ANADOLU SELÇUKLU DEVLETİ: 429

l.l Generation Young Turk Oi
l.p The Concept Reviewed 55
9 THE OLD AND FORESIGHT 9/
p.m Successors 7O
p.l Memoirs 7q
p.p Predecessors bi
; EDUCATION 89
r.m School as a Venue ii
r.l Fleeing to Europe q7
r.p Enrolling in Schools qi
r.r Comparing Schools t6
r.u The Younger Cohort tb
r.v Outside the Classroom tt
r.w Chosen Predecessors x6
8 AGE MEETS ERA <=
u.m Rivalry and Valorization of Youth xt
u.l La Belle Ey poque? hq
u.p Dynamism O65
u.r Bookends of a Generation O6h
> CONCLUSION //8
BIBLIOGRAPHY /2/
x
NOTE: The in-house editor of the Atatürk Institute has made detailed recommendations
with regard to the format, grammar, spelling, usage, syntax,
and style of this thesis.
O
!
Introduction
he initial enthusiasm behind the present endeavor was to weigh the
possibilities of the juxtaposition of "Young Turk" and "generation," two
components laden with abundant and varied connotations. Both notions
have been catapulted into expansive and atomistic lexicons simultaneously.
The initial query, born after encountering a bulk of references to
"Young Turk generations" in and out of academia, was twofold: Were the
Young Turks, whomever they may be de1ined as, conscious of such generational
identity? Was it they who self-considered and appropriated
such a shared link, or was this an external ascription?
Exploring through a generational framework bears great advantages.
Primarily, it permits nuanced scrutiny of transient moods, acknowledging
that generations, too, are products of the "fuzzy" boundaries that
these cohorts inhabit. Simultaneously, the thesis does not dismiss critiques
of the generational framework encountered during the research.
One salient counterpoint views the concept of generation as more of an
"artifact, an illusion that people engaged in social action hold about themselves,"
1 a rampant, though possibly illusory, categorization.
1 Pierre Nora, Realms of Memory: Volume I: Con3licts and Divisions, translated by Arthur Goldhammer

Nevertheless, even if "generation" proves to be largely an artifact, this investigation
has been engaged since its inception with the perspective that
there is value in probing this history of illusions, for such illusions, too,
shape the actions and self-perceptions of those who hold them.
The gaze then turned towards memoirs, as one is, by the promise of
the genre, free to gather and balance all their past and present illusions
within its pages. No memoir is devoid of the historical aspect, mirroring
a generation in that it becomes "the spontaneous horizon of individual
historical objecti1ication."2 The thesis seconded the idea that a generation
is an instinctive mechanism for converting memory into history.3 This notion
grows more salient and revealing when the object under scrutiny is
the Young Turk generation, as the primary outlook of several of the memoirs
studied is their reciprocal aspect, the dialogue with one another. This
reciprocity, in turn, deepens the exchange concerning the historical and
generational dimensions.
The Young Turks’ and their generational peers’ perceived "decisiveness"
acted as the catalyst for this reciprocal dynamic, positioning them
at the epicenter of a cultural and historical narrative. They were held to
account for the creation of a new world and bore the weight of both accolades
and criticisms inherent to such a grand undertaking. Navigating
a landscape marked by increasing globalization, their perspective extended
beyond the insular ethos to resonate with the broader "spirit of
the times," i.e., the "Zeitgeist." The act of claiming or disclaiming their role
in seminal events became a central thread in many of their memoirs. In
this sense, their memoirs are not mere re1lections of individual lives but
calculated acts of shaping a collective legacy, a quid pro quo where the
act of writing becomes a means to assert and cement their in1luence and
legacy over time.
The subsequent chapters embark with an opening segment dedicated
to assembling and scrutinizing the diverse de1initions and characterizations
associated with the terms "the Young Turks," "The Young Turk
2 Nora., CGH.
3 Ibid., CGH.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
7
generation," and "generation." Upon establishing this foundational familiarity,
the third chapter hones in on this generation's interactions with
the ones that immediately preceded and succeeded them. This section of
the thesis explores within the memoirs the voluntarily de1ined distinctions
that set this generation apart and the instruments of in1luence, such
as "utopia," they exercised through other genres.
The fourth chapter is structured to probe into the profound implications
of education for this generation, an element that the current study
posits as central to their generation formation. It advances the argument
that education played a transformative role, notably pivoting the generational
dynamics from being predominantly vertical to acquiring a double
axis. Emphasis is placed on the role of schools as social and developmental
arenas, transcending their mere functional purpose of knowledge dissemination.
It delves into the dynamics that drove decisions related to
enrolling in and transitioning between schools within the Ottoman context
and Europe. Further, it explores the wide-ranging criteria these individuals
used to compare schools and assess their subsequent impact on
self-perception. The chapter offers insight into the contrast perceived between
the worlds within and outside these institutions' walls. It also
sheds light on this generation's selection of intellectual predecessors, a
choice signi1icantly informed by the dialogue fostered and propagated
within and beyond their educational environments. Additionally, this
chapter brings attention to the prematurely terminated educational journeys,
particularly evident in the memoirs of the younger cohort, a consequence
of the disruptions wrought by World War I, highlighting a distinctive
experiential divergence.
The 1ifth chapter delves into the exercise of periodization, examining
the outlook of the historical eras this generation nurtured and the actors’
own internal segmentation of life into distinct phases. Central to this
chapter is the inquiry into the signi1icance of 'youth' for this generation,
a theme already underscored in existing literature as a quintessential aspect
they treasured. The pragmatic and calculated deployment of the notion
of youth is dissected, laying bare its varied and consciously modi1ied
implications. Notably, the chapter accentuates the role of seniority
GO@ZDE IŞIK
b
narratives in shaping and enhancing the levels of horizontal unity or divergence
within the generation. Too the complex relationship that this
generation forged with time and space, a relationship that is constitutive
of their generational identity, is examined. The chapter draws to a close
with a discussion on the bookends of this generation.
i
"
Whence Emerged the Protagonists of a Fading Epoch?
§ I.K Who were the Young Turks?
Considerable levels of ambiguity will catch the eye of a reader who
intends to read the very checkered history of the couplet "Young Turks."
Invented in Europe, the term has been in use to refer to a late-Ottoman
social group. The scope of this group is much debated. Probing the nuances
enfolded within this nomenclature, one discerns the variegated assemblage
of factions, ideologies, and personalities to which "Young
Turks" has been ascribed, rendering a clear-cut de1inition a moot point.
Deliberations henceforth will emphasize speci1ic groups encapsulated by
and dynamics that coalesce under this appellation.
The prominent inclination perceives "Young Turks" as adversaries to
Abdülhamid II throughout the time frame stretching from the conclusion
of the 1irst constitutional era in Oxtx to the eve of the second constitutional
period in Oh6x. In this context, the ambit is occasionally constricted,
equating the Young Turks solely with the faction that took on the
GO@ZDE IŞIK
q
positivist slogan "union and progress"1- or later its transposed version2-
as their name in Oxhi, thereby oversimplifying the diverse undercurrents
within the movement. The equation may revolve around (i) the enduring
in1luence of this faction, which is considered "the most durable”3 faction
within the Young Turk movement, (ii) the faction’s extent that is not 1ixed
and has undergone transformations, with different "incarnations and offshoots"
4 being recognized, (iii) the label "Young Turk" adopted by the
members of this faction to assert their position within the lineage of
"Young" movements5, and (iv) the pivotal importance ascribed to the constitutional
revolution of Oh6x in Ottoman history, with the young of1icers
who emerged as its heroes belonging to this faction i.e. Committee of Union
and Progress6 (hereafter CUP.)
Erroneously, the post-Oh6x Constitution administration, steered by
the CUP, is frequently designated as the "Young Turk government" by a
number of European historians.7 However, elements of both regime and
opposition were entwined with the broader Young Turk movement, and
the CUP government was just one part of this larger ensemble. The equation
attempts do not always denote narrowing tendencies. Preference is
often declared towards subsuming all the opposition to Abdülhamid II's
regime in the "Young Turk movement." Şükrü Hanioğlu notes that the
term "Young Turk" has been subject to vague and inaccurate use, and that
overlooks the existence of some independent groups working in the
1 Hasan Kayalı, "The Young Turks and the Committee of Union and Progress," in The Routledge
Handbook of Modern Turkey, eds. Metin Heper and Sabri Sayarı (New York: Routledge,
GD?G), GE.
2 Tarık Zafer Tunaya, Türkiye'de Siyasal Partiler, vol. V, "IWttihat ve Terakki" (Istanbul: Hü rriyet
Vakfı Yayınları, ?@H@), E.
3 Kayalı, GE.
4 Ibid., GA.
5 Ibid., GA.
6 Erik J. Zü rcher, "Who Were The Young Turks," in The Young Turk Legacy and Nation Building
(London: IB Tauris, GD?D), ?D`.
7 Şü krü Hanioğlu, "Young Turks," in Encyclopedia of the Ottoman Empire, eds. Gábor Ad goston
and Bruce Masters (New York: Facts On File, GDD@), AD`.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
t
Ottoman Empire against the regime of Abdülhamid II that had no dealings
with the Young Turks.8
The genesis of the term "Young Turk" in Europe precedes the formation
of the CUP and various independent groups denoted by this name.
Consequently, the second prominent predilection situates the factions referred
to with this name within earlier epochs. Origins of the term were
traced back to British historian Charles MacFarlane in Ox5x, who used it
to describe the youthful Ottoman generation. The term took on various
connotations throughout the mid-nineteenth century as it was adapted
and applied in diverse contexts.9 The "Young Turk" designation characterizes,
says Hasan Kayalı, "a string of cognate sociopolitical platforms
and associational af1iliations in the late Ottoman Empire," and he underlines
that in the Oxq6s, "the literary, political dissident group that had
formed in Istanbul and called itself the 'New Ottoman' [later known as
Young Ottomans] was becoming known to Europe as the 'Young Turks.'"10
Although the Young Turks of the subsequent generation often con1irmed
multifold af1inities with the New Ottomans, they represented "a new generation
of dissidents."11 Ryan Gingeras notes that the Young Turk revolution
of Oh6x "was a moment that was decades in the making and was only
one turn in a series of revolutionary steps towards top-down reform" and
highlights the question often considered as engaging several generations
of dissidents' attention, namely, "How can this state be saved?" Respondents
varied in terms of age cohorts and political orientations, but as Gingeras
notes, "it is this generation of political leaders and societal managers
that would have the 1inal word."12 This generation presents a fecund
topic for an investigator exploring the connections between the notions
of youth and generation, and within the purview of the present work,
they will be the subject encompassed by the term Young Turks.
8 Şü krü Hanioğlu, The Young Turks in Opposition (New York: Oxford University Press, ?@@C), `.
9 Şü krü Hanioğlu, "Young Turks," in Encyclopedia of the Ottoman Empire, AD`.
10 Kayalı, GA.
11 Ibid., GA.
12 Ryan Gingeras, Sorrowful Shores (New York: Oxford University Press, GDD@), ?`.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
x
Literature to date underscored the Young Turks' high regard for
youth. Both the Young Ottomans and the Young Turks identi1ied themselves
in French contexts as la Jeune Turquie13, and both eschewed employing
the conventional Turkish term for "young" in their designations.
The Young Ottomans characterized themselves in Ottoman contexts using
the descriptor Yeni, which translates to "new," while the latter
adopted the label Jöntürk, a straightforward transliteration of their
French moniker. The label Genç Türk appears in the memoirs and writings
of the second group, highlighting the evolving use and adaptation of
the term. Erik-Jan Zü rcher notes, "The Young Turks were quite young in
a literal sense when they came onto the scene in Oh6x, but they were also
the 1irst generation of Ottomans to see youth as an asset." He adds that
youth, for them, functioned as a means of legitimizing their actions.14
However, it can be argued that the dynamic was bidirectional, as they also
sought to legitimize youth. Although they were attentive to various invented
traditions and portrayed themselves as the natural heirs of earlier
reformist movements, such as the Young Ottomans, this generation set
itself apart by embracing the label "Young" and extolling youth for its associated
qualities of "dynamism, activity, and progressiveness."15
Shmuel N. Eisenstadt postulates that, in special historical circumstances,
youth symbolism is resorted to articulate generational consciousness.
16 Citing Talat Pasha, who had said, "A man at the age of twenty
is a mature man"17 Tarık Zafer Tunaya records that in the CUP subsidiaries,
the issue of age was given great importance. He de1ines the Unionists
13 Şü krü Hanioğlu, "Young Turks," in The Princeton Encyclopedia of Islamic Political Thought,
ed. Gerhard Bowering et al. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, GD?V), AD?.
14 Erik J. Zü rcher, "The Young Turk Mindset," in The Young Turk Legacy and Nation Building
(London: IB Tauris, GD?D), ?D`.
15 Erik-Jan Zü rcher, "The Young Turks – Children of the Borderlands?," International Journal of
Turkish Studies @, no. ?/G (GDDV): GEC-GHA.
16 S. N. Eisenstadt, "Sociology of Generations," in N. J. Smelser and P. B. Baltes, eds., International
Encyclopedia of the Social and Behavioral Sciences, vol. @ (Amsterdam, GDD?), ADCH-C@,
quoted in Niall Whelehan, "Youth, Generations, and Collective Action in Nineteenth-Century
Ireland and Italy," Comparative Studies in Society and History CA, no. ` (GD?`): @`A.
17 "Yirmi yaşında adam koca adamdır." Quoted in Tunaya, G?`.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
h
as a community keen to include everyone of all ages and categories "who
had the psychology to turn their views into a political sect" yet declares
that the CUP attached great importance to youth, "and this was the quality
that attracted them the most."18 It will be posited later in this thesis
that this quality attracted not only CUP members but also their generational
peers, which will be subsumed under the name "the Young Turk
generation." Additionally, the relationship between the importance they
placed on seniority and youth will be argued to be more nuanced.
Niall Whelehan cautions in his analysis of Ohth-century revolutionary
groups in Ireland and Italy that one should not merely view descriptions
of youth and maturity through the lens of age. He highlights that symbolic
markers, such as marriage, educational completion, property ownership,
rebellion participation, and aspects like gender, occupation, and ethnicity,
can shift perceptions. He suggests considering youth in terms of "how
it related to contemporary understandings of maturity and adulthood."19
Despite the extensive character of the scholarly and popular literature on
the Young Turks, research has not been statistically substantiated enough
to answer the questions of when and where the Young Turks were young
regarding such rites of passage and, in a very broad meaning of the term,
classes. Zü rcher shows that the standard works on the period abound in
"very broad, and in some cases contradictory"20 generalizations: Feroz
Ahmad calls the Young Turks' "lower middle class" and "newly emerging
professional classes."21 Henry Elisha Allen says they were "young of1icers,"
which is also Geoffrey Lewis's classi1ication, while Bernard Lewis
talks about "Muslim Turks, mostly soldiers" and "members of the ruling
élite," which is in direct contrast with Stanford Shaw's "lower class" and
"subject class." Richard Robinson describes them as "new technicians,
newly awakened intelligentsia, western-oriented army of1icers," while
Sina Akşin summed them up as "Turks, youngsters, members of the
18 Tunaya., G?`.
19 Whelehan, @VE.
20 Erik J. Zü rcher, "Who Were The Young Turks," in The Young Turk Legacy and Nation Building
(London: IB Tauris, GD?D), @A.
21 Ibid., @C.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
O6
ruling class, western-educated with a bourgeois mentality."22 His usage
of the term Young Turk, Zürcher notes, accounts for "the whole group that
was involved in the constitutionalist agitation before Oh6x, the CUP and
its off-shoots between Oh6x and OhOx, the leadership of the national resistance
movement after World War I and the leadership of the early republic
(until Ohi6)."23 He discerns six subgroups: the founders, the leaders
of the Oh6x constitutional revolution, the politically active of1icers in
the Ottoman army, the members of the CUP's Central Committee, the
leadership of the nationalist resistance after World War I, and the early
republican ruling élite.24
In the late Oxx6s, as European-style educational institutions 1lourished,
dissatisfaction with Abdülhamit II's reign grew among students.
These young minds formed networks, advocating for the revival of the
parliamentary system that had been cast aside in Oxtx. Opposition
swelled, both inside and beyond the empire's borders. By Oxhi, Ahmed
Rıza steered the helm of the CUP's Paris Branch, persevering even when
domestic dissenters were silenced and exiled on the cusp of their
planned coup d'état in Oxhq. The Parisian committee welcomed fresh
faces and bolstered the modest internal voices with its publications.
Come Oh65, during the Congress of Ottoman Liberals a rift emerged
within the CUP, with Prince Sabahattin founding a faction, the Society of
Ottoman Liberals.25 Zürcher deems these early 1igures as the "founding
fathers"26 and "1irst generation."27 He paints the budding Young Turk
movement as "a conspiracy of medical doctors," all Ob pivotal early members
boasting post-secondary education. While they trained in military
institutions, none actively held an army post. Zü rcher suggests that these
individuals sought learning in the empire's most advanced schools without
harboring military ambitions. Aside from the slightly older Ahmed
22 Zü rcher, "Who Were The Young Turks," @A.
23 Ibid., V?G.
24 Ibid., @A.
25 Ibid, @H.
26 Ibid., @E.
27 Ibid., @@.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
OO
Rıza, Ahmed Saip, and Mizancı Murat, this cohort was born between Oxqb
and Oxtb, averaging 5t years of age in Oxhq,28 on the eve of the ill-fated
coup d'état.
Three members of this group, who were civilians in their early thirties,
founded the Ottoman Freedom Society in Salonica in Oh6q and approached
seven army of1icers, two belonging to a higher rank and age,
with the average age of the rest being twenty-six. This group of ten forms
"the leaders of the Oh6x constitutional revolution," Zü rcher's second subgroup.
He points out that all of them had public posts and, barring Talat,
had also received higher education. They differed from the 1irst group in
that there was a "complete absence of individuals from the Anatolian inland,
Kurdistan, the Arab provinces or the Muslim areas of the Russian
Empire," and resembled it in terms of "the status and social standings of
their fathers,"29 which showed great variation. Zü rcher records that the
CUP had about two thousand members in Oh6x, and around two-thirds or
more seem to have been military men.
A more juvenile pro1ile is seen in Zürcher's third subgroup, the "politically
active of1icers in the Ottoman army," with the average age being
twenty-nine in Oh6x, "which makes them about seven years younger on
average than the group of civilian leaders (or party bosses) around
Talâ t."30 Like the second subgroup, they came disproportionately from
the Balkans and Istanbul. Their fathers had been in the service of the
state, yet this time the signi1icant variation was between the positions
they held or their social status. Another subgroup, that of "Volunteers"
(fedaiin), was loosely de1ined and differed from the elite of1icers in terms
of their ranks, yet tied to them with bonds of friendship formed during
the years of training.31 The CUP's Central Committee, a separate
28 Zü rcher, "Who Were The Young Turks," @H-@@.
29 Ibid., ?DD.
30 Ibid., ?D?.
31 Ibid., ?DG. Also see, Benjamin Fortna, “Late-Ottoman ‘Rogues’ and their Paths to Power: A
Prosopographic Study," in Age of Rogues: Rebels, Revolutionaries and Racketeers at the
Frontiers of Empires, eds. Ramazan Hakkı Os ztan and Alp Yenen (Edinburgh: Edinburgh
University Press, GDGV).
GO@ZDE IŞIK
O5
subgroup, included civilians, but largely excluded younger military of1icers32
and dissenting Young Turk veterans33. World War I led to signi1icant
changes in leadership, with the self-imposed exile of a small group of key
leaders due to their responsibility "for the entry of the Ottoman Empire
into the war and particularly for the persecution of the Armenians."34
Many 1igures had also "departed from the scene" as they were interned
in Malta following their arrest by the government or by the British. However,
a powerful resistance movement had emerged, and the "people involved
with the start of the national struggle do not constitute a new
group. They are familiar 1igures from the preceding era."
Zürcher shows that three groups heretofore discussed seem to have
been in1luential here in particular: "First, politically active military of1icers
(…)– all of them early CUP members; second, CUP party bosses (…)
and third, former fedaiin."35 The leadership of this subgroup represented
a bicephalous form. The Council of Commissars (heyeti vükela) membership
which was determined by the elections held in the National Assembly
from April Oh56 onwards, formed "the political leadership of the resistance
movement, apart from the military leadership." Let alone one
exception, the members of the council, who were slightly older than the
group of military leaders, were forty-one on average in Oh56. Zürcher
highlights that seven out of seventeen had served as members of the Ottoman
parliament, and all except Celal had higher education. The absence
of the exiled Unionists in Malta at the turn of the national resistance
movement and the total absence of the small group of CUP leaders who
left the country and never managed to return paved the way for a new
locus of control. The new leadership formed around Mustafa Kemal combined
these facilitator factors with the elimination of "the former Unionists
and former resistance leaders who could provide a credible challenge"
to it and established its monopoly.
32 Zü rcher, "Who Were The Young Turks," ?D`.
33 Ibid., ?DV.
34 Ibid., ?D`.
35 Ibid., ?DC.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
O7
The analysis reveals that the early republican ruling elite, similar to
the preceding Unionists, were educated in European-style secular
schools and mirrored familiar geographical characteristics from previously
examined subgroups of Young Turk leadership. "No less than half
of the people who led the new republic came from areas that were lost by
the empire in the period OhOO–O7," says Zürcher, calling these members of
the last subgroup refugees in a technical sense.36 Describing the underlying
premise behind his attempt at a group portrait, he elucidates the pertinence
of scrutinizing the political elite from the Oh6x constitutional revolution
to the cessation of one-party dominion in the republic as a
singular, cohesive group.
Employing the term "generation" in lieu of Zürcher's "group" appears
promising, as his 1indings reveal not merely the legacy of an ideological
group but the enduring in1luence and hegemony of a generation on its
successors for an extended period. In his The Modern Theme, José Ortega
asserts that at times, society holds fast to the legacies of the past, viewing
such inheritance as indivisible from their own personal acquisitions.
These epochs are hallmarked by periods of aggregation, a harmonious
union of the 1ledgling and the matured, wherein the new entrants adhere
to the tenets of the previous order. Contrarily, there are epochs that recognize
an incongruity between the legacy of the old and the novel possessions
of the present. Such times are punctuated by periods of dismissal
and contention, a rivalry between generations.37 This bipartite
categorization of historical epochs posits that cumulative epochs were
the domain of the old, whilst eliminatory epochs belonged to the youth.
Harnessing this conceptual framework, the Young Turk generation might
be seen as instrumental in helming the shift from a cumulative to an eliminatory
epoch and later leading the shift back, continuing to hold sway
over the political and ideological milieu during the progeny generations'
youth.
36 Zü rcher, "Who Were The Young Turks," ?DE.
37 José Ortega y Gasset, The Modern Theme, trans. James Cleugh (New York: Harper & Row,
?@A?), ?E-?H.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
Ob
The literature perused, notably Zürcher's remarkable undertaking,
proffers an aperture to delve into the generational aspects of the Young
Turks. It is precisely this aperture that the present disquisition aspires to
enrich. Beyond the generalizations Zü rcher scrutinizes, one can discern
a penchant for singularization within Young Turk narratives. Speci1ic
prominent 1igures have frequently been commandeered to serve an array
of teleologies. As an illustration, Alp Yenen provides the example of Enver
Pasha, who has been characterized as "either a desperate and clumsy
charlatan scheming destructive machinations or as a quixotic adventurist
following a tragic but prideful quest."38 Hanioğlu underscores the necessity
of considering the "era of adventurists"39 when interpreting Enver
Pasha's actions. This adventurist element can be traced in various accounts,
encompassing the Young Turks' self-portrayals, Orientalist texts
that brand them as an elemental threat, or writings evaluating their legacy.
Howard Bliss, a contemporaneous observer of Cemal Pasha's rule in
Syria and Lebanon, depicts the Young Turks as audacious individuals wagering
high stakes and prepared to embrace desperate measures.40 This
existential temperament recurs in numerous accounts. Leon Trotsky, in a
Oh6h composition, introduces Prince Sabahattin as either a dilettante
dreamer or a yet-to-be-unveiled schemer.41 Zü rcher cautions against
38 Alp Yenen, The Young Turk Aftermath: Making Sense of Transnational Contentious Politics at
the End of the Ottoman Empire, PQPR-PQTT (PhD diss., University of Basel, Faculty of Humanities
and Social Sciences, GD?A), E.
39 M. Şü krü Hanioğlu, "Enver Paşa," in Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslam Ansiklopedisi, vol. ??, `` vols.,
GA?–GA` (IWstanbul: Tü rkiye Diyanet Vakfı IWslam Araştırmaları Merkezi, ?@HH–GD?V), ??:GA`,
cited in ibid., H.
40 "The Syrian Protestant College and the Ottoman Government: A forecast of some of the more
or less remote contingencies in the course of the war’s progress," a seventeen-page report
dated February ?@?A, American University of Beirut Archives, Howard Bliss Collection,
Box ?A AA G-GV-G ?A-A, cited in Selim Deringil, The Ottoman Twilight in the Arab
Lands (Brighton: Academic Studies Press, GD?@), xlii.
41 Leon Trotsky, "The Young Turks (January ?@D@)," in The War Correspondence of Leon Trotsky,
Kievskaya Mysl V, January V, ?@D@, accessed May VD, GDGV, https://www.marxists.org/archive/
trotsky/?@D@/D?/?@D@-turks.htm.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
Oi
dismissing Enver's post-World War I reorganization plans as mere capers,
recalling that both Lenin and Mustafa Kemal were once labeled as
fantasists and reckless adventurers.42 This contextual imperative also
propels an investigation of the generational perspective underlying the
aforementioned mood.
§ I.I Generation Young Turk
The labels "Young Turk" and "generation" have frequently graced the
annals of historiography. Scholars, while dissecting the movement and its
ancillary phenomena, recurrently deploy the notion of "generation," albeit
in multifarious ways. Tunaya's well-known work on the CUP was
thoughtfully titled "The History of an Era, a Generation, a Party,"43 serving
as a testament to this recurrent pattern. This dynamic is also represented
in the second-hand prefaces of ego documents, in which editors or reviewers
guarantee a transformative exploration of a generation or a vivid
portrayal thereof. Mustafa Abdülhalik Renda's memoir was published
with a preface split under two subtitles, with the former "The Representative
of a Generation"44 implying Renda himself, and the latter "The
Transformation of a Generation."45 One preface to Hü seyin Cahit
Yalçın’s Tanıdıklarım asserts that deciding whether a portrait painted by
Hüseyin Cahit, that of OVmer Naci, is a model of the Unionists or an exception
can help in "understanding a generation."46
42 Erik J. Zü rcher, "The Young Turk Mindset," in The Young Turk Legacy and Nation Building
(London: IB Tauris, GD?D), ?GG.
43 Tarık Zafer Tunaya, Türkiye'de Siyasal Partiler, vol. V, "IWttihat ve Terakki: Bir Çağ ın, Bir
Kuşağ ın, Bir Partinin Tarihi" (Istanbul: Hü rriyet Vakfı Yayınları, ?@H@)
44 M. Abdü lhalik Renda, Hatırat, compilers Aytaç Demirci and Sabri Sayarı, ed. Yü cel Demirel
(IWstanbul: Yapı Kredi Yayınları, GD?@), ?G.
45 Ibid., G?.
46 Hü seyin Cahit Yalçın, Tanıdıklarım (IWstanbul: Os tü ken Neşriyat, GD?@).
GO@ZDE IŞIK
Oq
The Young Turk generation is typically positioned as the last within a
succession of intellectual cohorts that underscore the cultural and political
tableau of the late Ottoman era post-Tanzimat. It is also frequently
portrayed as the concluding chapter of the "constitutionist generations,"
a dyad that encompasses both the Young Ottomans and the Young Turks.
Erdem Sönmez works with a likely categorization in his piece on the
Young Turk leader Ahmed Rıza, situating him "between two generations
of constitutionalism."47 He argues that Rıza's intellectual framework and
political attitude throughout the opposition years bore traces of the generations
that came before and after him. Intellectually, Sönmez says, "Rıza
was not as sophisticated as the Young Ottomans; yet he was not eclectic
like the Unionists either."48 Despite his impact that was not signi1icant on
the CUP's decision instigating the Oh6x revolution, he held a signi1icant
stature in the initial stages of the second constitutional period, thanks to
his persistent resistance against Hamidian rule. His ensuing role as the
parliamentary chair proved to be of little consequence in policy-making,
although, following a Oh-year hiatus, his return to the Ottoman Empire
was accompanied by the honori1ic title of of Ebu'l-ahrar.49
"The beauty of a generation is that its ancestry, unlike that of a family,
can continually be re-invented,"50 asserts Stephen Lovell. This perspective
encapsulates the resonance found within memoirs and scholarly
work, and it further enables the already elastic term "generation" to
morph into a versatile tool for categorization. In her Turkey: A Past
against History, Christine Philliou seizes this 1lexibility. She 1irst depicts
the Young Ottomans and Young Turks as successive generations: During
the Oxq6s and Oxt6s, the Young Ottomans took the initiative in articulating
Ottoman liberalism, setting the stage for the proclamation of the Ottoman
47 Erdem Sönmez, "Revisiting Dominant Paradigms on a Young Turk Leader: Ahmed Rıza," in
War and Collapse: World War I and the Ottoman State, edited by M. Hakan Yavuz with
Feroz Ahmad (Salt Lake City: The University of Utah Press, GD?A), GDV.
48 Ibid., GD`.
49 Ibid., G?H.
50 Stephen Lovell, "From Genealogy to Generation: The Birth of Cohort Thinking in Russia,"
Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History @, no. V (GDDH): C@D.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
Ot
Constitution in Oxtq. With the premature suppression of the constitution
by Sultan Abdülhamid II, liberalism and its proponents were driven to the
shadowy margins of Ottoman society, only for their mantle to be reclaimed
"a generation later"51 by the Young Turk movement from exile or
the secluded corners of the Ottoman military. Philliou situates Re1ik
Halid, whose life narrative forms the foundation of her work, within the
Young Turk generation. She, at times, complicates her view of Young Ottomans
and Young Turks as consecutive generations by recognizing two
successive lineages to the Young Ottomans — that of "Re1ik Halid's father’s
and then his own," positioning Re1ik Halid as "a few generations"
distanced from the Young Ottomans.52 These choices suggest a 1lexible
application of the notion of generations in her work, which can also be
traced with ease in other scholarly discourses and memoirs, where the
term is concurrently used to denote both biological and intellectual phenomena.
While "generation" serves as a marker of both continuity and rupture,
the state preservation perspective i.e. "How can this state be saved?" in
Ottoman and Turkish historiography is particularly eager to interpret
shifting dynamics as a generational handover. In this context, "generations"
primarily imply cohorts, underscoring the revised concept and
emphasizing a sense of orderly transition amid change. Philliou proposes
a nuanced understanding of the Young Ottomans and Young Turks, which
she also asserts to be often overlooked in favor of generational simpli1ications.
She posits that the CUP was fueled by a "generational rebellion"
post the Balkan Wars, yet faced with limited administrative expertise and
a lack of justi1iable revolutionary ideology, they strategically opted for
subtle in1iltration rather than outright revolution. This tactical decision,
she contends, created a tension between preserving the empire and dismantling
its establishment, in1luencing the political landscape of the empire's
1inal decade and shaping the early republican era.53
51 Christine M. Philliou, Turkey: A Past Against History (Oakland: University of California Press,
GDG?), C.
52 Ibid., `?.
53 Ibid., `@.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
Ox
Recent scholarship on the Middle East and Balkans tends to adopt
transnational and comparative perspectives, re1lecting on the long-lasting
in1luence of the faded world of this generation. In a recent scholarly
contribution, Harun Buljina investigates Bosnia's "Young Turks," a cadre
of Muslim intellectuals he perceives as being sculpted during the Austria-
Hungary occupation of Bosnia-Herzegovina. He deploys the notion of the
“Young Turk generation,” and draws compelling comparisons between
this group and their Ottoman Young Turk counterparts.54 Philipp Wirtz's
Depicting the Late Ottoman Empire in Turkish Autobiographies delves into
the literary corpus of authors born within the Ottoman Empire and later
penned their works within the Turkish Republic's boundaries, and his research
also encompasses texts that reverberate beyond the post-Ottoman
sphere. His chosen subjects, authors born between Oxth and Oh6q,
provide autobiographical insights into the tumultuous last decades of the
Ottoman Empire. His concentration on individuals with substantive life
experiences during this era aims to capture the Ottoman world's unique
position in their life narratives, highlighting both the transitional period
and its enduring impact. Wirtz's stated aim is to illuminate a speci1ic era
and the generation it molded rather than spotlighting a distinct social or
professional group.55
In The Last Ottoman Generation, Michael Provence adopts an overarching
approach, steering clear of the often-dominant focus on discrete
national histories. Instead, he crafts a narrative woven with shared experiences,
emphasizing commonalities until the Ohb6s. He elucidates the
transformation of a generation from the provincial children of the late
Ottoman era into the state elites, nation builders, and revolutionaries of
the subsequent period. Provence unveils a narrative of pervasive trauma,
profound loss, and deep-seated disorientation that ensued from the empire's
collapse. He depicts an era so cataclysmic that its conspicuous
54 Harun Buljina, "Bosnia’s 'Young Turks': The Bosnian Muslim Intelligentsia in its Late Ottoman
Context, ?HEH–?@?`," in The Turkish Connection, edited by Deniz Kuru and Hazal
Papuççular (Berlin: De Gruyter Oldenbourg, GDGG), G@-`H.
55 Philipp Wirtz, Depicting the Late Ottoman Empire in Turkish Autobiographies (New York:
Routledge, GD?E), C.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
Oh
silence serves as a testament to the ubiquitous suffering rather than its
inconsequence.56 Contradicting traditional historical narratives that emphasize
the emergence of nations or the ascension of ideologies, he unearths
a narrative of thwarted hopes and resilience, underscored by intermittent
optimism, and by focusing on the collective journey of this
generation, he elucidates the Ottoman legacy.
Hasan Kayalı highlights the "natural" legacy left by the Young Turk
era, thanks to its substantial place in the timeline of the Middle Eastern
institutional and ideological transformations post-Tanzimat — rising just
before the formation of the Ottoman successor states.57 He then notes the
intriguing dissonance between this historical continuum and its discursive
rejection by those successor states. Echoing these insights, Alp Yenen
mentions the "Young Turk zeitgeist," the intellectual and political currents
of which should be considered, not only while viewing the formation
process of new nation-states but re1lecting on the era's "lost battles
and forgotten dreams."58 He posits that entrenched discursive
dichotomies and methodological nationalism in historiography continue
to obstruct understanding of the political culture of contention among
late and post-Ottoman insurgents.
There is compelling evidence in international scholarship to suggest
that the post-World War I decade was a pivotal period in the reshaping
and rethinking of 'generational' concepts. Historiographical approaches
using a generational lens have been applied to dynamics from the early
Ohth century and even earlier59, but a noticeable surge in its use can be
56 Michael Provence, The Last Ottoman Generation and the Making of the Modern Middle East
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, GD?E), `.
57 Kayalı, VV.
58 Alp Yenen, "The 'Young Turk Zeitgeist' in the Middle Eastern Uprisings in the Aftermath of
World War I," in War and Collapse: World War I and the Ottoman State, edited by M.
Hakan Yavuz with Feroz Ahmad (Salt Lake City: The University of Utah Press, GD?A), ??H?-
?G?A.
59 Abosede George, Clive Glaser, Margaret D. Jacobs, Chitra Joshi, Emily Marker, Alexandra Walsham,
Wang Zheng, Bernd Weisbrod, "AHR Conversation: Each Generation Writes Its
Own History of Generations," The American Historical Review ?GV, no. C (December GD?H):
?C?D-?C??, ?CVG-?CV`.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
56
traced to studies centered around World War I and regionally signi1icant
early 56th-century events. Roy Foster's Vivid Faces encapsulates the 'generation
of OhOq in Ireland',60 a tribute to Robert Wohl. In his study, The
Generation of RSRT, Wohl aimed to transcend national borders to convey
the shared experiences of the OhOb generation while acknowledging the
importance of individual national perspectives. His approach combined
a "European perspective, comparative method, and national structures"
61 to expose the distinct elements of each experience without undermining
the broader generational narrative.
Re1lecting on the challenging task of chronicling the history of the OhOb
generation, Wohl initiates his exploration with the complex question -
"Who were its protagonists to be?"62 This query is a dominant consideration
for historians engaged in generational studies. Maria Todorova, in
her The Lost World of Socialists at Europe's Margins - Imagining Utopia,
RYZ[s–RS][s, ruminates on the same question and strategically demarcates
the year Oh66 as the dividing line between two political generations,
primarily focusing on the leftist political spectrum. This generational division,
while - like all others - arbitrary, is a discerning choice that captures
the transitional mood and the radicalization process of the era. Her
clari1ication follows that individuals born before Oh66 matured within the
socialist ideology amidst the turbulence of World War I and navigated
within a repressive yet functioning parliamentary system. This generation,
composed of several age cohorts, formed a uni1ied political unit.
Conversely, the post-Oh66 generation was radicalized by the wars of the
early twentieth century and the Russian Revolution.63
60 Roy Foster, Vivid Faces: The Revolutionary Generation in Ireland, PRQ[–PQT] (New York: W. W.
Norton & Company, London, GD?C).
61 Robert Wohl, The Generation of PQP^ (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, ?@E@), V.
62 Ibid., G.
63 Maria Todorova, The Lost World of Socialists at Europe's Margins - Imagining Utopia, PR`[s–
PQT[s (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, GD?H), HC-HA.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
5O
The concept of the "Young Turk generation," already long-established
and employed with various perspectives,64 is not newly introduced in this
study. The primary objective of the present work is to investigate the degree
to which the "Young Turk generation" exhibited generation consciousness,
with occasional external commentary. However, much like
Wohl's initial conundrum, the same pressing question emerges within
this study. The research commenced with mapping the birth years of notable
1igures within the Young Turk leadership. As the reading of memoirs
got underway, the distinctive reciprocal nature of these texts proved
instrumental, effectively guiding the selection of the subsequent memoir
to be examined. The study extensively drew upon bibliographies65 of
memoirs that re1lect on the Young Turk era and Zürcher's prosopographical
endeavors. The memoirs scrutinized span authors born between
Oxbb at the earliest and Oh6q at the latest, with a signi1icant majority from
the cohort born between the Oxq6s and the Oxx6s.
What is provided here, undeniably, is a partial understanding. The
study is also mindful of the inherent elitism66 in the generational concept.
Amidst the numerous ventures undertaken by potential members of the
same generation, only a select few gain retrospective recognition, their
protagonists standing as representative 1igures for their contemporaries.
Recontextualizing Max Nordau’s words within generational contexts offers
a fruitful perspective: Re1lecting on the 1in-de-siècle period, Nordau
observed that a small minority took pleasure in the "new tendencies." But
“this minority has the gift of covering the whole visible surface of society,
as a little oil extends over a large area of the surface of the sea."67
64 See, for another example, June Edmunds and Bryan S. Turner, eds., Generational Consciousness,
Narrative, and Politics (Lanham: Rowman & Littleyield Publishers, Inc., GDDG).
65 Murat Hanilçe, "II. Meşrutiyet Dönemine Dair Hatırat Bibliyografyası Denemesi," Bilig `E
(Fall GDDH): ?``-?AH. Ali Birinci, Tarihin Hududunda: Hatırat Kitapları, Matbuat Yasakları
ve Arşiv Meseleleri (IWstanbul: Dergah Yayınları, GD?G), CA-AV, H?.
66 Annie Kriegel, "Generational Difference: The History of an Idea," translated by Elisabeth
Hirsch, Daedalus ?DE, no. ` (?@EH): G@.
67 Max Nordau, Degeneration (New York: D. Appleton and Company, ?@DC), E.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
55
§ I.P The Concept Reviewed
Generation — A concept that has been fraught with contestations, it
is essential to provide a brief exposition on its relevance for those who
remain uninitiated to its various connotations. The illustrious T.S. Eliot
reviewed the propagation of the concept in Oh7O, "I dislike the word 'generation,'
which has been a talisman for the last ten years,"68 addressing
the critics of his poem "The Waste Land," who claimed that Eliot had expressed
"the disillusionment of a generation." He was not alone in his antipathy.
Many critics of the concept underscored the proclivity to embrace
generational frameworks as an overarching explanatory model for
social phenomena. Jürgen Kocka's witticism, "After ceasing to think of
class structure, we have begun to divide society into generations,"69 aptly
captures the tendency to view the concept of 'generation' as a panacea.
As previously noted, the remarkable versatility of the concept's connotations
renders it particularly vulnerable to reductionist tendencies. The
1lexibility to apply the notion of 'generation' across diverse contexts and
historical periods can inadvertently encourage oversimpli1ication. The
intricacies of individual and collective experiences risk being overshadowed
by broad generalizations based on mere chronological datum,
which Mannheim calls "arithmetical mysticism,70" or “a sort of sociology
of chronological tables (Geschichtstabellensoziologie.)”71
68 F. O. Matthiessen, The Achievement of T. S. Eliot (Boston: Houghton Mifylin Company, ?@VC),
?DA.
69 Jü rgen Kocka, "Reformen, Generationen und Geschichte," Neue Gesellschaft/ Frankfurter
Hefte H (GDD`): V`, cited in Maria Todorova, The Lost World of Socialists at Europe's Margins
- Imagining Utopia, PR`[s–PQT[s (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, GD?H), H`.
70 Karl Mannheim, "The Problem of Generations," in Essays, edited by Paul Kecskemeti (London:
Routledge, ?@CG), GHG.
71 Ibid., V??.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
57
Maria Todorova, in her compelling work, The Lost World of Socialists
at Europe's Margins - Imagining Utopia, RYZ[s–RS][s, observes that despite
the ubiquitous invocation of Mannheim's generational theory, scholars
often misconstrue his nuanced distinctions, opting instead for a cursory
nod to his most rudimentary de1inition: "The social phenomenon 'generation'
represents nothing more than a particular kind of identity of location,
embracing related 'age groups' embedded in a historical-social process."
With a discerning eye, Todorova elucidates Mannheim's
distinctions, drawing particular attention to his vital bifurcation between
"generation as actuality" and "generation-unit."72 To illustrate this differentiation,
Mannheim turned to the post-Ox66 German youth, wherein he
revealed how the romantic-conservative and liberal-rationalist youth,
though belonging to the same chronological generation, manifested two
opposed responses to a singular historical catalyst. Consequently, Mannheim
proposed that the generation unit offered a more substantial connection
than the actual generation itself.
Alan Spitzer asserts, "We must all make do with something like Mannheim's
distinctions whenever we wish to generalize about age-speci1ic
behavior without asserting the identity of all those within the relevant
cohort."73 He remarks that recognizing the critiques aimed at the notion
of 'generation,' scholars often utilize some variant of Mannheim's generation
unit to demarcate the social group or cultural phenomenon they
endeavor to scrutinize in relation to birth years. He then draws attention
to Febvre's counterpoint, which argues that identifying the innumerable
political, intellectual, religious, economic, and social variables needed to
distinguish one generation unit from another demand such meticulous
and complex demarcations that the grandiose concept becomes ultimately
"useless" and "parasitical."74
72 Maria Todorova, The Lost World of Socialists at Europe's Margins - Imagining Utopia, PR`[s–
PQT[s (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, GD?H), HV.
73 Alan B. Spitzer, "The Historical Problem of Generations," American Historical Review EH, no.
C (December ?@EV): ?VCA.
74 Ibid., ?VCA.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
5b
Some skeptics of the generation concept tend to adopt a stance that
does not outright dismiss the surface-level implications of the notion.
While Eliot acknowledges his aversion to the term "generation," he concedes
the existence of a "generational mood." However, he portrays himself
as removed from this prevailing mood, suggesting a certain degree of
detachment or even resistance to the collective sentiments of his contemporaries:
"It happens now and then that a poet by some strange accident
expresses the mood of his generation, at the same time that he is expressing
a mood of his own which is quite remote from that of his generation."
75 These words of Eliot were followed by his conviction that a poet
must not yield to the mood or mindset of their generation.
Despite Eliot's conviction about the necessary distance or detachment,
the subject matter of the present endeavor also concerns the literati,
with a particular focus on the theme of generations. Distinctions may
be drawn between literary generations, and signi1icant parallels exist between
these and the broader continuum, a topic to be further explored in
subsequent chapters. Literature and politics were often perceived as inextricably
intertwined. One of the memoirists, Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, once
remarked that during the reign of Abdülhamid II, politics exerted a magnetic
allure on all conscious thinkers: "All talents and intellects gravitated
towards politics. Physicians transformed into poets and diplomats; agriculturists
enlisted in the political committees."76 In the present compendium
of memoirs under examination, a considerable portion unsurprisingly
emanates from the pens of individuals engaged in political pursuits.
Re1ik Halid echoes a similar sentiment with Hüseyin Cahit, mentioning
that there was a time when, "instead of possessing a profession, an art, a
75 John Guillory, "The Ideology of Canon-Formation: T. S. Eliot and Cleanth Brooks," Critical Inquiry
?D, no. ? (?@HV): ?HG. T.S. Eliot, The Waste Land, in A Norton Critical Edition, edited
by Michael North (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, GDD?), G``.
76 "Bü tü n kabiliyetler ve zekalar dönü p dolaşıp siyasete geliyorlardı. Doktorlar şair ve diplomat
oluyor, ziraatçılar siyasi komiteye giriyorlar. Siyaset uyanık mü fekkirelerin hepsi
üzerinde bir mıknatıs tesiri gö steriyor." Yalçın, Tanıdıklarım, ?HC.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
5i
stable and productive occupation," everyone could readily "become politicians,
partisans, komitadjis, or even brigands."77
Politics and literature have long been domains for generational expression
and exploration, though it is likely contended that the present
era of the twenty-1irst century offers other avenues for expressing such
themes. In examining the rhetoric of Pierre Nora, who asserts, "Since generation
implies con1lict and self-conscious self-proclamation, what better
arenas for self-expression could any generation 1ind than politics and literature,"
78 one must ponder if this assertion still holds true in the current
epoch. Indeed, Pierre Nora's once rhetorical statement can now be contemplated
as an earnest inquiry with multiple responses. This line of
thought leads one to embrace Spitzer's simple but perceptive adage:
"Each generation writes its own history of generations."79
Upon careful contemplation of the historiographical endeavor, it becomes
allegeable that each generation partakes in the task of delineating
its own interpretation of the generational theme. The moment at which
generational impact materializes is mutable, with scholarly discourse
and ideological interpretation shaping the contours of this process. A
generational constitution is not solely the prerogative of the youthful
populace. Youth and formative years have often been perceived as the nucleus
of generational in1luence; however, distinct notions have emerged
that highlight the signi1icance of early childhood experiences, such as the
postwar tribulation of fatherless offspring.80 This particular experience
has led to the retrospective ascription of a collective identity to a generation,
de1ining it as a generation of victimhood.
77 "Bir zamanlar, önü ne gelen, bir meslek, bir sanat, devamlı, feyizli, ciddi bir iş sahibi olacağ ına
politikacılık, fırkacılık, komiteciIik, hatta çetecilik ederdi." Reyik Halid Karay, Üç Nesil Üç
Hayat, compiled by Aslıhan Karay Os zdaş (IWstanbul: IWnkılap Kitabevi, GDD@), GGC.
78 Nora, C?`.
79 Spitzer, ?VCV.
80 Abosede George, Clive Glaser, Margaret D. Jacobs, Chitra Joshi, Emily Marker, Alexandra Walsham,
Wang Zheng, Bernd Weisbrod, "AHR Conversation: Each Generation Writes Its
Own History of Generations," The American Historical Review ?GV, no. C (December GD?H):
?C?G.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
5q
Distinct phases, with their unique challenges and triumphs, contribute
to the concatenation of experiences that forge a generational identity
and, in turn, shape the historiographical narratives weaved. In this thesis,
Young Turk's memoirs are examined, encompassing works written and
published across diverse temporal spans and phases of the memoirists'
life cycles. Some authors, in their elderly years, re1lect upon their erstwhile
standing as "Young" Turks. A persistent endeavor to construct or
interpret generation pervades these texts. This retrospective aspect underscores
that, although youth may be deemed the dominant determinative
moment for this generation, the process of generational constitution
transcends the con1ines of that singular phase.
As conduits for generational subjectivity, memoirs hold a crucial position
in historical inquiry. Dina Gusejnova scrutinizes former Russian
senator Baron Taube, who, re1lecting on the tumultuous decade following
the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, remarked on the peculiar times he found
himself in.81 Former ministers, 1ield marshals, and dethroned monarchs,
who once held considerable power, were now “putting the work they had
been trained to do to rest in order to put to paper in haste” their experiences
in those "happier days."82 Albeit, akin to Taube, numerous memoirists
under question emphasize the inclination to pen memoirs, a substantial
contingent regards the memoir literature, especially “written by the
1irst rank,” in Turkey as relatively de1icient. Among these dissenters is
Münevver Ayaşlı, who, within her own memoirs, concurs with the sentiments
of Yusuf Ziya Ortaç: "A bountiful memoir literature exists in the
West. We are clueless in this regard too."83 Subsequently enumerating
81 Dina Gusejnova, European Elites and Ideas of Empire, PQP`–PQh` (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, GD?A), xxiv.
82 Taube, however, questioned the reliability of these "subjective witnesses of the yirst rank,"
as they were likely seeking to expiate themselves through their recollections. That was
not a total distrust in the genre, Gusejnova shows, as Taube believed his own memories
of the events he dubbed the "Great Catastrophe" held greater public value. He perceived
the Great War, that "Great Catastrophe," as “a personal, an imperial, and a generational
disaster.” See, ibid., ?C`.
83"Batı’da zengin bir hâ tırat edebiyatı vardır. Biz bu yö nden de zü ğü rtü z." Münevver Ayaşlı,
İşittiklerim Gördüklerim Bildiklerim (Istanbul: Timaş, GD?`), @.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
5t
several notable 1igures who departed without bequeathing a memoir, she
inquires, "Why cannot these individuals wield the pen?"84 She contends
that numerous intertwined rationales exist, yet the preeminent cause
must be indolence. Two additional signi1icant factors pointed by her encompass
adiaphory predicated upon the aphorism après moi, le déluge
and the trepidation of suffering persecution.
A peculiar paradox materialized, even amidst the epochs characterized
as harboring "memoir booms:" Some authors decried the dearth of
memoirs while others extolled their profusion. Too, the scholarly discourse,
embroiled in a quest for the genre's "true potential" or, as Harry
Haroutunian phrased for the theme of modernization theory, "a developmental
Archimedean point,"85 remained an exiguous realm of divergent
perspectives, inside and outside the Turkish contexts. Albert Hourani's
observations of Rashid Rida, the early-twentieth-century Egyptian reformer,
shows that Hourani accentuated the rarity of Arabic autobiographies:
"He has left us something which is rare in Arabic, a fragment of
autobiography which in fact is a history of his intellectual and spiritual
formation during the 1irst thirty years or so of his life." However, the notion
that autobiographical writings were nearly nonexistent in Arabic literature
found itself unmoored, for as Dwight Reynolds shows, in the Ohx7
revised edition of Hourani's book, an alteration emerged: "He has left us
something which is not so rare in Arabic as was once thought, a fragment
of autobiography."86 This recalibrated perspective exempli1ies the everevolving
understanding of memoirs and autobiographies.
There is also a tendency to classify memoirs according to the strategies
they deploy. As IZlhan Tekeli delineated, authors employ diverse strategies
when crafting their memoirs. The 1irst strategy, he says, the "lineage
strategy," emphasizes the author's distinguished heritage, grounding
84 "Neden bu kimseler kalemi ele alamıyorlar?" Ayaşlı, ?D.
85 Harry Harootunian, Overcome by Modernity, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, GDDD),
xvi.
86 Dwight F. Reynolds, ed., Interpreting the Self: Autobiography in the Arabic Literary Tradition
(Berkeley: University of California Press, GDD?),
http://ark.cdlib.org/ark:/?VDVD/ftGcADD`xD/.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
5x
their prestige in their family's legacy. The second, the "self-making strategy,"
foregrounds personal achievements as the primary source of the author's
social standing. Lastly, the "defensive strategy" centers on the author's
noble intentions behind failed endeavors, casting them as wellintentioned
victims of uncontrollable circumstances.87 Though a certain
memoir may appear to predominantly exhibit a singular strategy, it is not
uncommon for texts to participate in multiple stratagems, rather than belong
exclusively to one, in a manner analogous to what will be discussed
later with regards to memoirs and genre theory.
It is necessary for the purposes of the present endeavor to state that
the intensity of strategies deployed by the memoirists may assist in the
disclosure of their vantage point concerning the matter of generational
thinking. Practitioners of lineage strategy can easily be recognized as
concentrating on the vertical aspect of the generation concept or subscribing
to the fathers-and-sons paradigm of generation theory. Lovell, in
his “From Genealogy to Generation: The Birth of Cohort Thinking in Russia”
sagaciously alerts the reader to the potential peril of presuming a
particular comprehension of the term "pokolenie", Russian term meaning
"generation," solely due to its heightened prevalence in the texts.88
The clarion call resonates with undeniable pertinence when considering
the memoirs under scrutiny. The term "generation" permeates these
texts, occasionally alluding to familial lineage or, as evidenced by Şevket
Süreyya Aydemir’s recollection of his tangled emotions during a raid, encompassing
broader temporal epochs: "I felt some strange and wild emotions
rising inside me, emotions that had been passed down to us from
our ancestors for generations and generations but which had remained
numb under the external in1luences of society and upbringing."89 He
87 IWlhan Tekeli, "Bireyin Yaşamı Nasıl Tarih Oluyor," Toplumsal Tarih ?A, no. @C (GDD?): ?V-GD.
88 Lovell, C@D.
89 "[...] içimden garip ve vahşı̂ birtakım duyguların kabardığ ını hissettim. Nesiller ve nesiller
ötesi atalarımızdan bize gelen, fakat toplumun, terbiyenin sathı̂ tesirleri altında uyuşup
kalmış olan duygular hep birden ayaklanıyordu." Şevket Sü reyya Aydemir, Suyu Arayan
Adam (IWstanbul: Remzi Kitabevi, GDG?), ?DH.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
5h
invokes a primitive proclivity towards violence, tempered by civilization's
veneer yet resurgent amidst the tumult of war.
The memoirists employ "generation" with its many functions. Its reference
to familial links does not preclude an encompassment of social
dimensions, as these need not be dichotomous. "After all," Todorova posits,
"generation implies relations in time."90 This af1iliation thrusts taxonomy
to the forefront of our theme, a matter to be expounded upon in subsequent
chapters. Addressing the term's constricted or parochial
connotations, Marc Bloch opined, "A generation is nothing more than a
relatively brief phase. We call the longer phases civilizations."91 The
nexus between civilization and generation assumes particular importance
for the present analysis. It is attributable to the fact that the
memoirists under consideration were often perceived and self-perceived
as pivotal 1igures in a protracted civilizational transition, as they were
frequently depicted as the "decisive" generation due to their trailblazing
role in the said shift.
The assertion is made that the notion of a generation possesses an
inherent adaptability. This elasticity can be extended considerably, yet it
retains 1inite limits. Anchoring this notion is Martin Rintala's perspective
that "no shared destiny is more fundamental than that of members of the
same generation,"92 as mortality offers a unique and primal link to members
of a generation, a link that de1ies the bonds of other social structures
such as class or nation. Such de1ined existential con1ines also underline
Martin Heidegger's viewpoint: "The fact of living in and with one's generation
concludes the drama of human existence."93 The wanderers lost
90 Todorova, H?.
91 Marc Bloch, The Historian's Craft: Re3lections on the Nature and Uses of History and the Techniques
and Methods of Those Who Write It, trans. Peter Putnam (New York: ?@CV), cited
in Abosede George, Clive Glaser, Margaret D. Jacobs, Chitra Joshi, Emily Marker, Alexandra
Walsham, Wang Zheng, Bernd Weisbrod, "AHR Conversation: Each Generation
Writes Its Own History of Generations," The American Historical Review ?GV, no. C (December
GD?H): ?CVH.
92 Martin Rintala, "A Generation in Politics: A Deyinition," Review of Politics GC, no. ` (October
?@AV): CD@.
93 Quoted in Nora, CDE.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
76
in time, those who encapsulate an archetype of a faded era, still exist, often
adorned with labels alluding to their relations with time, such as a
living anachronism. However, they are not offered membership in the extinct
generation since the concept of generation is rooted in biology, no
matter how abstract or analogous the exploration might get.
Contrasting this perspective, and constituting a focus of this thesis,
involves the connection between notions of generation and utopia. Varied
generations could potentially establish a shared identity under the
banner of a "utopian" generation. This observation is notably important
in the case of the Young Turk generation, who not only claimed a generational
perspective for their generation but also introduced certain utopian
generations with that many future generations identi1ied. What they
fostered was a speci1ic generational lexicon that would serve as a reference
for subsequent generations.
7O
#
The Old and Foresight
§ P.K Successors
The discourse surrounding "future generations" gained momentum
and underwent revisions during the Second Constitutional Period, with
a signi1icant in1luence on education. Zafer Toprak highlights an example
- Rehber-i IZttihad, a bx-page treatise penned by Müstecâbı̂zade IZsmet in
IZzmir, aimed at guiding the education of children. The treatise preambles
with IZsmet's words that "considering the fact that they will constitute the
future generation of Osmanlılık, it can be con1irmed that children should
be subjected to a proper upbringing."1 Attempts at de1ining and directing
a future or utopian generation punctuated the works of Young Turks, and
this narrative will discuss three such instances.
1 "[…] Osmanlılığ ın nesl-i mü stakbelini teşkil edeceklerini nazar-ı dikkate alınırsa çocukların
ne kadar metin usul-i terbiyeye tâbi olmaları lâzım geleceğ i tasdik olunur.” Quoted in
Zafer Toprak, "HD. Yıldönümü nde 'Hü rriyetin IWlâ nı' (?@DH) ve 'Rehber-i IWttihad'," Toplum
ve Bilim, no. `G, ?@HH, pp. ?CE-?EV.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
75
The 1irst instance brings forth the label of "revolutionary generation,"
a term with which Haydar Rüştü2 associated.3 Yahya Kemal, too, associates
with this term in his Siyasi ve Edebi Portreler where he re1lects on a
OhO5 meeting with Re1ik Halid’s father Mehmed Halid, who “clad in his
robe and furs, with his pronunciation, his way of eating and enjoying himself,
and his way of dealing with people, made it clear that he was a commoner,
and that he was deeply resentful of the Unionists, and more generally
of the whole revolutionary generation.”4 Several other accounts,
however, perceived the "revolutionary generation" as one yet to come.
Given the expansive implications of this label and its progressive connotations,
it is unsurprising that multiple generations found resonance with
this hypothetical generation. Şevket Süreyya Aydemir, for instance, includes
Mustafa Kemal in the ranks of the "revolutionary generation"5 in
his memoir. However, Aydemir's characterization of this generation is
somewhat nebulous and unresolved. He expresses in a Oh75 writing that
as the individually valuable and original ideas and theoretical aspects of
their revolution are progressively explicated, "these principles would
form the touchstone for the revolutionary generation,"6 giving rise to a
new, standardized revolutionary archetype. Analogously, Yakup Kadri
2 Haydar Rü ştü Os ktem, "Kapı Dışarı," Anadolu, GD Aralık ?@VH, cited in Murat Kaya, "Gazeteci ve
Siyasetçi Olarak Haydar Rü ştü Os ktem" (Master's thesis, Akdeniz Us niversitesi, GD?H), ?CH.
3 A ?@C? text titled "Our Great Loss," appearing in the Anadolu newspaper after his passing,
echoes a similar sentiment: “Haydar Rü ştü was among the most outstanding and devoted
faces of the revolutionary generation.” See "Büyü k Kaybımız," Anadolu, ?G August
?@C?, cited in Zeki Arıkan, "Haydar Rü ştü ’nün Os lümü ," in Mütareke ve İşgal Anıları by
Haydar Rü ştü Os ktem (Ankara: Tü rk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, ?@@?), GG.
4 Yahya Kemal, Siyasi ve Edebi Portreler (IWstanbul: IWstanbul Fetih Cemiyeti, GDGG), `G. I used
Christine Philliou’s translation in Philliou, G?.
5 Aydemir, Suyu Arayan Adam, CDA. Similarly, he extends this categorization to Falih Rıykı, stating,
"Falih Rıykı, it can be suggested, was the most keen-eyed and, consequently, the most
open-minded writer of the revolutionary generation" See Şevket Sü reyya Aydemir, "Falih
Rıykı ve Son Eseri," Kadro, Sayı:@, ?@VG, s.``., cited in Funda Selçuk Şirin, “Bir Gazeteci
ve Aydın Olarak Falih Rıykı Atay (?H@V-?@E?),” Vakanüvis G, no. G (Fall GD?E), GAD-A?.
6 Şevket Sü reyya Aydemir, "Kadro," Kadro, no. ?, p. V, cited in Ozan Os rmeci, "The 'Kadro' movement:
an intellectual movement in the early Republican period (?@VG-?@V`)," International
Review of Turkish Studies, Spring GD??, vol. ?, no. ?, pp. GD-VA, p. V`.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
77
speaks of an "idealist excitement," a sentiment that draws deeply from
the profound signi1icance of their revolution. He posits this source as so
profound and vast that it will shape the consciousness and morality not
only of his own generation but also the future generations.
Another term that continues to dominate the discourse and identity
even in the twenty-1irst century is the "republican generation." Falih Rı1kı
invoked this concept in a Oh5i writing to reference the founding generation,
born and raised in the era of the empire, and transitioned into the
republic. He stated, "The brave and heroic republican generation, which
has overturned centuries of untruths, must equate science and art - the
sole tools for propagating and maintaining their beliefs and convictions -
with the most vital needs."7 The term is frequently employed later to denote
a generation that exclusively experienced the Republican era. This
perspective is exempli1ied in Yakup Kadri's novel Ankara where he explores
the contrasting experiences of two generations; one who transitioned
from the late Ottoman period to the Republican era and another
born with the Republic. The crux of this difference is based on the faculty
of memory. When the female character asks her male partner the reason
behind him claiming a generational difference between himself and a
woman who is thirteen years younger than him, the answer dwells upon
memorialization:
She does not remember anything from the times in which I grew
up, studied, opened my eyes, and knew myself. She has no idea
about the fez, the cage, the veil. She does not know the old letters.
The stories of the times when gold and silver were a means of
exchange seem like prehistoric tales to her. If you ask her what a
country with sultans and caliphs would be like, she says, 'Isn't it l
7 "Asr-dı̂de butlâ nları köklerinden sökü p atan cesur ve kahraman cumhuriyet nesli, kendi iman
ve kanaatlerini sevdirmek ve devam ettirmek için yegâne vasıta olan ilim ve sanatı en
hayati ihtiyaçlarla bir tutmak zaruretindedir." Falih Rıykı, "IWnkılâbın IWlmi ve Sanatı,"
Hâkimiyet-i Milliye, ?C July ?@GC, cited in Halil Os zyiğ it, "Osmanlı’dan Cumhuriyet’e geçiş
sü recinde basında resim eleştirisi," Pamukkale Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü
Dergisi GE (GD?E): ?E`-?@A, p. ?HH.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
7b
ike Baghdad in the time of Harun Rashid?' How much more can
time divide two people?8
When the female character refrains from endorsing the superiority of
the new generation over their own, instead asserting that the new generation
owes them "its existence and all the things that lend value to this
existence," the male character responds, "Indeed, we contemplated, we
dreamed, we longed, yet our contemplation materialized as their reality,
our dream manifested as their actuality, our longing became their will."9
He identi1ied a signi1icant shift so momentous that it could relegate the
events of a few decades past into prehistory. Nevertheless, the aftermath
of this shift witnesses the actualization of the dreams born from that socalled
prehistory.
Literature is a fruitful ground for sketching further abstract generations.
The third instance to be brought forth is from Mehmed Akif Ersoy's
work Asım. Mehmed Akif presents three distinct generations in this text.
One character, Hocazade, reputed to represent Mehmed Akif himself,10
reproaches the preceding generation, embodied by another character,
Köse IZmam, for their pessimistic demeanor. In Hocazade's perspective,
his generation, nesl-i hazır,11 emancipated the older ones from despotism
and endowed them with a freedom as precious as “diamonds,"12 thereby
undeserving of reproach. He chastises Köse IZmam's generation for perpetuating
a climate of pessimism among the youth. Guided by optimism
8 "[…] benim içinde büyüdü ğüm, tahsilimi yaptığ ım, gö zümü açıp kendimi bildiğ im devirlere
ait hiçbir şey hatırlamıyor. Ne fese, ne kafese, ne peçeye dair bir yikri var. Ne eski haryleri
biliyor. Altım, gümü şü n bir mü badele vasıtası olduğ u devrin hikâyeleri ise, ona, birer
tarihöncesi masalları gibi geliyor. Padişahlı, halifeli bir memleket nasıl olur, diye sorsan,
Harun Reşit zamanında Bağdat gibi değ il mi? diyor. Zaman iki insanı, birbirinden daha
ne tü rlü ayırabilir?" Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoğlu, Ankara (IWstanbul: IWletişim, ?@HE), GGV.
9 "Evet, biz dü şündü k. Biz, tahayyü l ettik, biz, istedik. Fakat bizim dü şüncemiz onlarda vaka;
bizim hayalimiz onlarda hakikat; bizim isteğ imiz, onlarda irade oldu." Ibid., GG`-GGC.
10 M. Orhan Okay and M. Ertuğ rul Dü zdağ , "Mehmed A€ kif Ersoy (?HEV-?@VA)," TDV İslam Ansiklopedisi,
vol. GH (Ankara: IWSAM, GDDV), `VG-`V@, p. `VE.
11 Mehmet Akif Ersoy, Safahat, compiled by Necmettin Turinay, edited by Selçuk Karakılıç (Ankara:
TBMM Yayınları, GDG?), E``.
12 Ibid., E@E.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
7i
and hope, Hocazade in1luences Asım, the character symbolizing the future
generation, in a hopeful direction. Hocazade envisions that the Islamic
world will break free from inertia through tenacity and resilience,
with salvation to be achieved by Asım and his generation. While Asım, as
a veteran of Gallipoli, is located within a speci1ic temporal context,
Mehmed Akif employs this character to paint a utopian generation representing
the future of the Islamic world. There is no major con1lict but a
discernable difference in demeanor between Hocazade and Asım, as, after
Asım returns from the war wherein he lost numerous friends, he resorts
to brute force despite his "good intentions." Hocazade persuades
Asım to further his education, suggesting Europe as the ideal destination.
The narrative culminates with Asım journeying to Germany with his
peers to pursue scienti1ic studies for the bene1it of all Muslims. This narrative
resonated with numerous groups, political leaders, and youth organizations,
leading to contemporary identi1ication with "the generation
of Asım"13 or emphasizing the aspiration to actualize this hypothetical
generation.All three theoretical depictions share a common trait – an
inherent hegemonic tendency. The conceptual portrayals of these
generations do not originate from a major disharmony with the Young
Turk generation. Instead, they are based on the notion that these
hypothetical generations will further actualize the dreams and
convictions of the Young Turk generation, despite the variance in these
aspirations and convictions themselves. What this text implies with
hegemony aligns with what Ortega called "cumulative epochs," the times
of the old. It is previously contended in this thesis that the Young Turk
generation orchestrated a transition from a cumulative epoch to an
eliminatory one and subsequently spearheaded the shift back. This
generation continued to exert considerable in1luence over the political
and ideological environment during the formative years of subsequent
generations. Moreover, they also propagated a generational vocabulary
13 For the versatility in the application of afyiliation with this generation, see: Ayşe Çavdar,
"Kö se IWmam, Hocazade'yi kovdu: Asım'a ne olacak?" Birikim V`E (March GD?H): ?V-GV.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
7q
that shaped and in1luenced the narrative and discourse of the following
generations.
Memoirs, providing robust competition to other literary forms, yield
valuable insights into the experiences of past generations. Rather than
offering speculative narratives about future generations, memoirs give
an account of what has transpired, which, although limiting their capacity
to outline utopian generations, makes them uniquely positioned to probe
the quiddities of discord between the Young Turk generation and its predecessors
and also, contingent on the memoirists' age on the dates of
composition, its successors. Although speculations about future generations
do arise occasionally, these conjectures primarily concern how subsequent
generations will perceive the memoirists' generation. The initial
task is to set forth a framework suitable for such memoirs.
§ P.I Memoirs
What could be the underlying impetus that drives a distinguished
warrior or a solitary artisan, a reticent reserve of1icer, a prominent journalist,
a diligent introvert, a politically ostracized female intellectual, or a
self-taught career bureaucrat to pursue this relatively avant-garde form
of expression? Do memoirs constitute a unique and independent medium,
or do they encompass a 1inite array of expressive channels? Fortuitously,
most of the memoirs in question do not abandon the inquisitive
mind, as they willingly proffer some insights. It is not that these revelations
can be accepted unquestioningly, but rather that the proposed explanations
may hold truth, serving not only as potential interpretations
but also as actual re1lections, if not for the authors themselves, then for
the archetypes of their respective eras. Inherently necessitating an extroverted
exertion, a memoir invariably gravitates toward a shared objective
of crafting a compelling narrative. This motive pervades memoirs, regardless
of whether the underlying purpose is to absolve oneself of perceived
guilt, trumpet one's accomplishments while silencing one's
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
7t
transgressions, stake a claim to a role in signi1icant events, offer apologies
for one's absence therein, and/or bequeath a chronicle of one's existence
to future generations.
Three dimensions of the memoirs examined: Firstly, the author and
the central 1igure are one and the same individual. Secondly, while these
texts may be characterized by episodic elements, they exhibit a retrospective
endeavor that interweaves and distills content. Thirdly these
works embody not only the foundational underpinnings of the author's
intent but also a "theoretical regimen of reception."14 The manifestation
of these qualities does not confer strict adherence to the genre; rather, it
indicates participation within the genre. Within the panoply of genres the
texts engage in, memoir prevails as the dominant form. Nevertheless, not
all readily embrace the memoir designation. A signi1icant portion of the
memoirs scrutinized brim with a considerable effort to delineate their
nature, their raison d'être, and the appropriate manner in which they
ought to be interpreted. The initial appraisal, concerning their essence,
infrequently deviates from an examination of their af1inity to adjacent
genres, the most prevalent among these being the novel, diary, and history.
The novel and historical narrative possess a perplexing interplay, further
intensi1ied within the ambiguous territory inhabited by the genre of
the historical novel. Certain memoirs regard the novel as a form to aspire
to, and in doing so, explicitly underscore their distinction from novels.
Bezmi Nusret (Kaygusuz)'s text exempli1ies this approach, bearing the
appellation "Like A Novel."15 Editors and reviewers likewise extol speci1ic
memoirs as 1luid, engaging, and immersive, drawing analogous comparisons
by asserting that the memoir "reads like a thrilling adventure novel."
The safe ground of analogy is occasionally ruptured, with several
memoirs erroneously categorized and published as novels.16 Authors
14 Emma Pustan, "Schreber’s Memoirs: the Crisis of the Autobiographical Pact and the Ethics
of Taxonomy," Metacritic Journal for Comparative Studies and Theory G, no. G (GD?A): ?VC.
Also see Paul De Man, "Autobiography as De-facement," MLN @`, no. C (?@E@): @?@-@VD.
15 Bezmi Nusret Kaygusuz, Bir Roman Gibi (IWzmir: IWzmir Büyü kşehir Belediyesi, GDDG).
16 Ali Birinci, "Roman mı, Hatırat mı?" Türk Yurdu ?CV-?C` (May-June GDDD): HH-@?.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
7x
effortlessly draw comparisons between their work and novels within
metaphorical con1ines; however, they tend to be more elaborate when
endeavoring to situate their writings relative to historical accounts. Some
authors modestly deny their texts the distinction of history, and a majority
within this group also refrain from labeling their work as memoirs.
IZsmail Müştak Mayakon offers an exemplary case, stating that his work is
neither a political history of the Hamidian era nor the political memoirs
of a diplomat who lived in Yıldız: “At best, it is a penning voyage taken on
the traces of my observations from twenty-1ive years ago. An unpretentious
and simple voyage."17 Falih Rı1kı Atay presents his work as "neither
a history nor a memoir: in these pages, you will read a series of unordered
and haphazard notes that attempt to portray an era."18 Ali Fuad
Erden puts forth a more unconventional perspective, noting that his book
is "not intended to be a history of the Fourth Army. Nor is it a 'memoir'
that has nothing to do with what happened in the war. Nor does it consist
only of anecdotes and stories related to the war. It is a collection of events,
anecdotes, and stories." By differentiating between history and memoir
based on content, he later asserts that "it is a few pages of our recent history."
19
Zekeriya Sertel asserts, "I am not writing a history book. I content myself
with writing my own life and opinions that belong to me," before cautioning
that "the life of a journalist is the life of the country."20 Although
most texts cautiously reject the label of history, their connection to historical
events is consistently underscored. IZsmail Müştak aims "to illuminate
a particular aspect of a particular history."21 Hüseyin Kazım Kadri
draws a nuanced distinction between "document of history" and
17 "Bu yazılar ne Abdü lhamid devrinin bir tarihi siyasisı̂dir, ne de Yıldızda yaşamış bir diplomatın
siyası̂ hatırâ tı... Bunlar olsa olsa yirmi beş yıl evvele aid mü şahedelerimin izleri
üstünde bugün yapılmış bir kalem gezintisidir. IWddiasız ve sade bir gezinti." IWsmail
Mü ştak Mayakon, Yıldız'da Neler Gördüm? (IWstanbul: Sertel Matbaası, ?@`D), ?D.
18 Quoted and translated in Selim Deringil, The Ottoman Twilight in the Arab Lands (Brighton:
Academic Studies Press, GD?@), G.
19 Ibid., @V-@`.
20 Zekeriya Sertel, Hatırladıklarım (IWstanbul: Gö zlem Yayınları, ?@EE), @.
21 Mayakon, ?D.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
7h
"history," stating that the publication of Cemal Pasha's memoirs emboldened
him to write his own. He notes that his perception of Cemal's work
as factoid and concern that the public could receive it as unparalleled
document of history spurred his intention "to serve history."22 This reciprocal
aspect holds true for numerous memoirs. IZsmail Müştak differentiates
his writing from this trend, stating that his work is "neither a response
to anyone nor a provocation and intervention written to create a
bone of contention."23 By refusing to contribute to the trend, he alerts the
reader to its existence. Published in the CUP-backed Tanin in OhOO, Mayakon's
memoirs fuel and fortify the anti-Hamidian rhetoric that gained
momentum after the Oh6h Counterrevolution24; moreover, by arguing
that only palace of1icials could write credibly about the Sultan,25 Mayakon
subtly validates and strategically situates his narrative.
Many memoirs cite "preventing the truth from being lost" as the primary
motivation behind their creation. Authors make it clear that they
only share their thoughts, yet they also assert that their propositions re-
1lect the truth. Bezmi Nusret bases his writing on "truth, sincerity, and
[his] own opinion alone," with the "sole purpose" of commemorating the
past and preserving "some precious values and truths that are about to
be forgotten."26 Kazım Karabekir, speaking of the independence war, emphasizes
that "if its creators do not write it, its history will become a
22 Hü seyin Kazım Kadri, Meşrutiyet'ten Cumhuriyete Hatıralarım (IWstanbul: Dergah Yayınları,
GD?H), GAG-GAV.
23 "Başlamadan evvel söyliyeyim ki, bu yazılar ne bir kimseye cevab ve mukabeledir, ne de
çıban başı koparmak maksadıyla yazılmış bir tahrik ve müdahaledir." Mayakon, ?D.
24 For a review of another critical work in this discourse, see this commentary on Yervant Odyan's
novel Abdülhamid and Sherlock Holmes: Mehmet Fatih Uslu, Benzersiz Bir Roman:
Abdü lhamid ve Sherlock Holmes, January G?, GD?E, http://mefuslu.blogspot.
com/GD?E/D?/benzersiz-bir-roman-abdulhamid-ve.html. I extend my gratitude to
Ramazan Hakkı Os ztan for directing my attention to this subject matter and the cited
review.
25 Mayakon, VE.
26 Kaygusuz, ].
GO@ZDE IŞIK
b6
fairytale."27 Haydar Rüştü unambiguously states that his writing is "the
truth free from illusions and exaggerations," revealing that Michael
Rodas' memoirs, the then Greek press manager in IZzmir, compelled him
to write.28 Any memoir could bear historical signi1icance for a historian
to scrutinize, but this reciprocal aspect and historical consciousness are
not typical at every stage of history. These authors intertwine group interests
with the subjective thread, as they closely relate the remainder of
their lives to their actions during the pivotal moments detailed in their
memoirs. This holds true regardless of whether the author enjoyed a
lengthy political career or experienced political ostracism. Interacting
with other memoirs is not limited to contesting their factuality; many
also reference collaborative efforts alongside their own contributions.
Haydar Rüştü acknowledges that by publishing his memoir, Rodas
"has ful1illed his duty to his nation and history,"29 and expresses a desire
for similar ful1illment: "I insist on attaching special importance to the
memories of every citizen who participated in the battle and insurgency,
which will be based on the documents, and I repeat my wish that these
memories will be published."30 Celal Bayar solicits answers from Haydar
Rü ştü for his own historiographical work of the period, regarding this as
"a national duty."31 Bezmi Nusret, participating in a broader document-
27 Quoted and translated in Zü rcher, The Young Turk Legacy and Nation Building, GG. Similar
remarks regarding the potential "fairytalization" of history are mirrored in Falih Rıykı's
commentary on (the competitor-narrative) Nutuk: “If the history of the Gazi were left in
obscurity, what would our situation be? (…) This book will serve the function of an amulet
in times when fables and fairy tales are fabricated, it will save you from all accidents
both visible and invisible.” Quoted and translated in Hü lya Adak, "Who is Afraid of Dr.
Riza Nur’s Autobiography?," in Autobiographical Themes in Turkish Literature: Theoretical
and Comparative Perspectives, ed. Olcay Akyıldız, Halim Kara, and Bö rte Sagaster
(Wü rzburg: Ergon-Verlag, GD?A), ?V`.
28 Osktem, `V-`C.
29 "[…] kendi milletine ve tarihine karşı vazifesini ifa eylemiştir." Osktem, ``.
30 "[…] cidal ve kıyama iştirak eden her vatandaşın vesikalara istinad edecek hatıralarına bir
ehemmiyet-i mahsusa atf etmekte ısrar ediyor ve bu hatıraların neşr edilmesi temennisini
tekrar eyliyorum." Ibid., `C.
31 Bayar’s letter is quoted in Zeki Arıkan, "Haydar Rü ştü ’nü n Os lümü ," in ibid., GA-GH.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
bO
based trend, appends to his memoir the letter he sent to Bayar, signifying
his eagerness to contribute to Bayar's endeavors.32
The armamentarium of this memoir pact is evidentiality.33 Authors
take pride in their chronological records and value their ability to maintain
a detailed account of events. A widespread inclination toward documentary
evidence prevails. Authors either strive to provide chronological
details, albeit not always infallible, or adopt an apologetic tone. The latter
approach often involves expressing regret for not having kept diaries.
They cite the "hectic times"34 as a reason for not maintaining daily notes,
yet still regard this lack as a "failure and defect."35 The emphasis on this
defect is intrinsic to the memoirs' inner truth regimes. Kazım Nami Duru
states, "I write about these events by trusting the grace of my memory.
The chronological classi1ication will be out of my hands. I regret that I did
not take note of them in time," and he adds, "However, I can say that what
I have written is nothing but the truth."36 This coupling is remarkably
similar for Bezmi Nusret and Haydar Rüştü. Haydar Rüştü does not claim
32 Kaygusuz, G`A.
33 Not only the choices of authors but also the reception of speciyic memoirs underlines this
aspect. These memoirs, when perceived as deyicient in evidence, face criticism: "He fails
to produce any document or evidence in favor of his claims." See, Zeki Arıkan, "Hü seyin
Kazım Kadri, Meşrutiyet’ten Cumhuriyet’e Hatıralarım," Çağdaş Türkiye Tarihi
Araştırmaları Dergisi ?, no. G (GD?H): VEA. A direct link between memoirs and history is
asserted: "He does not provide any documents or evidence to support his assertions.
His claims stand unsupported; he introduces no new documents(...)His approach is
merely postulation(...)This fundamental legal principle ought to be applied to history as
well: The responsibility of proof lies with the claimant." See, Turgut Os zakman, Rıza Nur
Dosyası (Ankara: Bilgi Yayınevi, GDD@), VD-V?. Both of the memoirs that have been criticized
in the cited texts are notably recognized for their critique of Nutuk. For Nutuk’s
“narrative monopoly,” see Hü lya Adak, "Who is Afraid of Dr. Riza Nur’s Autobiography?,"
in Autobiographical Themes in Turkish Literature: Theoretical and Comparative Perspectives,
ed. Olcay Akyıldız, Halim Kara, and Bö rte Sagaster (Wü rzburg: Ergon-Verlag, GD?A):
?GC-?`G.
34 Osktem, CH.
35 Ibid., ?VA.
36 Kazım Nami Duru, Hatıralar: İttihat Terakki/Cumhuriyet Devri Makedonya Hatıraları (Ankara:
Altınordu Yayınları, GD?E), GE.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
b5
to be able to identify all incidents completely, yet he pledges that "what
is written is the truth."37 Bezmi Nusret also acknowledges memory gaps
due to the lack of daily notes, with his assertion that he writes the truth
following suit.38
The authors lamented the absence of daily records, as the presence of
these records could facilitate a chronological and more detailed narrative
order, directly enhancing evidentiality. Nevertheless, they refuse to concede
any ground regarding their writings embodying the truth. This
group is not entirely representative of the larger group, as keeping daily
notes was "part of a common social custom of the educated elite in Istanbul
since their early youth."39 Numerous memoirs, including those of
Mustafa Abdülhalik Renda and Kazım Karabekir, are founded on reworked
notes.
Additional dissonance exists among the memoirs. Zürcher emphasizes
that "in some cases, we are dealing with verbal accounts or notes
which have been turned into a book by the protagonist himself or by one
of Turkey's many popular historians or journalists." These works are
"generally unsupported by documents and meant as a form of entertainment
for a large public. They should therefore be used only with the utmost
caution."40 Furthermore, while some memoirs present comprehensive
life narratives, others cover only a speci1ic era, with the latter group
displaying considerable divergence. The preferred mediums also vary—
while contemporary newspapers serialized some memoirs, others were
written and published as books.
The medium's in1luence on content categorization undeniably adds a
distinctive layer to the memoirs. Those serialized in newspapers naturally
exhibit a higher density of subheadings. Books reworking notes also
reveal this propensity. In contrast, others generally employ broader
37 Osktem, CH.
38 Kaygusuz, V.
39 Yasemin Ipek, "Autobiography and Conservative-Nationalist Political Opposition in Early Republican
Turkey," Turkish Studies ?@, no. ? (GD?H): ?CE.
40 Erik J. Zü rcher, "Young Turk Memoirs as a Historical Source: Kâ zım Karabekir’s IWstiklâ l Harbimiz,"
in The Young Turk Legacy and Nation Building (London: IB Tauris, GD?D), ?H.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
b7
segmentation and opt for subheads like "During Abdülhamid's Reign,”
"During Constitutional Period," often combining these with more personal
ones like "In Civil Service Academy" or "In Trade." Authors focusing
on a relatively shorter period or those who had not experienced signi1icant
shifts in their professional career put their role or profession at the
forefront of their narrative. Others prefer a more abstract way of interpreting
their lives: Bezmi Nusret repeatedly sees himself as "a standalone
person,"41 while Abdülhalik Renda identi1ies as a man of “duty."42 Serialized
memoirs, often written in fragments, embody a more fragile concinnity.
Additionally, the dynamic nature of this medium may have prompted
content and stylistic metamorphoses over time.
New national timelines are interwoven, giving rise to three distinct
'memoir boom' periods identi1ied in the literature. Given the memoirs'
unique reciprocal aspect and their connection to historiography, it is not
surprising that the authors embody both the historian and the historical
subject. Consequently, these texts tend to reach audiences during periods
of favorable political climates. Doğan Gürpınar highlights the 1irst memoir
boom occurring between Oh6x-OhO7, attributing the rarity of memoirs
before Oh6x to Hamidian censorship and the genre's immaturity. The period
between OhO7-OhOx, under the CUP, was relatively quiet, with a new
boom emerging between OhOx-Oh55. This period saw Unionists and anti-
Unionists dueling "in the shadows of the British occupation and the resistance
in Ankara."43 The last boom took place much later, in the Ohi6s
and Ohq6s, with the end of the single-party regime. The early decades of
the republic represent another period of silence under the narrative monopoly
of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk’s Nutuk.
Periods may become muted, and so can memoirs. Fikriye Karaman
examines the memoirs of 1ive Arab intellectuals born between Oxqi and
Oxxx, underscoring their silence on the "concept of the (failed) Arab caliphate,"
a contentious issue among Arabs during the 1irst quarter of the
41 Kaygusuz, H@, @`.
42 Renda, CA, EA-EE, ??C, G`C.
43 Doğan Gü rpinar, "The Politics of Memoirs and Memoir-Publishing in Twentieth Century Turkey,"
Turkish Studies ?V, no. V (GD?G): CV@.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
bb
56th century.44 Tasos Kostopoulos emphasizes the silence in IMRO (The
Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization) memoirs published
during the interwar years by the Macedonian Scienti1ic Institute of So1ia,
particularly concerning the organization's agrarian policies. He concludes
that this negligence "must be attributed to the speci1ic conditions
that dictated both their compilation and publication,"45 a point worth
bearing in mind when re1lecting on memoirs. Mustafa Kemal's Nutuk, the
narrative of which initiates in the year OhOh, has been interpreted as
evincing a deliberate silence, suggesting that preceding events hold no
remembrance value.46 A counter-perspective posits that since he had already
explored his prior experiences in a separate work, reiteration was
not mandated. Even if a memoirist's narrative spans from their early
years to the time of penning the memoir, given that most of these memoirists
in question are also writers, other mediums and their works
within these can shape what is revealed and concealed in their memoirs.
Thus, recognizing such silence is crucial and instructive, though the interpretations
derived should be approached with caution.
There also exist memoirs that consciously omit particular subjects or
epochs, acknowledging this silence directly. Ali Kemal's Ömrüm exempli-
1ies this practice. Within this memoir, Ali Kemal notes the intimate nature
of his relationships with his friends during his early youth, a state of affairs
that did not persist. At times, he says, death intruded, but he found
himself estranged from the living "by circumstances more devastating
than death," attributing this to "the plague called Union and Progress,"
which caused an irreparable rift between him and them. Decisively
44 Fikriye Karaman, "Arab Intellectuals Under The Young Turks: A Comparative-Historical Analysis
On Memoirs (?@DH-?@?H)" (unpublished thesis, IWstanbul Şehir University, GD?V), AC.
45 Tasos Kostopoulos, "‘Land to the Tiller’: On the Neglected Agrarian Component of the Macedonian
Revolutionary Movement, ?H@V-?@?G," Turkish Historical Review E (GD?A): ?V`-?AA,
?CG.
46 Hülya Adak, "National myths and self-na(rra)tions: Mustafa Kemal's Nutuk and Halide Edib's
Memoirs and the Turkish Ordeal," The South Atlantic Quarterly ?DG, no. G (GDDV), C?C-C?A.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
bi
concluding that "it is better to close that chapter altogether,"47 the narrative
concludes at the age of 5t.
§ P.P Predecessors
Ali Kemal's memoir is also noteworthy for its early focus on his father,
whom he lost at a young age. His text commences with a section devoted
to delineating his father's persona.48 Three discernible tendencies
emerge in the depiction of fathers within the memoirs under review.
Some opt for silence; others portray good interactions with a living father,
while the third group grapples with the implications of a dead father. The
memoir of Ali Haydar Midhat is intriguing in this regard, as it frequently
contains lamentations about the perceived lack of respect and recognition
he received, despite the great efforts his late father, Midhat Pasha,
made for the constitution. He often conveys this sentiment through the
opinions of others, with which he ultimately agrees. He cites, for instance,
an article from the "Matin" newspaper that described the journey of a
train returning from Salonica and its passengers following the restoration
of the constitution. The reporter notes that while leaders of the CUP
were lauded at each station, Ali Haydar, also on board, was largely overlooked,
with his "curtains 1irmly closed." As people were celebrating the
reinstatement of the Kanun-i Esasi, the reporter asked, "Why is the reputation
of Mithat Pasha, the architect of this system, glori1ied everywhere,
while his son is met with such indifference!” and added, “Is this how we
47 "O zaman arkadaşlarımla aramızda böyle bir samı̂miyet mevcut idi. Fakat, heyhat, o ânın
te'nı̂siyle dünya dedikleri bu aşağ ı muhitte o mehâ sin, o meâ lı̂ yaşar mı? Günler, seneler
geçtikçe o muhabbet, o safvet de azaldı. Bazen ö lüm araya girdi. Fakat yaşayanlardan
ölümden daha fena hâ llerle, hâ ilelerle ayrıldık. IWttihad Ve Terakkı̂ dedikleri veba, â fet
nasıl kardeşi kardeşten bile bazen ayırdı ise, kısmen onları da benden öylece uzaklaştırdı.
Ne ise... Lâ l olursun dinlesen bir sayha tâb-ı sı̂neden. O faslı bü sbü tün kapamak
daha hayırlıdır." Ali Kemal, Ömrüm, compiled by M. Kayahan Os zgü l (Ankara: Cümle
Yayınları, GD?A), ?G`.
48 Ali Kemal, GV-GH.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
bq
treat the son of a man of such stature as Mithat Pasha, who propagated
constitution and gave his life for this cause?" Ali Haydar corroborates this
"unfortunate" experience, stating that "the reality was precisely this."49
He also presents a letter from a British diplomat who, following Ali Haydar's
appointment to Ayan, the assembly of provincial notables, wrote to
him, "You are now convinced that your father's immortal great work has
been sancti1ied by another generation."50 He says that his appointment
was met with criticism by the CUP, primarily due to his young age, and he
recalls Abdülhamid II saying, "On the one hand, they heap praises on your
father. Then they think it is too much even to appoint you to Ayan. What
kind of absurdity is this?"51 There are numerous other instances in his
narrative relating to the positive and negative attention he garnered due
to his father's name, making it a recurring theme throughout his memoir.
As it is frequently noticed in the literature, generational subjectivity
also "draws on relationships with the dead."52 The instance introduced,
the opening section of Ali Kemal's memoir, where he describes his father,
is entitled "A Man of Old Times." As with future generations, memoirs at
times reveal speculations about those no longer living. Ali Kemal suggests
that his father, this "man of old times," "probably would not have appreciated
these new ideas about freedom and constitution.”53 This archetype
of the "man of old times" also 1inds resonance in Re1ik Halid's work Üç
49 "Bugün, Kanunu Esasiyi ilân etmekle Tü rkiye bayram yapıyor; bunun mucidi olan Mithat
Paşanın namı her yerde gö klere çıkarılıyor, oğluna ise bu soğuk muamele neden icap
ediyor!... Bizde olsa, böyle bir kanunu ilâ n eden ve bu uğurda hayatını veren Mithat Paşa
gibi büyü k bir adamın oğluna karşı böyle mi hareket ederdik? […] Malesef, hakikat
aynen bu merkezdeydi." Ali Haydar Mithat, Hatıralarım (IWstanbul: Gü ler Basımevi, ?@`A),
GDG.
50 "Babanızın ö lmez büyü k eserinin başka bir nesil tarafından takdis olunduğuna, şu suretle
olsun siz de kanaat getirmiş oldunuz." Ali Haydar Mithat, GD`.
51"Bir taraftan babanızı göklere çıkarıyorlar. Sonra, sizi A€yana tâyin etmemi bile çok gö rüyorlar.
Bu ne mantıksızca harekettir?" Ibid., GDV.
52 Abosede George, Clive Glaser, Margaret D. Jacobs, Chitra Joshi, Emily Marker, Alexandra Walsham,
Wang Zheng, Bernd Weisbrod, "AHR Conversation: Each Generation Writes Its
Own History of Generations," The American Historical Review ?GV, no. C (December GD?H),
?CG`.
53 "Herhalde hü rriyete, kanun-ı esasiye dair o yeni yikirleri hiç beğenmezdi." Ali Kemal, GH.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
bt
Nesil Üç Hayat, where he sketches the experiences of three distinct generations,
each designated by the names of distinct eras: “Aziz Devrinde”
(The Abdülaziz Era), “Hamit Devrinde” (The Hamidian Era), and “Şimdiki
Durum” (The Current Situation) respectively. He narrates key anecdotes
re1lecting different generations' divergent perspectives on shared subjects,
and in one of those he describes a scene from the Hamidian period
involving naming a newborn baby. The child is named Ahmed Niyazi,
prompting a woman to comment that she had expected the name to be
Mehmet Enver, with both secondary names echoing the CUP members
who emerged as "heroes" during the Second Constitutional period. Another
woman interjects, creating a stereotypical image akin to the "man
of old times" portrayed by Ali Kemal. She claims that the baby's "grandfather
did not approve of any of these names” but they managed to persuade
him to accept Niyazi: “You know, he does not appreciate these
names symbolizing freedom; he is old-fashioned."54
Describing the father of a friend from Mekteb-i Sultani, Rıza Tev1ik
states: “This was a man whose temperament could be characterized as
old Ottoman. His knowledge was limited.”55 In this depiction, he establishes
a demarcation between the old and the new using knowledge as
the de1ining parameter. This pattern resonates with the writings of the
previous generation. Ebü zziya Tev1ik, in an article penned in Oh66, remarks
that during his youth, there had been sparse resources available
for individuals like himself, who were keen to understand the world's unfolding
events. For the section of society that did not dedicate themselves
to studying a particular 1ield of knowledge, the only available literature
were romance stories, each constrained and shaped by a set of conventional
tropes. He cites a letter by Akif Pasha detailing a boat ride, that was
deemed print-worthy, mainly for the relative novelty of its depiction, as
54 "Büyü kbabası bu isimlerin hiçbirini istemiyordu, ama zorla Niyazi'yi kabul ettirebildik. Malum
ya hü rriyet isimlerini sevmiyor; eski kafalı..." Karay, ?D.
55 "Bu zat eski Osmanlı denilebilecek mizaçta bir adamdı. Pek malumatlı değ ildi." Rıza Tevyik,
Biraz da Ben Konuşayım, compiled by Abdullah Uçman (IWstanbul: IWletişim Yayınları,
GDDH), VCV.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
bx
it marked a rare instance where a narrative escaped the commonplace to
preserve the distinct traits of an experience.56
Rıza Tev1ik pivots towards that knowledge gap as the critical demarcation,
rather than perspectives on freedom, when distinguishing two
generations. His observations on his pursuit of freedom stand out, framing
it as a personal mission steeped in his mother's experiences. The
Young Turk generation is frequently self-perceived as the harbingers of
freedom. Drawing from Mehmed Akif's work, Hocazade, a character representing
the Young Turk generation therein, argues that his generation
gifted freedom to their forebears. However, a unique depiction materializes
in Rıza Tev1ik's narrative. He reveals that his mother, like his close
friend Ali Kemal’s mother, was a Circassian women sold into slavery.57 He
contends that the root motivation for their quest for freedom stemmed
from a deep-seated desire to redress their mothers' enslavement. Thus,
he mentions a facet distinct from conventional notions of tyranny, emphasizing
slavery.
Retribution on behalf of a parent is a theme also encountered in other
memoirs. For instance, Ali Haydar recalls how he had pinned his hopes
on the death of Abdülhamid II, but history took a peculiar turn, enabling
him to return to Istanbul while Abdülhamid II was still in reign. Hearing
from Abdülhamid II expressions of “regret—regardless of their sincerity—"
for the harm in1licted upon his father gave Ali Haydar a sense of
vindication, for which, he claimed, "there could be no greater revenge in
this world."58 Hüseyin Kazım's memoir stands out among those examined,
particularly in its comments concerning his father. Much like Ali Kemal,
he dedicates a portion of his memoir to his father's life.59 However,
unlike Ali Kemal's account, Hüseyin Kazım's memoir is replete with extensive
remarks, in this sense, drawing closer parallels to Ali Haydar's
56 Şerif Mardin, The Genesis of Young Ottoman Thought: A Study in the Modernization of Turkish
Political Ideas (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, GDDD), GAC.
57 Rıza Tevyik, GGG-GG`.
58 "Benim için, bu dünyada bundan daha büyü k bir intikam olamazdı." Ali Haydar Midhat, ?@H.
59 Hü seyin Kazım Kadri, Meşrutiyet'ten Cumhuriyete Hatıralarım, compiled by IWsmail Kara (IWstanbul:
Dergah Yayınları, GD?H), EH-?DD.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
bh
narrative. Yet his memoir also stands in contrast to that of Ali Haydar, as
Hüseyin Kazım does not 1ixate on the in1luence of his late father's reputation
on how others perceive him. In the segment where he recounts his
father's story, it becomes apparent that other individuals engage him in
conversations to express their worries and comments about his father's
professional work.60 The segment devoted to narrating his own story,
however, is not laden with extensive commentary on how his father's legacy
affects his perception by others, something that dominates Ali Haydar's
narrative.
Hüseyin Kazım steers away from crafting a strictly individual narrative,
stating that “a substantial portion of” his memoir relates to “the personal
life and personality” of both his father and himself.”61 Themes such
as implementing the lessons learned from his father62 in professional life
and resolution of his father's debt63 also feature prominently in this
memoir. Bezmi Nusret stands in contrast when it comes to the latter aspect.
His memoir repeatedly acknowledges the 1inancial assistance he received
from his father. As the narrative time progresses, he starts uttering
phrases such as, “Once again, I found myself leaning on my father's support"
64 However, only a modest section of this memoir is allocated to illuminating
his father's persona.
Contrasting with the focus on perception of others based on paternal
legacy in Ali Haydar's work, Hüseyin Kazım's narrative centers on the
portrayal of his father and the identi1ication of continuities between
them. What is seen in Mustafa Abdülhalik’s and Bezmi Nusret's works,
interpreting their personal stories through sequential abstract constructs
such as a "man of duty," and "standalone person," is mirrored in
Hü seyin Kazım's account of his father. He frequently encapsulates his
60 Ibid., HC-HA.
61 "Hatıratımın büyü k bir kısmı, pederimin ve benim hayat-ı hususiye ve şahsiyemize ait olmak
itibariyle […]" Ibid., EE.
62 Ibid., ?GC.
63 Ibid., H`.
64 "Yine babamın sırtında kaldım." Kaygusuz, GG?.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
i6
father's life with the phrase "a just despot."65 He refers to a British tabloid
that posthumously published his father's photograph, and in its description,
used what could be construed as coarse language, referring to his
father as "the last of the supporters of justice and order by means of the
stick."66 Hüseyin Kazım refutes this characterization and states that "in
Siroz, the most important center of Macedonia,” he did not hesitate to
“implement the form of governance” represented by his father and he
“witnessed its numerous bene1its." The assertion of continuity is not enforced
by others but is self-initiated.
A sense of disappointment with elders is largely expressed in the
memoirs, and the encounter with the sultan provides an intriguing facet
in some life narratives. Hüseyin Kazım recounts his meeting with Sultan
Reşad, to whom he previously held a favorable in1luence, after his appointment
as the Deputy of Manisa. Upon his return to Istanbul from
Thessaloniki as a deputy of Manisa, Sultan Reşad granted him an audience,
expressing his pleasure in seeing Hüseyin Kazım in his current role.
However, Hü seyin Kazım describes his shock when Sultan Reşad followed
these words with the question, "Is Manisa in Albania?" He says he
was taken aback and at a loss for words: “Eventually, I replied, 'Manisa is
in Anatolia and on the Izmir side. It was the ancient capital of your ancestors.'"
He recalled that the sultan then queried, "Yes, isn't that the place
where melons grow?"67 which made him conclude that, even though he
might support the concept of a sultanate, he could not endorse such ignorant
and unaware sultans.
Re1ik Halid's account of his 1irst encounter with Abdülhamid II is another
interesting perspective on disillusionment. His description of
65 "adil bir mü stebit" Hü seyin Kazım Kadri, HA.
66 "[…] sopa ile temin-i adalet ve tesis-i asayiş taraftarlarının en sonu idi!" Ibid., ?GC.
67 "Selanik'ten Manisa mebusu sıfatıyla IWstanbul'a avdet ettiğ im sırada beni nezdine kabul
eylemişti: 'Siz Manisa mebusu olmuşsunuz, pek mahzû z oldum. Bu Manisa Arnavutluk'ta
mı?' dediğ i zaman kendimi kaybettim ve ne cevap vereceğ imi şaşırdım.
Nihayet, 'Manisa Anadolu'da ve IWzmir tarafındadır. Ecdad-ı izâmınızın kadı̂men
payitahtları idi' diyebildim. Bunun ü zerine; 'evet, şu kavun çıkan yer değ il mi?' dedi. Saltanat
taraftarı olsam bile bu kadar cahil ve gâ yil padişahları iltizam edemezdim!" Ibid.,
GHC.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
iO
seeing the sultan not only changes his view of Abdülhamid II himself, but
also alters his self-perception. At the tender age of Ob, he was taken by his
father to the palace to extend Eid greetings to the sultan. Prior to the
meeting, he says, the emotion dominating his thoughts was not reverence
for the sultan, but rather fear. His self-perception of being diminutive further
ampli1ied his apprehension: "I felt like an ant about to be squashed
[...] I have transformed into 'Keloğlan' from 'The Seven Dwarfs.'” He describes
how his father hoisted him by the waist, while another person
lifted him by the legs, thus enabling him to get a glimpse of the sultan.
Upon laying eyes on the sultan for that 1leeting moment, he is astounded
by the sight of a "frail, degloried old man." The sight of the sultan in this
state profoundly altered Re1ik Halid's self-image: "So, this is the sultan?
When I was placed back on the ground, I no longer felt as small as I had
previously felt."68
When Re1ik Halid recounts the occasion of this visit, he emphasizes
that he did not proceed to the palace like some of the children he knows
from his school, Mekteb-i Sultani, who were accompanied by their lalas.
These children were made dressed in gilded attire to be taken to the palace.
He says, "I too had a uniform behind me, but it was merely the of1icial
school dress with yellow buttons."69 In the context of school, certain students
who seem to receive favoritism due to their fathers' reputation or
their relationships with those in power are mentioned with reproach in
several memoirs. This highlights a disappointment in the elders who
show such favoritism. Ali Kemal mentions Binbaşı Tev1ik Bey, known
among the students as "Cadı Tev1ik", who was one of the teachers that he
and his peers particularly liked. Re1lecting on why they liked him, Ali
68"[...] daha ufalmış, şaşırmış 'Yedi Cü celer'deki Keloğlan'a dönmü şüm. IWri bir sü tun yanındayız;
babam belimden kavradı, bir başkası da bacaklarımdan yukarıya doğ ru kaldırdı: 'Bak
orta yere,' dediler, 'işte taht ü zerinde oturan, zatı şâhanedir!' Bir lahza gö rebildim: Muayedeye
gelen devlet adamlarının çoğuna benzeyen sakallı iri burunlu, çelimsiz, hatta
oldukça şansız bir ihtiyar [...] Demek, hü nkâ r bu? Yere indiğ im zaman artık kendimi eskisi
kadar kü çü k bulmadım." Karay, GDE.
69 "Filvaki benim de arkamda bir ü riiforma vardı ama o, sadece mektebin sarı dü ğmeli resmi
elbisesinden ibaretti." Ibid., GDC.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
i5
Kemal narrates an incident where this teacher tested a student who was
commonly considered a "fool" but was also the son of a high-ranking
statesman, hence often the recipient of teachers' fawning. When the student
failed the test, Tev1ik Bey harshly reprimanded him. Ali Kemal states
that, although he regrets it later, he and his peers found this incident quite
amusing, as it felt like a form of revenge against the other teachers' unfair
adulation towards that student.70
A signi1icant setting for exploring relationships with elders and 1igures
of authority lies within the realm of education. Numerous memoirs
offer rich details about interactions with teachers and administrators.
This space broadens the scope of generational concept, moving it towards
a more horizontal understanding. Authors, in these instances, do
not simply present their attitudes towards older authority 1igures from
an individual standpoint, but rather, reveal wider connections with their
peers. When they re1lect upon their relationships with their fathers, the
vertical aspect of generational dynamics becomes more pronounced, often
revealing personal narratives that underscore continuities or divergences.
However, school experiences expand this understanding, situating
the concept of generation further within a two-dimensional
framework.
70 Ali Kemal, ?DV.
i7
$
Education
he Young Turk generation, as captured in various accounts, was profoundly
in1luenced by the educational reforms enacted during
Abdülhamid II's reign. The narratives of the Young Turks provide compelling
testimony to the seminal role education played in their formative
years. The expansion of Western-oriented schools and an upsurge in student
enrollment signaled a cultural transition that left deep imprints in
the memoirs explored. This transition was not con1ined merely to the imparted
knowledge; it extended to school spaces and extracurricular activities,
encompassing a more comprehensive educational experience
that left an indelible impression on these minds. An outcome of these educational
transformations, the ascent in the bureaucratic ranks and military
cadres of the Empire, is another recurring theme in these accounts.
The post-graduation repercussions of education, particularly its impact
on professional careers, will be one of the focal points of the succeeding
chapter. However, at this juncture, how education is often perceived as a
rite of passage associated with gaining seniority will be the starting
point, shedding light on the perception of generational dynamics.
The potential outcomes of educational reforms had already become a
matter of critical contemplation before the Young Turk generation
emerged on the educational scene. With the expanding educational landscape,
apprehensions began to surface regarding the potential roles and
T
GO@ZDE IŞIK
ib
spheres of in1luence these increasing numbers of graduates could or
would inhabit within the societal structure. Ismail Kemal recollects an
incident in Oxt6 after his strenuous efforts to initiate public education in
Dobrudja. The grand vizier Ali Pasha offered congratulations for the outcomes
garnered, yet his words were tinged with a potent strain of sarcasm
that instilled unease in Ismail Kemal: "In the current state the country
is in, what will emerge from these educated people, will they all
become lawyers or idlers akin to those in Greece?"1 Such stories of disputes
concerning the tangible outcomes and prospects post-graduation
for students are prominently featured in memoirs.
Within these narratives, Ali Kemal's account reserves special commendation
for his teacher Recaizade Mahmud Ekrem's "insightful tales,"
recounting an anecdote he heard from Ekrem: A council member solicits
Fuat Pasha's foresight regarding the future of those graduating from a
particular school. Fuat Pasha's response is succinct and unwavering,
"They will become men."2 As the inquiry is rephrased, probing further
into what exact roles these graduates might occupy, Fuat Pasha, unfaltering
in his resolve, reiterates, "They will become men." Upon the third utterance
of this steadfast declaration, the assembly is engulfed in silence:
"They apprehended the profound suggestion enfolded within those two
words, understanding that the objectives of the school extend beyond
cultivating government of1icials."3 Narratives of maturity inherited from
the preceding generation aligned with contemporary discussions among
the Young Turk generation on the broader nuances of education, entailing
the scaffolding it furnished for appraising self-worth, the shared identi
1ication among the ballooning student population based on a common
1 "Uslkenin bulunduğ u bu durumda tahsil gö ren tüm bu insanlardan ne çıkacak acaba? Yunanistan’daki
gibi ya avukat ya aylak mı olacak hepsi?" Sommerville Story, ed., İsmail Kemal
Bey'in Hatıratı, trans. Adnan IWslamoğulları and Rubin Hoxha (IWstanbul: Tarih Vakfı
Yurt Yayınları, GD?A), `?.
2 "Adam olacaklardır.” Ali Kemal, EG.
3 "[…] o iki kelimenin ihtiva eylediğ i mana-yı bü lendi takdir eylerler, mektepten maksud sırf
hü kumet memuru yetiştirmek olmadığ ını anlarlar." Ibid., EG.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
ii
spatial experience, and the comparisons drawn from the expanding educational
offerings, which, in turn, in1luenced self-perception.
§ U.K School as a Venue
In his The New Generation in Meiji Japan: Problems of Cultural Identity,
RYYf-RYSf, Kenneth B. Pyle asserts that "the decisive experience in demarcating
the new generation was (…) attendance in the new schools of
higher learning. Nowhere did youth feel so deeply the impact of the converging
forces of change as in these Western-oriented schools."4 This hypothesis
1inds its echo in the memoirs of numerous Ottoman contemporaries.
A pertinent example is Ali Kemal, who recounts his enrolment at
Mekteb-i Mülkiye and the transformation it catalyzed within him: "From
the moment I stepped into that school, I became a completely different
person; I began to see the world in a different way, to think, and - both
intellectually and spiritually" - to truly "live."5 He expounds on the young
minds nurtured during that era at that school, highlighting their excellence
in various branches of knowledge. He attributes the genesis of this
intellectual revival to the transformative environment — an environment
"gradually awakening [their] consciousness, broadening [their] perspectives."
6 He underscores the in1luential role of the school as a space, a motif
he mirrors while referring to several other spaces, including the palace.
According to his observations, most of1icials of that era, notably the
key 1igures in the palace, embodied mercy and hospitality. However, he
observes an anomaly, that is, the emergence of ruthless decisions from
the palace secretariat, and this observation brings him to a conclusion:
"The in1luence of the environment, even on the individual nature and
4 Kenneth B. Pyle, The New Generation in Meiji Japan: Problems of Cultural Identity, PRRh-PRQh
(Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, ?@A@), ?D.
5 "O mektebe girdiğ imden itibaren bü sbü tün başka bir insan oldum; alemi başka bir nazarla
görmeye, dü şünmeye, yikren, ruhen yaşamağa başladım." Ali Kemal, V@.
6 "[…] o muhit ki, bizi yavaş yavaş uyandırıyordu, yikirlerimizi açıyordu." Ali Kemal, CH.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
iq
morals, is substantial."7 Highlighting the importance of the school as a
space, he accentuates its capacity to foster unity. He reminisces about a
period when the school was shuttered during the summer, a circumstance
he found particularly unfavorable, as the despotic regime dissuaded
him and his peers from convening outside the school.8
Cemil Topuzlu deliberates on the signi1icance of this space and its location
from the vantage point of the authority, discussing the relocation
of his school. As a student of the Military Medical School (Mekteb-i
Tıbbiye-i Şahane, hereafter Tıbbiye,) he describes the institution as a bastion
of ideas advocating liberty. He further notes that the Sultan regarded
this school as a "hotbed of insurrection,"9 a point that is also echoed in
other memoirs. Abdülhamid II considered displacing Tıbbiye to quell any
potential insurrection. The possible destinations ranged from a location
beyond the castle gates to an overseas site. Ultimately, the school was
moved to Haydarpaşa. Cemil Topuzlu observes that the students of
Tıbbiye had persistently held aspirations for freedom and stood in opposition
to the palace. Consequently, “not only the students but also the
school administration was exiled,"10 he remarks. Similarly, Rıza Tev1ik expresses
his disappointment over the missed chance to be under the tutelage
of Ekrem in the Civil Service Academy (Mekteb-i Mülkiye,) an opportunity
available to his senior by only one year, Ali Kemal. He elaborates
on the broader implications, suggesting that the Sultan, alarmed by the
palace informants who painted an overzealous picture of the "splendor
of that brilliant period of culture,"11 felt threatened. Consequently, he "extinguished
that hearth of wisdom" by reassigning the Mekteb-i Mü lkiye
teachers to other civil service roles.12
7 "Eşhasın fıtratine, ahlakına bile muhitin tesiratı bu derece ziyadedir." Ali Kemal., ?HH.
8 Ibid., ?C`.
9 Cemil Topuzlu, R[ Yıllık Hatıralarım (IWstanbul: Halk Kitabevi, GDGG), ?CA.
10 "[…] talebeden başka mektep idaresi de sü rgüne uğ ramıştır." Ibid., ?GC.
11 "[…] o parlak kü ltü r devrinin şa’şaasından" Rıza Tevyik, G?A
12 "[…] o irfan ocağ ını söndü rmü ştü ." Ibid., G?E.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
it
Cemil underscores a notable consensus among his peers at Tıbbiye.
During the period he was at this school, he narrates, the tenets of "Young
Turkism and liberty" were starting to permeate the society. Nearly all his
classmates, "in fact, the entire student body," advocated for liberty, equality,
and justice, drawing inspiration from the French Revolution.13 The establishment
of a shared arena of challenges and interests took root in an
environment that was not only educational but also residential. Living
arrangements for boarding students saw senior-year pupils accommodated
in rooms of four or 1ive beds. These rooms, grouped into wards,
became hubs of nighttime gatherings. The students engaged in clandestine
activities, writing and circulating articles criticizing the Sultan. Being
the youngest in the class, Cemil was entrusted with the risky task of distributing
these articles on the premise that his youthful status might
spare him severe punishment. However, this operation did not go unnoticed,
and he was apprehended by a hahiye (spy,) narrowly evading dire
consequences.14
Numerous memoirs describe a period of intense unease prevailing in
the schools, a time indelibly marked by the shadowy presence of hahiyes.
Kazım Nami Duru offers an account of his time at Harbiye (School of War,)
admitting his lack of political awareness or involvement at that time, yet,
he recollects the sudden, unexplained disappearances of fellow students.
Inquiries about their whereabouts met vague and ambiguous responses,
only for them to later discover that these peers had been imprisoned or
exiled. This unease was interpreted as "a reign of terror," casting a heavy
pall of fear over the school and breeding a climate of distrust among the
students: "No one was safe from anyone."15 However, despite this pervasive
insecurity, a horizontal bond among students endured.
The fear-laden environment, far from sti1ling the students' spirits,
further distanced them from the Abdülhamid II administration. Nevertheless,
it did not ensure ideological accord or the feeling of trust within
the student community. Schools demonstrated variation in this aspect
13 Topuzlu, ?G?.
14 Ibid., ?GG.
15 "Kimsenin kimseye emniyeti yoktu." Duru, ?D.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
ix
too. Being a Harbiyeli, Kazım Nami suggests that an organization centered
around the school was not viable, since the loyalty that schoolbased
friendships and vocational fraternity could foster was essentially
“left to random chance,"16 leading him to consider external solutions for
initiation. This part of the narrative culminates with the formation of the
Ottoman Freedom Society, although school camaraderie still had a part
to play: Kazım Nami begins the backstory with his desire to connect with
IZsmail Canbulat, whom he had known and loved as a younger brother
from their initial year at Harbiye.17 Following multiple encounters with
ten individuals, not in their residence, but in various other homes and at
different instances, the society came into existence, as per Kazım Nami's
account.
Despite acknowledging the dif1iculty of building an organization
based on school ties, he himself underscores that the Ottoman Committee
of Union and Progress was established with a signi1icant in1luence
and participation of the Tıbbiyeli students. Tıbbiye, despite its military
school designation, exhibited several distinctive traits that set it apart
from comparable institutions. Şükrü Hanioğlu identi1ies the curriculum's
divergence and its materialistic approach as notable differences18, while
Oya Gözel Durmaz turns her focus to organizational aspects, noting several
unique features.19 Chief among these was the school's comparatively
autonomous approach, which could be traced back to its pre-Oxh6 director—
a physician, not a military of1icer—who governed the school for
nearly two decades20. Tıbbiye, functioning as a tuition-free boarding
school, was a magnet for students from all over the empire, including
16 "Mektep arkadaşlığ ının, meslek yoldaşlığ ının sağlayabileceğ i bağlılık ise, tesadü fün lü tfuna
kalmış bir şeydi." Duru, ?E.
17 Ibid., ?E.
18 Şü krü Hanioğlu, “Blueprints for a Future Society: Late Ottoman Materialists on Science, Religion,
and Art,” in Late Ottoman Society: The Intellectual Legacy, edited by Elisabeth
Oszdalga (New York: RoutledgeCurzon, GDDC).
19Oya Gö zel-Durmaz, "The Rise of the Ottoman Military Medical School as the Centre of Anti-
Hamidian Opposition," in Current Debates in History and Politics, ed. Oya Gö zel-Durmaz,
Abidin Çevik, and Günay Gönü llü (London: IJOPEC, GD?E), E-GD.
20 “Hür 3ikirli nazırımız bu olayı da diğerleri gibi örtbas edip kapattı.” See, Topuzlu, ?GG.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
ih
Russia and Iran, linking the constitutional movements in these nations.
Factors such as the extended period of education and life in dormitories,
especially for the upper classes as shown in Cemil’s account, also played
a signi1icant role in the school’s unique position.
As conveyed in Cemil's narrative, the distinct position of the school
was well-recognized by the Ottoman administration. Later, the school underwent
modi1ications, such as the appointment of military of1icers to
lead the administration. Following this, strict military discipline akin to
that in other military academies was enforced at the Tıbbiye, and the special
rooms for the upper classes were shut down. However, as highlighted
by Gözel, "the CUP was already established by Oxxh and the number of its
members has already exceeded one hundred within two years."21 Beyond
its outside-world implications like the already-guaranteed presence of
CUP, it should be underscored that this fact was important not merely for
the school's in1luence on the external realms, but also for its contribution
to establishing a speci1ic tradition within the school. This phenomenon
was not unique to Tıbbiye. The concept of mekteb ananesi22 or "school
tradition" became a recurring theme in various accounts, highlighting its
broader relevance.
The shared adversity schools provided seemed to foster a sense of
unity, if not in ideological outlooks, then certainly in navigating the same
"problem space." In a notable anecdote, Ali Kemal recounts an episode
involving their French teacher, Gaetan Efendi: The students were assigned
to read from Pélissier’s most acclaimed works, one of which featured
a poem mentioning a dog named "Sultan." As Gaetan Efendi read
the poem aloud, he was uncomfortable upon realizing the implications of
the words he was uttering. He abruptly stopped, blushed, and hastily
turned the page to another section. However, he seemed unable to avoid
the discomfort and prematurely ended the class to go straight to the principal's
of1ice. Ali Kemal says, "We were now in high spirits, reciting that
poem over and over." Before the class was formally concluded, teachers
21 Gö zel-Durmaz, ?A.
22Ali Çankaya, Yeni Mülkiye Tarihi ve Mülkiyeliler, Vol II (Ankara: Mars Matbaası, ?@AH-?@A@),
HCD-HC?.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
q6
hurriedly collected the books from the students. Such stories indicate
that the experience within the school environment, beyond personal encounters
with elements indicative of the regime, provided students with
a shared platform to confront and navigate these elements collectively.
When Ali Kemal re1lects on the episode mentioned, he states that "such
events were immensely eye-opening" for the students as they illuminated
"the reality of that regime."23
As frequently highlighted in memoirs, these educational establishments
offered ample avenues for student communication. The scope of
these interactions extended far beyond the bounds of organized and
planned exchanges, as shown in the instance Ali Kemal provided. Schools
wielded the power to transform even the simplest of incidents into meaningful
communal experiences. This phenomenon was inadvertently
driven by the actions of teachers and administrators, against whom students
found a shared sense of unity, even without explicit coordination
or planning. Another illustrative instance of this bonding is narrated in a
OhOx writing by Mustafa Satı Al-Husri, who studied at Mekteb-i Mü lkiye
approximately ten years later than Ali Kemal. He notes that Abdülhamid
II was consistently eager to underline his patronage over that school by
adding "Şahane" to the school's name. The sultan’s pride was palpable on
numerous occasions, not least during the ceremonial distribution of candies
during the Eid in Oxhx. The school principal Hacı Recai Bey, who led
the school for Ob years pre-Oh6x, orchestrated a grand ceremony amidst
the escalating tensions in Crete and gathered the students for the event.
After the distribution of candies, he called upon everyone to offer prayers
for the wellbeing and prosperity of the Sultan, who he presented as a benevolent
guardian looking after all their needs, even down to the provision
of the candies. However, in a twist of events, the students did not
respond to his call. Mustafa Satı states that the reaction was not the result
of a deliberate conspiracy, but rather a spontaneous act of opposition that
took everyone, including the principal, by surprise. He remarks that the
23 "Böyle vakalar fevkalade gö zümü zü açıyordu, o idare-i mü stebidenin hakikatini yikr-i intibahımıza
sokuyordu." Ali Kemal, ?D@.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
qO
non-negotiated nature of the event is what truly imbued it with its force:
"In fact, there is no doubt that if such a discussion had taken place, there
would have been no shortage of people who would have voiced the potential
risks of such a course of action."24
He observes that this general rebellion was sudden, without negotiation
and without alliance. Every individual, in unison yet independently
thought, “'If I don't shout, who will notice!' Since this was a sentiment
shared by everyone without exception, the invitation was met with nothing
but a profound silence."25 When the principal, aghast and perturbed
at the silence, reiterated his call, he was met with the same resounding
silence. Flustered and unsure of what to do next, he made a hurried exit,
leaving the students behind, basking in the glow of their sudden victory.
The apex of the incident arrived when a student, in a display of audacious
de1iance, threw away his candy, announcing his refusal to cheer for such
tri1les, which became a symbolic act that prompted all others to follow.
The events of that day, which started as a simple ceremony and later incited
a mass act of rebellion that 1illed everyone “with unbounded courage,”
lasted until every candy was reduced to fragments.
Con1lict with teachers and the administrative cadre is a prominent
theme within these memoirs. Mustafa Abdülhalik recounts an incident26
from his school days when, on the eve of receiving his high school diploma,
he and his classmates were unjustly given a two-week suspension
by the school's chief of1icer. Unwilling to accept this punishment, he approaches
the vice chief of1icer, other members of the administrative cadre,
and even the school principal to plead his case, asserting the unfairness
of their treatment. However, all these 1igures refuse to intervene,
maintaining that only the chief of1icer can revoke the suspension.
24 "Zaten şübhe yok ki, öyle bir mü zakere vuku’a gelmiş olsaydı, bu yolda hareketin tehlikelerinden
bahsedecekler az olmıyacakdı." Quoted in Ali Çankaya, Yeni Mülkiye Tarihi ve Mülkiyeliler,
Vol III (Ankara: Mars Matbaası, ?@AH-?@A@), HCG.
25 "Herkes içinden ‘Ben bağ ırmasam kim farkına varacak!’ demişdi. Bunu bila istisna herkes
söylemiş olduğ u için, vuku’ bulan da’vet umumi bir sü kut’dan başka bir mukabele gö rmemişdi."
Ibid., HCV.
26 Renda, `D-`G.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
q5
Students banded together to express their shared worries, and when
those concerns were dismissed, what began as a vertical con1lict transmuted
into a shared, horizontal unease, unifying them in their collective
discomfort.
Mustafa Reşat Mimaroğlu narrates an instance during his time at the
same school, Mekteb-i Mülkiye, where almost thirty of the forty graduating
students had to repeat a course. This predicament stemmed from a
peculiar regulation that dictated that graduates could not receive a salary
as a provincial civil servant until reaching the age of twenty-1ive. Simultaneously,
the policy allowed those aged between eighteen and twentytwo
to be admitted to the school. The students' repeated pleas to vice
principal Ali Nazima Bey for the amendment of this inequitable provision
were met with reassurances of submitting the issue to the principal Hacı
Recai Efendi. However, the vice-principal says the principal dismissed the
concerns outright, asserting that "students should not meddle in such
matters."27
This 1igure, Hacı Recai Efendi, is recurrent in several narratives, including
those by Mustafa Satı, Mustafa Abdü lhalik, and Mustafa Reşat. IZsmail
Müştak offers yet another example when he recalls being summoned
by Hacı Recai six months post-graduation, an event that invoked
feelings of fear. Despite the passage of time, IZsmail Müştak rationalizes
this fear by describing Hacı Recai as a person capable of "catching ‘those
acting against the Almighty's consent’ even six years later," and delivering
them to Abdülhamid's political headquarters. He suggests that Recai
Efendi's role at Mülkiye was to "in1iltrate the minds and consciences of
the students," and refers to this man’s frequent statement, "We do not
need a sheep with horns." According to Recai Efendi, "any student who
thought independently, who expressed criticism or opposition, and who
had any form of connections with Europe was considered a horned
27 "[…] talebe böyle şeylere karışmaz." Quoted in Ali Çankaya, Yeni Mülkiye Tarihi ve Mülkiyeliler,
Vol II (Ankara: Mars Matbaası, ?@AH-?@A@), HG@-HVD.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
q7
sheep," and he possessed a keen skill for "breaking such horns,"28 says
IZsmail Müştak.
§ U.I Fleeing to Europe
Even with esteemed educator 1igures revered by students, a signi1icant
number of teachers and administrators draw criticism, not merely
for their comportment but, importantly, for perceived de1iciencies in
their domain knowledge. At times, the elders' refusal to listen to these
young people resulted in this generation making a decisive choice, that
is, to leave for Europe. Cemil Topuzlu recounts a post-graduation experience
that led him to Paris for further medical education.29 After acquiring
a doctor's diploma30 and beginning his practice in Oxxq with the rank of
captain, he desired to operate on a patient in critical condition due to an
abscess. However, his plans were rebuffed by an elder, whom he refers to
as "Makridi Pasha, the most capable surgeon of that time (!)."31 The older
surgeon dismissed his concerns, saying, "My son, you are too young, do
not interfere in such signi1icant matters,"32 and contended that the abscess
would heal on its own, saving the patient. Tragically, the patient
28 "[...] Recai Efendi 'rızayı â liye mugayir harekette bulunanları' altı yıl sonra da yakalayıp
Abdü lhamid'in siyasetgâhına gö tü ren bir adamdı. Mü lkiye mektebinde onun yegâne vazifesi
talebenin yikir ve vicdanlarına sokulmaktı. IWkide bir: 'bize boynuzlu koyun lâzım
değ il' derdi. Recai Efendiye gö re boynuzsuz koyun demek, mektebe gö zü kapalı girip
yine gö zü kapalı çıkan talebe demektir. Serbest dü şü nen, muhalefet ve tenkid yapan,
Avrupadakilerle mü nasebet veya karabeti olan her talebe boynuzlu koyun sayılırdı.
Böyle boynuzları kırmak hususunda onun şeytanca bir mahareti, ve bunu yapmak için
de Sarayla sıkı fıkı bir mü nasebeti vardı." Mayakon, ?V.
29 Topuzlu, ?GE-?GH.
30 There was a pervasive trend, that saw newly graduated professionals, including American
doctors, travelling to Paris, which became a "center to ‘complete’ their education." See
Ceren Gü lser IWlikan Rasimoğlu, "The Foundation Of A Professional Group: Physicians In
The Nineteenth Century Modernizing Ottoman Empire (?HV@-?@DH)" (Ph. D. Diss.,
Boğaziçi University, GD?G), ?AG.
31 "[…] o zamanın en muktedir cerrahı(!) olan Makridi Paşa” Topuzlu, ?GE.
32 "Oğlum, sen çok gençsin, bu gibi mü him işlerde acele etme." Ibid., ?GE.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
qb
passed away two days later. This incident solidi1ied Cemil's decision to
travel to Paris to study the antisepsis method, which had just been introduced
in Europe, and to gain an understanding of modern surgery.
Halil Menteşe's narrative unfolds another dimension of the reasons
behind leaving for Europe. After his secondary education in Izmir, he
went to Istanbul to study law and established a residence in Sirkeci. Unbeknownst
to him, a stranger took up residence in the room opposite,
gradually becoming a regular guest in Halil's room. One evening, this individual
spoke critically of the Sultan and casually dropped names of
prominent Young Turks. He offered to provide Halil with dissident newspapers.
This encounter, Halil Menteşe confesses, was his 1irst brush with
a hahiye, a realization that precipitated his decision to escape to Europe
at the earliest opportunity. In the 1inal months of his second year, he
seized the opportunity to 1lee to Europe, to further his studies in Paris.
His escape route, however, was far from straightforward. Menteşe had to
detour via Milas to the island of Chios, then onward to Marseilles, and
1inally to Paris. He tactfully spun a tale for some of his friends he encountered
on his route, making it appear that he had embarked on a different
journey entirely. Despite the strict prohibitions on the youths seeking
passports and traveling to Europe during Abdülhamid II's reign and the
menace of hahiye trailing those who dared to do so, Menteşe managed to
1lee. Notably, he did not have a passport, but his path was unimpeded in
both Greece and Marseille. He re1lects on this paradox: "What free days
those were."33
Cemil Topuzlu mentions a speci1ic aspect of the restrictions during
the sultanate, emphasizing the ruler's reluctance to permit young individuals
- particularly doctors - to leave the country. Despite this, Cemil's
aspiration to study in Europe consumed his thoughts, such that he was
"burning with this desire and could not even sleep at night."34 Hü seyin
Cahit's re1lections on the restrictions are exposed in his clari1ications
33 "Ne serbest günlermiş o günler." Halil Menteşe, Osmanlı Mebusan Meclisi Reisi Halil
Menteşe'nin Anıları (Ankara: Altınordu Yayınları, GD?@), ??.
34 "[…] bu arzu ile yanıp tutuşuyor, geceleri uyku bile uyuyamıyordum." Topuzlu, ?GH.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
qi
about his linguistic choice, favoring "1lee" over "go"35 to characterize his
group's dreams.
Ali Kemal employs the phrase "departures for breath" to refer to such
periodic visits to Europe. This term powerfully underlines the sti1ling climate
they sought to evade. This sentiment echoes Bezmi Nusret's account
as he equates the regime with a sensation of being "strangled," saying,
"It was as if I could not breathe."36 This portrayal of their sti1led
aspirations foregrounds the urgent need to break free, which was then
equated with 1leeing to Europe. That was what Bezmi Nusret too, concocted
alongside two friends, intended to do. He reveals a dual ambition,
with the latter encapsulating the entanglement of education and anticipated
maturity prevalent in their minds: to uphold the defense of their
homeland while simultaneously "settling down in a school and becoming
a man."37 However, Bezmi Nusret's devised plan went awry, and the two
young men he had con1ided in absconded with the resources he had gathered
through the sale of his possessions. Their unexpected departure led
to an unnerving encounter with their worried fathers, who had discovered
documents con1irming Bezmi Nusret's involvement with their absent
sons. This incident pushed Bezmi Nusret to abandon Izmir, an environment
he perceived as increasingly hazardous, and seek refuge in
Istanbul.38 This abrupt relocation was enabled once he convinced his father
to enroll in a higher educational institution in Istanbul.
§ U.P Enrolling in Schools
As corroborated by several memoirs, the decision to enroll in a particular
school typically hinged on the elders' approval, familial expectations,
and societal norms. However, there was room for negotiation, especially
concerning higher education. Fleeing to Europe often occurred
35 Yalçın, Edebiyat Anıları, A?.
36 "Sanki nefes alamıyordum." Kaygusuz, ?`.
37 "[…] bir mektebe yerleşip adam olacaktık." Ibid., ?`.
38 Ibid., ?C.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
qq
without paternal consent, as illustrated by Bezmi Nusret's friends' predicament.
IZsmail Müştak brings up a similar scenario concerning his elder
brother in his memoirs. He confesses withholding information about
his elder brother's "presence" from Tahsin Pasha during his palace employment
interrogation. Much like Bezmi Nusret's friends, his elder
brother had also left for Europe without seeking their father's approval.
However, their father, possessing what IZsmail Müştak calls an "enlightened"
39 perspective, reacted positively to his son's unsanctioned departure
since he interpreted this act of desertion as a conscious decision in
favor of furthering education.
The in1luence of familial dynamics on educational decisions emerges
in an additional light in Mustafa Abdü lhalik's narrative. He describes an
extended period of contemplation concerning his options for higher education.
It was a deliberation precipitated by witnessing rampant corruption
among civil servants, which left him dubious about the merits of attending
Mekteb-i Mü lkiye, the prestigious institution known for
cultivating civil service cadres. Despite these initial misgivings, he eventually
chose to enroll in that school. However, he discloses that during his
time of contemplation, the idea of attending Harbiye had held considerable
appeal. His cousin - who had recently transferred from Manastır to
Harbiye - opposed his consideration of the same educational trajectory
and argued that the family's interests would be better served by diversifying
their professional domains, rather than clustering in a singular profession.
Renda found this argument convincing and ultimately favored his
cousin's counsel.40 His account reveals how decision-making in this context
was a nuanced process, replete with considerations that incorporated
wider familial and societal interests.
Cemil Topuzlu's narrative is also insightful about the impact of the
broader family on educational decisions. He mentions that he and his
brother were enrolled in a French school in Beirut by their father. This
initiative elicited outrage from their brother-in-law, Halit Bey, a military
39 Mayakon, GG-GV.
40 Renda, `?.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
qt
accountant based in Damascus and the father of Ahmet IZhsan, who
founded the journal Servet-i Fünun. He expresses that this degree of prejudice
against foreign education is emblematic of the time. Halit Bey, leveraging
his in1luence over their father, managed to unroll the brothers
from the French school and relocated them to Damascus, where Cemil
was enrolled in the 1inal year of the military rüşdiye (middle school) in
the city.41 Seeking to pursue his interest in military medical education after
graduation and his return to Istanbul, Cemil, with his father's accompanying
presence and support, endeavored to register in the relevant institution.
Here, however, he encountered resistance not from a family
member but from a representative of the bureaucratic machinery.
Upon meeting Ethem Pasha, the head of the school, Cemil found his
language skills brought into question. After learning of Cemil's 1luency in
French, Ethem Pasha sought to divert him from his chosen path, proposing
he instead become a military of1icer and enroll in the military idadi
(preparatory school) at Kuleli. Cemil reiterated his aspirations to become
a doctor, to which Ethem Pasha responded by instructing him to secure
his license and leave. Armed with his license, Cemil visited the principal
of the medical school. When the envelope was opened, however, the principal
insisted that Cemil had approached the wrong institution, as the
document suggested instead that he should enroll in the military idadi.
This answer prompted another visit to Ethem Pasha, who stood by the
contents of the letter of authorization. Cemil's persistent protestations
eventually led to that exasperated man ordering a change.42 The story illuminates
the inner workings of the bureaucratic machinations of the
time, accentuating the initial minimal agency granted to the youth and
the potential of negotiation to induce changes. These mechanisms appear
largely arbitrary and informal. Additionally, the narrative offers an intriguing
dimension about the role and in1luence of family: The beginning of
this story was marked by the visible presence of Cemil's father, who accompanied
him to the idadi. However, as the story progresses, the father's
41 Topuzlu, ??V.
42 Ibid., ??C.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
qx
presence is absent. His resistance or assistance in this negotiation is not
mentioned, suggesting that Cemil carried out the negotiation process independently.
Cemil also shares anecdotes from the educational trajectories of his
two siblings, adding further insight into the complexities involved in decision
formulation. At the time Cemil was studying at the aforementioned
school, his brother, Nebil, was a student at Lycée de Galatasaray (Mektebi
Sultani,) while his sister, Mukbile, was enrolled in the American College
for Girls (ACG, or Amerikan Kız Koleji) in UVsküdar. Another brother-inlaw,
Kazasker Seyfeddin Efendi, was determined to unroll Mukbile from
the ACG, leading to a confrontation with Cemil's father. Cemil notes that
while their father resisted initially, Seyfeddin Efendi escalated the matter
directly to Sultan Abdülhamid II, thereby stirring his involvement. Consequently,
an irade-i seniye (imperial decree) was issued, calling for Mukbile's
immediate withdrawal from the school, a command their father acquiesced
under pressure.43
Bezmi Nusret's narrative offers further insights regarding the involvement
of Abdülhamid II. After he arrived in Istanbul from Izmir, he found
himself without a diploma, having left Izmir's idadi before completing his
1ifth year. His admission to any school seemed reliant on the sway of favoritism,
a power he claimed he did not possess. Following a failed examination
attempt and the closure of other schools' enrollment processes,
an acquaintance advised him to apply to the Muhacirin (Migrants) Commission,
leveraging his Cretan heritage. Puzzled by the relevance of the
Commission to his situation and thus having little hope, he penned a petition
requesting admission to the Ticaret Mektebi, a school of commerce
and a less prestigious institution not highly sought-after at the time. A
few days later, a palace aide delivered an envelope to him. Bezmi Nusret
presented the envelope at Ticaret Mektebi, where, upon opening it, the
principal kissed it thrice before placing it on his head. The principal then
asked him which class he wished to join, adding that he could be admitted
to the 1inal year. It was only later that Bezmi realized that Sultan
43 Topuzlu, ??`.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
qh
Abdülhamid was the chair of the Muhacirin Commission and that the letter
he had brought was, in fact, an irade-i seniye.44
Ali Kemal's enrollment in Mekteb-i Mülkiye was also marked by preferential
treatment. He conveys his educational life at the rüşdiye in Gü-
lhane, marked by frequent absences, culminating in his inability to graduate
due to prolonged truancy. Consequently, he was employed by his
father, marking a stark diversion from his educational path. However, his
mother's persistence for him to continue his education was instrumental
in reshaping his trajectory. With the assistance of his uncle, who served
as a private clerk to a key of1icial in the palace, he enrolled in Mekteb-i
Mü lkiye, circumventing typical prerequisites due to the in1luence of recommendation
by this man. He re1lects on this instance, "Thanks to that
recommendation, the principal Abdurrahman Bey never asked me which
high school I came from or what I was,"45 shedding light on the informality
of administrative mechanisms.
When Mülkiye began to accept students based on examinations, there
were still students who enrolled through the route of irade-i seniye. Zeki
Mesud Alsan recounts that a distinction existed between müsabakalı and
iradeli students. He remarks that those who had gained entrance through
müsabaka, the competitive route, viewed each other as equals due to
their similar social class backgrounds. The same regard, however, was
not given to the iradeli students who entered through the sultan's decree.
They were often seen as potential informants (jurnalci.) Despite their superior
external status, these iradeli students were marginalized, and
"treated as pariahs" within the school, as the müsabakalı students were
in the majority. As the understanding of seniority shifted, the competitively-
placed students felt a sense of 'revenge.' Zeki Mesud further notes
that the minority of professors opposed to the regime were also wary of
the iradeli students. They did not consider the possibility of a student informant
among the müsabakalı ranks, and even if they did, they did not
give it signi1icant attention. Over time, it became clear that not all iradeli
44 Kaygusuz, ?C.
45 "O tavsiye sayesinde Müdü r Abdurrahman Bey artık bana hangi rü şdiyeden çıktığ ımı, ne
olduğumu hiç sormadı." Ali Kemal, VH.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
t6
students were to be feared and some were integrated into the broader
student groups, says Zeki Mesud. He speaks of a cohesion that gradually
developed over the school years, which he attributes to the the school
environment (mekteb muhiti) and the Mü lkiye tradition (Mülkiye ananesi.)
46
§ U.U Comparing Schools
Education in Europe forms a prominent topic in these memoirs, with
comparisons frequently drawn between it and the Ottoman educational
offerings of the era. The memoirists, in addition, routinely draw parallels
and dissect disparities between educational institutions within the Empire
itself. One such narrative by Kazım Nami discusses his time in Thessaloniki
in Oh6i. He notes the schools in this city and their features and
then re1lects on his early career as a teacher. Serving as a Turkish language
teacher at the high school of the Mission Laique Française, he signi
1icantly enhanced his pro1iciency in the French language, and his role
as an educator in the city ignited his interest in pedagogy. Despite the absence
of subjects such as anatomy and physiology in his military training,
Kazım Nami sought to 1ill this educational gap on his own, following the
advice of his French colleagues that these subjects were integral to understanding
psychology and, consequently, pedagogy. To clarify the necessity
of these details in a memoir he named "IZttihat ve Terakki," he
pauses the story and asks, "These are the points of my personal biography;
so why am I writing them?"47 He then positions these insights not
as isolated anecdotes but as revealing windows into the prevailing educational
ethos of the period and emphasizes the role of individual agency
in self-directed learning. Stating that he writes to illustrate the power of
ongoing and continuous work, he says, "We are mostly autodidacts."48
46 Quoted in Çankaya, Yeni Mülkiye Tarihi ve Mülkiyeliler, Vol II, HCD-HC?.
47 "Bunlar, hal tercümeme ait bahislerdir; o halde niçin yazıyorum?" Duru, ?A.
48 "Biz, çoğunlukla otodidaktız." Ibid., ?A.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
tO
Here, the autodidact is not as previous generations knew him. Kazım
Nami, himself a product of formal education, did not cast it aside. In his
words, it was the young, educated of1icers of the army who held the
unique capability "to establish liberty and constitutionalism."49
In dissecting the weight of formal education, a nuanced approach
could be adopted, articulated through the interpretative lens of the narratives
of IZzzet Derveze and Ali Kemal. IZzzet, despite having no formal
higher education, shares about gatherings he had with friends who had
the opportunity to study abroad. He would engage them in intellectual
discourse during their vacation periods in Nablus, his hometown. There
was an undercurrent of frustration and defeat stemming from his con-
1inement to Nablus. Despite these constraints, he states that he showed
determination and invested signi1icant effort to keep pace with his contemporaries.
He often found himself on an equal footing with these
friends, which 1illed him with pride.50 Thus, even for a relatively more
conventional autodidact like IZzzet, the benchmark of formal education
served as a reference point in constructing self-perception. In other
words, even outside the con1ines of formal educational institutions, the
in1luence of these structures played a signi1icant role in shaping the individual's
sense of intellectual self-worth.
In recollection of his days spent in rüşdiye in Gülhane, Ali Kemal refers
to the school as merely an "ornament." His comparisons between his
entourage and the diligent students at the rü şdiye further elucidate this
view. He identi1ies that despite their different educational experiences,
both groups emerged comparably equipped in terms of knowledge and
wisdom once they joined Mekteb-i Mülkiye. His time in Gülhane is characterized
by an evident lack of enthusiasm for school, and his deepseated
mistrust of the quality of the teachings, captured in his statements:
"We did not understand our lessons, we did not like our teachers."
He says that they did not 1ill their heads "with such a half-wrong,
49 "Osmanlı ü lkesinde, hü rriyeti, meşrutiyeti kurmak için, elde bulundurulabilecek biricik
kuvvet ordudaki genç mektepli zabitlerdi." Duru, V`.
50 IWzzet Derveze, Osmanlı Filistininde Bir Posta Mamuru, trans. Ali Benli (Istanbul: Klasik Yayınları,
GDDE), GDG-GDV.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
t5
incomplete, misconceived wisdom in our early years."5152 Recollections
of violence enacted by teachers further taint his memories of this period.
A similar tone pervades his re1lections of his earlier days at the local
mekteb, with his learning progress—captured in mastering a surah of the
Quran—being received with undue celebration, despite its actual insigni
1icance according to him, as he notes that what he "had learned in
months, even years," was only that.53 His broader narrative suggests a
somewhat linear progression in the quality of his educational experiences.
These evaluations, occurring retrospectively, are not con1ined to
their original time frame but are informed by the accumulation of educational
experiences that followed. Despite the predominance of adverse
re1lections on his experience at rüşdiye in Gülhane, Ali Kemal intriguingly
introduces this school, the third he attended, as "not bad," noting that
some of the instructors "were partly excellent"54 after he initially addresses
the 1irst two schools.
In his cited analysis of Meiji Japan, Pyle posits, "One 1inds this concern
with self-direction, self-reliance, and self-respect expressed repeatedly in
the writings of the new generation."55 This sentiment also 1inds resonance
in the memoirs examined in the present study. Education is consistently
esteemed, yet numerous memoirists recount how they negotiated
their options within the given educational offerings. These ranged
from those who ventured to Europe for further learning to those who
switched schools within the Ottoman educational system. However, these
memoirists construed their individual choices as part of a more signi1icant
trend, thus claiming to paint a portrait of the era. Bezmi Nusret, for
instance, re1lects on his decision to leave trade school - a place where the
curriculum did not align with his inclinations - to pursue his education at
the law school. He poses the rhetorical question, "Shouldn't I have
51 "[…] derslerimizi anlamazdık, hocalarımızdan hoşlanmazdık." Ali Kemal, VC.
52 "[…] kafamızı öyle nakıs, meşkuk, mağşuş bir irfan ile yarımyanlış dolduracağımıza" Ibid., VA.
53 Ibid., V?.
54 Ibid., VG.
55 Pyle, ?`.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
t7
1inished it after I registered here?"56 and then remarks that, during that
period, the emphasis was placed by the youth on the acquisition of
knowledge, and the value of a diploma was downplayed.
Cemil Topuzlu, as mentioned before, was afforded the latitude to assess
his educational trajectory critically. This evaluation encompassed interludes
of disrupted school engagement and choices made after his
graduation, informed by a noticeable lack of theoretical grounding or
practical exposure. Cemil drew insightful comparisons between the Ottoman
institutions he attended and their Parisian analogs. He recounts the
material inadequacies within Tıbbiye, noting that before Oh6x, the school
had merely two microscopes for the entire student body. It was even
more strained during his time, as they had access to just one. They would
vie for the opportunity to use this single microscope, and the instructor
could only show them blood cells, "as his knowledge was similarly limited."
57 Cemil also mentions a scarcity of resources for practical lessons
and recalls that his class had access to only four cadavers for practice.
Being the class sergeant, he worked on one while the remaining three
were shared amongst nearly a hundred students. Consequently, the ability
to dissect pro1iciently was a rare skill among graduates.
The narrative of Ali Kemal offers additional insight regarding the
comparisons of schooling, not merely comparing the educational institutions
he attended but also examining how his self-perception evolved
with each of these enrollments. As previously noted, he held a high regard
for Mekteb-i Mülkiye. He shares some of the literary works he composed
at that school, though in retrospect, he deems these pieces weak. However,
in a self-re1lective tone, he expresses, "This progress was marvelous
for me; what was I two years ago when I was at Gü lhane; what had I become
this time?" In just a span of three years, he observes a remarkable
transformation within himself - from a "mischievous pupil" of the rüşdiye
in Gülhane to an "independent, capable young man."58
56 "[…] buraya girdikten sonra bitirmekliğim icap etmez mi idi?" Kaygusuz, VV.
57 "Çünkü kendi de başka bir şey bilmezdi." Topuzlu, ?GV.
58 "Bende ü ç sene zarfında büyü k bir tahavvü l meydana gelmişti. Gü lhane’nin o haylaz, ümmi
şakirdine bedel, artık muktedir, serbest bir genç tavrı aldımdı." Ali Kemal, A?.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
tb
In pursuit of enhancing his French language skills, at the age of Ot, he
enrolled in a French school in Istanbul, where his classmates were noticeably
younger. Despite being recognized as part of the literati in his
neighborhood at that young age, his self-perception stood in contrast
when immersed in the environment of that French school. Returning to
Mekteb-i Mü lkiye after a two-month French immersion, he retained the
impactful lessons he had learned from that brief yet transformative experience.
Re1lecting upon this phase, he notes, "I said to myself, consider
yourself a saint in this world and be a humble servant in the other; this is
the difference between the East and the West."59 Referencing his later educational
experiences in France, he draws comparisons with his peers.
Notably, he discusses a friend's experiences in a Parisian school of political
science. His friend struggled academically, attempting to stand out "by
ranting and raving to the teachers,"60 which was what the young man successfully
had done at Mekteb-i Mülkiye and a method that proved unsuccessful
in this new environment.
§ U.Y The Younger Cohort
Another re1lection on the students educated in France comes from
Mehmet Arif OVlçen, recounting his time as a captive in Russia during
World War I. A component of the captives' routine was that each of1icer
was expected to share his specialized knowledge through teaching a
class. Mehmet Arif began giving classes on topography to his peers, starting
with basic principles of land formation and progressing to the interpretation
of contour lines on topographical maps and calculations of elevation
differences. During one of his classes, he noticed a fellow laughing.
The man was an of1icer who had received his education in France and
"had boasted of it." When questioned about his laughter, the of1icer stated
59 "Beride eazımdan geçin ö tede a’ciz-I ibad ol, işte Şark ile Garb’ın farkı dedim." Ali Kemal, ??H.
60 Ibid., ?GE.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
ti
that the material Mehmet Arif was teaching was "what they teach in elementary
school."61
The narratives of younger memoirists born in the Oxh6s and at the
turn of the century often underscore the profound impact of the World
War I , which resulted in many premature ends to formal education. Zekeriya
Sertel's narrative unfolds an anecdote about how he and his
friends, with their education interrupted, were compelled to return to Istanbul
as the war unfolded.62 Ahmed Hamdi Tanpınar states, "Our generation
comprehends the enormity of a national catastrophe. We were
more nurtured by it than by any school."63 Memoirists involved in the
army also provide insightful narratives. Şevket Sü reyya provides a notable
account of meeting Russian reserve of1icers during the armistice period.
He 1inds an intriguing commonality with them, particularly with one
of1icer of the same age who had a similar experience of being drafted into
the army "before completing his exams." The memoirist recounts the day
this of1icer introduced the books he always carried with him. Şevket Sü-
reyya says he found the familiarity exceptional—geometry cases, geographic
maps, physiology diagrams, and even the chemical formulas were
all recognizable to him: "If our conversation had not been limited to the
1ive or ten words of French that the schools had given us, I would almost
have opened my books and started discussing our lessons."64
Re1lecting on the implications of the war, Şevket Süreyya expresses a
grim acceptance of the inevitable, stating that his generation had mentally
prepared themselves for the prospect of death. He further adds, "At
61 Mehmet Arif Os lçen, Vetluga Memoir: A Turkish Prisoner of War in Russia, PQPr-PQPR, trans. and
ed. Gary Leiser (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, ?@@C).
62 Sertel, A`.
63 He continues to elaborate that this familiarity with catastrophe aligned him with the sentiments
of the French poet Louis Aragon, (?H@E-?@HG): "Bizim nesil, millı̂ felâket nedir, iyi
bilir. Mektepten daha çok onun dizinde yetiştik. Onun için Aragon’u anlamıştım." Ahmet
Hamdi Tanpınar, "Yılbaşında Dü şünceler," Us lkü , ? January ?@`C, no. E@, cited in Ahmet
Hamdi Tanpınar, Yaşadığım Gibi (IWstanbul: Tü rkiye Kü ltü r Enstitü sü Yayınları, ?@ED).
64 "Eğer konuşmamız, mekteplerin verdiğ i beş on kelimelik Fransızcamıza kalmasaydı, neredeyse
ben de kitaplarımı açacak ve derslerimizin mü zakeresine başlayacaktık." Aydemir,
Suyu Arayan Adam, ?HA.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
tq
that time, our generation was a generation that did not think of anything
for itself."65 This fatalistic outlook was not alien to him as he had older
brothers who had followed a similar path. "The time came; they enrolled
me in a military school. My older brothers had also completed their
schooling in this way in the past, and one by one, they joined the ranks of
the army and went away to the borders of the country."66 Mehmet Arif
recalls being frequently questioned during his time in Russia by the people
around him who would ask indirectly, subtly hinting at the assumed
inevitability of his situation, probing whether he had not anticipated the
possibilities of death or captivity in his capacity as an of1icer. He remembers
remarking to a Russian commander that just two years prior, he was
leaving school, contemplating his future prospects, only to be abruptly
thrust into a war. This left him "with little time to truly understand the
value"67 of his own life. Though diverse, these re1lections underline a
glaring absence: The possibility of a negotiable career path after graduation
or after choosing to leave school independently - spurred by self-attrition
or less universal obligations - is conspicuously missing in this
younger cohort, indicating a distinct generational context. The elder cadre
did not encounter such a void.
65 "O zaman bizim neslimiz, kendisi için hiç bir hak dü şünmeyen bir nesildi." Aydemir, Suyu
Arayan Adam, EH.
66 "Vakti geldi, beni bir askerı̂ rü ştiye mektebine yazdırdılar. Bü yü k ağabeylerim de vaktiyle bu
yoldan sırasıyie mekteplerini tamamlayarak, birer birer ordu saylarına karışıp, memleketin
sınırlarına doğ ru uzaklaşmış, gitmişlerdi." Ibid., `V.
67 Oslçen, `G.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
tt
§ U.Z Outside the Classroom
The memoirists born between the Oxq6s and Oxx6s present divergent
narratives surrounding the non-completion of education. Rıza Tev1ik
states that he was expelled from Mekteb-i Mü lkiye for "rebellious and unruly
behavior."68 A different trajectory is seen in the case of Haydar Rüştü,
who voluntarily terminated his schooling to assume a more proactive
role following the restoration of the Constitution in Oh6x.69 The memoirs
are replete with accounts of contemporaries who either could not, or
elected not to, complete their education. Such instances illuminate the
varied motivations and contingencies that affected educational outcomes
within this cohort.
It was common practice at the schools to use the threat of expulsion
as a disciplinary measure. IZbrahim Süreyya Yiğit relays an incident that
occurred mere days before their 1inal school term was about to conclude.
He and his classmates had wanted to commemorate their time together
with a group photo, a seemingly harmless endeavour. The administration,
however, was alert to even small congregations of four. Assembling in
small groups at different times, they managed to secure a booking at a
photography studio, only to be politely redirected to another. Their subsequent
visit, however, lacked the same level of discretion. Upon learning
of their endeavour, the principal, Hacı Recai, accused IZbrahim Süreyya of
spearheading this venture and threatened him with expulsion. IZbrahim
Sü reyya, writing about this experience half a century later, in Ohbq, observes
that the then-new generation would 1ind it hard to grasp the severity
of their 'crime'. Even though Hacı Recai did not act on his threat,
the photographic memento that IZbrahim Süreyya sought post the constitutional
revolution was found to be in a state of disrepair.70
68 Rıza Tevyik, G?E.
69 "Büyü k Kaybımız," Anadolu, ?G August ?@C?, cited in Zeki Arıkan, "Haydar Rü ştü ve Anadolu
Gazetesi," in Mütareke ve İşgal Anıları by Haydar Rü ştü Os ktem (Ankara: Tü rk Tarih Kurumu
Basımevi, ?@@?), G-V.
70 Çankaya, Yeni Mülkiye Tarihi ve Mülkiyeliler, Vol III (Ankara: Mars Matbaası, ?@AH-?@A@), HVG-
HVV.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
tx
Despite the capacity for suspension and expulsion within the educational
system, memoirs frequently highlight an overarching lack of consistent
discipline. Cemil Topuzlu's narrative, for instance, underscores
the conspicuous lack of discipline at Tıbbiye. He characterizes this establishment
as a "medical school hotel,"71 highlighting how students routinely
hosted friends and acquaintances from various provinces in their
rooms. The restricted but possible movement was not just limited to nonstudents
gaining access to the institution but also extended to the enrolled
students who could abandon the premises. He recalls that if an attractive
play were performed at the Manakyan theater, almost all the students
would leave the school to attend the performance. Consequently,
the theater would be inundated with students from the institution, and
after the play's culmination, they would swarm back to the school, forcing
their way back in.72 As hinted at earlier, the unique administration of the
school had a signi1icant role to play in this. However, similar episodes of
student desertions were not uncommon across other institutions, and
their administrative prowess fell short of curbing such occurrences.
Ali Kemal also narrates a theatre instance73 where the performance
of the play "Atala," translated by their teacher, Ekrem, stirred excitement
among him and his classmates at the Mekteb-i Mü lkiye. This occurrence
is particularly insightful as it showcases the negotiations taking place
within the broader context of education, encompassing not only the formal,
curricular aspects but also the signi1icant extracurricular ones. Although
this play was primarily literary, it became a symbolic event for
most young individuals in that school. Ekrem, who was "not particularly
politically inclined and was more in line with the prevailing norms of his
era,"74 was a member of an earlier generation that the students held in
high regard. However, the students imbued the play with additional signi
1icance that transcended its original context. Their decision to attend
the performance was not merely an act of appreciation for Ekrem's work;
71 Çankaya, Yeni Mülkiye Tarihi ve Mülkiyeliler, Vol III., ?GG.
72 Ibid., ?GV.
73 Ali Kemal, ?D@-???.
74 "[…] öyle siyasiyat ile pek uğ raşmazdı, zamaneye az-çok uyardı." Ibid., ?D@.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
th
they also saw it as an opportunity for "demonstration." Thus, the students'
shared decision to attend the play underscored their solidarity and
demonstrated their capacity to communally recontextualize certain symbols
to re1lect their own interpretations and concerns. Upon their return
from the theatre and faced with an inquiry by the administration, Ali Kemal
recounts how they were reminded of the consequences of desertion.
They confronted this challenge, expressing that they had initially sought
permission but were denied. It was made clear that they did not want to
miss this intellectual treat offered by their respected literature teacher,
and to their interrogators, they asked, "Isn't theatre also a school?"75
During this exchange, Murat Bey (Mizancı) was present, and Ali Kemal
notes that his subtle gestures suggested his agreement with this sentiment.
76 This elder Young Turk and a teacher of Mekteb-i Mü lkiye is generally
highly esteemed in the memoirs of Mekteb-i Mü lkiye students. It
should be noted that he is also a largely criticized 1igure due to the former
splits within the group. However, his former students who re1lect on their
school years held him in high regard. A dissident of the CUP, Mehmet Selahattin
tells his readers that the sound characteristics of this man
"would be con1irmed by his former students at Mekteb-i Mü lkiye,"77 thus
implying a shared tendency. Dates of composition and publication significantly
impact memoirists' recalling of prominent 1igures. Hüseyin Cahid
recalls penning a harsh critique against Murat Bey in the newspaper
Tanin following the restoration of the constitution. Looking back to this
incident in his later memoirs, he admits with regret and understanding
that his younger self might have been wrong, acknowledging that there
could have been extenuating circumstances justifying Murat Bey's
75 "Tiyatro da mektep değ il midir?" Ibid., ???. The act of equating theatre and school, as elucidated
in Ali Kemal's account, is not isolated but can be traced back to the perspectives
of prominent yigures from the preceding generation. These individuals espoused the
view of theatre as a conduit for societal education, a perspective encapsulated in Namık
Kemal's characterization of the theatre as the most useful form of entertainment. See,
Namık Kemal, "Mukaddime-i Celal," in Celalettin Harzemşah (IWstanbul: Hareket Yayınları,
?@EG), ?A-?E.
76 Ali Kemal, ??G.
77 Mehmet Selahattin, Bildiklerim (Ankara: Vadi Yayınları, GDDA), ?A?.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
x6
actions. He states that his former preference re1lects "the tendency of
youth"78 to view issues from a singular perspective, prone to quick, polarized
assessments that overlook the exigent aspects of the situations
faced.
§ U.[ Chosen Predecessors
Despite the varied sentiments of respect and disappointment directed
towards Murat Bey and Ahmed Rıza, the slightly older members
of Zü rcher's "1irst generation" of Young Turks, it is evident that both 1igures
are represented as elders and tutors within the memoirs of those
born between the Oxq6s and Oxx6s. This cohort of memoirists deeply respected
the Young Ottomans, particularly Namık Kemal, who could be interpreted
as their "generational father." Hüseyin Cahit describes him in
his memoirs as "the greatest spiritual educator and mentor of me and my
generation."79 Rıza Tev1ik states that Ali Kemal, originally named Ali Rıza,
adopted the name Kemal in homage to Namık Kemal,80 indicating the extent
of his in1luence.
Memoirists frequently cited pieces from Namık Kemal’s writings to
express their sentiments, both within the texts of their memoirs and in
their letters, which were also referenced in their memoirs. The period
when they 1irst encountered Namık Kemal's works is given special significance
in these narratives. Kazım Nami recalls that he had "already begun
to read"81 Namık Kemal's works while studying at the idadi in Manastır.
The reverence was not reserved for Namık Kemal alone but also enveloped
anyone with a nexus to him. Kazım Nami mentions a friend, Giritli
Arif Hikmet, whose literary style mirrored that of Namık Kemal, leading
him to be respected by the other students.82 Hü seyin Cahit speaks highly
of his young uncle who, having spent his exile in Rodos under the tutelage
78 Yalçın, Edebiyat Anıları, `H.
79 "[…] benim ve kuşağımın en büyü k ruhsal eğitimcisi, yol gö stericisi odur." Ibid., `E.
80 Tevyik, ?CA.
81 Duru, ?D.
82 Ibid., ?D.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
xO
of Namık Kemal, acquired the status of a "prophet" in his personal pantheon.
83
Ali Kemal underscores the in1luence of Mekteb-i Mü lkiye in introducing
him and his peers to the writings of the Young Ottomans. Later, recounting
his return from Geneva, he details how he shared information
about the student organizations he had encountered there with his peers
back at Mekteb-i Mülkiye. Emboldened by these revelations, they endeavored
to establish a similar organization in the name of their school. However,
their initial attempts at assembling were discovered, leading to their
arrest. During the subsequent interrogations, the of1icials challenged
their hero worship of Namık Kemal and Ziya Pasha, aiming to discredit
these 1igures in the students' eyes. Ali Kemal responded, "No matter what
you say, our love for Kemal Bey is eternal,"84 which made him rebuked for
his audacity and disrespect. In an attempt to admonish him, one interrogator,
Hasan Pasha, exclaimed, "Oh child, what a good man your father
was; he was Hajj al-Harameyn; why did you become such an apostate?"85
The accusation of apostasy had them all laughing, only to realize later
that this label was inspired by a piece of free verse about Jean-Jacques
Rousseau found among the con1iscated documents.
After recalling this event, Ali Kemal states that a notable shift was observed
not only within the student body but also within the Ottoman
press. The in1luence of (Muallim) Naci, while still present, had started to
wane. Several poets disappeared from the literary landscape, and Ahmed
Midhat re-entered the scene in this atmosphere. He began to write again,
penning works on science, history, and philosophy, inspiring young writers.
Select among them was Beşir Fuad. Though not much was known to
Ali Kemal or his entourage about the origins or aspirations of Beşir Fuad,
the writer’s command over French, German, and English was wellacknowledged.
He distinguished himself through his radical belief in the
vacuity of poetry and answered criticisms from poets with dismissive
83 Yalçın, Edebiyat Anıları, `C.
84 "[…] ne söyleseniz Kemal Bey’e muhabbetimiz ezelidir. " Ali Kemal, ?C?.
85 "A çocuk, senin baban ne iyi bir adamdı, hacü ’l-haremeyn idi, sen niye böyle mü rted çıktın?"
Ibid., ?C?.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
x5
ripostes that underscored the superiority of science. Ali Kemal notes that
in the new press environment, “even” he and his friends became a part of
this initiative: “Despite our lack of substantial resources, we were able to
contribute our half-formed ideas derived from courses like principles of
1inance, scribbling articles to Tercüman and getting them published."86
The news of Beşir Fuad's unexpected suicide relayed through the
same newspaper in which their texts were published, left Ali Kemal and
his contemporaries in disbelief. Born in Istanbul in Oxi5, Beşir Fuad was
a former Harbiyeli and military of1icer turned materialist writer. He was
one of the preeminent distributors of German Vulgärmaterialismus. As
Şükrü Hanioğlu shows, this strand of materialism had a substantial impact
on the outlook of the Young Turk generation. Hü seyin Cahit extols
Beşir Fuad's considerable in1luence “over the generations of that period,”
highlighting how he "freed young people from the shackles of conventional
theologians”87 through his propagation of Ludwig Bü chner's
thoughts.
Büchner served as the chief materialistic inspiration for the late Ottoman
materialists, despite their borrowed ideas often presenting an inconsistent
fusion, thus "further vulgarizing"88 Vulgärmaterialismus. As
Hanioğlu observes, the scientistic vision was strongly tied with the idea
of a future society, shedding light on the ease of utopian-generation-formation
discussed earlier in the present text. Büchner's best-seller, Kraft
und Stoff, was translated by Baha Tev1ik and Ahmed Nebil. Baha Tev1ik’s
in1luence not only spanned his own generation but also was predicted by
Abdullah Cevdet - another pioneering materialist and a founder of the
CUP - to extend to generations to come. Abdullah Cevdet acclaimed that
his translation of Büchner's work, which had instigated a “formidable
86 "Elimizde o derece sermaye yok iken, usul-i maliyye gibi bazı derslerimizden iktitaf edebildiğimiz
semerelerle yarımyanlış makaleler karalayarak Tercüman’a gönderiyor ve dercettirebiliyorduk."
Ali Kemal, ??C.
87 "[…] gençleri bizim klasik Tanrıbilimcilerimizin zincirlerinden kurtararak" Yalçın, Edebiyat
Anıları, `A.
88 Şü krü Hanioğlu, "The Scientism of the Young Turks," in Atatürk, An Intellectual Biography
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, GD??)
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
x7
revolution in the mind of the entire world, was reason enough for future
generations to remember his name.”89 Abdullah Cevdet himself served as
a translator of the French sociologist Gustave Le Bon whose great impact
on the Young Turks is largely noted in the literature. Kraft und Stoff’s
translation of Baha Tev1ik and Ahmed Nebil was a second-hand translation
derived from the French rendition of the original German work, but
the authors noted that they also “examined the Oxth edition of the German
original.”
The acquisition of French and engagement with French literature
held an important place in the educational endeavors of the time. However,
the pro1iciency imparted by the schools in this language is frequently
evaluated as lacking.90 As a response, certain memoirists sought
external avenues to supplement their language education. Hüseyin Cahit
states that the more they grasped the contents of these readings, the
more their enthusiasm for further reading swelled. He remarks on his
grandiose translation work he 1inancially relied on at school. He felt the
need to underscore their persistent dedication to French, suggesting that
the books of Namık Kemal and sporadic pamphlets on freedom "did not
deter them"91 from their French readings.
Despite the widespread interest among the group for the texts of the
Young Ottomans, several memoirists embrace a selective recounting of
history that seemingly dismisses the early endeavors, casting them into
the shadow of the constitutional revolution of Oh6x. Halil Menteşe traces
back the genesis of the movement to “adopt Western civilization” to the
reign of Sultan Selim III. He asserts that while various groups advocating
liberty emerged, none managed to meet their goals and that the one that
succeeded in the Oh6x revolution was the CUP, which was founded in Paris
89 Hanioğlu, Blueprints.
90 Ibid. ?DH, ??E Also see, Yalçın, Edebiyat Anıları, CG.
91 Yalçın, Edebiyat Anıları, `H.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
xb
and merged with the Ottoman Freedom Society founded by Talat Bey and
his friends in Thessaloniki and gave that its name.92
A supplementary interpretation is offered by Bezmi Nusret, who hints
at a burgeoning cohesion across the society favoring constitution. However,
he downplays the signi1icance of antecedent organizations, contending,
"There is no need to dwell on the Fedailer (Oxih), Yeni Osmanlılar
(Oxqi), Ali Suavi and Kleanti Skalyeri (Oxtx) committees, whose main aim
was to have the sultan changed and whose activities did not yield any
positive results."93 Kazım Nami posits that the initial Ottoman Union and
Progress Society was established in Istanbul between the years Oxxx and
Ohh6, with the majority of its founders being students of Tıbbiye
(Tıbbiyeliler.) He states, "Prior to this, the Young Ottomans Society was
formed, but it appears to have dissolved before it was able to conduct any
signi1icant activity."94
Drawing from Lovell's observation of the 1lexibility of generational
ancestry, one sees a clear inclination of the Young Turk generation towards
a route that is malleable. The forthcoming discourse will delve
deeper into the choices of lineage in the post-constitution period. What
is discernible so far is the crucial role schools played in presenting an unprecedentedly
widespread chance to experience a communal presence,
scrutinize the chains of seniority, gauge self-worth, and ponder future
paths. Even with a spectrum of freedoms in different schools, the prevailing
sentiment was that the “mekteb athmosphere” was less grim and
92 "Payidar olan ?D Temmuz ?VG` (GV Temmuz ?@DH) ihtilalini başaran, hü rriyet rejimini kuran
ve yaşatan cemiyet Paris’te kurulan ve Selanik’te Talat Bey ve arkadaşları tarafından
teşkil edilen Osmanlı Hü rriyet Cemiyeti ile birleşen ve ismini ona veren IWttihad ve Terakki
Cemiyeti’dir." Menteşe, ?C-?A.
93 "Asıl gayeleri Padişah değ iştirtmekten ibaret bulunan ve faaliyetleri mü sbet bir netice vermeyen
Fedailer (?HC@), Yeni Osmanlılar (?HAC), Ali Suavi ve Kleanti Skalyeri (?HEH)
komiteleri ü zerinde tevakkufa lü zum yoktur." Kaygusuz, G@.
94 "Ondan önce de Genç Osmanlılar Cemiyeti kurulmuş ise de esaslı bir faaliyet gö steremeden
tarihe karışmış olsa gerektir." Duru, @.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
xi
burdensome than the world outside its gates.95 To use Ali Kemal's terms
that distinctly set the school apart, it was a "sanctuary for youth."96
95 Çankaya, Yeni Mülkiye Tarihi ve Mülkiyeliler, Vol II (Ankara: Mars Matbaası, ?@AH-?@A@), HCD.
96 "Mektep melce-i şebab olduğ u için […]" Ali Kemal, AD.

xt
%
Age Meets Era
§ Y.K Rivalry and Valorization of Youth
As unfolded in the preceding chapter, the era signaling the arrival of
the Young Turks was distinguished by an unbridled effusion of youths
swelling the educational establishments. This period, de1ined by the burgeoning
of students, was synonymous with overhauling and bolstering
educational infrastructures, a prominent feature in the examined memoirs.
The memoirs detail transitions within an evolving education system
prompted by a rising student population and the consequent opening of
new schools. Also, these narratives teem with references in minute detail
to the authors' positions within the scholastic hierarchy, affording a view
into the intensifying competitions of the era. Particularly, works born of
revised notes mention the minutiae of the respective memoirist's triumphs
and those of their classmates in speci1ic courses or evaluations.
The theme of competition, an undercurrent, persisted among the youths
later in their trajectories, and it was twofold: intragenerational and intergenerational.
The period bore the hallmark of an in1lated student populace and
evolving admission criteria, fostering an environment ripe for competitiveness.
However, this aspect was novel enough that the outcome—
GO@ZDE IŞIK
xx
speci1ically, the students' future trajectories—was full of great possibilities.
Acutely aware of their worth and indispensability, the memoirists
understood they wielded substantial bargaining power. The competition
did not diminish their self-esteem or importance. The correlation between
"new" and "young" assumed a towering strength, becoming part
and parcel of many discourses, particularly those accentuating the demands
of this fresh era.
A prevalent locution underscored that every epoch required its bespoke
cadre of human resources. This maxim was also a relic of eminent
1igures advocating "freedom" from the preceding period, such as Reşid
Pasha. In the face of those who chastised him for entrusting youthful,
newly educated individuals with positions of authority, he defended his
choice, stating, "A new administration needs completely new and young
elements."1 This conviction was echoed and explicitly supported by Ali
Haydar in his memoirs. His pronouncement was chie1ly aimed at the
post-revolutionary administration in Istanbul, warning that the foundational
tenets and strategies of an absolutist rule would prove inadequate
in fostering the growth and success of a constitutional government. He
held that every epoch called for its own unique set of minds. While the
memoirs resonate with praise for the virtues of youth, their support for
youthful supremacy was not without stipulations. Amidst the rising tide
of competition within his generation, Ali Haydar claimed to have exhibited
a putative con1idence, viewing the swell of contenders not as a challenge
but as an enriched pool of talents ready to serve the country. However,
he added that for him, a deep-seated affection for the country took
precedence over mere youth adulation. The valorization of youth was not
always straightforward.
The endorsement for youthful ascendancy held a distinct pragmatic
undertone, evidenced by the same proponents contradicting this stance
in different contexts, which was indicative of the competition and societal
perception of youth. A prime example is provided by Mehmet Talat, who,
despite his stated belief that a man is mature at twenty, held an adverse
1 "Yeni bir idare için tamamile yeni ve genç unsurlar lazımdır." Ali Haydar Mithat, CV.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
xh
stance towards Enver and other Unionist of1icers, whom he deemed too
young and thus un1it for the role of Minister of War post the establishment
of full CUP control.2 This incongruity in his stance illuminates the
situational attitudes towards the idea of youthful leadership. Such assertions
were not always unassailable; instead, they vacillated between the
demands of speci1ic circumstances and the personalities involved.
Tunaya portrays Mehmet Talat's perspective that establishing a cabinet
is an act of bravery as debatable. However, he says, what seems less arguable
is Mehmet Talat's reluctance to shoulder the duties of cabinets
that were set up beyond his immediate in1luence. The notion that he
would distance himself from the accountability of cabinets overseen by
the CUP, even to the point of compelling their resignation, seems to "challenge
common political understanding."3
More circumstantial than principled were the views on the youthful
command. Mustafa Abdülhalik recounts the moment he received a telegraph
which, to his chagrin, informed him of his appointment as the governorship
of Aleppo. The news prompted a bout of introspection, leading
him to a conversation laden with concern with Mehmet Talat. Mustafa
Abdülhalik, to elucidate his reservations, pointed out Aleppo's traditional
preference for "old and elderly" governors. Talat, however, portrayed
Abdü lhalik's foray into Aleppo, not as mere happenstance but "a necessity,"
thereby sealing his journey to the city.4
Nevertheless, the signature trait of this epoch was its capacity to entertain
such pragmatic views and decisions, given that youthful command
was not merely a distant ideal—it was a tangible reality that one
could rally behind, cast doubt on, or oppose. While the Young Turks refrained
from completely dismantling the existing structure, they did not
shy away from overhauling and substituting various governmental segments
as and when they saw 1it.5 In the post-revolutionary period, the
2 M. Talha Çiçek, Syria in World War I: Politics, Economy and Society (New York: Routledge,
GD?A), G@.
3 Tunaya, VA.
4 Renda, ?AE.
5 Philliou, `@.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
h6
CUP sculpted a parallel government in the capital and provinces, and often
wielded more signi1icant clout than cabinet ministers or the grand
viziers.6
The memoirs examined often radiate shared aplomb, not con1ined to
the sole author but extended to a broader cohort, especially those from
similar educational or career trajectories. The sentiment mirrors
Kamishima Jiro's insight on the Japanese setting, dubbed tai gunshuteki -
individual self-assertion toward the group: "It was not a self-suf1icient
individualism but one which depended on the group's existence, since it
was primarily a desire to secure recognition and admiration from the
group and power within it."7 Drawing from Mizancı Murat's phrase,
which translates to "the coming summer is evident from spring,"8 Ali Kemal
ampli1ies this sentiment for his classmates at Mekteb-i Mü lkiye, suggesting
from their school time discipline, endeavors, and bravado that
they were poised for illustrious roles in the future. Similarly, Kazım Nami
extolls the "young, educated of1icers,"9 a cadre he was part of. IZbrahim
Temo, a Tıbbiyeli himself, reserves similar encomiums for his fellow
Tıbbiyeliler in his memoirs and dedicates the text to them.10 Beyond
their face value, such predilections hint at the era's simmering competition.
Pervasive contentions, both within distinct groups and between
them, characterized it. Literature to date marked the internal discords
within the CUP and the broader political spectrum, the schisms between
the “impatient” and the “professional,”11 or between alaylı and mektepli12
of1icers. Several of these confrontations carried a generational nuance.
6 Şü krü Hanioğlu, Preparation For A Revolution: The Young Turks, PQ[T-PQ[R (New York: Oxford
University Press, GDD?), GHD.
7 Pyle, ?C.
8 "Gelecek yaz ilkbaharından bellidir." Ali Kemal, CV.
9 Duru, V`.
10 IWbrahim Temo, İttihad ve Terakki Cemiyetinin Teşekkülü ve Hıdemat-ı Vataniye ve Inkılâb-ı
Millîye Dair Hatıratım (Mecidiye: n.p., ?@V@)
11 Şerif Mardin, Jön Türklerin Siyasi Fikirleri: PRQh-PQ[R (IWstanbul: IWletişim, ?@@`)
12 Şerif Mardin, Religion, Society, and Modernity in Turkey (New York: Syracuse University
Press, GDDA), ?H@.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
hO
The memoirists' self-pride occasionally emerges from discerning a
scarcity of re1ined educational backgrounds. Ali Kemal re1lected on this,
noting that he beheld his former students in prominent roles upon his
return from exile during the constitutional period. The scene evoked a
deep sense of pride in him, heightened by his belief that during those
times in Aleppo, it would have been a tall order to 1ind another educator
with as much dedication to language, literature, and history as he possessed.
13 They often reserve a parallel reverence for their revered elder
1igures, sensing a profound void in the absence of such personas. The void
is not necessarily rooted in education, but often in the youthful vigor, wisdom,
and ideas of freedom they brought to their entourage. Mizancı Murat's
popular receptions by his students, for instance, echo this sentiment.
Ali Kemal perceived Murat Bey as a beacon for the youth, with
every facet of the latter's conduct radiating freedom of thought14 — even
in the most mundane interactions. Amidst an era characterized by constraints,
Murat Bey's spontaneous joining in youthful frolics, such as a
simple snowball game, underscored the deep impression he left on the
youths of the time.15
The youthful vigor is highly stressed in the memoirs. Ali Kemal's narratives,
replete with the term "young-minded,"16 extend their essence beyond
mere age, encapsulating elder 1igures embodying youthful spirit.
Recounting his tenure as a civil servant, he illuminates a unique Gemeinschaft
formed of the genuinely young and those older "young-minded"
civil servants.17 This Gemeinschaft stood in sharp contrast to the broader
Gesellschaft, delineated not by age but by shared ethos. The essence of
this ethos unmistakably resonates with youthful tenets. Haydar Rüştü, in
a parallel vein, characterizes the proponents of judicious deeds as "the
young and the sane."18
13 Ali Kemal, GGD.
14 Mardin cites analogous examples from other texts. See., Jön Türklerin Siyasi Fikirleri, ``.
15 Ali Kemal, `G.
16 Ibid., E@, G??, GG@.
17 Ibid., G??.
18 Osktem, E?.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
h5
Depending on one's stance, "youth was something to be celebrated or
denigrated."19 While memoirists often champion the merits of the young,
they simultaneously depict criticisms launched at them by the older generation.
This association further intertwines the concepts of "new" and
"young," as critics are often depicted as adversaries to all that is “youthful
or novel.”20 The memoirs often wield 'youth' as a 1lexible badge, with a
consistent inclination to see anything non-conforming as unconventional.
Deviations from this mold are viewed as anomalies. Ali Kemal recounts
a 1igure who, "although young,"21 found no favor in his eyes. Muhittin
Birgen describes a young man who, "even though young,"22 blamed
the "CUP revolution" for the empire's misfortunes.
The memoirs make abundantly clear that generational dissonances
are not merely tethered to the ticking of the chronological clock but are
inextricably linked to the complex layers of seniority, casting otherwise
commonplace life markers such as graduation or military service in an
unaccustomed hue. Context wields the chisel that sculpts the signi1icance
of such markers, and Mustafa Abdülhalik's reminiscences stand as a testament
of that and of intergenerational rivalry: Upon his bureaucratic appointment
in his natal Yanya, he was ensnared in a quizzical quandary.
Those acquainted with his early years and bureaucratic rise grappled
with a disconcerting verity. Numerous held designations, yet the commensurate
pecuniary rewards eluded them. The dissonance of beholding
a once-known youth not merely paralleling their 1inancial intake but perchance
overshadowing it evoked discernible discomfort manifested in
their conspicuous demeanor. Only upon an ensuing episode, wherein a
court he sidestepped the governor's anticipations in favor of championing
a just cause, did the elders acclaim him, heralding, "He is the man!"
He states that it was then that his elders, having cognizance of his stance,
19 Whelehan, @VC.
20 Yalçın, Tanıdıklarım, ?@@.
21 Ali Kemal, ?A@.
22 Muhittin Birgen, İttihat ve Terakki’de On Sene (IWstanbul: Kitap Yayınevi, GD?E), E?V.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
h7
acknowledged his "departure from boyhood,"23 thereafter extolling his
virtues far and wide.
The era's strati1ications did not solely stem from the older generation's
discomfort towards rising youth. Instances abound where the
youth, in turn, expressed palpable discontent with equivalences drawn
between them and their elders, despite glaring disparities in stature. This
sentiment 1inds representation in Cemil Topuzlu's quest to distinguish
himself from the conventional "surgeon." "Half a century ago," Topuzlu
recounts, practitioners addressing surgical maladies and those tending
to various wounds were ubiquitously termed "surgeons" - a title scarcely
held in esteem. Eager to disassociate from this generalized bracket, Topuzlu
sought a change from Hasip Pasha, the Chief Medical Of1icer, rebranding
himself as an "operator."24
Upon his return from Paris to serve at Haydarpaşa Hospital, he initiated
a sweeping change by substituting the "elderly, incapacitated" staff
with "young, agile" soldiers. His narrative also casts light on the thenprevalent
perception of surgeons. Many bearing this designation had
roots either in barbering or grooming, professions not necessarily
steeped in the medical practices of the day. This older generation of surgeons,
Topuzlu recounts, not only lacked a fundamental grasp of antisepsis
but were outrightly skeptical of its merits and innovations in modern
surgery. Such was his stance on upholding medical standards that he
1irmly kept these traditionalists "out of his wards."25
The discussion of youth was further accentuated and accompanied by
non-biological political periodization. The decision to keep 1igures from
the old regime "out of the wards" sparked signi1icant discussion. Despite
the newfound self-regard and expanding opportunities for the youth, a
recurring theme in the literature, along with many memoirists themselves,
suggest that the Young Turks were cognizant of their incapability
to rule and of society's reluctance to accept them as rulers at the dawn of
23 Renda, CH.
24 Topuzlu, ?VH.
25 Ibid., ?`?.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
hb
the constitutional period.26 According to accounts from Zekeriya Sertel's
memoirs, the Unionists operated without a distinct agenda and were
driven by apprehension. This purported fear in1luenced their decision to
rely on and elevate of1icials and pashas from the preceding era to positions
of signi1icance.27 In a parallel sentiment, Hüseyin Cahit underscores
that these Unionists handed over the mantle of executing their ambitions
to the very 1igures of the system they had toppled. In his critique of Sait
Pasha, he commends the latter's impressive ability to acclimate to the
constitutional era, seemingly to its utmost limit. Contemplating the idea
of surpassing that boundary, he ponders, "To whom can we rightfully expect
the impossible?"28
Hüseyin Cahit intensi1ies this sentiment regarding another 1igure, the
Grand Vezir Hüseyin Hilmi Paşa. Even someone of Hüseyin Hilmi Pasha's
seasoned background seemed out of his depth when exposed to the constitution's
mechanisms. It was not that he lacked intelligence or fervor,
but instead that he had not imbibed this rejuvenated era's spirit, zeal, and
ideals, Hüseyin Cahit implies. Despite Hüseyin Hilmi Paşa's experience
and evident capabilities, he says, the Pasha appeared tentative and unfamiliar
under the new regime: "It has once more been understood that
every epoch requires men emerging from its core."29 This viewpoint was
not isolated.30
A case in point is the debate surrounding the "relics of istibdat," notably
encompassed IZbrahim Hakkı Paşa - the successor to Hüseyin Hilmi
Paşa - who became the Grand Vezir in OhO6. Hüseyin Kazım's lament over
his earlier endorsement of the Pasha springs from a belief that the 1igures
from the "istibdat" era would not seamlessly transition into or be effective
within the new constitutional framework. Hüseyin Kazım, though
26 Masami Arai, Turkish Nationalism in the Young Turk Era (Leiden: E.J. Brill, ?@@G), GH.
27 Sertel, VE.
28 "Gayrı mümkünü kimden istemekte hakkımız olabilir ki ondan isteyelim?" Yalçın, Tanıdıklarım,
??A.
29 "Her devrin kendi içinden çıkmış adamlara ihtiyacı olduğu bir kere daha tahakkuk etmiş
oldu." Ibid., ?GD.
30 See, Duru, CH.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
hi
later retracting his support, says he once dubbed the Pasha, like many
others, "the representative of youth."31 It was not merely Hakkı Paşa's relative
youth setting him apart from his predecessors of the constitutional
phase, but the gravitas he accrued from over two decades of teaching experience
at prominent institutions that further burnished his legacy. Echoing
this sentiment, Halil Menteşe, in a legislative assembly, emphasized
Hakkı Paşa's profound impact at the Law School (Mekteb-i Hukuk,) where
he was deeply revered by the young. This admiration was a testament to
his authority and stemmed from his progressive pedagogical approach.
Thus, Halil Bey claims, any attempt to label the Pasha as a mere relic of
the istibdat era, both historically and during the constitutional period,
seems ill-conceived.32
Critics zeroed in on the relationship between Hakkı Pasha and the
CUP when scrutinizing the cabinet. Allegations arose, suggesting that the
reins of governmental control had been transferred to a privileged circle
– of the committee - beyond the parliamentary realm. Lüt1i Fikri stood
out amongst these critics. Having asserted his early allegiance to the CUP,
he soon distanced himself after entering the parliament. Subsequently,
he played foundational roles in both the Moderate Liberal Party (Mutedil
Hurriyetperveran Fırkası) and the Entente Liberale (Hü rriyet ve IZtilaf Fırkası,
or the Freedom and Accord Party.) Hüseyin Cahit's portrayal of Lüt1i
Fikri offers a window into the era's dynamics. He re1lects that when the
parliament was convened, Lüt1i Fikri emerged as one of its prided young
and intellectual members, and "it was from such European-educated, enlightened,
and patriotic youths that true service was anticipated." Arguably,
Hüseyin Cahit says, "These youths held even more intense expectations,
showing a pronounced eagerness to prove their mettle and secure
in1luential roles."33 In discussions about the Unionists' ascent to critical
31 Hü seyin Kazım Kadri, ??D.
32 Tunaya, AH.
33"[...]asıl hizmet böyle tahsil görmü ş, Avrupa'da okumuş, münevver ve vatanperver
gençlerden bekleniyordu. Galiba o gençler de bunu daha büyü k tehalü kle bekliyorlardı
ki kendilerini gö stermek ve bir mevkie geçmek hususunda pek isticale kapılıyorlardı."
Tanıdıklarım, ?EV.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
hq
positions, one of the detractors of such a perspective, Kazım Nami, argues
that they did not chase after roles; instead, "these roles found their way
to them."34 Irrespective of the lens, the newly emerging political horizon
was full of great possibilities.
§ Y.I La Belle E] poque?
It is said that the unfolding political scene was replete with immense
possibilities for the youth in the Ottoman context. The memoirists delve
into the sentiments evoked by this evolving backdrop. Hüseyin Cahit
mentions that the unexpected rise of a few young ministers, seemingly
from obscurity, heightened this zeal and ambition. However, he says, it
also "intensi1ied the pain of shattered dreams to a more palpable level."35
The theme of shattered dreams is also present in the memoirs of the
younger cohort. Şevket Süreyya, for instance, states in his memoirs that
his generation harbored both indebtedness and resentment towards the
leaders of the CUP:
Our indebtedness arises from their audacious act of toppling an
utterly decayed, cumbersome, primitive administration devoid of
any dignity, instilling a sense of pride and hope for the future in
the young generation. Our resentment, on the other hand, arises
from the disappointment they imposed on our generation regard
ing the hope they had kindled.36
34 "Onlar mevkilere koşmadılar, mevkiler onların ayaklarına geldi." Duru, CD.
35 "[…] fakat diğer taraftan, hayal sukutlarının acısını da daha çok hissedilecek bir dereceye
çıkarıyordu." Yalçın, Tanıdıklarım, ?EV.
36 "IWttihat ve Terakki liderlerine bizim neslimiz hem borçlu, hem de kırgındır. Borcumuz, en
bayağ ı şekilde çü rümü ş, hantal, iptidaı̂ ve her tü rlü haysiyetten yoksun bir istibdat
idaresini cesur bir hamleyle çökertmelerinden ve genç nesle bir benlik gururu, bir
gelecek ümidi aşılamalarından gelir. Kırgınlığ ımız ise, uyandırdıkları bu ümit için, bizim
neslimize verdikleri hayal kırıklığındandır." Aydemir, Suyu Arayan Adam, VDG.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
ht
The anticipation of hope and grand expectations is often spotlighted
as capturing the era bridging the nineteenth century's concluding decades
and the next's onset. In the eighteenth century, the Enlightenment
paradigm celebrated human progress rooted in rationality, a perspective
Carlton J. H. Hayes observed as evolving by the nineteenth century's unfolding
decades. Nonetheless, persistent optimism shifted its emphasis
from the capacities of individual reasoning to the collective evolutionary
progression of humanity. This shift underscored a profound belief: the
inexorable advancement of the human race, undeterred by individual
constraints. Hayes astutely identi1ied a "generation of materialism,"37
capturing the prevailing sentiment that transcended individual regions.
Rather than a mere simulacrum that compartmentalized views might
suggest, Ottoman modernity resonated profoundly with the broader dialogue
of nineteenth-century militarism and progress.38 The epoch
teemed with great expectations, particularly amongst the youth, propelled
by the multifaceted challenges and opportunities of an increasingly
globalized world. The period was often romantically christened
with sanguine labels like "belle époque," or "gilded age," evoking an age
of luminous prosperity. However, as Alp Yenen and Ramazan Hakkı OVztan
highlighted, there are often-overlooked vicissitudes of this time: while
the "belle époque" might have been hailed as an epoch of peace, it was, in
the fullness of time, also a period of intricate challenges, especially on the
imperial frontiers. Demographic pressures, global economic 1luctuations,
and con1lict-induced refugee crises recalibrated normative political trajectories,
casting a shadow over the serene portrayal of the belle époque,
making it a somewhat more turbulent chapter than the common locution
suggests.39
37 Carlton J.H. Hayes, A Generation of Materialism, PR`P-PQ[[ (New York: Harper & Row, ?@AV).
38 Provence, ?V.
39 Ramazan Hakkı Os ztan and Alp Yenen, "Age of Rogues: Transgressive Politics at the Frontiers
of the Ottoman Empire," in Age of Rogues: Rebels, Revolutionaries and Racketeers at the
Frontiers of Empires, eds. Ramazan Hakkı Os ztan and Alp Yenen (Edinburgh: Edinburgh
University Press, GDGV), CD-C?.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
hx
Paris, the capital of la belle époque, held not merely the lure of formal
educational opportunities for the Young Turks but broader, more encompassing
intellectual offerings. Hüseyin Cahit illustrates the ambitions his
contemporaries harbored, desiring to immerse themselves in the Parisian
cultural milieu, "to visit their theaters, their libraries, to read the
newspapers and books we want."40 Memoirs also stress the resentment
stemming from the expectations and the number of people 1leeing there.
IZbrahim Temo's memoir documents Ahmed Rıza's exasperation at what
he deemed an unnecessary exodus: "I do not endorse the desertion of a
bunch of useless people to Europe. They are a burden on the committee."
41 Ali Kemal was disenchanted in Paris with his circle, who seemed
more consumed by personal indulgences than genuine learning: "I gradually
realized that I would not 1ind the friendship I was looking for in
Süleyman Bey. My intention was to study in Paris, to learn, to make something
of myself. He was busy with his whims."42 Beyond the allure of la
belle époque, Paris stood at the forefront of the 1in de siècle debates on
degeneration, decadence, and societal decline. Drawing on the contrasting
moods of the time, Walter Loqueur comments, "Very few people
read Le Décadent but every Parisian saw the Eiffel Tower every day, a
symbol of French industry and technical know-how," indicating that this
was not so much a "triste époque," but an era marked by "considerable
achievements and great optimism."43
Regardless of the grand periodization attempts, a consistent and undeniable
theme in the Young Turks' works is "the talk of optimism." Referencing
back, Mehmet Akif's character Hocazade notably censured the
former generation for their "pessimistic outlook." Several memoirs
40 "[…] tiyatrolarını, kitaplıklarıı dolaşmak, istediğimiz gazete ve kitapları doya doya okumak"
Yalçın, Edebiyat Anıları, A?.
41 "IWşe yaramayan bir takım efradın Avrupaya yirarine hiç razı değ ilim. Cemiyete bar oluyorlar."
Quoted in IWbrahim Temo, HD.
42 "[…] Sü leyman Bey’de o aradığım arkadaşı bulamayacağımı yavaş yavaş anladımdı. Benim
niyetim Paris’te okumak, ö ğ renmek, bir baltaya sap olmaktı. O ise hevaiyat ile meşgul
idi." Ali Kemal, ?G`. Also see., ibid., ?G@.
43 Walter Loqueur, “Fin-de-Siècle: Once More with Feeling,” Journal of Contemporary History V?,
no. ? (?@@A): C–`E, G?.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
hh
resonate with a pronounced optimism rooted in the era's promise and a
resolute belief in the trajectory of progress. Muhittin Birgen comments
that it was not allowed to be pessimistic, which made him silent on questions
at times.44 An acute sense of the times and a subtle trust in progress
are presented in IZbrahim Temo's memoir. He also relays a letter penned
by Hasan Arif initiating with an assertion of the age – "Although we are in
the nineteenth century" – and contrasting it with a somber re1lection,
"there is no trace of the word of humanity,"45 re1lecting both the aspirations
attached to the era and progress and a concurrent sense of disappointment
with its realities.
Re1lecting on the "new generation's" ethos, Sürur Cemal penned an
article after the constitutional revolution, stating that each generation
charts its course of progression. He viewed the Hamidian epoch as stagnation
in this journey, emphasizing the need for the new generation to
double their pace.46 The urgency was a de1ining trait of the Young Turk
generation. Even as critics challenge them, they too highlight the very
same notions of immediacy and speed, saying that they were overwhelmed
by the velocity of their times.47
The sense of urgency is often cited as a potential dividing factor, intensifying
the perceived chasm between the CUP abroad and the actionfocused
of1icers. Nader Sohrabi challenges the premise of a strict division
and emphasizes the "global waves" when interpreting the preference towards
a revolutionary instead of an evolutionary turn. He posits that the
CUP abroad had already inclined towards a revolutionary approach before
allying with the activist of1icers. The rapid modernization of Japan
after its constitutional revolution, the local repertoire of the Young Ottomans
and siding with the invented tradition of their predecessors to 1ind
the roots of constitutionalism within the Islamic tradition, the constitutional
movements in Iran drawing on and justifying the same invented
44 Birgen, V@G.
45 "On dokuzuncu asırda olduğumuz halde insaniyet sö zünden eser yok." IWbrahim Temo, @D.
46 Avner Wishnitzer, Reading Clocks, Alla Turca: Time and Society in the Late Ottoman Empire
(Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, GD?C), ?ED.
47 Tanpınar, G?.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
O66
traditions, and the lessons from revolutionary movements in Russia and
local uprisings all contributed to the CUP's strategic blueprint. Such in-
1luences solidi1ied the CUP's belief in the value of collective participation,
leading to a nuanced revolutionary strategy that integrated top-down directives
with mass momentum. Balancing insights from global revolutions
with local repertoires, Sohrabi says, they crafted a distinct approach
that aligned them with the early twentieth-century surge of constitutional
movements.48
Sohrabi also evaluates the post-revolutionary actions of the CUP,
mainly choosing to remain a semi-secret organization rather than transition
into an open political party. He counters the popular narrative emphasizing
that the ideologues premeditated this decision before the revolution
and it was not a result of naivety, hypocrisy, or a shift in mindset.
Through a study of other revolutions, the ideologues discerned that the
effectiveness and longevity of the Ottoman Chamber depended on the
looming presence of a secretive body acting as a perpetual check on the
government. This realization thus bridged the gap between the ideologues'
strategic planning and the of1icers' subsequent actions.
The statements made by the Young Turks back Sohrabi's perspective
of studying the other revolutions. Enver, who joined the ranks of the Ottoman
Liberty Society in Oh6q, explicitly noted in an interview the profound
in1luence of other revolutions on their strategies. He especially
held in high regard the Internal Organization of the Macedonian Bulgars,
which served as a signi1icant inspiration.49 In his memoirs, Kazım Nami
speaks of his directive to monitor the "Cercis çetesi,"50 a group that
sprang up in Albania around the same time.
As previously outlined, the formative in1luence of the invented traditions,
inspired by the Young Ottomans and local narratives, cannot be denied
in the evolution of Young Turk organizations. IZbrahim Temo's
48 Nader Sohrabi, "Global Waves, Local Actors: What the Young Turks Knew About Other Revolutions
and Why It Mattered", Comparative Studies in Society and History ``, no. ?
(GDDG): `C–E@.
49 Osztan and Yenen, G?.
50 Duru, ?E.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
O6O
memoirs not only re1lect the deep inspiration drawn from the Young Ottomans
but also highlight the signi1icant reception and connection felt by
others. During a gathering when the CUP was taking its 1irst steps, an elder
discreetly pulled Temo aside, acknowledging that their discussion
was more profound than mere pleasantries. He subtly compared their intentions
to those who plotted against Sultan Aziz and extended his good
wishes for their mission.51 Carefully curated historical samples in1luenced
the very genesis of the CUP. Temo shared an anecdote of the CUP's
inception, where he relayed to his three Tıbbiyeli peers the achievements
of the "uninformed youth" behind the Ethniki Etaireia (Filiki Eteria,) the
secret revolutionary Greek organization, remarking on their swift success.
He asked a rhetorical question: if such raw, uneducated youth could
make waves, why couldn't they, four erudite medical students wellversed
in the world's intricacies, achieve that success?52
Young Turk contemporaries frequently employed such historical examples
when critiquing the post-Oh6x conduct of the CUP. In an extended
segment of his memoirs, Bezmi Nusret critically assessed political parties,
drawing analogies from various historical models. He then criticized
the CUP for its komitadji approach, equating it with the adage La hin justi
hie les moyens.53 The alacrity with which the CUP made decisions stands
out in the writings of the Unionists too. Kazım Nami re1lected on that rapidity,
stating, "Every action we Unionists undertook was shaped by
pressing imperatives. Measures crucial for the country were often determined
within a few hours and then set into motion immediately."54 Bar
51 IWbrahim Temo, G?.
52 "Arkadaşlar, Tü rkiyemizin başına bela kesilerek, Yunanistanın istiklalini kazandıran Etniki
Eteria komitesini teşkil edenler kimdi bilir misiniz? Rusyanın Odesa şehrinde, ticaretle
meşgul bir meyhaneci ve bir bakkal çırağ ı ile amcası zengin bir tü ccarın yeğeni ü ç rum
çırağ ı idi. Tekamü l etmemiş bu cahil gençler pek az zaman zarfında buna, bu büyü k
emellerine muvaffak oldukları halde, bizim gibi ali tahsil görmü ş, dünyanın germü sermini
gö rüp çıkmış dö rt tıbbiyeli niçin muvaffak olamasınlar?" Ibid., ?H.
53 Kaygusuz, @E.
54 "Biz ittihatçılar birlikte yaptığ ımız bü tü n hareketlerimizde, ani ihtiyacın tesiri altında bulunurduk.
Memleket, millet için yapılması zaruri gö rü nen hareketler, çok defa birkaç saat
içinde kararlaştırılır derhal de işe başlanırdı." Duru, AG.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
O65
the political commentary, none of the memoirs belonging to the Young
Turk generation challenges the spirit of action and speed, and equating
youth with energy and perseverance becomes evident.
§ Y.P Dynamism
The Young Turk generation was captivated by one overarching quality:
dynamism. The emphasis on it did not arise in a vacuum. Instead, it
was a timely response, calibrated to an era of global acute time consciousness.
The discourse on productivity and the value of time, initially nurtured
in Young Ottoman circles during the Oxq6s and Oxt6s, found its way
into the broader cultural milieu through novels and other literary conduits.
By the Oxh6s, this dialogue had not only captivated the public imagination
but had also secured propagation by the of1icial educational
agenda.55 In a world where inertia was increasingly denigrated, dynamism
emerged as the imperative.
The lexicon of progress became self-referential. This form of self-referentiality
functions as a versatile lattice; in it, elements like speed, agility,
youth, energy, punctuality, and hard work are not 1ixed points but rather
variables in equations, capable of being rearranged to
simultaneously make the arguments stressing, for instance, youth's dependence
on energy and energy’s reliance on youth. Bezmi Nusret's
memoirs introduce one of his articles titled "The Minute Hand of the
Clock is Broken."56 Here, he likens education to the minute hand of a
clock, suggesting a systemic malfunction in the core engine of societal
progress. Time, speed, action, and mobility themes resonate across the
memoirs studied, forming narratives that matured into their own re1lective
sphere. Youth, vibrant and imbued with dynamism, is held in high
regard. Bezmi Nusret paints youth as a boundless force, one that resists
55 Wishnitzer, @C.
56 "Saatin Zenbereğ i Bozuk.” Kaygusuz, ?`C.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
O67
"con1inement" and yearns to "expand and manifest" its potential.57 Already
in Oxqx, Ziya Pasha made similar remarks and depicted liberty as a
force as natural and inevitable as youth itself. "Since the present century
is the time of humanity's youth," he asserted, "the idea of liberty is
spreading through the world like a river which has over1lown its banks."58
To him, this fervent wave of liberty could not be curtailed, even by the
most draconian of tyrannical interventions.
Inherent qualities ascribed to youth resonate throughout these texts,
with "active" (faal) standing as a favored descriptor. Bodily strength and
vitality are integral to this discourse. The idea of dynamic forces in power
was not novel. IZsmail Kemal, re1lecting on an instance in his memoirs,
opines, "It must have been disappointing for the Arabs of Hejaz to see a
paralyzed man at the helm of a country that needed a vigorous man who
could run from one place to another."59 The distinctive trait of the new
generation was the expansive new horizons for and the newfound horizontality
sense of the youth, which intensi1ied and popularized this emphasis.
Physical debility, inertia, and idleness were cast as the af1lictions
of an older era from which the youth were to distance themselves, collectively.
"I was so saddened by the dilapidated and exhausted state of this
prince who was to succeed Abdülhamit that I forgot why I had even gone
there and left the Palace in thought,"60 Hü seyin Cahit says, re1lecting on
his encounter with Mehmed V Reşad. In recounting his audience with this
sultan, Re1ik Halid portrays the ruler as "decrepit" (çürük), his hand lifted
with "neither strength nor lifelessness when he bows in his carriage."61
Against this frail 1igure, Re1ik Halid saw himself as "both great and alive,
57 Ibid., ?`C.
58 Mardin, The Genesis of Young Ottoman Thought, VCG.
59 "Oradan oraya koşabilecek dinç bir adama ihtiyacı olan bir ü lkenin idaresinin başında felçli
birisini görmek, Hicaz Arapları ü zerinde hayal kırıcı bir tesir bırakmış olmalı." IWsmail
Kemal, ?`V.
60 Tunaya, ?CV.
61 "[…]ne kadar eski çü rü k! Arabasında etrafa selam verirken eli ne gü ç ne cansız kalkıyor"
Karay, GDH.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
O6b
full of substance and ready to rise against not just this sultan, but the potentates
of the entire globe."62 The portrayal of elders, and old age itself,
was often marked by an absence of energy, with those who de1ied this
portrayal being regarded as remarkable outliers.63 As politically savvy elders
were celebrated for their 'young minds,' those elders who exhibited
notable energy or initiative were described as "like a youth" or as possessing
"the fortitude"64 or "fervor"65 of a youth.
Physical training began to gain popular prominence during the second
constitutional period. While civil schools and high schools, with the
exception of Lycée de Galatasaray,66 had rarely offered physical training
courses, memoirs of the Young Turks reveal narratives of physical
strength that predate the Constitution. Mustafa Abdü lhalik, for instance,
narrates his days at the idadi in Istanbul, recalling, "Apart from classes, I
was very busy with gymnastics."67 This dedication bore fruit, he says,
when he transitioned to a role as an educator in Rodos. While teaching a
French class, one notably older and bulkier student, whose demeanor he
likened to a "kabadayı" – a term denoting a brash, assertive, often confrontational
character – threatened him. Following a dispute, Abdülhalik
describes how he summoned the student and decisively pulled him
down, a move that solidi1ied his athletic skills in the eyes of the other students.
He further mentions that there were no gymnastic courses at the
idadi then, which inspired him to volunteer to introduce such a program
at that school and at a local Rum school.68
Ali Kemal recalls his truancy during his time at Gülhane Mektebi. Instead
of attending school, he and his companions chose a different path,
62 "Kendimi büyü k buluyorum; hem büyü k, hem de dipdiri, cevherli ve yalnız ona değ il, bü tü n
dünyadaki hü kümdarlara meydan okumaya hazır!" Ibid., GDH.
63 Temo, ??A.
64 Yalçın, Tanıdıklarım, ?GE.
65 Ibid., ??C.
66 Demet Lü kü slü and Şakir Dinçşahin, “Shaping Bodies Shaping Minds: Selim Sırrı Tarcan and
the Origins of Modern Physical Education in Turkey”, The International Journal of the
History of Sport VD, no. V (GD?V): ?@C–GD@, GD?.
67 "Derslerden başka jimnastik ile çok meşgul oluyordum." Renda, `V.
68 Ibid., `E.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
O6i
engaging in long walks, swimming, and playing strength-based games. He
contrasts his group of friends, "a regiment of mischief-makers," with
those who attended school diligently. Nevertheless, he believed that this
seemingly wayward period was not wasted; it provided him with invaluable
physical training. He asserts, "We had an excellent physical training
in that age," which he deemed superior to receiving "half-baked, misconceived
knowledge." Upon reuniting with his Gü lhane School friends at
Mekteb-i Mü lkiyye, he observed no difference in their knowledge but
noted that he was "more vigorous both intellectually and physically."69
Another 1igure of the student type who had not played by the rules
was Selim Sırrı Tarcan. As Demet Lüküslü and Şakir Dinçşahin emphasize,
Selim Sırrı admitted that he was "never a good student" and harbored
a critical perspective towards the conventional "good student,"
whom authorities depicted as "docile, silent, and idle." Despite this critique,
Selim Sırrı was not a passive rebel; he was animated and engaged,
particularly excelling in his physical education classes at Lycée de Galatasaray.
Characterizing his own demeanor as "1idgety," he was a student
who perpetually resisted stillness. This restive nature persisted even after
he left Galatasaray for 1inancial reasons and enrolled in the Military
School of Engineering. There, amidst a regime of stricter discipline, Tarcan's
lively disposition remained undiminished. As Lüküslü and Dinçşahin
articulate, "Throughout his life, he made a connection between physical
restlessness and political posture."70
Manifestation of restlessness and "hyperactivity"71 is also discernible
within the group known as the fedaiin, as delineated by Benjamin Fortna.
Fortna shows that the members of the group infamous with their criminal
activity had already been entangled in such conduct during their
formative years. Kuşçubaşı Eşref, for instance, found himself switching
schools after an expulsion that followed his involvement in a physical altercation.
His extra-legal conduct continued to escalate as an of1icer. Prior
to the Oh6x revolution, he had already begun working under Enver in the
69 "[…] gerek yikren, gerek cismen bende daha ziyade zindelik vardı." Ali Kemal, VA.
70 Lü kü slü and Dinçşahin, GDD.
71 Fortna, VGD.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
O6q
Balkans. The members of this group, which formed a neat cohort born in
the Oxx6s revered Enver as their leader, and for them, leveraging personal
connections was paramount in securing forgiveness for their unruly conduct.
As time went on, this group experienced internal strife and violence.
Fortna posits that this internal turmoil might have been "a logical outcome
of a system that, despite its military rigour, granted a considerable
degree of latitude for unpredictable behaviour."72 He cites Eşref’s description
of the Hamidian era, characterized by the perpetual promise of
"one last pardon." However, as Fortna demonstrates, this leniency was
not as forthcoming in the Unionist era, unless one's patronage networks
were exceptionally robust.73
Selim Sırrı emerged as a central 1igure within the youth organizations
established for the 1irst time by the CUP in the wake of the Constitutional
era. These organizations, far from being mere social clubs, assumed a distinctly
paramilitary character. Their primary objectives included promoting
and normalizing physical and military training, with a vision to extend
this form of education to the vast majority of youths who were not
engaged in formal schooling.74
A novel and unprecedented reformer type emerged, says Niyazi
Berkes, a type of "mass educators,"75 and adds that Selim Sırrı is a paragon76
of it. The mass educators' impact after the constitution was
72 Fortna, V?@.
73 Ibid., VGD.
74 Zafer Toprak, “IWttihat ve Terakki’nin Paramiliter Gençlik Os rgü tleri”, B.Ü. Beşeri Bilimler
Dergisi, VII (?@E@): @C-??V.
75 Niyazi Berkes, The Development of Secularism in Turkey (London, Hurst & Company, ?@@H),
`D?.
76 Rıza Tevyik emerges as another exemplary yigure whom Berkes situates within this novel
type of inyluential educator and reformer. See, ibid., `D?. He was appointed to maintain
public order and control the masses on the streets of Istanbul at the dawn of the constitution,
a duty he describes as being “exposed to every calamity.” This was a charge that
he shared with Selim Sırrı. He frequently reylects on his own popularity at that
juncture. He attests that he was held in high regard not only by the masses but also by
the palace, symbolizing his unique ability to traverse and inyluence multiple spheres of
society. See., Rıza Tevyik, V?-VG.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
O6t
distinctive and profound; they challenged traditional institutions and
their educational effects. Rather than mere theoreticians, these people
were educators who demonstrated their views tangibly, crafting a mass
psychology that they adeptly translated into in1luential social movements
and resonant narratives. Despite their unconventional approaches, they
"skyrocketed to fame," establishing themselves as 1igures as popular and
impactful as top politicians. Stressing their colorful personalities, Berkes
asserts: "Under normal conditions, all of them would have been called
eccentrics, if not lunatics. But, at no other time in Turkish history has the
educator been so popular, possessing such magical powers over the
crowds."77
In their writings, the Young Turk generation consistently showed a
keen awareness of their place in time. Hüseyin Cahit, for instance, engages
in a speculative exercise, placing 1igures of his era into different
historical contexts. Regarding Ziya Gökalp, he ruminates, "Had he matured
in a more ancient epoch, perhaps he would have manifested as a
world traveler, one drawn to the deserts."78 His re1lections extend to
OVmer Naci, for whom he states, "It would have demanded a multitude of
testimonies" to convince one that OVmer Naci "was a man born of the Ohth
and 56th centuries."79 Behind these speculations, Hü seyin Cahit identi1ies
a deliberate "evasion of reality" as a recurring motif among these individuals.
This theme is a persistent tension within the memoirs. The narrators
do not relinquish their penchant for the dreamlike and the adventurous—
a disposition they wear as a badge of honor. Nonetheless, it is
this penchant for adventurism and dreaminess that ironically forms the
core of the criticisms that members of this generation extend to one another.
80
As delineated in earlier chapters, 1leeing to Europe emerged as a recurrent
theme, a course of action frequently undertaken individually or
77 Berkes, `D?.
78 "O, çok eski zamanlarda yetişse idi, belki çö llere çekilmiş bir tarik-i dünya olurdu." Yalçın,
Tanıdıklarım, E?.
79 "Onun ?@. ve GD. Asır adamı olduğuna çok şahit isterdi." Ibid., ?A?.
80 See, for example, Kaygusuz, VV.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
O6x
in carefully arranged small groups with extensive premeditation.
Hüseyin Kazım and Hüseyin Cahit devised their own escape alongside
Tev1ik Fikret. Their plan diverged from the typical trajectory towards Europe;
they instead cast their eyes towards New Zealand and then Manisa,
envisioning the establishment of "The Green Country," a utopian realm
that had been the subject of fervent discourse during their gatherings.
While this grand vision never materialized into reality, the meticulous
planning and protracted preparations for its execution were undertaken
with great seriousness.81 They were, in essence, yearning for a radical
new beginning.
Paul Adam observed that this was a generation desiring "to conquer
time and space."82 At an increasing speed and scope, they were mobile.
There were not only voluntarily made plans but also the realities of exile
and war that oblige relocation. Haydar Rü ştü 's own experiences illustrate
this layered quiddity of their mobility; he likened his frequent relocations
to being "transported from one place to another like a suitcase full of forbidden
goods."83 The subterfuges his camaraderie employed to facilitate
these moves further illuminate the broader implications of such a transient
existence: One friend, preparing for Haydar Rü ştü 's clandestine journey,
delivered a hat "which was purchased for a trip to Europe," while another
presented him with "colorful eyeglasses that he had used in
Tripoli."84
81 Hü seyin Kazım Kadri, ?DV-?DC.
82 Stephen Kern, The Culture of Time and Space: PRR[-PQPR, (Cambridge, Harvard University
Press, ?@HV), ???.
83 "[…] içi memnu eşya dolu bir bavul gibi şuradan buraya nakl edilmek benim için artık alışılan
bir hal olmuştu." Osktem, HE.
84 Osktem, EH.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
O6h
§ Y.U Bookends of a Generation
A generation which alters the old ways of doing things that belong to
the one preceding it and which de1ines the new ways for itself and its
successors, is thought to form not only a new generation but also a new
"generation style." Mannheim associated the emergence of such a generational
style with the pace of social and cultural change.85 If the last few
centuries are marked by exponential acceleration, how can one generation
distinguish itself from its predecessor as sharply as, or even more
signi1icantly than, the succeeding generation does from its own? This
query has been one of the driving forces behind the present thesis.
It has not been clear-cut or predictable how measurable quantities
like speed map onto societal norms. An illustration of this can be found
in Anne Kriegel's work, which emphasizes that signi1icant geographical
mobility does not guarantee corresponding mobility within the labor
force. The act of a generation decisively "digging its heels in" and choosing
to "stay put" can emerge as a hallmark just as consequential as any
visible inclination toward movement and alteration. Writing in Ohtx,
Kriegel observed a signi1icant shift in worker identity; she notes that
membership has evolved from being tied to a speci1ic craft or trade to
being associated with a corporation. She asks how the belle époque proletarians,
who held that "the pride of the worker meant that he should
hand in his resignation, if not every other day, at least as often as he saw
1it, to show that 'men are free in a Republic,'" would have reacted to this
current where workers are often collectively referred to, even by the labor
union, by their employer's corporate name.86
As discussed earlier, the broad strokes of periodization is contentious.
Recent scholarship proposed frameworks rooted in multiple temporalities
for knowledge production as a compelling alternative to linear and
static periodization practices. In their "Age of Rogues: Transgressive Politics
at the Frontiers of the Ottoman Empire," OVztan and Yenen situate
their actors, the rogues, "within a world-historical setting of multiple and
85 Mannheim, VD@-V?D.
86 Kriegel, GH-G@.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
OO6
overlapping historical processes" to propose that "the age of rogues in
fact took place along with other related ages of 'empire,' 'Western domination,'
'nationalism,' 'steam and print,' 'coexistence' and 'genocide.'" The
present thesis advocates for a generational framework as a fecund tool
for exploring the actors navigating these overlapping ages. Such a framework
encourages not rigid dividers but permeable membranes, as generations
"are fuzzy around the edges."87
Generational references abound in Young Turks' memoirs, with literary
generations being one notable category, though it remains beyond the
purview of this text. It is intuitive that literature possesses a more extended
capacity to broadcast generations; any literary trend can establish
its identity distinct from others, devoid of biological underpinnings.
Bezmi Nusret's narrative intertwines his personal experience with the
broader discussion of literary generations and their reception. He recalls
his relative youth and inconspicuousness among his schoolmates, linking
it with seniority based on the reading experience, stating that he was the
"more junior, " "less conspicuous" among them, and they had had the
chance to be engaged with "Servet-i Fü nun on a day-to-day basis."88 In
her cited work, Kriegel posits that generational cohesion is more deeply
rooted in seniority than mere age. Turning to the Young Turks' memoirs,
one is led to reengage with another intuitive assumption that seniority is
more tightly interwoven with age during childhood and early youth.
The seniority structure was palpable in the early educational settings,
with an age gap between students that could stretch wide. This signi1icant
age difference positioned IZzzet Derveze, much like Bezmi Nusret, as
a veritable child amidst his older peers, as Derveze notes: "In my senior
year the rüşdiye, (...) there were students seven years older than me. I
87 Tom Mole, What the Victorians Made of Romanticism: Material Artifacts, Cultural Practices,
and Reception History, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, GD?E), V@.
88 "IWtiraf etmeliyim ki, ben bunların yanında çok sönü k idim. Esasen yaşça da onlardan
kü çü ktüm. Onlar, Servet-i Fünun neşriyatını vakti ile günü gününe takip etmişlerdi."
Kaygusuz, `.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
OOO
was like a small child in comparison to them."89 However, as these memoirists
recount their paths into maturity, these age-based seniority distinctions
blur. An instance is encapsulated in Bezmi Nusret's account of
joining the Ottoman Democrat Party, a step that forged a deep bond between
him and IZbrahim Temo, his senior by twenty-four years, and yet
who shared the badge of "youth" with him. He recalls the evolution of
their relationship: "From that day onwards, a brotherhood blossomed between
us. We stood ready and willing to dedicate our strength, youth, energy,
and material and spiritual riches to the country."90 Navigating in a
shared political realm served not only to align them with like-minded associates
but also fostered connections, albeit adversarial, with their opponents.
"O, my old friend Haydar Rüştü Bey," Bezmi Nusret intones in Izmir, "I
ask you, did you inherit these newspapers from your father? You came
from Trabzon via Thessaloniki, just like the people you call 'arriviste.'"
The questions were not, as apparent in the quote, unprovoked. Bezmi
Nusret continued to challenge his peer's rapid ascent, deeming the newcomer's
way up the ladder of seniority as problematic: "When you came
here, you became a journalist. You were appointed as a member of the
parliament. Finally, you worked your way up to tramway director."91 He
stresses the link between the occupancy of these positions and Haydar
Rüştü's political af1iliation with the CUP. Both Haydar Rüştü and Bezmi
Nusret studied away from home and at schools where geographical mobility
was no exception. As Benjamin Fortna shows, these schools altered
the older recruitment and training patterns, fostering unprecedented
89 "Rü şdiye mektebindeki son sınıfta […] benden yedi yaş büyü k olanlar vardı. Ben bu talebelere
nazaran kü çü k bir çocuk gibi kalıyordum." Derveze, ?HC.
90 "O günden itibaren aramızda bir kardeşlik teessü s etti […] Bu memleket için kuvvetimizi,
gençliğ imizi, enerjimizi, maddi ve manevi varımızı, yoğumuzu sarfetmeğ e hazır ve
amade idik." Kaygusuz, AV.
91 "Ey benim kadim dostum Haydar Rü ştü Bey, sizden soruyorum, bu gazeteleri pederinizden
miras mı aldınız? Siz de tü redi dediğ iniz zevat gibi Trabzon’dan Selanik tarikıyla geldiniz
ve IWttihat Terakki’nin sayesinde o gazetelere kondunuz… Buraya gelince gazeteci
oldunuz. Meclis-i umumi azalığ ına tayin edildiniz. Nihayet tramvay direktö rlü ğüne kadar
irtika ettiniz." Osktem, ??.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
OO5
social mobility and ethno-regional integration. However, enduring allegiances
based on regional or ethnic backgrounds persisted in these
schools, contrasting the grand designs of educational reformers.92
IZbrahim Temo's account reveals a portrait of socio-cultural tension at
his school, within the bustling corridors he bore witness to an ongoing
discussion of regional backgrounds: The İstanbullu, the city's natives
staged against the taşralı, the provincials.93 Migration ascended beyond
mere physical transit; it is transmuted into a symbolically charged
marker of seniority. Despite the seemingly indelible imprints of allegiances
and antecedent backgrounds, these 1igures, in that phase of
youth, were not mere passive inheritors of these legacies. They actively
engaged with, tested, and experienced seniority's manifold implications.
Herein, while suggestive of seniority, the chronological marker of one's
urban arrival lacked de1initive power to cleave one from their generational
kin.
The contours of seniority reveal themselves to be more profound, notably
within the political amphitheater of the CUP. IZbrahim Temo stood as
an exemplar of the complex layers of seniority within the CUP, as portrayed
in his memoirs. As a foundational 1igure of the initial CUP, his reception
post-Oh6x was marked by a new group of Unionist 1igures who
were, he shows, unwilling to extend a share of the revolutionary success
to him. While embracing its name, these newer members endeavored to
demarcate the organization from its nascent stage, closely associated
with Temo and his peers. This tension made IZbrahim Temo increasingly
critical of the organization. However, in Oh6h, during the 7O March Incident—
a coup that brie1ly sidelined the CUP from power, he was resolute
in his opposition to the coup. His narrative offers a profound insight into
the era's generational nuances by recounting an encounter with Mizancı
Murat Bey during those turbulent days.
As discussed earlier, Murat Bey and Ahmed Rıza occupied positions
as elders or forerunners within the Young Turk movement. Şerif Mardin
92 Fortna, CD-C?.
93 Temo, ?G.
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
OO7
characterizes Murat Bey as a valuable conduit, bridging the intellectual
space between the Young Ottomans and the Young Turks,94 a perspective
with which Erdem Sönmez's previously cited analysis of Ahmed Rıza
aligns. Mardin intriguingly highlights an internal generational tension between
Murat Bey and Ahmed Rıza. He reports that Murat Bey's familial
term of "my son" when referring to Ahmed Rıza was met with visible displeasure
by Ahmed Rıza,95 marking a distinct divergence in their rapport.
The examined memoirs provide ample evidence to assert that these 1igures
occupied a position at the edge within the Young Turk generation. In
his memoirs, IZbrahim Temo includes a letter from a peer, which asserts,
"Murad and Riza are not the true elders of this committee; they are its
two enemies."96 This negation, far from an isolated sentiment, hints at
these 1igures' widespread, though contested, perception as venerable elders.
Turning to IZbrahim Temo's interaction with Murat Bey post-Oh6h
coup, the implications of the narrative are twofold. Following Murat Bey's
article, which attributed the coup to the CUP's missteps, Temo confronted
him directly. Murat Bey, then, told an onlooker: "Sir, you do not know Dr.
Temo. He is like a crone who praises and protects the Union and Progress,
the thieving and naughty child she gave birth to."97 Such familial abstractions
also reverberate through other memoirs, albeit in different guises.
Kazım Nami, for example, likened his and his peers' respect for the CUP
abroad to that for "elder brothers."98 The political scene reveals genealogical,
rather than purely generational, nuances.
94 Mardin, Jön Türklerin Siyasi Fikirleri, E@.
95 Ibid., @V.
96 "[…] bu cemiyetin Murad ve Riza, sahihan büyü kleri olmadığ ı gibi, iki dü şmanıdır." IWbrahim
Temo, ?DD.
97 "Beyefendi, siz doktor Temoyu tanımazsınız. Doğurduğ u IWttihad ve Terakkiyi, hırsız ve yaramaz
çocuğunu medh ve himaye eyleyen bir koca karıya benzer." Ibid., GGC.
98 " […] onları birer büyü k kardeş gibi seviyorduk." Duru, ?V.
GO@ZDE IŞIK
OOb
OOi
&
Conclusion
ıza Tev1ik states, "I am a man who grew up in the time of Sultan
Hamid."1 What was the weight of this time for a generation? For
some, it signi1ied the ominous watch of hahiyes, the pilgrimage to far-off
schools, the decision to forsake education, the burden of exile, a climate
rife with distrust, the allure of Paris like a siren call, prohibited exits that
de1ied lax passport checks, reign of terror, the treasure of imported
journals, the echoes of distant revolutions, clandestine gatherings in
scant numbers, engaging in careful parleys, or the prospect of one last
pardon. While a portion of these experiences can be attributed to
Abdülhamid II's regime, others represented the broader currents of an
increasingly interconnected world.
All events are multigenerational, and, says Nora, "the greater their
magnitude, the less simple it is to identify the groups most affected by
them."2 The wars and the "generational disasters," employing Taube's
eloquent phrasing, not only forged signi1icant transformations in
mentalities but also precipitated irreversible demographic shifts, thereby
sculpting a generation's destiny vis-à-vis its contemporaries for a
lifetime. Thus, to neglect the consequences of these tumultuous forces on
1 "Ben Sultan Hamid zamanında yetişmiş bir adamım." Rıza Tevyik, V?.
2 Nora, CDA.
R
GO@ZDE IŞIK
OOq
a generation would constitute a substantial oversight. Nonetheless, the
protagonists of the studied generation might exhibit a reticence to echo
Tanpınar's claim—a sentiment he avers to share with Aragon—that they
were "more nurtured" by these cataclysms than by any school.
The pre-war milieu had already profoundly shaped the Young Turk
generation, setting them on a path replete with promise and peril. In that
sense, the thesis did not second the narratives focusing on the worldmaker
wars as this generation's sole de1ining crucible. A multitude of
characteristics—adventurism, dreaminess, restlessness, and self-assurance—
that the members of this generation discerned within themselves
or ascribed to each other can be traced back to their early, formative
years. They made their initial foray into the educational landscape during
a time marked by an unprecedented upsurge in student enrolment.
Schools emerged as transformative arenas within this milieu, metamorphosing
even the quotidian into potent collective experiences instrumental
in sculpting a communal identity. While politics acted as the "magnet"
attracting their contemporaries, the schools served as conduits in their
sequestered halls, disseminating this magnetic pull and extending its
reach.
Youths converged to perform before elder 1igures, 1igures whom they
increasingly perceived not as seniors but as devoid of the newly popularized
essences of youth. The tensions arose from the perceived knowledge
gap, differing perspectives on freedom, and divergent interpretations of
the "new." Thus, the concept of generation found itself situated along a
double axis. The newfound horizontality was further infused with a nascent
sense of contemporaneity that extended beyond mere interpersonal
connections, also aligning revolutions in a kindred temporal frame.
The actors felt themselves living in a new, distinct era, a time in which
the rapid and often unpredictable pace of actions was justi1ied and embraced,
binding them to the historical forces that seemingly acted on
their behalf. While adventurists, conformists, pessimists, and optimists
have always existed, the sense of the historical moment, of living in an
epoch of change, necessitated a shift in one's temperament to meet the
demands of the times. The writings become illustrative of an individual's
THE YOUNG TURKS AND GENERAT IONAL FORCES
OOt
life unfolding, set against the turbulent backdrop of a tempestuous age.
Hüseyin Cahit depicts Hacı Adil Arda with qualities that, under more stable
circumstances, would have seamlessly secured him a comfortable
professorship or a distinguished position within an appellate court. However,
as the narrative goes, "he came into the world at such a time, encountered
such coincidences, and was dragged by such unforeseen
events that he wore himself out in jobs, adventures, and disasters that
were contrary to his temperament and nature."3
The generational identity was predominantly underscored by youth
symbolism. However, such valorization of youth bore layers of complexity,
often veering towards the practical. This penchant for pragmatism,
alongside an inclination for expedient conclusions, manifested in various
domains, underscoring a sentiment that there was scanty time to deliberate.
Consequently, they fostered a self-referential lexicon of progress
and a compendium of readily accepted theories, from which they selected
with con1idence when deemed opportune. The political 1issures bore
generational and genealogical subtleties, a complex web that resists simple
categorization as generational divides. Further scholarly inquiry is
imperative to cast light upon the delicate distinctions that lie between the
youths, parsed through the lens of generation.
3 "[…] tabii bir devirde dünyaya gelmiş olsaydı, bir profesö rlü k, yahut temyiz mahkemesinde,
sakin ve yü ksek bir çalışma içinde, rahat bir hayat sü recekti; bunun için yaratılmıştı.
Fakat dü nyaya öyle bir tarihte geldi, öyle tesadü ylerle karşılaştı öyle tahmin edilmedik
vakalarla sü rü klendi ki mizacının ve yaradılışının hilafı işlerde, sergü zeştlerde ve
felaketlerde kendisini yıprandırdı durdu." Yalçın, Tanıdıklarım, AA.

OOh
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