabah, 15.1.1949.
“Hasan Saka Kabinesi Nihayet İstifa Ettirildi”, Demokrat İzmir, 15.1.1949.
“Hasan Saka Kabinesi Nihayet İstifa Ettirildi”, Demokrat İzmir, 15.1.1949.
“Yeni Kabineyi Şemsettin Günaltay Kuruyor”, Demokrat İzmir, 16.1.1949.
“Yeni Kabineyi Şemsettin Günaltay Kuruyor”, Demokrat İzmir, 16.1.1949.
“Şemsettin Günaltay Başbakan Oldu”, Cumhuriyet, 16.1.1949.
“Şemsettin Günaltay Başbakan Oldu”, Cumhuriyet, 16.1.1949.
“Başbakan Ş. Günaltay’ın Basına Mühim Demeci”, Akşam, 22.4.1949.
“Başbakan Ş. Günaltay’ın Basına Mühim Demeci”, Akşam, 22.4.1949.
“Başbakanın Basın Konferansı”, Cumhuriyet, 22.4.1949.
“Başbakanın Basın Konferansı”, Cumhuriyet, 22.4.1949.
“Başbakan’ın İstanbul’daki Basın Toplantısı”, Ulus, 14.5.1949.
“Başbakan’ın İstanbul’daki Basın Toplantısı”, Ulus, 14.5.1949.
“Ş. Günaltay Mühim Bir Konuşma Yaptı”, Demokrat İzmir, 14.5.1949.
“Ş. Günaltay Mühim Bir Konuşma Yaptı”, Demokrat İzmir, 14.5.1949.
“Seçim ve Basın Kanunları Yeniden Tetkike Başlandı”, Demokrat İzmir, 11.2.1949.
“Seçim ve Basın Kanunları Yeniden Tetkike Başlandı”, Demokrat İzmir, 11.2.1949.
“Seçim Kanunu Üzerinde Tetkiklere Başlanıyor”, Ulus, 11.2.1949.
“Seçim Kanunu Üzerinde Tetkiklere Başlanıyor”, Ulus, 11.2.1949.
“Pembe Kitap Yayımlandı”, Ulus, 10.5.1949.
“Pembe Kitap Yayımlandı”, Ulus, 10.5.1949.
“Seçim Kanunu İçin Neşriyata Başlandı”, Zafer, 1.7.1949.
“Seçim Kanunu İçin Neşriyata Başlandı”, Zafer, 1.7.1949.
“Seçim Kanunu Tasarısı Dün İlan Edildi”, Akşam, 13.8.1949.
“Seçim Kanunu Tasarısı Dün İlan Edildi”, Akşam, 13.8.1949.
“Eğer CHP Kendine
“Eğer CHP Kendine Güveniyorsa Ne duruyor Tam Fırsattır, Umumi Seçimlere Gidelim”, Güveniyorsa Ne duruyor Tam Fırsattır, Umumi Seçimlere Gidelim”, Demokrat İzmir, 18.5.1949.Demokrat İzmir, 18.5.1949.
“Bayar Samsun’da”, Zafer, 14.5.1949.
“Bayar Samsun’da”, Zafer, 14.5.1949.
“Bütün Milletin Ümidini Kendisine Bağladığı Büyük Kongre”, Demokrat İzmir, 21.6.1949.
“Bütün Milletin Ümidini Kendisine Bağladığı Büyük Kongre”, Demokrat İzmir, 21.6.1949.
“DP’nin Dünkü Büyük Heyecanı”, Demokrat İzmir, 22.6.1949.
“DP’nin Dünkü Büyük Heyecanı”, Demokrat İzmir, 22.6.1949.
“Hükümetimiz Dün Akşam Bir Tebliğ Yayınladı”, Ulus, 28.6.1949.
“Hükümetimiz Dün Akşam Bir Tebliğ Yayınladı”, Ulus, 28.6.1949.
“Hükümet Dün Garip Bir Beyanname Neşretti”, Demokrat İzmir, 28.6.1949.
“Hükümet Dün Garip Bir Beyanname Neşretti”, Demokrat İzmir, 28.6.1949.
“Adli Teminatın Mahiyeti Nedir?”, Zafer, 2.7.1949.
“Adli Teminatın Mahiyeti Nedir?”, Zafer, 2.7.1949.
“İlim Heyeti Partilerin Düşüncelerini Sordu”, Ulus, 23.9.1949.
“İlim Heyeti Partilerin Düşüncelerini Sordu”, Ulus, 23.9.1949.
“İlim Heyeti”, Demokrat İzmir, 23.9.1949.
“İlim Heyeti”, Demokrat İzmir, 23.9.1949.
“CHP İlmi Heyete Cevap Verdi”, Ulus, 12.10.1949.
“CHP İlmi Heyete Cevap Verdi”, Ulus, 12.10.1949.
185
“DP Seçim Kanununda Bulunmasını Elzem Gördüğü Esasları İzah Ediyor”, Demokrat İzmir,
“DP Seçim Kanununda Bulunmasını Elzem Gördüğü Esasları İzah Ediyor”, Demokrat İzmir, 12.10.1949.12.10.1949.
“MP Seçim Kanunu Çalışmalarına Katılmıyor”, Son Posta, 9.10.1949.
“MP Seçim Kanunu Çalışmalarına Katılmıyor”, Son Posta, 9.10.1949.
“İlim Heyetinin Hazırladığı Seçim Projesinin Tam Metni”, Zafer, 17.12.1949.
“İlim Heyetinin Hazırladığı Seçim Projesinin Tam Metni”, Zafer, 17.12.1949.
“İlmi Heyetin Hazırladığı Yeni Seçim Tasarısı”, Demokrat İzmir, 17.12.1949.
“İlmi Heyetin Hazırladığı Yeni Seçim Tasarısı”, Demokrat İzmir, 17.12.1949.
“Seçimlerde Yargıçların Nezaret ve Murakabe Prensibi Kabul Edildi”, Ulus,
“Seçimlerde Yargıçların Nezaret ve Murakabe Prensibi Kabul Edildi”, Ulus, 7.12.1949.7.12.1949.
“CHP Grubu’nun Dünkü Gizli Toplantısı”, Demokrat İzmir, 7.12.1949.
“CHP Grubu’nun Dünkü Gizli Toplantısı”, Demokrat İzmir, 7.12.1949.
“Hükümet Seçim Kanunu Tasarısını Dün Meclise Verdi”, Ulus, 17.12.1949.
“Hükümet Seçim Kanunu Tasarısını Dün Meclise Verdi”, Ulus, 17.12.1949.
“Yeni Seçim Kanunu Meclis’e Verildi”, Son Posta, 17.12.1949.
“Yeni Seçim Kanunu Meclis’e Verildi”, Son Posta, 17.12.1949.
“Adnan Menderes’in Başbakana Cevabı”, Akşam, 26.12.1949.
“Adnan Menderes’in Başbakana Cevabı”, Akşam, 26.12.1949.
“DP İdare Amirlerine Hasım Değildir”, Demokrat İzmir, 9.1.1950.
“DP İdare Amirlerine Hasım Değildir”, Demokrat İzmir, 9.1.1950.
“DP’nin Ankara Toplantısı Sona Erdi’ Demokrat İzmir, 10.1.1950.“DP’nin Ankara Toplantısı Sona Erdi’ Demokrat İzmir, 10.1.1950.
“DP İstişari Kongresi Sona Erdi”, Zafer, 10.1.1950.
“DP İstişari Kongresi Sona Erdi”, Zafer, 10.1.1950.
“Demokrat Parti’nin Mühim Tebliği”, Demokrat İzmir, 13.1.1950.
“Demokrat Parti’nin Mühim Tebliği”, Demokrat İzmir, 13.1.1950.
“Demokrat Parti’nin Beyannamesi”, Zafer, 13.1.1950.
“Demokrat Parti’nin Beyannamesi”, Zafer, 13.1.1950.
“Yeni Seçim Kanunu Dün Kanuniyet Kebetti”, Zafer, 17.2.1950. “Yeni Seçim Kanunu Dün Kanuniyet Kebetti”, Zafer, 17.2.1950.
“Meclis Yeni Seçim Kanunu Kabul Etti”, Cumhuriyet, 17.2.1950.
“Meclis Yeni Seçim Kanunu Kabul Etti”, Cumhuriyet, 17.2.1950.
“Seçim Tasarısı Dün Kanunlaştı”, Demokrat
“Seçim Tasarısı Dün Kanunlaştı”, Demokrat İzmir, 17.2.1950.İzmir, 17.2.1950.
“İnönü’nün İzmir’de Gazetecilerle Konuşması”, Vatan, 4.5.1950.
“İnönü’nün İzmir’de Gazetecilerle Konuşması”, Vatan, 4.5.1950.
“9 Milyon Vatandaş Rey Veriyor”, Zafer, 14.5.1950.
“9 Milyon Vatandaş Rey Veriyor”, Zafer, 14.5.1950.
“Büyük Yurtta Seçim Var, Sandık Başına”, Demokrat İzmir, 14.5.1950.
“Büyük Yurtta Seçim Var, Sandık Başına”, Demokrat İzmir, 14.5.1950.
“Seçimler Bugün Yapılıyor”, Ulus, 14.5.1950.
“Seçimler Bugün Yapılıyor”, Ulus, 14.5.1950.
“Yurtta Genel Seçim Bugün Yapılıyor”, Cumhuriyet, 14.5.1950.
“Yurtta Genel Seçim Bugün Yapılıyor”, Cumhuriyet, 14.5.1950.
“Bu Sabah Sekizden İtibaren Yurdun Her Tarafında Seçime Başlandı”, Akşam, 14.5.1950.
“Bu Sabah Sekizden İtibaren Yurdun Her Tarafında Seçime Başlandı”, Akşam, 14.5.1950.
“Seçimler Bütün Yurtta Sükunetle Sona Erdi”, Ulus, 15.5.1950.
“Seçimler Bütün Yurtta Sükunetle Sona Erdi”, Ulus, 15.5.1950.
186
“Seçim Neticeleri”, Demokrat İzmir, 15.5.1950.
“Seçim Neticeleri”, Demokrat İzmir, 15.5.1950.
“D. Parti Genel İdare Kurulu Millete Hitaben Bir Beyanname Hazırladı”, Demokrat İzmir, “D. Parti Genel İdare Kurulu Millete Hitaben Bir Beyanname Hazırladı”, Demokrat İzmir, 18.5.1950.18.5.1950.
“Demokrat Parti Genel Kurulu Dün Bir Beyanname Neşretti”, Zafer, 19.5.1950.
“Demokrat Parti Genel Kurulu Dün Bir Beyanname Neşretti”, Zafer, 19.5.1950.
187