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 MID-TWENTIETH CENTURY HOUSING IN TURKEY:
THE CRITICAL ANALYSIS IN CARTOONS

August 2023, 296 pages
The objective of this study is to gain insights into how houses were depicted, understood, and interpreted by the society. It is worth noting that public opinion about housing, including those who could not afford certain types of houses, is often overlooked in existing literature. Understanding how the society perceives and criticizes the built environment requires interdisciplinary research. To address this gap, it is necessary to analyze sources beyond traditional architectural documents such as cartoons as popular medium. Cartoons are media products that accompany the reality of the period in which they were produced and presented. Taking all these advantages and potentials of popular media and humor in the specific case of cartoons into consideration, this study focuses on the representation of housing in Turkey from the 1950s to the mid-1980s in cartoons as popular media. By examining these popular representations of housing, the study seeks to understand how housing was portrayed to the public by cartoonists and the press, and thus how it was perceived by the society. When analyzing the housing-related cartoons published in selected newspapers and magazines during the mid-twentieth century, the critical nature of the cartoons, emphasized throughout the study, allowed for the unveiling of the problematic aspects of housing in Turkey.
Keywords: Mid-Twentieth Century Housing, Cartoon, Apartment Blocks, Squatter Houses
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Ağustos 2023, 296 sayfa
Bu çalışmanın amacı, konutların toplum tarafından nasıl tasvir edildiği, anlaşıldığı ve yorumlandığı hakkında fikir edinmektir. Belirli türde evleri karşılayamayanlar da dahil olmak üzere, konut hakkındaki kamuoyu görüşünün mevcut literatürde genellikle göz ardı edilmektedir. Toplumun yapılı çevreyi nasıl algıladığını ve eleştirdiğini anlamak disiplinler arası bir araştırmayı gerektirir. Bu boşluğu gidermek için, popüler medya olarak karikatürler gibi geleneksel mimari belgelerin ötesindeki kaynakları analiz etmek gerekir. Karikatürler üretildiği ve sunulduğu dönemin gerçekliğine eşlik eden medya ürünleridir. Popüler medya ve mizahın tüm bu avantaj ve potansiyellerini karikatür özelinde ele alan bu çalışma, 1950lerden 1980lerin ortalarına kadar Türkiye’de konutun popüler medya olan karikatürlerdeki temsiline odaklanmaktadır. Çalışma, bu popüler konut temsillerini inceleyerek konutun karikatüristler ve basın tarafından topluma nasıl yansıtıldığını ve dolayısıyla toplum tarafından nasıl algılandığını anlamaya çalışmaktadır. 20. yüzyılın ortalarında seçilmiş gazete ve dergilerde yayınlanan konut konulu karikatürler incelendiğinde, çalışma boyunca vurgulanan karikatürlerin eleştirel niteliği, Türkiye’deki konut sorununun ortaya çıkarılmasına olanak sağlamıştır.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Yirminci Yüzyıl Ortası Konutları, Karikatür, Apartman, Gecekondu
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DEDICATION
To my dear family
and in loving memory of
my grandfather Niyazi Atay
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
First of all, I wish to express my deepest gratitude to my supervisor Prof. Dr. T. Elvan ALTAN for her contribution and positive attitude all the time. Her intellectual guidance, academic sensibility, and constructive comments always encouraged me. She always motivated me. I feel so lucky to be a student of her. I would also like to thank to my thesis committee members and jury members Prof. Dr. Belgin TURAN ÖZKAYA and Prof. Dr. Esin BOYACIOĞLU, Prof. Dr. Gül Deniz DOKGÖZ and Asst. Prof. Dr. Bilge İmamoğlu for their critical and valuable comments and contributions.
I would also like to thank all my colleagues from İstanbul Kültür University but especially Özge ILIK SALTIK for her endless support talks every morning. I am thankful to my friend Elif Nur YURDAÇALIŞ for helping me every time I need her. During this process I had a chance to meet cartoonist Tan ORAL, I owe him a special thanks for answering my initial questions and shedding light on my hesitations about this subject. I should also thank cartoonist Birol ÇÜN for helping me to decode the signatures of some cartoonists. I am also thankful to many of my friends who helped me during archival research which was such a long and tiring process. I owe my special thanks to my friends, my sisters, Fatma KARABACAK, Sezgi MAMAKLI, Zeynep ÖZÇAM and İklim SARI for their emotional, psychological, academic, or practical support. They were always on the other side of the phone ready to support and encourage me. They believed in me more than I believed in myself. I am so lucky to have such a great sisterhood.
Finally, my deepest thanks and gratitude go to my dearest family; but especially to my mother Mehtap ÇETİNEL and to my father Hüseyin ÇETİNEL for their outstanding patience, support, and their excitement for this thesis with me. I owe a depth of gratitude to my dear husband Süleyman AK who never stop believing in me and support me when I am about to give up. He is one of my greatest motivations to complete this study. I wish my grandfather Niyazi ATAY, whom I dedicated this thesis, had the chance to see it completed. Even if he is not with us, I can feel his love all the time. He would be proud of me if he were alive. To all the members of my family and my friends, thank you all for your endless love and support, this thesis would not have been completed without you.
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TABLE OF CONTENT
PLAGIARISM ........................................................................................................................iii
ABSTRACT ............................................................................................................................ iv
ÖZ............................................................................................................................................. v
DEDICATION ........................................................................................................................ vi
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...................................................................................................... vii
TABLE OF CONTENT ........................................................................................................viii
LIST OF TABLES ................................................................................................................... x
LIST OF FIGURES ................................................................................................................. xi
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS .............................................................................................xviii
CHAPTERS
1. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................ 1
1.1. Aim and Scope ............................................................................................................. 1
1.2. Methodology and Literature Review ............................................................................ 5
1.3. Organization ............................................................................................................... 22
2. CARTOON AS A REPRESENTATION MEDIUM ..................................................... 24
2.1. Cartoon: Definition and History ................................................................................. 24
2.2. Cartoon as a Visual Communication Tool ................................................................. 34
2.3. Cartoon as a Critical Tool .......................................................................................... 40
2.4. Cartoon as a Representation Medium in Turkey ........................................................ 47
3. MID-TWENTIETH CENTURY HOUSING IN TURKEY IN CARTOONS ............... 60
3.1. Housing in Mid-Twentieth Century Turkey: Urbanization and Housing Production 60
3.1.1. The Housing Question ........................................................................................ 61
3.1.2. Housing as a Question in Turkey ....................................................................... 73
3.2. Actors of Housing Production .................................................................................... 98
3.2.1. The State (Politicians) as the Authority .............................................................. 98
3.2.2. Landlords and Contractors versus Tenants ....................................................... 127
3.2.3. Newcomers as “Invaders” versus the State ...................................................... 138
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3.3. Housing Types of Urbanization ............................................................................... 147
3.3.1. Apartment Blocks and Squatter Houses for Urbanized Masses ....................... 149
3.3.2. Apartment Blocks versus Squatter Houses ...................................................... 168
3.3.2.1. Well-built versus Poorly Built ................................................................. 169
3.3.2.2. New City Walls versus Invaders .............................................................. 189
3.3.2.3. Development versus Illegality ................................................................. 208
4. CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................ 230
BIBLIOGRAPHY ................................................................................................................ 236
A. HUMOR MAGAZINES AND NEWSPAPERS PUBLISHING CARTOONS BETWEEN 1950-1990 ........................................................................................................ 251
B. CARTOONISTS MENTIONED IN THE STUDY ................................................. 252
C. LIST OF EDITORIAL CARTOONISTS IN NEWSPAPERS ................................ 260
D. DETAILED INFORMATION ABOUT HUMOR MAGAZINES AND NEWSPAPERS.................................................................................................................... 262
E. LEGAL ARRANGEMENTS AND REPORTS RELATED TO HOUSING IN TURKEY ............................................................................................................................. 267
F. CURRICULUM VITAE .......................................................................................... 270
G. TURKISH SUMMARY / TÜRKÇE ÖZET ............................................................ 272
G. THESIS PERMISSION FORM / TEZ İZİN FORMU............................................. 296
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LIST OF TABLES
Table D.1 : Legal Arrangements related to Housing in Turkey. .......................................... 268
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LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1.1 : Graphic of chosen newspapers and humor magazines according to their political stance. .............................................................................................................................. 7
Figure 2.5 : Drawing of Annibale Caracci, 1575 - 1609. ....................................................... 31
Figure 2.6 : Drawing of Agostino Carracci, 1507-1602. ....................................................... 32
Figure 2.7 : Drawing of William Hogarth. ............................................................................. 32
Figure 2.8 : A famous cartoon from Le Charivari. ................................................................ 33
Figure 2.9 : A scene of Karagöz Hacivat show. ..................................................................... 49
Figure 2.10 : Cover of first issue of Diyojen, 24.11.1870. ..................................................... 50
Figure 2.11 : Cover of Akbaba, 02.10.1958. .......................................................................... 52
Figure 2.12 : Cover of Markopaşa, 25.11.1946. .................................................................... 55
Figure 2.13 : Cover of Gırgır, 24.06.1984. ............................................................................ 57
Figure 3.1 : Gümen, 02.10.1952, Hürriyet, p. 8. .................................................................... 89
Figure 3.2 : Eremektar, 09.01.1954, Akşam, p. 1. .................................................................. 90
Figure 3.3 : Yalaz, 14.02.1957, Dolmuş, p. 4. ....................................................................... 90
Figure 3.4 : Filiz, 05.11.1958, Tercüman, p. 6. ...................................................................... 91
Figure 3.5 : Ersoy, 16.05.1961, Cumhuriyet, p. 1. ................................................................. 91
Figure 3.6 : Balcıoğlu, 30.04.1963, Tercüman, p. 1. ............................................................. 92
Figure 3.7 : Beyner, 22.01.1975, Akbaba, pp. 10-11. ............................................................ 92
Figure 3.8 : Tüblek, 17.08.1973, Hürriyet, p. 1. .................................................................... 93
Figure 3.9 : Tüblek, 30.08.1984, Hürriyet, p. 9. .................................................................... 93
Figure 3.10 : Tüblek, 18.05.1976, Hürriyet, p. 9. .................................................................. 94
Figure 3.11 : Altunçul, 09.08.1980, Tercüman, p. 9. ............................................................. 94
Figure 3.12 : Tüblek, 03.09.1982, Hürriyet, p. 9. .................................................................. 94
Figure 3.13 : Tüblek, 08.09.1976, Hürriyet, p. 9. .................................................................. 95
Figure 3.14 : Undefined, 13.09.1978, Çarşaf, p. 4. ............................................................... 95
Figure 3.15 : Kürüz, 13.04.1978, Mikrop, p. 11. ................................................................... 96
Figure 3.16 : Er, 01.01.1982, Çarşaf, p.7. ............................................................................. 96
Figure 3.17 : Tüblek, 15.08.1984, Çarşaf, p. 2. ..................................................................... 97
Figure 3.18 : Gümen, 22.01.1950, Hürriyet, p. 1. ................................................................ 100
Figure 3.19 : Gümen, 17.02.1953, Hürriyet, p. 1. ................................................................ 100
Figure 3.20 : Gümen, 23.12.1954, Hürriyet, p. 8. ................................................................ 101
Figure 3.21 : Zorlu, 17.10.1963, Akbaba, p. 3. .................................................................... 101
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Figure 3.22 : Selçuk, 06.09.1960, Milliyet, p. 1. .................................................................. 102
Figure 3.23 : Tüblek, 13.09.1962, Akşam, p. 1..................................................................... 102
Figure 3.24 : Gümen, 01.02.1950, Hürriyet, p. 1. ................................................................ 103
Figure 3.25 : Gümen, 13.02.1953, Hürriyet, p. 1. ................................................................ 103
Figure 3.26 : Eremektar, 22.12.1954, Akşam, p. 1. .............................................................. 104
Figure 3.27 : Ersoy, 04.06.1963, Cumhuriyet, p. 1. ............................................................. 104
Figure 3.28 : Balcıoğlu, 25.09.1963, Tercüman, p. 1. .......................................................... 105
Figure 3.29 : Tüblek, 22.11.1964, Akşam, p. 1..................................................................... 105
Figure 3.30 : Balcıoğlu, 04.06.1963, Tercüman, p. 1. .......................................................... 106
Figure 3.31 : Balcıoğlu, 28.02.1968, Tercüman, p. 1. .......................................................... 107
Figure 3.32 : Altunçul, 06.06.1976, Tercüman, p. 4. ........................................................... 108
Figure 3.33 : Altunçul, 06.01.1979, Tercüman, p. 4. ........................................................... 108
Figure 3.34 : Bozok, 12.03.1975, Akbaba, p. 8. ................................................................... 109
Figure 3.35 : Sayar, 22.05.1983, Gırgır, p. 2. ...................................................................... 110
Figure 3.36 : İlkin, 15.10.1980, Çarşaf, p. 11. ..................................................................... 110
Figure 3.37 : Tüblek, 18.01.1984, Çarşaf, p. 2. ................................................................... 110
Figure 3.38 : Oral, 22.03.1981, Cumhuriyet, p. 4. ................................................................ 111
Figure 3.39 : Solukçu, 05.04.1962, Akbaba, p. 16. .............................................................. 112
Figure 3.40 : Balcıoğlu, 11.04.1976, Hürriyet, p. 8. ............................................................ 112
Figure 3.41 : Solukçu, 23.07.1962, Zübük, p. 8. .................................................................. 113
Figure 3.42 : Ayça, 19.07.1962, Akbaba, p. 5. ..................................................................... 114
Figure 3.43 : Beyner, 06.03.1974, Akbaba, p. 4. .................................................................. 114
Figure 3.44 : Balcıoğlu, 15.07.1966, Tercüman, p. 1. .......................................................... 115
Figure 3.45 : Balcıoğlu, 23.01.1970, Tercüman, p. 1. .......................................................... 115
Figure 3.46 : Selçuk, 22.02.1982, Milliyet, p. 1. .................................................................. 116
Figure 3.47 : Tüblek, 08.03.1984, Hürriyet, p. 9. ................................................................ 116
Figure 3.48 : Üstündağ, 30.05.1984, Çarşaf, p. 6. ............................................................... 116
Figure 3.49 : Zorlu, 30.06.1965, Akbaba, p. 7. .................................................................... 118
Figure 3.50 : Ersoy, 03.07.1969, Cumhuriyet, p. 1. ............................................................. 118
Figure 3.51 : Zorlu, 25.10.1967, Akbaba, p. 3. .................................................................... 118
Figure 3.52 : Beyner, 15.11.1967, Akbaba, p. 5. .................................................................. 119
Figure 3.53 : Balcıoğlu, 01.07.1969, Tercüman, p. 1. .......................................................... 119
Figure 3.54 : Balcıoğlu, 08.10.1969, Tercüman, p. 1. .......................................................... 120
Figure 3.55 : Balcıoğlu, 03.07.1968, Akbaba, p. 7. .............................................................. 120
Figure 3.56 : Balcıoğlu, 09.11.1969, Tercüman, p. 1. .......................................................... 121
Figure 3.57 : Tüblek, 06.11.1962, Akşam, p. 1..................................................................... 122
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Figure 3.58 : Bozok, 28.04.1976, Akbaba, p. 13.................................................................. 122
Figure 3.59 : Tüblek, 22.07.1983, Hürriyet, p. 9. ................................................................ 122
Figure 3.60 : Beyner, 02.04.1975, Akbaba, p. 6. ................................................................. 123
Figure 3.61 : Tüblek, 18.09.1969, Akşam, p. 2. ................................................................... 123
Figure 3.62 : Tüblek, 31.10.1981, Hürriyet, p. 9. ................................................................ 124
Figure 3.63 : Tüblek, 16.04.1983, Hürriyet, p. 9. ................................................................ 124
Figure 3.64 : Beyner & Erdoğan, 13.01.1982, Çarşaf, p. 7. ................................................ 125
Figure 3.65 : Tüblek, 08.04.1979, Hürriyet, p. 9. ................................................................ 126
Figure 3.66 : Oral, 02.11.1983, Cumhuriyet, p. 12. ............................................................. 126
Figure 3.67 : Selçuk, 04.11.1984, Milliyet, p. 2. .................................................................. 127
Figure 3.68 : Ersoy, 23.10.1951, Cumhuriyet, p. 1. ............................................................. 128
Figure 3.69 : Selçuk, 09.12.1957, Milliyet, p. 1. .................................................................. 128
Figure 3.70 : Undefined, 06.07.1961, Akbaba, p. 7. ............................................................ 129
Figure 3.71 : Balcıoğlu, 24.10.1963, Tercüman, p. 1. ......................................................... 129
Figure 3.72 : Sinan, 12.01.1979, Tercüman, p. 3. ................................................................ 130
Figure 3.73 : Uygan, 07.09.1950, Milliyet, p. 1. .................................................................. 130
Figure 3.74 : Selçuk, 06.01.1958, Milliyet, p. 1. .................................................................. 131
Figure 3.75 : Selçuk, 25.06.1958, Milliyet, p. 1. .................................................................. 131
Figure 3.76 : Dinççağ, 24.07.1958, Akbaba, p. 4. ................................................................ 131
Figure 3.77 : Selçuk, 10.07.1956, Milliyet, p. 1. .................................................................. 132
Figure 3.78 : Selçuk, 18.01.1958, Milliyet, p. 1. .................................................................. 132
Figure 3.79 : Oral, 16.09.1978, Cumhuriyet, p. 10. ............................................................. 133
Figure 3.80 : Filiz, 07.07.1960, Tercüman, p. 1. .................................................................. 133
Figure 3.81 : Zorlu, 27.10.1960, Akbaba, p. 16. .................................................................. 134
Figure 3.82 : Gümen, 15.07.1953, Hürriyet, p. 1. ................................................................ 135
Figure 3.83 : Tüblek, 24.01.1963, Akşam, p. 1. ................................................................... 135
Figure 3.84 : Er, 01.01.1982, Çarşaf, p. 2. .......................................................................... 135
Figure 3.85 : Undefined, 06.08.1964, Akbaba, p. 6. ............................................................ 136
Figure 3.86 : Tüblek, 27.04.1966, Akşam, p. 1. ................................................................... 136
Figure 3.87 : Aktaş, 10.01.1982, Gırgır, p. back cover. ...................................................... 137
Figure 3.88 : Eremektar, 03.04.1954, Akşam, p. 1. .............................................................. 137
Figure 3.89 : Tüblek, 24.08.1960, Akşam, p. 1. ................................................................... 139
Figure 3.90 : Tüblek, 04.09.1960, Akşam, p. 1. ................................................................... 140
Figure 3.91 : Zorlu, 09.05.1963, Akbaba, p. 1. .................................................................... 140
Figure 3.92 : Balcıoğlu, 29.05.1962, Tercüman, p. 1. ......................................................... 143
Figure 3.93 : Tüblek, 29.05.1962, Akşam, p. 1. ................................................................... 143
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Figure 3.94 : Ersoy, 03.08.1963, Cumhuriyet, p. 1. ............................................................. 143
Figure 3.95 : Yakup & Salepçi, 14.05.1984, Hürriyet, p. 8. ................................................ 144
Figure 3.96 : Beyner, 01.11.1972, Akbaba, p. 9. .................................................................. 145
Figure 3.97 : Zorlu, 11.06.1959, Akbaba, p. 3. .................................................................... 146
Figure 3.98 : Demirci, 18.09.1983, Gırgır, p. back cover. ................................................... 146
Figure 3.99 : Olgun, 06.06.1984, Çarşaf, p. 14. ................................................................... 146
Figure 3.100 : Balcıoğlu, 04.12.1969, Tercüman, p. 1. ........................................................ 147
Figure 3.101 : Zorlu, 14.09.1977, Akbaba, p. 3. .................................................................. 147
Figure 3.102 : Hukukçular Sitesi designed by Haluk Baysal and Melih Birsel in the 1960s. ..................................................................................................................................... 154
Figure 3.103 : Real Estate and Credit Bank Apartment Blocks in İstanbul. ........................ 154
Figure 3.104 : Housing Blocks designed by ME-SA in Ankara. ......................................... 154
Figure 3.105 : An apartment Block of 4th Levent. ............................................................... 155
Figure 3.106 : Advertisement of Levent Neighborhood....................................................... 156
Figure 3.107 : A view from Ataköy Settlement in Advertisement Brochure. ...................... 156
Figure 3.108: General view of Ataköy Settlement. .............................................................. 156
Figure 3.109 : Advertisements for lottery houses. ............................................................... 160
Figure 3.110 : Advertisements drawn by İhap Hulusi Görey. .............................................. 160
Figure 3.111 : An apartment block in Nişantaşı ................................................................... 170
Figure 3.112 : An apartment block in Şişli........................................................................... 170
Figure 3.113 : An apartment block in Bebek ....................................................................... 170
Figure 3.114 : An apartment block in Taksim ...................................................................... 171
Figure 3.115 : An apartment block in İzmir ......................................................................... 171
Figure 3.116 : An apartment block in Emlak Street ............................................................. 171
Figure 3.117 : Polat, 11.02.1960, Akbaba, p. 1. ................................................................... 173
Figure 3.118 : Zorlu, 31.10.1963, Akbaba, p. 12. ................................................................ 173
Figure 3.119 : Yoltaş, 22.08.1952, Akbaba, p. 6. ................................................................. 173
Figure 3.120 : Undefined, 06.08.1964, Akbaba, p. 6. .......................................................... 174
Figure 3.121 : Zorlu, 14.07.1965, Akbaba, p. 8. .................................................................. 174
Figure 3.122 : Ayça, 29.07.1954, Akbaba, p. 6. ................................................................... 174
Figure 3.123 : Ural, 16.03.1956, Tercüman, p. 1. ................................................................ 175
Figure 3.124 : Left: Sinan, 06.09.1952, 41buçuk, p. 4., Middle: Karaca, 04.10.1952, 41buçuk p. 5., Right: Undefined, 04.06.1959, Akbaba, p. 14. ................................................... 176
Figure 3.125 : Left: Solukçu, 07.03.1963, Akbaba, p. 7., Middle: Undefined, 13.11.1983, Gırgır, p. 9., Right: Özdemir&Şerif, 24.10.1984, Çarşaf, p. 4. .................................. 176
Figure 3.126 : Zorlu, 17.12.1964, Akbaba, p. 6. .................................................................. 178
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Figure 3.127 : Balcıoğlu, 21.05.1967, Tercüman, p. 1. ....................................................... 179
Figure 3.128 : Şükrü & Şevket, 25.10.1981, Gırgır, p. 8. ................................................... 179
Figure 3.129 : Akgün, 26.02.1984, Gırgır, p. 11. ................................................................ 179
Figure 3.130 : Kemal & Can, 04.05.1984, Hürriyet, p. 2. ................................................... 180
Figure 3.131 : Akgün, 26.02.1984b, Gırgır, p. 11. .............................................................. 180
Figure 3.132 : Salı, 13.12.1981, Gırgır, p. last cover. ......................................................... 181
Figure 3.133 : Ercins, 19.08.1984, Gırgır, p. last cover. ..................................................... 181
Figure 3.134 : Açıkel, 22.11.1981, Gırgır, p. back cover. ................................................... 182
Figure 3.135 : Efe, 11.01.1984a, Çarşaf, p. 9. ..................................................................... 182
Figure 3.136 : Öktem, 02.03.1984, Hürriyet, p. 8. .............................................................. 183
Figure 3.137 : Şükrü & Ergün, 18.03.1984, Gırgır, p. front cover. ..................................... 183
Figure 3.138 : Polat & Ahmet, 11.01.1984, Çarşaf, p. 9. .................................................... 184
Figure 3.139 : Efe, 11.01.1984b, Çarşaf, p. 9. ..................................................................... 184
Figure 3.140 : Balcıoğlu, 24.11.1965, Tercüman, p. 1. ....................................................... 185
Figure 3.141 : Balcıoğlu, 27.12.1967, Akbaba, p. 5. ........................................................... 185
Figure 3.142 : Ermektar, 21.01.1959, Taş-Karikatür, p. 8. ................................................. 186
Figure 3.143 : Balcıoğlu, 11.07.1971, Tercüman, p. 1. ....................................................... 186
Figure 3.144 : Selçuk, 07.02.1983, Milliyet, p. 2. ................................................................ 186
Figure 3.145 : Ersoy, 30.11.1965, Cumhuriyet, p. 1. ........................................................... 187
Figure 3.146 : Selçuk, 21.01.1982, Milliyet, p. 1. ................................................................ 187
Figure 3.147 : Balcıoğlu, 16.04.1974, Tercüman, p. 1. ....................................................... 188
Figure 3.148 : Balcıoğlu, 31.10.1967, Tercüman, p. 1. ....................................................... 188
Figure 3.149 : Veysel & Kalender, 23.04.1984, Hürriyet, p. 1. ........................................... 189
Figure 3.150 : Bozok, 07.02.1973, Akbaba, p. 4.................................................................. 190
Figure 3.151 : Balcıoğlu, 29.07.1966, Akbaba, p. 1. ........................................................... 191
Figure 3.152 : Balcıoğlu, 27.11.1965, Tercüman, p. 1. ....................................................... 191
Figure 3.153 : Balcıoğlu, 11.07.1967, Tercüman, p. 1. ....................................................... 192
Figure 3.154 : Balcıoğlu, 26.07.1967, Akbaba, p. 7. ........................................................... 192
Figure 3.155 : Balcıoğlu, 21.03.1974, Tercüman, p. 1. ....................................................... 193
Figure 3.156 : Tüblek, 09.06.1982, Çarşaf, p. 2. ................................................................. 193
Figure 3.157 : Tüblek, 26.05.1953, Akbaba, p. 6. ................................................................ 194
Figure 3.158 : Balcıoğlu, 29.05.1966, Tercüman, p. 1. ....................................................... 195
Figure 3.159 : Tüblek, 09.06.1982, Çarşaf, p. 2. ................................................................. 195
Figure 3.160 : Balcıoğlu, 15.03.1967, Akbaba, p. 7. ........................................................... 196
Figure 3.161 : Balcıoğlu, 31.05.1972, Tercüman, p. 2. ....................................................... 196
Figure 3.162 : Balcıoğlu, 18.04.1984, Çarşaf, p. 7. ............................................................. 197
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Figure 3.163 : Ersoy, 30.04.1955, Cumhuriyet, p. 1. ........................................................... 198
Figure 3.164 : Tüblek, 07.04.1983, Hürriyet, p. 9. .............................................................. 198
Figure 3.165 : Beyner, 30.11.1966, Akbaba, p. 9. ................................................................ 199
Figure 3.166 : Tüblek, 06.10.1960, Akşam, p. 1................................................................... 199
Figure 3.167 : Tüblek, 22.06.1961, Akşam, p. 1................................................................... 200
Figure 3.168: Undefined, 30.03.1975, Cumhuriyet, p. 10. ................................................... 200
Figure 3.169 : Selçuk, 20.03.1983, Milliyet, p. 2. ................................................................ 201
Figure 3.170 : Tüblek, 17.11.1982, Çarşaf, p. 2. ................................................................. 201
Figure 3.171 : Undefined, 19.04.1984, Hürriyet, p. 1. ......................................................... 202
Figure 3.172 : Ersoy, 08.05.1965, Cumhuriyet, p. 1. ........................................................... 203
Figure 3.173 : Beyner, 27.10.1965, Akbaba, p. 8. ................................................................ 203
Figure 3.174 : Beyner, 16.05.1963, Akbaba, pp. 10-11. ...................................................... 203
Figure 3.175 : Koraman, 15.05.1971, Milliyet, p. 2. ............................................................ 204
Figure 3.176 : Behiç & Ergün, 09.01.1983, Gırgır, p. front cover. ...................................... 204
Figure 3.177 : Selçuk, 07.09.1958, Milliyet, p. 1. ................................................................ 205
Figure 3.178 : Balcıoğlu, 20.09.1962, Tercüman, p. 1. ........................................................ 205
Figure 3.179 : Zorlu, 16.06.1965, Akbaba, p. 4. .................................................................. 206
Figure 3.180 : Tüblek, 01.10.1978, Hürriyet, p. 9. .............................................................. 206
Figure 3.181 : Balcıoğlu, 10.08.1966, Akbaba, p. 7. ............................................................ 207
Figure 3.182 : Gülgeç, 22.09.1978, Milliyet, p. 2. ................................................................ 207
Figure 3.183 : Gülgeç, 29.05.1982, Cumhuriyet, p. 8. ......................................................... 208
Figure 3.184 : Gümen, 21.10.1952, Hürriyet, p. 1. .............................................................. 209
Figure 3.185 : Ayça, 19.02.1953, Akbaba, p. 4. ................................................................... 209
Figure 3.186 : Ayça, 23.02.1956, Akbaba, p. 11. ................................................................. 210
Figure 3.187 : Beyner, 27.02.1964, Akbaba, p. 10. .............................................................. 211
Figure 3.188 : Ayça, 29.07.1954, Akbaba, p. 6. ................................................................... 211
Figure 3.189 : Beyner, 27.09.1956, Akbaba, p. 7. ................................................................ 212
Figure 3.190 : Balcıoğlu, 10.06.1969, Tercüman, p. 1. ........................................................ 212
Figure 3.191 : Oral, 12.04.1984, Cumhuriyet, p. 12. ............................................................ 213
Figure 3.192 : Zorlu, 17.05.1972, Akbaba, p. 14. ................................................................ 213
Figure 3.193 : Turhan, 31.05.1975, Gırgır, p. back cover. .................................................. 214
Figure 3.194 : Gürol, 12.10.1979, Gırgır, p. 2. .................................................................... 214
Figure 3.195 : Balcıoğlu, 01.08.1963, Tercüman, p. 1. ........................................................ 215
Figure 3.196 : Balcıoğlu, 04.02.1965, Akbaba, p. 10. .......................................................... 215
Figure 3.197 : Ayça, 18.03.1965, Akbaba, p. 8. ................................................................... 216
Figure 3.198 : Altunçul, 26.03.1969, Akbaba, p. 11. ........................................................... 217
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Figure 3.199 : Tüblek, 22.10.1982, Hürriyet, p. 9. .............................................................. 217
Figure 3.200 : Kabakçıoğlu, 29.10.1982, Tercüman, p. 1. ................................................... 218
Figure 3.201 : Balcıoğlu, 23.06.1963, Tercüman, p. 1. ....................................................... 219
Figure 3.202 : Balcıoğlu, 31.08.1975, Hürriyet, p. 2. .......................................................... 219
Figure 3.203 : Yakut, 11.09.1977, Gırgır, p. 15. ................................................................. 219
Figure 3.204 : Gümen, 21.12.1950, Hürriyet, p. 2. .............................................................. 220
Figure 3.205 : Balcıoğlu, 02.08.1956, Hürriyet, p. 1. .......................................................... 221
Figure 3.206 : Gümen, 20.07.1950, Hürriyet, p. 2. .............................................................. 222
Figure 3.207 : Uykusuz, 27.12.1962, Akbaba, p. 16. ........................................................... 222
Figure 3.208 : Solukçu, 24.12.1964, Akbaba, p. 6. .............................................................. 222
Figure 3.209 : Zorlu, 31.01.1973, Akbaba, p. 16. ................................................................ 223
Figure 3.210 : Balcıoğlu, 14.09.1961, Akbaba, p. 9. ........................................................... 223
Figure 3.211 : Ersoy, 31.07.1971, Cumhuriyet, p. 1. ........................................................... 224
Figure 3.212 : Küçük, 28.03.1976, Gırgır, p. back cover. ................................................... 224
Figure 3.213 : Kotbaş, 17.11.1982, Çarşaf, p. 12. ............................................................... 225
Figure 3.214 : Manici, 20.01.1982, Çarşaf, p. 13. ............................................................... 225
Figure 3.215 : Undefined, 19.12.1982, Gırgır, p. 15. .......................................................... 226
Figure 3.216 : İncesu, 21.11.1984, Çarşaf, p. 11. ................................................................ 226
Figure 3.217 : Zorlu, 17.07.1968, Akbaba, p. 7. .................................................................. 227
Figure 3.218 : Tüblek, 18.02.1981, Hürriyet, p. 9. .............................................................. 227
Figure 3.219 : Gümen, 02.06.1955, Hürriyet, p. 8. .............................................................. 228
Figure 3.220 : Beyner, 11.04.1963, Akbaba, p. 10. ............................................................. 228
Figure 3.221 : Uykusuz, 27.08.1964, Akbaba, p. 24. ........................................................... 229
Figure 3.222 : Beyner, 26.10.1966, Akbaba, p. 9. ............................................................... 229
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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
DP
Democratic Party (Demokrat Parti)
SCF
Free Republican Party (Serbest Cumhuriyet Fırkası)
AP
Justice Party (Adalet Partisi)
ANAP
Motherland Party (Anavatan Partisi)
MHP
Nationalist Movement Party (Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi)
MNP
National Order Party (Milli Nizam Partisi)
CHP
Republican People’s Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi)
SSK
Social Insurance Institution (Sosyal Sigortalar Kurumu)
TOKİ
Housing Development Administration of Turkey (Toplu Konut İdaresi Başkanlığı)
TİP
Workers’ Party of Turkey (Türkiye İşçi Partisi)
1
CHAPTER 1
1. INTRODUCTION
1.1. Aim and Scope
In conventional architectural historiography, the main sources to be mostly focused on are architectural works themselves or documents about their production, i.e., buildings and their representations in archives or professional media such as architectural drawings, photographs, maps, and models as well as writings on/of their architects.1 In recent decades, on the other hand, the sources of analysis have started to be expanded, and representations of architecture in popular media such as movies, photographs, posters, and brochures in advertisements, are also studied by historians to develop different perspectives in addition to professional aspects of architectural production. This study examines how mid-twentieth century housing in Turkey was represented in cartoons2 published in popular newspapers and magazines as a type of popular media. Accordingly, the study focuses on the two topics of analysis as housing production and visual representation of architecture in media.
Photographs, images, films, or any other output of the visual media are very prosperous to reveal what cannot be observed by human experience. Even if they were accused of a lack of spatial experience, many architectural details can be disregarded by the observer or by the ones living/experiencing there every day. For those, space could become a habitat and therefore the presented life could come before the spatial details. Since taking photos, drawing cartoons, or recording films are also producing artworks, the same subject or object can be interpreted in different ways by different artists. These varieties are valuable grounds for new
1 Also see: Altan Ergut, Elvan. “Cumhuriyet Dönemi Mimarlığı: Tanımlar, Sınırlar, Olanaklar.” Türkiye Araştırmaları Literatür Dergisi, 7/13, 2009, pp. 121-130.
2 It is important to underline the difference between caricature and cartoon. In some sources, the distinction is made on purpose, while in some they are used as synonym words for each other. Cartoon is used more in English-speaking countries and especially in times when caricature was known as only distorted images of human figures. Accordingly, the term cartoon is used in this study.
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narratives and perspectives. Thus, through media, an architectural work can be reconstructed many times, making these media practices real, as they show the richness in the relations of media and architecture in every period. Therefore, a productive source for architectural historiography can be provided by taking cartoons in such popular media as the object of investigation.
Cartoon is different from any other art media since it targets a larger audience, i.e., the people on the street. Wechsler claims that “caricature narrowed the gap between art and life.” He also underlines that cartoons are linked to their time more than any other art effort.3 The feature of expressing a lot in less lines distinguishes cartoons from branches of art such as painting and illustration. They bear witness to their age, and it is possible to create a historical narrative by studying cartoons.4 To highlight the possible impact of cartoon as a historical source Kemnitz states following sentences:
The cartoon has much to offer the historian concerned with public opinion and popular attitudes. It provides little insight into the intellectual bases of opinion for which the historian usually has better sources - but it can illuminate underlying attitudes. Not only can cartoons provide insight into the depth of emotion surrounding attitudes, but also into the assumptions and illusions on which opinions are formed. They remind the historian of the importance contemporaries placed on seemingly insignificant events and of the relation between these occurrences, popular attitudes, and public opinion.5
Therefore, reading from a different medium such as cartoons can create a new discussion ground as they describe the spirit of the period, common issues, and problems in a more catchy and effective way. Cartoons are media products that accompany the reality of the period in 3 Wechsler, Judith. “Editor's Statement: The Issue of Caricature.” Art Journal 43.4, 1983, pp. 317-318. Weschler prefers to use the term ‘caricature’ which can be sometimes used as synonym to cartoon.
4 It is also important to note that a cartoon is a ‘dependent’ creativity field. A cartoonist works for a press organ, and for this reason, he/she is not completely free. He/she is free to draw what he or wants, but only if they are published, they can convey the ‘message’ to the public. See: Çeviker et al., 2010, p. 281. 5 Kemnitz, Thomas Milton. "The cartoon as a historical source." The Journal of Interdisciplinary History 4.1, 1973, p. 86. Kemnitz also adds that historians should approach cartoons with similar questions that they apply to any other form of communication. There are six interconnected areas that historians should investigate when studying cartoons: the cartoonists, the methods used to distribute the cartoons, the language and symbols employed, the relationship between cartoons and other forms of communication, the intended purpose of the cartoons, and their target group. By examining these areas, historians can gain a better understanding of the relationship between popular attitudes and cartoons.
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which they were produced and presented. The effect and success of the cartoon are that the cartoonist, who is an important component of the civil society, transforms the critical text revealed by the public into an image with the symbols known to the public, and this image settles in the memory of the society. Michela Rosso states that “the study of humor shifts the attention to the interests of users and to the performative aspect of buildings in the expanded social life that takes place beyond completion.”6 Therefore, cartoons are among these popular forms of media and visual forms of humor that could provide a basis for different interpretations in writing architectural history. The possibility of changing lenses through cartoons can be considered as the main motivation behind this study.
The objective of this study is to gain insights into how houses were depicted, understood, and interpreted by the society. It is worth noting that public opinion about housing, including those who could not afford certain types of houses, is often overlooked in existing literature. Understanding how the society perceives and criticizes the built environment requires interdisciplinary research. To address this gap, it is necessary to analyze sources beyond traditional architectural documents such as cartoons as popular medium.
Housing and urban life remain prominent issues that cartoonists often explore. Following the establishment of the Republic in Turkey, issues such as housing shortages, high rental costs, and property ownership became increasingly prevalent, and cartoonists dedicated significant space to depict the struggles in these terms faced by the society.7 According to Alsaç, the utilization of cartoons as a tool of rebellion, particularly among the low-income class, can be linked to industrialization and urbanization. This is because cartoon initially emerged as an art form that exposed the distortions and contradictions present in individuals and later in the society as a whole.8 Şenyapılı also states that whether cartoon is called political, editorial, or newspaper cartoon, it deals with current and political events. Cartoon has been a strict follower of political, economic, technological, and physical change and development, and draws
6 Rosso, Michela. “Humour: A Lens for the Architectural and Urban Historian.” In Laughing at Architecture: Architectural Histories of Humour, Satire and Wit, edited by Michela Rosso. Bloomsbury Publishing, 2019, p. 1. 7 Çeviker, Turgut. Kent Konut ve Yerleşim Üzerine Karikatürler = the City Homes & Settlements in Caricature (1908-1995). Devlet Güzel Sanatlar Galerisi, 1996, pp. vii-xi.
8 Alsaç, Üstün. Türkiye’de Karikatür Çizgi Roman ve Çizgi Film. 1. basım ed. İletişim Yayınları, 1994, p. 64.
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attention to discrepancies with development and change. Therefore, by looking at the products of this art form, it is possible to follow what happened in the past century.9
Taking all these advantages and potentials of popular media and humor in the specific case of cartoons into consideration, this study focuses on the representation of housing in Turkey from the 1950s to the mid-1980s in cartoons as popular media. 1950 is chosen as a starting point of the period of analysis as a threshold in the history of Turkey when the single-party era ended, and the multi-party era started, affecting changes in socio-cultural life in the country. In addition to these reasons, the 1950s are important in terms of the increase in the housing deficiency due to the increase in the migration to the big cities. The mid-1980s provide an ending point with the establishment of TOKİ in 1984 that caused changes in housing production (Toplu Konut İdaresi Başkanlığı - Housing Development Administration of Turkey). With the establishment of TOKİ, not only the housing presentation style, but also the urbanization dynamics changed completely. The early 1980s were also the years following the 1980 military intervention when there was a media restriction that affected the publications of cartoons as well. The period from the 1950s to the mid-1980s was also important for housing in the face of contemporary rapid urbanization and continuing modernization Turkey.
This dissertation explores the role of cartoons in humor magazines and newspapers as a non-professional media tool in analyzing housing production. It goes beyond the traditional focus on architectural journals as professional media sources. By examining popular representations of housing, the study seeks to understand how housing was portrayed to the public by cartoonists and the press, and thus how it was perceived by the society. Furthermore, the goal is to delve into the context and process of architectural production, which is often overlooked in professional media, rather than solely focusing on the final architectural product.
Cartoons, with their ability to visually express diverse styles of perception, can significantly contribute to our understanding of how people evaluate the built environment. As one of the most accessible forms of art, cartoons hold great potential for studying architectural history. Rosso, in particular, highlights the role of humor in architectural history and poses thought-provoking questions: “Can humor in its various facets of satire, wit and irony, be used to study the history of architecture? How is it to be used? And what particular insights might it offer to
9 Şenyapılı Önder. Neyi Neden Nasıl Anlatıyor Karikatür Kim Niye Çiziyor!? ODTÜ Geliştirme Vakfı, 2003, pp. 137-138.
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study of the built environment?”10 Humor and cartoons, as visual expressions of humor, provide a critical platform for discussions that can enhance our understanding beyond verbal or visual descriptions alone. While Rosso primarily focuses on the humorous aspect of cartoons, they also embody a critical approach to social issues, which will be further explored in this study.
It is worth mentioning that cartoons may not directly mirror the collective opinion of the society. However, drawing inspiration from the everyday life, issues, and realities of the society, they have the power to unveil and shape public sentiment. In contrast, professional media outlets often lack a genuine focus on reflecting public opinion. By analyzing cartoons as a representation medium that functions as a critical tool as well as a visual communication tool, the study aims to evaluate how this non-professional media represented and thus criticized housing production. While contemporary professional media promoted specific architectural styles and approaches in housing design, cartoons served as a visual platform for a critical evaluation of housing production. This approach encourages discussions on the broader representation of contemporary architecture in general, with a specific emphasis on housing.
1.2. Methodology and Literature Review
This study utilizes data obtained from archival research, visual and textual analysis, as well as relevant literature. The archival research holds significant methodological and outcome-related importance. Firstly, by collecting all the data within a single study, this research can serve as a foundation for future studies on the same subject matter. However, it is crucial to note that digitalizing the images from magazines and newspapers presents a significant challenge, as this area remains largely unexplored. While several studies have analyzed cartoons, magazines, or newspapers using them as data, there is currently no organized or digitized collection of cartoons specifically from the period of 1950 to 1984. Therefore, all data collection efforts need to be conducted manually. The primary sources for obtaining cartoons from humor magazines and newspapers are the National Library in Ankara and the Beyazıt State Library in İstanbul.
10 Rosso, 2019, p.1. Regarding the book's aim of compiling various authors' analyses on the subject, Rosso unequivocally answers 'yes' to these inquiries. In this study, she emphasizes that humor, specifically cartoon, can be effectively employed in architectural history research.
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The study of cartoons is a complex undertaking that involves both practical challenges and issues related to interpretation. One of the major practical difficulties that researchers face is the lack of prior documentation, either in manual or digital form. This makes it challenging to track down and access the cartoons that are needed for analysis. In addition to the practical challenges, there are also issues of interpretation that must be considered when studying cartoons. For instance, cartoons are known for their exaggerated features, which can make it difficult to determine the true intent or message behind a particular image.
It is important to approach each cartoon with a critical eye and to carefully consider the context in which it was created. Choosing which humor magazines and newspapers to include in the study is another challenging process. The wide time interval being studied and the short-lived nature of many humor magazines, except for a few, make it challenging to make a selection. Therefore, to choose the most relevant publications for the study, research was conducted on newspapers and humor magazines that actively published cartoons between 1950 and 1984 (Appendix A).
The identity of the cartoonists is included beneath each cartoon used in the study, as these correspond to their surnames. For cartoons without a signature or ones that are unreadable, the phrase 'undefined' is used. Additionally, the publication date, source, and page number are provided for each cartoon. In Appendix B, complete information, including full names and short biographies, of all the cartoonists mentioned in the study is provided. It is important to note that a few of these cartoonists are amateurs, and thus, limited information about them could not be obtained.
In this study, a careful selection process was conducted among the various media outlets that regularly included cartoons in their publications. Due to the limitations of the study, it was not feasible to examine all of these sources comprehensively. However, the selection aimed to include newspapers and humor magazines that had a consistent and long-standing publication history. Upon analyzing the chosen newspapers and humor magazines, which were expected to reflect the views and ideologies of their respective media outlets, it becomes apparent that they share similar arguments, particularly concerning housing and specific housing-related issues. It is worth noting that the backgrounds, personal viewpoints, and political opinions of the cartoonists are not considered within the scope of this dissertation. Nevertheless, as depicted in Appendix C the table reveals instances where same cartoonists occasionally
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worked for newspapers with differing perspectives.11 Additionally, efforts were made to encompass a diverse range of political perspectives, including outlets from the right, left, and center of the ideological spectrum (Figure 1.1). By considering these factors, a representative sample was chosen to ensure a comprehensive analysis within the scope of this study.
Figure 1.1 : Graphic of chosen newspapers and humor magazines according to their political stance.
The chosen newspapers include Akşam (1918-), Cumhuriyet (1924-), Hürriyet (1948-), Milliyet (1950-), and Tercüman (1961-1995). As for the humor magazines, the selected ones are Akbaba (1922-1977), 41buçuk (1952), Tef (1954-1955, 1960), Dolmuş (1956-1958), Karikatür (1958-1959), Taş (1959), Taş-Karikatür (1959), Zübük (1962), Gırgır (1972-2017), Çarşaf (1975-1992), Mikrop (1978-1979), and Balyoz (1979-1980). It is important to note that Mizah and Çaylak magazines were not accessible, and therefore, they could not be included in the analysis, as initially intended. Cumhuriyet and Milliyet newspapers and Zübük humor magazine12 were examined digitally and the rest of the newspapers were examined manually from the archives of Ankara National Library and İstanbul Beyazıt Library.13
11 This analysis focuses solely on editorial cartoonists in newspapers, as examining humor magazines would be outside the scope of this dissertation due to the multitude of cartoonists involved. Nonetheless, it is worth noting, based on the literature and archival studies, that certain cartoonists have been found to contribute their work to different magazines, including humor magazines. Humor magazines, although exhibiting slight variations in viewpoints, are generally associated with the center or left-wing ideologies. This inclination is unsurprising since these magazines predominantly serve as platforms for political humor, often representing opposition perspectives. It can be inferred that the housing problem transcends political divisions, signifying a social issue that finds representation in cartoons regardless of right-wing or left-wing affiliations.
12 https://www.tustav.org/sureli-yayinlar-arsivi/zubuk/ Access date: 01.04.2023.
13 For information about newspapers and humor magazines examined see Appendix D.
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In order to analyze and evaluate the data obtained from the research on cartoons in newspapers and magazines, this study draws on the literature on mid-twentieth century housing in Türkiye as well as the literature on the relationship between media and architectural history.
The literature on the contemporary housing emphasizes apartment blocks and squatter houses as the two main types of housing of the mid-twentieth century. Mid-twentieth century housing practices are discussed by many scholars in different aspects. As will be explained below, most of the studies on housing in Turkey focus on the subject in terms of economic, political, social, and physical perspectives and generally reflect the opinions of professionals. There are also explanatory and descriptive studies focusing on the architectural features of houses. On the other hand, users of houses, i.e., the society, their perspective and perception of the house and the housing problem as the reflection of the constantly changing built environment have not been taken into consideration in most of the studies. There are only a few gender studies that place the user in the center of the study.
It is seen in the literature that several scholars approach the housing subject by using chronological order with different classifications. Tekeli divides the housing history into periods of 1923-1950, 1950-1965, 1965-1980 and 1980-1990.14 Çoban, on the other hand, classifies the housing policy history in Turkey into three categories; 1923-1950 period is taken here as that of nation-state building, 1950-1980 as the period of the migration of labor force from rural to the urban context and after 1980 as the period of construction of capitalist hegemony in cities.15 This classification is based on the inevitable relationship between urbanization and housing, which was also mentioned by Tansı Şenyapılı. In this study, she examines the process of squatter settlements in Ankara and divides the era into the periods of 1920-1930, 1930-1940, 1940-1950, and 1950-1960. According to her interpretation, squatter
14 He defines the period of 1923-1950 as the time when the urbanization was low, the housing presentation types were limited, and the modernist approach was accepted to solve the housing problem by the single party. On the contrary, the period from 1950 to 1965 is explained as the time when the urbanization was fast, the housing presentation techniques and institutions were not sufficient to meet the demand and a populist approach was accepted against the housing problem by the multi-party system. The third period from 1965 to 1980 is described with the new housing presentation types such as yap-sat and squatter housing. During this period, the urbanization trend affected cities to grow as oil-stained, leading to increased environmental problems and giving rise to a new type of housing as mass housing. The period after 1980 was examined in terms of the institutionalization of mass housing and its consequences on the current cities. See: Tekeli, İlhan. Türkiye'de yaşamda ve yazında konutun öyküsü (1923-1980). Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, 2012, p. 22.
15 Çoban, Aykut Namık. “Cumhuriyetin ilanından günümüze konut politikası.” Ankara Üniversitesi SBF Dergisi 67.03, 2012, p. 75.
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settlements were started as shelters and transformed into a new type of housing production as squatter and became one of the important issues for both physical and economic discourses and discussions.16 This categorization is also repeated by Yıldız Sey as 1923-1950, 1950-1980 and after 1980. In her study, she underlines that these categories were defined due to different political and economic tendencies. In another study, Sey discusses the housing in Turkey in a more comprehensive way, as detailed in six thematic categories, i.e. ‘From the Paleolithic Age to Antiquity’, ‘Antiquity’, ‘From Late Antiquity to the end of the Byzantine Period’, ‘Pre-ottoman Anatolia’, ‘The Ottoman Period from the Beginning to Modernization’, ‘From Modernization to the Present’.17
While these periodizations are guiding for defining the timeframe of this study, it is also important to note that, in other respects, authors like Balamir criticize these descriptive categorizations as a ‘reductionist attitude’. According to Balamir, explaining the housing in Turkey in the sense of ‘housing provision (individual/cooperative/contractor etc.)’ or ‘typology (apartment blocks/squatter settlements etc.)’ themes neglect the historical process, property relations, and social and cultural changes.18
Among such issues, the notion of housing presentation emerges as an important subject discussed by scholars. Tekeli believes that three concepts gained central importance to establish a comprehensive narrative about the history of housing in Turkey. The first one is the investment profile that the system could conduct for the housing production, the second is the legitimacy frameworks for building construction in the city and its flexibility with populist politics, and the third is the emergent or designed housing presentation. What is important for Tekeli in the discussion of housing presentation is that only a society which is aware of these layers and actors can define and solve the housing problems.19 Therefore, the context of the housing problem can be defined by the housing presentation patterns.
16 Şenyapılı, Tansı. “Baraka” dan gecekonduya: Ankara'da kentsel mekânın dönüşümü: 1923-1960. Vol. 173. İletişim yayınları, 2004a. 17 Sey, Yıldız. “Cumhuriyet Döneminde Konut.” In 75 yılda değişen kent ve mimarlık, edited by Yıldız Sey, Tarih Vakfı Yayınları, 1998b, p. 273. 18 Balamir, Murat. “Türkiye'de Apartkentlerin Oluşumu Mülkiyet İlişkilerin Dönüşümüne Dayalı Kentleşme.” In Tarihten Günümüze Anadolu'da Konut ve Yerleşme: Housing and Settlement in Anatolia a Historical Perspective, edited by Yıldız Sey, Türk Tarih Vakfı, 1996, p. 337.
19 Tekeli defines the housing presentation as ‘habitus’, which refers to the familiar housing production method. Therefore, various housing presentation forms were shaped according to the demands and capacities of social stratification. These housing presentation forms include different layers, starting from the emergence of housing demand to its production and usage. These layers are based on the context, households, financial mechanisms, producers, local and central government actors, their roles,
10
When the literature that highlights the problematic aspects of the housing is examined, the phenomenon of squatter houses comes to the fore as the most important “problem” in housing. As it will be discussed in detail in the study, migration, emergence of squatter housing and urbanization are important subjects that form the mid-twentieth century housing discussions.20
Most of the literature on migration, squatter housing and urbanization are based on the outcomes of field research. Şenyapılı’s well-known study Baraka’dan Gecekonduya: Ankara’da Kentsel Mekanın Dönüşümü:1923-1960 is pioneering, which examines the emergence of squatter settlements by taking Ankara as an example.21 Işık and Pınarcıoğlu approaches the squatter housing phenomenon through the issue of poverty and focuses on the socio-economic dimensions of these realities. The main subject of their work is to understand the lifestyles of the urban poor and the strategies they developed in the post-1980 period.22 Erman, on the other hand, conducts research in squatter settlement of Ankara where there is a transformation in built environment from squatter house to apartment blocks. She focuses on the perception and preferences of squatter housing and newly apartment dwellers. In this study the social aspect of squatter housing reality in relation with apartment blocks are analyzed instead of economic, political, and architectural features.23 Although the studies mostly focus
and relationships. See: Tekeli, İlhan. “Türkiye'nin konut tarihine konut sunum biçimleri kavramını kullanarak yaklaşmak.” Konut Araştırmaları Sempozyumu, 2011, pp. 283-286. 20 As an important scholar who studies the issue or squatters, Ruşen Keleş examines three main subjects as (1) Urbanization and Urban Problems, (2) Housing Problems and Solutions and (3) Squatter Housing Problem. While asking and answering questions on these three subjects, he both explains the current situations and gives advice for the future. See: Keleş, Ruşen. 100 Soruda Türkiye’de Kentleşme Konut ve Gecekondu. 5. basım ed. Cem Yayınevi, 2019.
21 This study offers very detailed information on existing housing pattern, housing shortage, legal arrangements, construction and cooperative organization, municipal practices, transformation of neighborhood characteristics with the transformation of squatter housing phenomenon. Şenyapılı, 2004a. Other studies of the author related with the subject: Şenyapılı, Tansı. “Cumhuriyet’in 75. yılı, gecekondunun 50. Yılı.” In 75 yılda değişen kent ve mimarlık. edited by Yıldız Sey, Tarih Vakfı Yayınları, 1998, pp. 301-316; Şenyapılı, Tansı. “Charting the ‘voyage’ of squatter housing in urban spatial ‘quadruped’.” European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey, 2004b; Şenyapılı, Tansı, “A Discussion on The Physical Characteristics and The Evolution of The Gecekondu Phenomenon.” METU Journal of the Faculty of Architecture volume 7, 1986, pp. 143-170.
22 The idea of “nöbetleşe yoksulluk” means the transformation of poverty to the newcomers as a part of their life strategies. See: Işık, Oğuz and M. Melih Pınarcıoğlu. Nöbetleşe Yoksulluk: Gecekondulaşma ve Kent Yoksulları: Sultanbeyli Örneği. İletişim, 2001. 23 Erman, Tahire. Squatter (gecekondu) housing versus apartment housing: Turkish rural-to-urban migrant residents' perspectives. Habitat International, 21.1, 1997, pp. 91-106. Also see: Erman, Tahire. “The Politics of Squatter (Gecekondu) Studies in Turkey: The Changing Representations of Rural Migrants in the Academic Discourse.” Urban Studies 38, no. 7, 2001, pp. 983-1002.
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on squatter areas that emerged in cities, Karpat24 enlarged the scope of field research and analyzed the whole process from beginning to the end instead of only the resultant settlement.
There are also studies specifically focusing on one period or one type of housing presentation. For example, Öncel examines the nineteenth century housing architecture of Galata and reveals the early examples and initiatives of the twentieth century apartment phenomenon. In her study, she draws the general frame for the urban transformation of the era to have a better understanding of the apartment blocks as a new building type.25 Görgülü also focuses on the evolution of apartment type of housing starting from the late nineteenth century until the very recent period of the 2000s.26 Doğusan focuses on the garden houses and cooperatives as types of housing.27
Akcan develops a new approach to the intertwined relation between architectural histories of Turkey and Germany in early twentieth century by taking housing as the focus of analysis. In order to do that, she analyses modern housing ideas, garden city ideals, mass housing projects and so-called national houses in both countries. She mainly tries to write “intertwined history
24 What makes Karpat’s study unique is that he personally examined the squatter settlement and their dwellers not only in the city where they settled, but in the village where they came from, the reasons that necessitated the migration and the effects of the migration in the village. See: Karpat, Kemal H. Gecekondu: Türkiye’de Kırsal Göç̧ ve Kentleşme. 5. baskı ed. Timaş Akademi, 2022.
25 Öncel, Ayşe Derin. Apartman: Galata'da yeni bir konut tipi. Vol. 55. Kitap Yayınevi, 2010.
26 She reveals the methods and actors of apartment block production and their legal background as well as the architectural transformation of the housing phenomenon. See: Görgülü, Tülin. Türkiye’de Çok Katlı Konutların Değişimi (Apartmanın Öyküsü). Türkiye Alim Kitapları, 2016.
27 In her article on Etiler Housing Cooperative, she examines the relation between legal issues and architectural design process. In this study, cooperatives are promoted as a solution for existing housing shortage, and she discusses how and why cooperatives couldn’t answer the problem. See: Alexander, Gül Neşe Doğusan. “Caught between Aspiration and Actuality: The Etiler Housing Cooperative and the Production of Housing in Turkey.” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 76.3, 2017, pp. 349-366. Another work of Doğusan deals with the mass housing history of Turkey through cooperatives between 1934-1960. Her aim in this study is to understand the corporatist society organization, which is the intellectual background of the housing cooperatives practice in Turkey. She also mentions the transformation of the housing perception in Western countries with modernization and the emergence of a similar transformation in Turkey. In this study, not only the housing production through cooperatives, but also the housing production practices, public housing, municipal housing and prefabricated house practices in the Republican period are included. She says that during this period, settlements consisting of single-family houses with gardens were built by housing cooperatives. The construction of these settlements, which can be considered as luxury residences, by state-supported cooperatives reveals that it is a widely used method in acquiring homeowners by the Turkish middle class. See: Doğusan, Gül Neşe. Bir modernleşme pratiği olarak kooperatifçilik ve bahçeli konut yerleşimleri. Unpublished PhD Dissertation. İstanbul Teknik Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, 2013.
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of the modern city and architecture, told through its visions of house and housing”.28 Gürel’s studies, on the other hand, generally focus on mid-twentieth century modern apartment blocks, their interiors, modern housing equipment and the gender issues concerning the housing. She benefits from oral history, written texts, professional media, and architectural drawings of the chosen case.29 In addition to these, there are also studies that focus on one single neighborhood, city, or region. Most of them can be evaluated as archival studies that have a more descriptive approach and aim to perform an inventory. These studies are helpful for further studies since they draw the general frame.
As a whole, the literature on housing in Turkey either concentrates on a certain period and tries to reveal the parameters that affected the housing architecture of the chosen period or cover a decade in order to focus on a more limited time. In any case, the approach that is based on the explanation of housing production through an historical periodization is helpful in defining the approach of this study. Moreover, some studies examine the type or types of housing production such as detached houses, apartment blocks, cooperatives, mass houses, etc. These studies are also informative and aim at describing the housing production method in terms of the historical, architectural, and urban context. These studies also help in defining
28 In addition to these, she highlights the potential of visual medium which does not have to be translated as linguistic texts. In terms of this approach this study shouldn’t be evaluated only for the housing as an architectural subject but also visual studies in architectural historiography. See: Akcan, Esra. Architecture in translation: Germany, Turkey, and the modern house. Duke University Press, 2012, p. 6.
29 In ‘Domestic Arrangements: The Maid's Room in the Ataköy Apartment Blocks, İstanbul, Turkey’, she examines the maid’s zone and modern supplements in housing. She claims that there was a common attitude to place a maid’s room, a storeroom, or a fireplace in most of the designs in the mid-century housing practices which was not only a result of necessity or functional requirements. See: Gürel, Meltem Ö. “Domestic Arrangements: The Maid's Room in the Ataköy Apartment Blocks, İstanbul, Turkey.” Journal of Architectural Education 66.1, 2012, pp. 115-126.
In ‘Bathroom as a modern space’ Gürel analyses the bathroom as a part of the modern housing and bathroom fixtures as modern equipment. By doing this, she aims to evaluate ideas and identities of modernization and Westernization. See: Gürel, Meltem Ö. “Bathroom as a modern space.” The Journal of Architecture 13.3, 2008, pp. 215-233.
Gürel also examines domestic furnishing in her study named ‘Consumption of modern furniture as a strategy of distinction in Turkey’. She examines the period from the late 19th century until the 1960s. She claims that domestic furnishing was one of the main tools for transforming Western ideas into the modern life of Turkey. Her main question in this study is how modern design, in its plurality and complexity, was promoted and received in Turkey.29 As it was mentioned above, Gürel integrates the architectural analysis with the gender issue. In ‘Defining and living out the interior: the ‘modern’ apartment and the ‘urban’ housewife in Turkey during the 1950s and 1960s’, she questions the apartment as a place for women in terms of the Western concept of ‘happy housewife’. She analyzes the professional media and non-professional media to reveal the representation of the housewife interrelated to the modern apartment blocks. See: Gürel, Meltem Ö. “Defining and living out the interior: the ‘modern’ apartment and the ‘urban’ housewife in Turkey during the 1950s and 1960s.” Gender, Place and Culture 16.6, 2009, pp. 703-722.
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the analyses in this study according to mainly the two types of houses as apartment blocks and squatter houses.30
As mentioned above, the second axis of the literature that the study is based on is about the relation between media and architecture. While there have been a limited number of studies exploring the relationship between cartoon and architecture, this study also benefits from the literature that examines the connection between popular media and architectural history.
Visual representations of architecture in various forms of media, such as magazines, newspapers, films, television, and social media platforms, play a crucial role in shaping social values and perceptions. Professional periodicals, for example, present architectural products in a way that introduces them to the architects, engineers, and professionals in the field. These publications aim to educate and inform professionals about new trends and technologies in the industry, as well as to provide a platform for sharing ideas and opinions. These visual representations may be more technical in nature and may focus on the design process, the use of materials, or the technical aspects of construction. On the other hand, popular periodicals may present architecture in a way that promotes a certain way of living or a particular aesthetic. These publications may use visually appealing photographs and articles that evoke a certain lifestyle or idealized living environment. In addition to their aesthetic and entertainment value, visual representations of architecture in various forms of media also serve as historical documents that provide insights into social, political, and economic realities of the time. From the perspective of today's researchers, visual representations offer valuable information since they offer a window into the past, as it is the case for the analysis in this study that examines cartoons in order to evaluate architectural representations.
30 For further reading see: Altan, T. Elvan. “Modern Ankara’nın Yeniden İnşası Başlıyor: 1950’lerde Yeni Yaşam, Yeni Kent ve Rahmi Bediz-Demirtaş Kamçıl Bürosunun Konut Tasarımları.” Arredamento Mimarlık, 290, 2015, pp.90-96.; Aslan, Şükrü. 1 Mayıs Mahallesi: 1980 Öncesi Toplumsal Mücadeleler ve Kent. İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2004; Bozdoğan, Sibel, and Esra Akcan. Turkey: Modern Architectures in History. London: Reaktion Books, 2012; Demirtaş, Neslihan. Social Spatialisation in a Turkish Squatter Settlement: The Dualism of Strategy and Tactics Reconsidered. Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 2009; Güney, Yasemin İnce. “Spatial types in Ankara apartments.” Proceedings of the 5th International Symposium on Space Syntax. Vol. 1. 2005, pp. 623-634; Hart, Charles. Zeytinburnu Gecekondu Bölgesi. Translated by Nephan Saran. İstanbul: İstanbul Ticaret Odası Yayınları, 1969; Tanyeli, Uğur. İstanbul 1900-2000: Konutu ve Modernleşmeyi Metropolden Okumak. Akın Nalça, 2004; Tekeli, İlhan. Konut Sorununu Konut Sunum Biçimleriyle Düşünmek. Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, 2009; Tekeli, İlhan. “Türkiye'nin konut tarihine konut sunum biçimleri kavramını kullanarak yaklaşmak.” Konut Araştırmaları Sempozyumu, 2011, pp. 283-297; Tekeli, İlhan. Türkiye'de yaşamda ve yazında konutun öyküsü (1923-1980). Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, 2012; Tekeli İlhan et al. Gecekondulu Dolmuşlu İşportalı Şehir. 2.basım ed. İdealkent Yayınları, 2020.
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Architecture is not only formed of the built form as a physical existence, but it is also composed of discursive and visual understanding.31 For discursive and visual practices of architecture, media takes position through all professional, official, or popular tools. The media plays a crucial role in conveying information to the public, and the way information is presented can vary depending on the medium used. This means that the same information can be communicated in different ways through different media tools, which in turn can influence how the information is perceived and reacted to. In the context of architecture and media, there exists a reciprocal relationship where both sides have an impact on each other. The media has the power to shape architecture and influence societal perceptions and judgments about it. At the same time, these value judgments of the society also have an influence on architecture, creating a cycle of interaction and influence between the two. It is a complex relationship that operates in both directions.32
As significant for the frame of analysis in this study that examines representations of houses in cartoons, Colomina underlines the importance of the “media” and “housing” in terms of resembling the architecture of the time. As she states, first, architecture is generated through media tools such as publications, magazines, photographs, advertisements, exhibitions, competitions, fairs, etc. The other important concept for understanding the architecture of the era is the “housing” since it is accepted as one of the most efficient fields to examine the architectural ideas of the time.33 She also states that the twentieth century houses were either built for publications, exhibitions and fairs or they gained their effect and popularity through publications. The images of houses have a chance to circulate the world through different
31 Özkaya Turan, Belgin. “Visuality and architectural history.” In Rethinking Architectural Historiography, edited by Dana Arnold, Elvan Altan, and Belgin Turan Özkaya, Routledge, 2006, p. 183. For further information about this subject also see: Berger, Arthur Asa. Media Research Techniques. 2. ed., SAGE 1999, Berger, John. Ways of Seeing. BBC and Penguin, 1972; Colomina, Beatriz. Publicity and Privacy: Modern Architecture as Mass Media. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1994; McQuire, Scott. The Media City: Media Architecture and Urban Space. SAGE Publications 2014; Özkaya Turan, Belgin. Spaces of vision: architecture and visuality in the modern era, Architectural Theory Review, 12:1, 2007, pp. 2-7; Rattenbury, Kester. This Is Not Architecture: Media Constructions. Taylor & Francis 2005; Schwarzer, Mitchell. Zoomscape: Architecture in Motion and Media. 1st ed. Princeton Architectural Press 2004.
32 Modern print media tools that can be considered pioneers in the field of architecture accelerated and sustained the expansion of architecture as a cultural area. On one hand, architecture can be presented, represented, promoted, and narrated and a new lifestyle or a new outlook can be depicted through media tools. On the other hand, architecture is also both the object and subject of the media as reconstructed by media tools. In other words, the relationship between architecture and media seems simple when considered first but becomes complicated when considered deeply. Therefore, not only the effects on each other but also the complex network of relationships that they establish with each other is very important while examining the relationship between architecture and media.
33 Colomina, Beatriz. “The Media House.” Assemblage, Cambridge, 1995, p. 56.
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media tools that encourage the discussion on the design of domestic space. As Colomina states, the discussion on the house design affected the discussion on architecture and urban environment as well:34
…it is clear that the architects of this century have always actively engaged in an interdisciplinary discourse that uses the media to blur the line between high and low culture, art and commerce, and that the house is their polemical vehicle. To think about the architecture of the twentieth century will be to rethink the house/media interface.35
Studies focusing on the representation of housing in the media present various cases as exemplary of different frames of analyses. Ançel examines the representation of housing in Mimar and Arkitekt journals from 1931 to 1946.36 Dinçay tries to analyze the changes in the interior design of houses between 1960 and 2010. She aims to reveal the relationship between these changes and the socio-cultural dynamics. To do that, analyzing Turkish cinema is chosen as a methodology.37 Uludüz focuses on the apartment type of housing and tries to evaluate it through professional media. The main aim of the study is to examine the process of housing in the Turkish housing culture until the 1980s.38 Toprak aims to find out the best method among the methods of obtaining a project to solve the housing problem. Within the scope of the study, the competitions that have been opened since 1930 were examined through professional periodicals in which they were published.39 Popular magazines and
34 Ibid, p. 56.
35 Ibid, p. 64.
36 She analyzes both articles and projects in the mentioned journals. She underlines the archival mission of the media in terms of having information about the projects and discussions on housing since most of the houses from the 1930s do not exist anymore. This thesis is more of a summary of these journals. It does not include any critical approach to the effect of the media on architecture, housing, or social aspects. She mentions that there are not many studies focusing on the representation of housing in Mimar and Arkitekt journals particularly. Therefore, it can be seen as a source for further studies. See: Ançel, Özge. Mimar/Arkitekt Dergisinde Konut Sorununun Ele Alınışı: 1931-1946. Unpublished PhD Dissertation. Gazi Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, Ankara, 2008.
37 Dinçay, Demet Arslan. 1960-2010 Yılları Arasında İstanbul Kentli Konut İç Mekan Düzenlemelerini Türk Sineması Üzerinden Okumak. Unpublished PhD Dissertation. İstanbul Teknik Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, 2014.
38 Within the scope of the study, a digital and numerical database has been created beside the building ID card tables containing the information, floor plans and facades of the apartment blocks transferred to the CAD. This study has archival importance for revealing apartment blocks from the professional media and for transforming them into a digital source for further studies. See: Uludüz, Çağrı. Türkiye’de 1931-1980 Dönemi Apartman Konutlarının Mimar/Arkitekt Dergisi Üzerinden İrdelenmesi. Unpublished Master’s Thesis. Karadeniz Teknik Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, 2014.
39 These housing competitions are further elaborated through periodicals (Arkitekt, Mimarlık, Yapı, Arredamento Mimarlık), the specifications of the competitions and the booklets published after the
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advertisements were also studied in terms of their representation of architecture.40 Nonetheless, it is seen that several studies on the relation between media and architecture focus on Mimar/Arkitekt journal that was the first professional journal of architecture. While some of these studies concentrate on the written material, some focus on the visual data or both written and visual data may be studied together.41
Not only print media but also cinema offers a productive ground for discussing the relation between architecture and media. Cinema is an art form that reflects the political and socio-cultural changes in society, and it has a versatile relationship with architecture. It also uses architecture and the built environment as a visual tool to create a particular atmosphere or
competition. The literature review on the media and housing reveals that both professional and popular media were taken into consideration. These studies show that housing was a very popular subject for different kinds of media tools. See: Toprak, Gizem Kuçak. 1930 Yılından Günümüze Yarışma Projeleri İçinde Konut Mimarisine Yönelik Projelerin Yeri ve Değerlendirilmesi. Unpublished Master’s Thesis. Gazi Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, Ankara, 2013.
40 Kocaman, Enise. Türkiye’de Domestik Kültürün Değişimi: Yedigün Dergisi Üzerinden Bir İnceleme (1933-1940). Unpublished Master’s Thesis. İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, Lisansüstü Eğitimleri Enstitüsü, 2022; Özdemir, Emre. Modern Mimarlık Mitlerinin Üreticisi Olarak Reklam: ‘Mimarlık’ Dergisi Örneği. Unpublished Master’s Thesis. İstanbul Teknik Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, 2015; Theocharopoulou, Ioanna. “Architecture and Advertising: Terms of Exchange? Arts and Architecture 1944-1950.” Thresholds, 1999, pp. 6-11; Uz, Funda. Seksenler İstanbul’u Kentsel Söylemini Popüler Yazılı Medya Üzerinden Okumak. Unpublished PhD Dissertation. İstanbul Teknik Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, 2007.
41 Bakht, Nazlı. Analysis of the Limits of Representation of Architectural Photographic Images in Periodicals. Unpublished Master’s Thesis. Middle East Technical University, The Graduate School of Natural and Applied Sciences, 2007; Bükülmez, Cüneyt. 1930’larda Arkitekt Dergisi’nde Mimari Metinler. Unpublished Master’s Thesis. İstanbul Teknik Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, 2000; Ercanlı, Çağla. Erken Cumhuriyet Dönemi’nde Mimarlık, İdeoloji ve Fotoğraf İlişkisi: Arkitekt Kapakları. Unpublished Master’s Thesis. Dokuz Eylül Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, 2015; Evirgen, Özge. Süreli Yayınlarda Mimarlık Eleştirisi: “Mimarlık” Dergisi Örneği. Unpublished Master’s Thesis. İstanbul Teknik Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, 2018; Göloğlu, Sabiha. Analysing the Mimarlık journal: a study on architecture in Turkey in the 1980s. Unpublished Master's Thesis. Middle East Technical University, The Graduate School of Natural and Applied Sciences, 2011; Sert, Gül Berrak. A Survey on Photographic Representation in Architectural Magazine Covers: Covers of Arredamento Mimarlık. Unpublished Master’s Thesis, Middle East Technical University, The Graduate School of Natural and Applied Sciences, 2006.
Photography, as an important visual representation tool for both professional and popular medium, serves as an archival tool for evidence, documentation, and research, as well as an essential instrument for representing and reproducing architecture. Furthermore, photography is a vital element in the process of circulating, reproducing, and reshaping objects and images. Given the significance of visuality in modern life, photography plays a crucial role in how the architectural product is conceived and consumed. The characteristics of the photography makes images of buildings to be produced quickly. Thus, images of buildings get ahead of the spatial experiences and become one of the important documents for architectural historiography. See: Özkaya Turan, 2006, p. 184. For further reading see: Ackerman, James S. “On the origins of architectural photography” In This is Not Architecture, Media Constructions, edited by Kester Rattenbury, Routledge, London, 2002; Rosa, Joseph. “Architectural photography and the construction of modern architecture.” History of Photography 22.2, 1998; Szeman Imre and Susie O'Brien. Popular Culture: A User's Guide. Wiley Blackwell, 2018.
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mood. Movies offer a different perspective that cannot be derived from stable representations such as architectural drawings, images, or photographs.42
The literature on housing, and its place in professional and popular media forms a guiding approach for this study. is discussed. Nonetheless, the studies that concentrate on cartoons is as valuable in defining the approach of this study. Cartoons generally draw a frame that is directly related to the subject, which incorporated, in this case, the current issues or deficiencies that could be observed by the public. Therefore, they become important documents for observing what was represented to the public because those represented have two faces: It is possible to read them as the tools of power to demonstrate a common thought or to see them as the representation of public reaction. Architecture, architectural practices, and the urban image has been frequently used as a subject or as background images of cartoons. Cartoons generally become the subject of academic studies in political science, communication, and journalism fields. However, there are not enough academic studies dealing with the intersection of architecture, architectural history and cartoons that could offer many new narratives.
One of the rare studies on cartoons in the field of architecture is “Kentsel Modernleşmeye Mizahi Yaklaşımlar” written by Yaprak Tütün as a master thesis in 2004, another one is “Karikatürün Hedef Nesnesi Olarak Modern Mimarlığın ‘Kübik Ev’ Üzerinden Eleştirisi” written by Deniz Dokgöz as a doctoral thesis in 2012, and the last one is “Mizah Dergilerinde Erken Cumhuriyet Dönemi Kenti” written by Hakan Keleş as a master thesis in 2013.
42 Atacan, Aylin. Modern Mimarlıkta Yabancılaşma Sorunu; Jacques Tati Filmleri. Unpublished Master’s Thesis. Gazi Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, 2012; Özkaya Turan, Belgin. “Visuality and architectural history.” In Rethinking Architectural Historiography, edited by Dana Arnold, Elvan Altan, and Belgin Turan Özkaya, Routledge, 2006, pp. 183-199; Sözen, Gülçe. Stanley Kubrick ve Mimarlık Eleştirisi: Otomatik Portakal. Unpublished Master’s Thesis. Gazi Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, 2017; Şumnu, Umut. “Önemli Bir Mimarlık Belgeleme Aracı Olarak Sinema Filmleri: Sivri Akıllılar Filmi ve Nebioğlu Tatil Köyü”. Sanat Yazıları, 2017, pp. 349 – 360.
For further information also see: Dimendberg, Edward. “In ordinary time: considerations on a video installation by Inigo Manglano Ovalle and the New National Gallery in Berlin by Mies van der Rohe.” In Rethinking Architectural Historiography edited by Dana Arnold, Elvan Altan, Belgin Turan Özkaya, Routledge, 2006, pp. 110-120; Koeck, Richard. Cine-Scapes: Cinematic Spaces in Architecture and Cities. Routledge 2013; Pallasmaa, Juhani. The Architecture of Image: Existential Space in Cinema. 2nd ed. Rakennustieto 2007; Penz, François et al. Cinema & Architecture: Méliès Mallet-Stevens Multimedia. British Film Institute 1997; Pınar, Ekin. “The Place of Women’s Filmmaking in an Interdisciplinary Architecture Course.” Open Screens, 5.2, 2023, pp. 1-15.
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“Kentsel Modernleşmeye Mizahi Yaklaşımlar (1908-1923)”43 is a compilation of the cartoons published in the humor magazines in the late Ottoman period from 1908 to 1922. The focus of this study is on cartoons specifically related to İstanbul, as the city dominated the media landscape during that time. Tütün examines how cartoons reflect and express societal concerns about modernization. According to Tütün, cartoons not only depict reality but also incorporate elements of imagination, resulting in intriguing perspectives on urban life. Through their visual nature, cartoons provide a direct glimpse into the perceptions of individuals, showcasing the complaints, criticisms, desires, worries, and fears of İstanbul's residents during that period.
Tütün argues that by exploring these diverse visual styles, cartoons play a crucial role in understanding how the city was evaluated by its inhabitants. Additionally, Tütün reveals that late Ottoman cartoons displayed a tendency to criticize authority while remaining relatively silent on religious matters, contrasting with the Early Republican Period where religious issues were also addressed. The study categorizes the cartoons into five sub-themes: municipality-related issues, transportation, communication, domestic life, including maids, and public spaces.
On the other hand, “Karikatürün Hedef Nesnesi Olarak Modern Mimarlığın ‘Kübik Ev’ Üzerinden Eleştirisi”44 mainly focuses on the cartoons from the early Republican period. Dokgöz's research focuses on the portrayal of the “Cubic House” concept in cartoons published in humor magazines, aiming to shed light on how the formal language of modern architecture was interpreted through this artistic medium. According to Dokgöz, cartoons from the early Republican period did not oppose the institutions or the efforts of the newly established Republic. Instead, they offered protection and support while engaging in political criticism. These cartoons primarily targeted aspects such as architectural style, municipal development, urbanization, and daily life as avenues for political criticism. In order to maintain their support for the Republican authority, cartoons predominantly addressed civil architecture, avoiding direct commentary on public architecture, which had stronger ties to the authority. The cartoons can be seen as a criticism of the concept of space created through modern architecture, particularly in relation to housing.
43 Tütün, Yaprak. Kentsel Modernleşmeye Mizahi Yaklaşımlar (1908-1923). Unpublished Master’s Thesis. Yıldız Teknik Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, 2004. 44 Dokgöz, Deniz. Karikatürün Hedef Nesnesi Olarak Modern Mimarlığın “Kübik Ev” Üzerinden Eleştirisi. Unpublished PhD Dissertation, Dokuz Eylül Üniversitesi Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, 2012.
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Dokgöz's study aims to analyze how the perception of modern/cubic housing and its depiction in cartoons are influenced by architectural symbols and icons. By examining these cartoons, the research offers insights into the perception of modernism as a formalistic problem. In this context, the thesis anticipates the criticism of modern architectural production through the lens of popular media. The methodology employed in this thesis follows a visual reading framework. The study compares examples of modern houses published in the Mimar/Arkitekt periodical in the early Republican period, whether they were constructed or not, with cartoons found in humor magazines that critically portray houses. Through this comparative analysis, a visual representation of the era emerges as the architectural products intersect with the themes represented in the cartoons. This approach allows for a comprehensive understanding of the period by examining the relationship between architectural representations and their satirical counterparts.
“Mizah Dergilerinde Erken Cumhuriyet Dönemi Kenti”45 discusses how the transformation of cities and its process was perceived and discussed in humor magazines. The primary objective of this thesis is to explore the impact of urban transformation on the society, particularly on the primary users who had limited influence in shaping the city. The goal is to understand how these changes influenced perceptions of the city. Keleş aims to uncover the disparities between the idealized city image propagated by authorities, architects, and planners, and the perspectives of the general public. The study seeks to intersect professional and public opinions to gain a comprehensive understanding. To achieve this, humor magazines are identified as a significant medium due to their wide reach and cartoons being one of the most accessible forms of artistic expression.
The existing literature reveals a limited number of studies that utilize cartoons as a medium for gaining new insights into architectural history. Previous studies primarily focused on either the late Ottoman or early Republican periods. Studies pertaining to the early Republican period indicate that even cartoons, known for their critical nature, were supportive of the ruling elites during that time. Their main targets were local governments and their activities. However, the atmosphere began to shift from the 1950s onwards. Factors such as the transition from a single party to a multi-party system, the impact of the Second World War, rapid urbanization and its results in the cities and housing pattern brought about changes in the subjects of cartoons. As 45 Keleş, Hakan. Mizah Dergilerinde Erken Cumhuriyet Dönemi Kenti. Unpublished Master’s Thesis. İstanbul Teknik Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, 2013.
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a result, cartoons in the post-war period possessed a greater potential for expressing critical viewpoints and discussing societal issues.
The existing literature primarily examines cartoons in humor magazines. However, as will be examined in this study, daily newspapers are also significant mediums to analyze the relation between media and architecture. Daily newspapers, published regularly, contain cartoons that are directly linked to current events, making them a valuable source for understanding the prevailing public opinion. It is worth noting that these cartoons are closely tied to the ideological stance of the newspaper, whether it is supportive or critical of the authority. In contrast, humor magazines generally adopt an oppositional stance towards the prevailing authority of the period.
While previous studies primarily focused on the early Republican period and analyzed the formal aspects of the so-called cubic houses of that period, this study seeks to examine the housing production of the post-war era from various perspectives, including not only formal/architectural and urban but also social, political, and economic aspects, aiming to provide a comprehensive understanding of the post-war housing production in Turkey also in relation to its critical perception in the society.
This dissertation going beyond mere categorization and cataloging of housing-related cartoons between 1950 and 1984, this study acknowledges that analyzing housing representation through cartoons cannot capture the entirety of history, but it offers a fresh perspective by leveraging two distinct characteristics of cartoons: visual communication and criticality. The use of cartoons, as opposed to more formal or professional sources like documents or novels, stems from these unique attributes. One primary distinction of cartoons is their ability to convey messages visually, using simplicity and easy comprehension to highlight specific aspects. Furthermore, cartoons are not created by professionals of architecture, but by individuals who are part of the very problems being criticized. This aspect contributes to the critical nature, which is their second defining feature.
Cartoon is a symbol of opposition to all kinds of administrative positions and power. It establishes a visual communication that conveys its criticism of daily life to the reader as a message with the images defined through symbolic codes. These codes are the result of abstractions made by the cartoonist through his/her observations. Along with these abstractions, the cartoonist communicates with the reader through symbols that can be easily understood by the public. These symbols, accepted by the public, become embedded in visual
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memory as they are repeated by other different cartoonists. Thus, some terms and concepts have a visual equivalent in cartoons. Such abstracted images may be produced at the national or international level. For example, a dove or an olive branch symbolizes peace all over the world, while politicians are represented by bowler hats and tuxedos, and these images are equally understood everywhere, regardless of published geography. Similarly, in the context of Turkey, rich, poor, modern, traditional, squatter house or apartment concepts and assets are reduced to certain images, allowing the reader to perceive the subject of the cartoon comfortably and to grasp the criticism made accordingly.46
From this perspective, the study aims to explore the underlying meanings of cartoons, which reveal criticism through visually expressive images and symbols created with abstractions. The focus is on cartoons related to housing, gathered from newspapers and magazines, which are then analyzed as a critical medium according to thematic groupings. The analysis and evaluation of cartoons, as historical documents that had interpretative and critical approach themselves, serve as the basis to define the thematic framework of the study.
During the examination of a cartoon, its initial visual impact is discussed, followed by an exploration of the criticisms that it conveys. Essentially, cartoons encapsulate the perspective and criticism of their creators. While some meanings may be apparent and universally understood at first glance, readers may also interpret additional layers of meaning based on their individual perspectives.
Cartoons stand out for their ability to respond to events and issues rapidly and spontaneously, making them a distinctive medium for commentary. In addition to this, cartoonist also touches upon popular topics that have already been under discussion in society, thereby eliciting swift responses. In essence, cartoons bring to light the issues that are currently relevant and widely criticized by a significant part of society. This, in turn, proves that cartoons represent most problematic issues discussed in and faced by the society.
Considering all these, an analysis made on the cartoons is valuable in that it makes it possible to use the social perspective in history writing. The images produced by the cartoons not only
46 For further information see: Dokgöz, G. Deniz. "Erken Cumhuriyet dönemi konut mimarlığının dönüşümü." Betonart, no.36, 2013, pp. 46-51; Dokgöz, G. Deniz. "Görsel İmgeler ve Karikatürler Arakesitinde “Ankara Construit”," Art-e Sanat Dergisi, vol.15, no.30, 2022, pp. 1521-1549.
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make them easy to be understood by the society, but also become a tool for providing connections among disciplines while writing the history of a specific geography.
It is important to keep in mind that all media sources act as mediators in one way or another. Berger asserts that an image is a visual representation that has been reconstructed or replicated, and each image encapsulates a unique perspective.47 Additionally, it is essential to acknowledge that none of these sources can portray reality entirely objectively. They may have been produced and presented in a way that aligns with the viewpoints and opinions of the individual or the media organization. Therefore, it is essential to view media representations of architecture through a critical lens, examining the underlying motivations and biases that may influence the portrayal of architectural products.
1.3. Organization
This dissertation consists of four chapters, including an introduction and a conclusion. Chapter 2 titled “Cartoons as a Representation Medium” defines the theoretical framework of the study, examining the potential of cartoons as a valuable source for architectural history. This chapter is divided into four main sub-titles: “Cartoon: Definition and History”, “Cartoon as a Visual Communication Tool”, “Cartoon as a Critical Tool” and “Cartoon as a Representation Medium in Turkey”. The chapter begins by discussing the significance of cartoons, explaining different definitions and general historical background then highlighting their dual role as visual representation tools and critical tools. These characteristics underscore the potential of cartoons as a valuable material for academic study. The latter part of Chapter 2 provides a brief history of cartoons in Turkey, laying the foundation for the subsequent exploration of the main arguments expressed in cartoons related to housing between 1950 and the mid-1980s. This chapter provides a basis and prepares the reader for the forthcoming section of the dissertation that forms the main focus of analysis.
Chapter 3 titled “Mid-Twentieth Century Housing in Turkey in Cartoons” is divided into three main sub-titles: “Housing in Mid-Twentieth Century Turkey: Urbanization and Housing
47 This is exemplified in photography, where the photographer's chosen viewpoint is captured from an extensive array of other potential viewpoints. The photographer's perspective is conveyed through their selection of subject matter. Similarly, a painter's interpretation is reconstructed through their brushstrokes on the canvas or paper. While every image embodies a distinct way of seeing, our understanding or perception of the image is influenced by our own experiences and perspectives. See: Berger, John. Ways of Seeing. BBC and Penguin, 1972, pp. 9-10.
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Production”, “Actors of Housing Production” and “Housing Types of Urbanization”. The first part focuses on the urbanization and housing production by taking housing problem as the main concept. It continues with the socio-political and economic context of Turkey in relation to the housing issues, and then explores how housing in Turkey is portrayed as a problem in the cartoons of the period. “Actors of Housing Production” examines how the roles of actors of politicians, landlords, contractors, tenants, and newcomers to the city, are portrayed in cartoons in relation to the housing phenomenon. The selection of cartoons prioritizes those that depict these actors in connection with housing production. “Housing Types of Urbanization” examines apartment blocks and squatter houses as the dominant forms of housing production during that period. Subsequently, the representations of these housing types in the cartoons are analyzed by taking the dichotomy between them into consideration, and evaluating the concluding formal/architectural, urban, and social comparisons of mid-twentieth century housing production in Turkey as represented and thus criticized in contemporary cartoons.
Finally, Chapter 4 concludes this dissertation with the outcomes and interpretations of the analysis of the cartoons representing the mid-twentieth century housing in Turkey, and with the suggestions for further research on the subject.
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CHAPTER 2
2. CARTOON AS A REPRESENTATION MEDIUM
Cartoon is the art of stabbing in a
sudden strike between the ribs of the victim
while he still admires the decoration of the blade.
Ronald Searle48
This section serves as the foundation for the entire study, providing clarifications and explanations for the main themes related to understanding the cartoons as a representation medium. Its aim is to make sense of the use of cartoons in the study of architectural history. Therefore, this chapter begins with a discussion of the definitions and a brief history of cartoons, which are the primary focus of the research. Upon reviewing the literature on cartoons, it becomes apparent that they possess significant features beyond their association with humor. Consequently, this study delves into a thorough examination of the characteristics of cartoons as both critical tools and forms of visual communication. This analysis forms the framework upon which the study is built. Subsequently, considering the specific focus of this study on Turkey from the 1950s to the mid-1980s, the narrative of cartoons in Turkey will be briefly outlined.
2.1. Cartoon: Definition and History
Cartoon has been the subject of various definitions provided by scholars across different disciplines, each highlighting specific attributes associated with it. Although there exists a range of definitions, certain key aspects are commonly shared. Broadly speaking, cartoons are
48 Cited by Oral, Tan. “Politika ve Çizerler.” In Karikatür ve Siyaset, 7. Uluslararası Karikatür Festivali Bildiriler Kitabı (4-8 Mayıs 2001), edited by Özge Kayakutlu et al. Karikatür Vakfı Yayınları, Ankara, 2001, p. 17.
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regarded as a form of visual communication through which cartoonists engage with their readership using drawings. Additionally, cartoon transcends mere humor and possesses a more profound purpose and objective, being widely recognized as a critical tool. In fact, cartoon's primary function is considered to be critical rather than solely comedic. What sets cartoons apart is their ability to shape public opinion by leveraging their formal characteristics, while simultaneously reflecting and echoing existing public sentiment through the art of satire. Thus, this chapter aims to begin by exploring different definitions and the historical evolution of cartoon in a general context. Subsequently, it will delve into an examination of the role of cartoons as a critical and visual communication tool in the representation and, consequently, the shaping of public opinion.
Cartoons serve as both an art and a popular form with significant sociological impacts. As a popular form, they act as an agent of socialization and help to disseminate cultural values, norms, beliefs, and rules. They are a vital sociological phenomenon that affects various aspects of everyday communication, such as cultural iconography, contemporary folklore, and mythology, and even areas like advertising and politics.49
Cartoon, as an art form, is highly influenced by the characteristics of its time and place. It serves as a reflective mirror, capturing the essence of its era. The content of a cartoon is a manifestation of the artist's perspective and, consequently, a reflection of the society in which the artist is immersed. By publishing cartoons in magazines or newspapers, the artist shares their intended message with the public. While the public reception of the cartoon may vary, it is essential to note that cartoons typically address topics relevant to the society. As the cartoon reaches the reader, it assumes the role of a historical source, capturing the essence of the period in which it was created.
The cartoons and humor magazines are objects of popular culture, and thus representative of the society as other media. Magazines, especially humor magazines, have the potential to give ideas about the society because they usually take their materials from daily life of the public. However, it is always important to remember that they also reflect the opinion of both the cartoonist and the magazine itself.
49 Mutlu, Erol. “Karikatür ve İletişim.” In Karikatür ve İletişim, 2. Uluslararası Karikatür Festivali Bildiriler Kitabı (10-14 Mayıs 1996), edited by. Nezih Danyal et al. Karikatür Vakfı Yayınları, Ankara, 1996, p. 30.
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Cartoons can be considered a valuable medium for contributing to architectural historiography not only for being a non-professional media tool but also due to including an interpretation that could be evaluated in academic terms. Cartoons have a potential to reveal the public perception and cognition of civil architecture since they are free from the rulers’ control and have an antagonist characteristic.
Cartoonists are under the influence of many events and thoughts. They witness events either directly or through the media, and various comments and thoughts are conveyed to them through these channels. Cartoonists are first of all receivers. They choose among the events and sources of thought reflected on them. Cartoonists design a work that brings together all the events and thoughts that fall within their field. Thus, they create an icon and reflect this symbol in the cartoon called graphic humor.50 This unique role of cartoonists both as a receiver and a transmitter of daily events and thoughts, makes them important witnesses to their age. According to Popkin, both historians and art scholars are recognizing the importance of visual images as a valuable source for understanding a particular era's worldview. He emphasizes that graphic art and cartoons, in particular, are exceptional resources for comprehending significant transformations or turning points in societies. This is because they are produced quickly, often in the midst of events, and offer unique insights into the prevailing attitudes and beliefs of the time. Although the messages conveyed through cartoons are similar to those communicated through other media of the period, their visual nature gives them greater impact as no formal education is required to comprehend them. In other words, they can be easily understood by people from all walks of life.51 Therefore, it makes cartoons a unique source for historiography.
It is important to note that cartoonists are typically employed by magazines or newspapers. While humor magazines that are not associated with the state or any specific group may have greater independence, all cartoonists generally align with the editorial stance of their respective organizations. Therefore, when evaluating cartoons from a particular period, it is important to consider these contextual factors.
50 Özen, Bora. Karikatürün Tarihi ve Karikatürün Grafik Sanatlarla İlişkisi. Yayınlanmamış Yüksek Lisans Tezi. Marmara Üniversitesi Güzel Sanatlar Enstitüsü, 2003, p. 14. 51 Popkin, Jeremy D. “Pictures in a Revolution: Recent Publications on Graphic Art in France, 1789-1799.” Eighteenth-century Studies 24.2, 1990, p. 251, pp. 254-255.
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The term ‘caricature’ was used at the beginning synonym to term ‘cartoon’, and it comes from ‘caricare’ that means ‘to overload’ in Latin and stems from ‘carattere’ that means ‘character’ in the Italian language.52 It is claimed that the word “caricature” was first used in 1646 either by Annibale Carracci in his book Arti di Bologna or by Mosini, who wrote the preface to the same book. Gökçe says that the caricature comes from the word ‘caricare’, which etymologically means ‘attack’. However, according to him, caricature/cartoon does not attack but, on the contrary, ironizes and brings attention to and sheds light on a particular subject or event.53 Balcıoğlu and Öngören also underline that “cari-care”, which is the origin of the word caricature, means “attack”. Cartoon has been always an art that primarily deals with social problems and is completely community-oriented and co-existing with the community.54
French language does not have a specific term for “cartoonist”. In French, all cartoonists are called “cartoonists” or “dessinateurs humoristiques,” while in English, they are called “caricaturists” or “cartoonists.” The word “cartoonist” first appeared in 1843 when John Leech drew a social caricature and wrote “Cartoon N:1” under it, which was published in Punch magazine that year. Following this, such works started to be called cartoons. Over time, the term cartoon has gained a broader meaning, referring to all sorts of humorous drawings in comic books, comic magazines, animated films, and even funny illustrations in newspapers, books, and magazines. However, the usage of these terms varies across different languages and geographies, sometimes used interchangeably, and sometimes with different connotations.55
Cartoons are the medium of cartoonists to communicate with their readers with an image or drawing that is combined with words and/or captions,56 although the density of captions and/or words change. While in some cartoons, messages are given by captions, in others, images are enough to transmit their aims. On some occasions, cartoons’ images and captions can reveal different messages as well. 52 Topuz, Hıfzı. İletişimde Karikatür ve Toplum. Anadolu Üniversitesi, 1986, p. 7.
53 Şenyapılı, 2003, p. 14. (Şenyapılı gives reference for the interview as following: R. Cen, “Ramizle Bir Konuşma”, İste Babıali, Şubat, 1952)
54 Balcıoğlu Semih and Ferit Öngören. 50 Yılın Türk Mizah ve Karikatürü. 3. baskı ed., 1976, p. 7.
55 Topuz, Hıfzı. “Karikatürde Terminoloji Sorunu.” In Sanatta Karikatür, 3. Uluslararası Karikatür Festivali Bildiriler Kitabı (9-13 Mayıs 1997), edited by Yusuf Eradam et al. Karikatür Vakfı Yayınları, Ankara, 1997, pp. 9-11. 56 Streicher, Lawrence H. “On a theory of political caricature.” Comparative Studies in Society and History 9.4, 1967, p. 431.
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The definitions of the cartoon have changed in line with the developments in its history. Initially, it was defined as only exaggerated portraits of people. Today, it is even argued that the cartoon, which takes its subject from any event related to human beings, cannot be defined precisely because of this wide perspective.57 However, there are still various definitions of the cartoon. According to Bal, the cartoon can be defined as “the exaggeration of difference in an object of empathy so as to reveal a gap between image and reality”.58 Turan also defines it as an exaggerated depiction of some features of a certain person or a human type without paying attention to the details (usually ridiculously).59
Kar gathers various definitions of the cartoon in his book Karikatür Sanatı. As stated there, Faruk Çağla defines the cartoon as an art that gives its messages to humanity without considering language, religion, race, nation, age, or tendencies. Nezih Danyal considers it a universal language. According to Şadi Dinççağ and Turhan Selçuk, a cartoon is making humor with the line. Şadi Dinççağ believes that cartoon is accepted as art after the text is abandoned because only this way cartoon can have a universal language. İsmail Gülgeç says that cartoon is the most naive and simple version of visual arts. Çetin Altan glorifies cartoon and defines it as a talismanic art. İlhan Selçuk thinks that cartoon is a way to reach the geometry of the line from the abstraction of humor. For Demirtaş Ceyhun, cartoon is knowing how to make the line speak. While Semih Poroy states that cartoon is an art made by the line, according to Orhan Veli it is an art of line that has its own expression. Abidin Dino underlines the advantage of cartoon, and he mentions that cartoon is the easiest way to reach a larger audience, so it is a much more powerful weapon than literature, poem, and painting. According to Mustafa Doğruer, cartoon is first and foremost a fighting tool in defending the good, the truth and the beautiful. Moreover, Cenap Şehabettin says that it is the full appearance of the truth.60 In addition to these definitions, Kar also defines the cartoonist as a very intelligent, well-informed, brilliant, and creative artist who reflects upon the social issues, contrasts, contradictions, and the people who struggle to survive these problems.61
57 Doğan, Ferruh. “Önsöz”, Hürriyet Gösteri Dergisi, Eylül, 1983, p. 68.
58 Bal, Anjali Suniti, et al. “Caricatures, cartoons, spoofs and satires: political brands as butts.” Journal of Public Affairs: An International Journal 9.4, 2009, p. 233.
59 Turan, Oğuz. Karikatürler Basında Çizgi Sanatı. Ankara Gazeteciler Cemiyeti Yayını, 1975, p. 10.
60 Kar, İsmail. Karikatür Sanatı. 1. baskı ed. T.C. Kültür Bakanlığı, 1999, pp. 18-23.
61 Ibid., p. 51.
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According to Alsaç, cartoon is the art of capturing the ridiculous, contradictory aspects of people, entities, events, even feelings and thoughts, and turning them into a humorous expression with exaggerated drawings, sometimes supported by writing.62 According to Oral, humor and thus cartoon is a spontaneous reaction. It is functional and real because it is an instant reaction.63 Cartoon and humor have sought to juxtapose contrasting elements at every moment and in every context. This serves the purpose of making the opposing side aware of its own existence. In other words, the primary characteristic of cartoon is its contrarian nature, which must continually be made evident. Its purpose is not to fulfill a specific function, but rather to challenge and counteract the prevailing current, rather than serving a particular need.64
According to Topuz, the cartoon is the essence of a situation, instantiation, and micro scene of everyday life. It captures and understands the key moments of life.65 Özer defines the cartoon as line-humor. It is a sarcastic and stimulating art with a laughing element. It also criticizes, realizes, and reveals the contradictions in the society and makes the reader think while laughing.66 According to Çeviker, cartoon is the predator of phenomenon that makes life uglier in general.67 Öngören claims that cartoon emerges either by bringing unusual groups into the usual image or by displaying ordinary situations in an image that does not exist in ordinary daily life.68
As mentioned earlier, cartoons often include captions that complement visual elements. These captions serve as the descriptive and narrative component of cartoons, allowing cartoonists to convey additional information that may not be apparent solely through drawings. Captions can take various forms, such as proverbs, sayings, names, compound words, excerpts from well-known poems, or popular quotes relevant to the context. They can also include headlines, dialogues, or textual explanations. When examining a cartoon, the reader's attention is typically drawn to the visual depiction first, followed by the accompanying caption. Together,
62 Alsaç, 1994, p. 7.
63 Oral, 1998, p. 34.
64 Ibid., p. 47.
65 Topuz, 1986, p. 3.
66 Özer, Atilla. İletişimin Çizgi Dili KARİKATÜR. Eskişehir, Anadolu Üniversitesi Yayınları, 1994, p. 2.
67 Çeviker, Turgut. Karikatür Üzerine Yazılar. 1. baskı ed. İris, 1997, p. 21.
68 Öngören, Ferit. Cumhuriyet'in 75. yılında Türk mizahı ve hicvi. Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları, 1998, p. 37.
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the visual and textual elements create a harmonious whole, with the caption providing a valuable complement to the overall message conveyed by the cartoon.69
The origins of cartoon can be traced back to the Paleolithic Age, where early drawings resembling cartoons have been discovered. Notable examples include stone engravings found in various locations such as the Three Brothers Cave in Areiege, France, the Ramigia Caves in Cueva, Eastern Spain, the Casuble Strait in Castellon, and the Rocks of Tassili in Algeria. These engravings depict figures that can be interpreted as early forms of cartoons. Some portray individuals wearing animal skin masks, while others depict comical or exaggerated animals. The exact purpose behind these Paleolithic drawings remains unknown. However, Özer argues that it is reasonable to consider the creators of these drawings as the ancestors of cartoonists. Even during the Neolithic Age, artists continued to incorporate humorous and exaggerated elements in their depictions, as seen in the humorous patterns found on vases and frescoes.70
The presence of cartoon can be traced back to ancient Egypt, in addition to the Paleolithic and Neolithic eras. This departure from the highly realistic portrayal seen in other Egyptian paintings of the period is characterized by striking deformations, showcasing a distinct artistic approach. Moreover, Özer points out that exaggerated portrait cartoons were also prevalent in Greek, Roman, and Chinese art. Additionally, the earliest instances of comic storytelling can be found in the traditions of Egypt and India.71 Cartoon developed and became widespread in Italy in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The first paintings close to cartoons were drawings of Annibale Caracci aimed at specific environments. The cartoon emerged as a result of a game in the Caracci brothers' workshop. In these drawings based on portrait deformation, the faces of the people drawn were likened to animals or inanimate objects.72
During this period, notable figures in the art of cartoon included Annibale Caracci (Figure 2.5), Agostino Caracci (Figure 2.6), Giseppe Arcimboldo, and Berrini. It was during this time that T. Browne, who migrated from Venice to England in 1690, began using the term
69 Özen, 2003, p. 20.
70 Özer, 1994, p. 8. For further information about the early examples of cartoons see: Göker, Yurdagün. “Mizah ve Karikatürün Arkeolojisi.” In Gülmenin Arkeolojisi ve Medyada Mizah Olgusu, edited by Önder Barlı, 2011, pp. 19-40.
71 Özer, 1994, p. 8.
72 Özen, 2003, pp. 3-4.
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“caricature” in the English language, establishing its usage. The early establishment of a democratic regime in Britain compared to other European states played a significant role in the development, acceptance, and popularization of cartoon art in England.73 Cartoon found its development in England, the first industrialized country that embodied the spirit of the Industrial Age. While it initially arrived from Italy as a form of entertainment for the nobility in the seventeenth century, it was William Hogarth who is recognized as the pioneer of true cartoon. Through his engraved prints, Hogarth went beyond merely distorting human images and instead revealed the contradictions in human behavior, setting the stage for the evolution of cartoon as a form of social commentary (Figure 2.7).74 With the invention of the printing machine, cartoons became widespread. Thus, a cartoon could have several hundred copies at a time. In the 1400s, German engraver E.S., Dutch painter Jerome Bosch and Flemish painter Brueghel reproduced examples of cartoon art with printing machines.75
Figure 2.1 : Drawing of Annibale Caracci, 1575 - 1609.
(Source: https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/P_Pp-3-17)
73 Ibid. p. 4, he gives reference to Gombrich, E.H. Sanat ve Yanılsama, Remzi Kitabevi, İstanbul, 1992, p. 331.
74 Ibid., p. 4.
75 Özer also adds that Leonarda da Vinci and Rembrandt are the greatest cartoon masters of their age. Meanwhile, in Italy, Giuseppe Arcimboldo (1527-1593), Carracci Brothers (1557-1602 and 1560-1609), Bernini (1598-1680), Pier Leone Chezzii (1674-1755), Giovanni Tiepolo (1696-1770), Jacques Callot (1592-1635), Holbein (1497-1547) in Germany, Rabelais (1494-1555) in France, Jean Jagues Boissard (1528-1602), Abraham Bosse (1602-1676), William Hogarth in England (1697-1964), James Gillary (1757-1815), Thomas Rowlandson (1756-1827) are also important figures for the art of cartoon. See: Özer, 1994, pp. 8-9.
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Figure 2.2 : Drawing of Agostino Carracci, 1507-1602.
(Source: https://artuk.org/discover/artworks/sheet-of-caricature-heads-236020)
Figure 2.3 : Drawing of William Hogarth.
(Source: Topuz, 1986, p. 2.)
With the development of the printing machine, the publishing sector also developed. Accordingly, magazines and newspaper publications started to multiply. A new era began in the history of cartoon with La Caricature, the first cartoon magazine published in France in 1830, and Charivari, which followed it two years later (Figure 2.8). Punch in Britain (1841), Fligende Blatter in Germany (1844), Fischietto in Italy (1847), Figaro in Austria (1857), Harper’s Weekly in the USA (1857) and Indian Punch in India (1857) were pioneer humor magazines of this period.76
76 Ibid., p. 9.
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Figure 2.4 : A famous cartoon from Le Charivari.
(Source: Topuz, 1985, p. 4.)
Cartoon, initially limited to portraiture in the seventeenth century, eventually evolved to encompass narrative elements. These narrative cartoons, often accompanied by captions or subtitles, served to illustrate anecdotes. In such instances, the drawing played a supporting role to the text, rendering the text indispensable for interpreting the drawing. While removing the text rendered the drawing meaningless, the text itself retained its significance even without the accompanying drawing. Until the onset of the Second World War, cartoon predominantly prioritized the textual aspect. However, after the war, the form and content of cartoon began to exhibit variations. A pivotal moment came with the publication of the cartoon album All in Line in 1945 by Saul Steinberg, an artist and architect of Romanian origin. This album marked the emergence of modern graphic humor. Cartoonists, inspired by Steinberg's work, started exploring new approaches by simplifying lines, removing text, and selecting striking, surprising, unconventional, and sometimes grotesque subjects. Renowned cartoonists such as Adolf Oberländer, Heinrich Kley, Georg Grosz, and Kubin in Germany, Leslie Starke, Hoffnung, and Ronald Searle in England, as well as Maurice Henry and Jean Effel in France, were among the pioneers who ventured into textless cartoon drawing.77
The discussions on whether cartoon is an art or not ended after Steinberg, and cartoon evolved into graphic humor art and became accepted as an independent art.78 Cartoon was no longer just a humorous or critical event as it used to be. It became an indispensable form of
77 Ibid., p. 10; Özen, 2003, p. 7.
78 Özen, 2003, p. 11.
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communication and creation that brings together humor and criticism, examining current events, while studying psychology, history, biology, religion, and sexuality.79
2.2. Cartoon as a Visual Communication Tool
Images are always one of the most important mediums in daily communication. It is known that visualization of information helps people understand and internalize the message that is thus transmitted in a better way. Morris says that “Cartoons, condense the complex to the simple, the unique to the archetype, and the enduring to the climactic.”80 What is important in this visualization process is the creation and application of visual metaphors. To be understood by everyone, these visual metaphors should be familiar and clear for every viewer. The potent emotional impact of images, when paired with a critical examination of social or political conduct, effectively capture the culture, society, and daily life of the era in which they were produced.81 Coupe claims that images have much more impact on those who are less educated and sophisticated since they are created to be understood by even those who cannot read and can only look at the images and comprehend them.82
What makes a cartoon different from an image, photograph or a standard drawing is its humorous character. Messages given together with humor can reach and be effective for a wider audience. Topuz claims that 95% of newspaper readers first browse cartoons, and this rate proves the impact of their prevalence on society.83 Therefore, cartoons, which are also created images by members of society who take their subject from society, are very important communication tools. This communication between a cartoonist and society talks about the specific historical context, thus making cartoons also an effective source for historiography.
According to Topuz, the communicative function of cartoons can be easily explained: From a communication perspective, a cartoon is a humor-filled message that is conveyed through
79 Burian, Xavier, “Çizgisel Güldürü.” Gül Diken Dergisi, 1993, p. 2.
80 Morris, Ray. “Visual rhetoric in political cartoons: A structuralist approach.” Metaphor and symbol 8.3, 1993, p. 200.
81 Ginman, Mariam, and Sara von Ungern-Sternberg. “Cartoons as information.” Journal of Information Science 29.1, 2003, pp. 69-70 82 Coupe, William A. “Observations on a theory of political caricature.” Comparative Studies in Society and History 11.1, 1969, pp. 83-84.
83 Topuz, 1986, p. 72.
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pictures. Cartoonists use various sources such as personal reflections, observations, written materials, and events to create symbols. These symbols are then transformed into lines and sometimes accompanied by a few words, reflecting the cartoonist's humorous approach and personal style. The completed cartoon is then submitted to the press and subsequently conveyed to the audience. The audience may respond to the cartoon by showing it to others, smiling, telling their thoughts to someone else or writing to the newspaper. It is up to the cartoonist to be influenced or not by the feedback received.84
Evija Zaca also focuses on the role of humor in communication. She defines cartoon as the visual reproduction of humor and therefore of communication. She also underlines that, in the modern world, visual tools have much more power than verbal expressions. Therefore, cartoons become an important media tool in terms of communication with the public in general. Zaca describes the cartoon as the most difficult communication tool of humor since it represents everything by image. Even if there is a caption, it has a meaning only together with the image.85 Moreover, when the cartoon is considered a communication tool, it is important to underline that there is no chance to use gestures, mimic or show emotions in it. Therefore, the image itself, sometimes with the accompanying text, should be able to do everything by itself.
Zaca also defines cartoon as “a distorting mirror of reality which still shows us the truth through which the reflection is deformed.”86 Since the cartoon is seen as a way of communication, the relationship between the creator (cartoonist) and viewer (society) becomes very crucial. Thus, their role in shaping and reflecting public opinion becomes inevitable. Al-Shaikh explains the relationship of creator and viewer with these words: “humor is necessarily a communicative act and as such subject to the interplay between the author and viewer”.87
84 Topuz, Hıfzı. “Karikatür ve İletişim.” In Karikatür ve İletişim, 2. Uluslararası Karikatür Festivali Bildiriler Kitabı (10-14 Mayıs 1996), edited by Nezih Danyal et al. Karikatür Vakfı Yayınları, Ankara, 1996, p. 9.
85 Zača, Evija. “Caricature as a creative work for its creator and viewer.” Limes: Borderland Studies 5.1, 2012, pp. 54-69.
86 Ibid., 2012, p. 59.
87 Al‐Shaikh, Abdul‐Rahim. “Historiographies of Laughter: Poetics of Deformation in Palestinian Political Cartoon.” Third Text 21.1, 2007, p. 67.
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Cartoons are effective in communicating their messages quickly and powerfully, making them more likely to be understood compared to other forms of printed communication. More people are able to understand the message conveyed by a cartoon on the editorial page than by reading editorials or signed columns. They are powerful visual tools for revealing what cannot be said with the written media tools.88 However, Cantek and Gönenç find explaining elements, functions, and effects of cartoon through communication theories insufficient. According to them, these theories place the burden of understanding, admiration, and appreciation solely on the cartoonist, while overlooking how the reader may decipher the message and respond. Instead, they suggest that communication and the relationship between the cartoonist and reader should be viewed as a reciprocal or bilateral process. The success of a cartoon, and its ability to achieve its intended purpose, depends on the skills and knowledge of both the cartoonist and the reader. Therefore, a cartoon can only be successful if the reader can analyze, interpret, and perceive its message.89
There are several ways in which communication through cartoons differs from communication through print media. Firstly, cartoons, like other graphics, convey meanings and emotions almost instantly in parallel, unlike written or spoken text which is presented linearly and requires different cognitive processes. This allows political cartoons to be understood at a glance, reaching more people including those who only skim through editorial pages. Additionally, cartoons are capable of conveying subtle and complex messages about people and events through the details of how they are drawn, which may be difficult to express verbally. The use of humor in political cartoons also allows artists to present extreme or controversial viewpoints that would be inappropriate in written editorial columns.90
The person is actually passive in the face of mass media. Tools are powerful, competent, irresistible, convincing, and deceptive. On the other hand, cartoon is a unique visual mass media tool that creates different effects with its small size, contradictory structure, and imperfect appearance. Quoting Claud Mollard's statement that “without cartoonists, the press would be rather pathetic and undoubtedly less realistic”, Oral emphasizes the fact that cartoons are a real and sincere means of communication. Moreover, he adds that cartoon is an 88 Kemnitz, 1973, p. 84.
89 Cantek, Levent and Levent Gönenç. Muhalefet Defteri: Türkiye’de Mizah Dergileri ve Karikatür. Yapı Kredi Yayınları 2017, p. 37.
90 Gilmartin, Patricia, and Stanley D. Brunn. “The representation of women in political cartoons of the 1995 World Conference on Women.” Women's Studies International Forum. Vol. 21. No. 5, 1998, p. 536.
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interesting form of communication tool that maintains its claim to be an art while transforming all aspects of life into news and messages.91
Zaca claims that the cartoon can be evaluated as one of the most national types of humor because it needs symbols, metaphors and codes for the viewer that would differ in each society.92 İnce also points out that the reader must have background information to understand the cartoon's message. There must be a relation between the reader, the cartoon, and the current political atmosphere to better understand them. In other words, the power of cartoon lies in its ability to demonstrate historical and sociopolitical memory through familiar metaphors and symbols. Even the symbols can be accepted as universal, the cartoon delivers its message by using cultural elements belonging to a certain group or a nation.93
Topuz goes further and claims that cartoon is not universal. According to him, since images and symbols do not have the same meaning everywhere, a subject with a humorous image in one country may be ineffective in another country. An image considered sacred in one country may lead to humor in another.94 Therefore, cartoons include national values to appeal to society and to become understandable by its viewers. It does not mean that there are not any international cartoons that can be evaluated in the same way all around the world. However, this shows the potential of cartoons to reflect the public opinion in which it is presented.
Cartoons use visual narrative to convey their message by exaggerating certain elements for dramatic effect. This technique turns the cartoon into a powerful tool that reinforces the core message of a given issue and communicates it effectively to a wider audience. The direct appeal of cartoons to their audience is one of their key strengths, as they can quickly capture attention and convey a message in a humorous and engaging way. As a result, cartoons are often more effective than other forms of medium at conveying complex or challenging ideas. Their ability to engage and entertain while conveying important messages makes them a valuable tool for addressing a wide range of issues.95
91 Oral, 1998, pp. 9- 10.
92 Zača, 2012, p. 64.
93 İnce, Gökçen Başaran. “The Free Republican Party in the political cartoons of the 1930s.” New Perspectives on Turkey 53, 2015, pp. 96-97.
94 Topuz, 1986, p. 93.
95 Cantek & Gönenç, 2017, p. 64.
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According to Werner, cartoonists utilize three different sources to create analogies. The first source involves drawing everyday situations and objects that are familiar to most newspaper readers. The second source involves drawing from current popular culture, such as movies, TV shows, and national sports events, which many readers are familiar with. The third source involves using historical events, figures, and literary and artistic texts from the past, which may be recognized by fewer readers.96
In order for the cartoon to convey its message by creating a visual narrative, it must be easily understood by the reader. For this reason, symbolization and stereotyping are frequently used in cartoons. Symbolization is the repetitive identification of a particular person, institution, or concept, often with an abstract image. The symbol is an indicator that reminds the object it symbolizes and activates the positive or negative information and impressions about that object in the mind of the reader. In cartoons, generally (a) people; (b) institutions and spaces; and (c) concepts, ideologies and currents of thought are symbolized. While drawing popular figures, especially politicians, cartoons deliberately exaggerate certain features and emphasize these features by repeating them over and over. Even if one moves away from the real image after a while, the use of certain visual cues is sufficient to represent that person. In the case of institutions and places, symbolic elements are used in a similar way. For example, the walls and the small window covered with lattice iron immediately remind the reader of a prison. It is seen that cartoonists convey some abstract concepts, ideological approaches, and currents of thought to the reader through symbols. For example, the white dove and the olive branch symbolizing peace are often used in cartoons. As Cantek and Gönenç report, these symbols are used more and more, especially with the spread of cartoons without captions, which developed under the influence of the 1950s generation. Examples can be given such as the representation of the election by the ballot box, the time by the clock, the capitalism by the factory, the poverty by the patch, and the power by the armchair.97
In the art of cartoon, stereotypes and symbols share similarities but also have distinct differences. Cantek and Gönenç conducted research to identify key features that differentiate the two. Stereotypes are pre-existing ideas that already exist in the mind of the reader, while symbols can effectively communicate a message, even if they are not previously known as symbols. Stereotypes are typically directed towards a particular group, whereas symbols can 96 Werner, Walt. “On Political Cartoons and Social Studies Textbooks: Visual Analogies, Intertextuality, and Cultural Memory.” Canadian Social Studies 38.2, 2004, p. 2.
97 Cantek & Gönenç, 2017, pp. 71-76.
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be aimed at a broader range of objects or concepts. Stereotypes often include prejudiced assumptions, while symbols are not inherently associated with prejudice. Cartoonists often utilize stereotypes as a tool to convey their message. By using a stereotype, the cartoonist can activate pre-existing assumptions about a particular state or nation in the reader's mind. This prepares the reader to be receptive to the cartoonist's message, which is then conveyed through the image. The reader can then decode the message and understand the cartoon. Although stereotypes can be useful in visual communication, they can also perpetuate harmful prejudices against certain groups or individuals in certain cultural environments.98
The print media is the most crucial medium for transmitting cartoons. As cartoons are created explicitly for print publication, their lifespan is as long as the newspaper or magazine they appear in. As a result, they must convey their message concisely and simply yet in a powerful way that catches the readers' attention. With its quick and humorous impact, cartoons spark laughter99, which elevates the readers' awareness about the subject at hand. The humor arises from capturing the sudden contradiction that emerges in the natural course of events, utilizing opposition or distortion. It can also be achieved by unexpectedly altering the meaning of certain qualities or features, changing the situation or location in time and place, and using various tools like misunderstanding, repetition, puns, implication, and analogy. Timing is also crucial in evoking laughter and delivering an effective message. The humor's impact is at its peak when it is delivered at the right time and in the appropriate context. To achieve this, cartoonists must stay up to date with current issues and remain aware of the public's attention. Instantaneous reactions are critical for creating successful cartoons, which is why it has a close connection with journalism. According to Alsaç, unlike other art forms that can shift their focus to the past or future or offer a generalized version of a subject, cartoons are more reliant on the present time.100
98 Ibid., pp. 79-84. One of the most common types of stereotypes utilized by cartoonists is related to states or nations. Political cartoonists often personify a state or describe a nation using an animal as a symbol. For instance, a bear is frequently used to represent Russia, an eagle for America, a lion for England, and a dragon for China. These animal symbols make the work of the cartoonist more accessible and effective, allowing them to convey complex ideas and messages quickly and easily about a particular state or nation.
99 According to Aziz Nesin, humor must contain laughter, as anything without laughter cannot be considered humorous. Therefore, it is not appropriate to look for anything else other than laughter as the essence of humor. Nevertheless, the intensity of this laughter can vary, ranging from explosive laughter to subtle laughing under the moustache, a smile, an indistinct smile (known as the La Jocond smile), smiling eyes, or even internal laughter that is not visible on the outside. Regardless of the form it takes, all of these are under the category of humour and are its subject. See: Nesin, Aziz. Cumhuriyet Dönemi Türk Mizahı. Akbaba Yayınları, 1973, p. 15.
100 Alsaç, 1994, pp. 8-10.
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2.3. Cartoon as a Critical Tool
Cartoons are not only the material of humor but also the critical evaluation of social power relations. According to Daniel Katz, Graeme Burton and Denis McQuail, the media has five basic functions: informing, maintaining cultural continuity, socializing, creating public opinion and entertaining.101 All these basic functions can be followed in cartoons, proving their multiple functions beyond entertaining. Caswell also states that the cartoonist functions as both opinion-molding and opinion-reflecting in society.102 On the other hand, Coupe claims that the cartoonist, like other journalists, is focused on shaping public opinion, but it is common to overestimate the actual influence that they have, even though they can still have a significant impact.103
Cartoonists are typically known to be progressive and innovative in their thinking, often challenging the status quo. They have a strong intuition and are able to anticipate the desires of society. They delve into topics that are embedded in the subconscious of the readers and use symbols to express thoughts and emotions that are not yet fully understood. By pointing out the defects of society and responding to emerging needs, cartoonists bring attention to organizations that contribute to social problems and offer potential solutions.104
The goal of cartoon art is to bring experiences to the forefront for discussion and criticism. This involves an analysis where the imaginary components that make up the experience are first separated, making the experience an object of socio-political and socio-psychological criticism. These components are then recombined to create a cohesive whole, allowing the experience to be perceived as a composition. Thus, cartoon becomes an artistic endeavor when it is able to present experiences as an organic entity with a sense of completeness.105
Gérin states that the techniques employed in cartoon are primarily intended for satire, a form of rhetoric that seeks to expose and critique flaws or misconduct, especially within the realm
101 Mora, Necla. “Medya ve kültürel kimlik.” Uluslararası İnsan Bilimleri Dergisi 5.1, 2008, pp. 1-14.
102 Caswell, Lucy Shelton. “Drawing Swords: War in American Editorial Cartoons.” American Journalism, 21:2, 2004, p. 14. 103 Coupe, 1969, p. 82.
104 Topuz, 1986, p. 72.
105 Sümer, Necdet. “Karikatür Sanatının Doğası Üzerine.” In Karikatür ve Felsefe, 5. Uluslararası Karikatür Festivali Bildiriler Kitabı (7-11 Mayıs 1999), edited by Özge Kayakutlu et al., Karikatür Vakfı Yayınları, Ankara, 1999, p. 13.
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of politics and current affairs. Satire aims to eliminate behavior that deviates from societal norms and hopes to influence political awareness and social practices. When a cartoon highlights specific characteristics of its subject, it does so to create a concise representation where exaggerated traits symbolize the criticized character or conduct.106
According to Alsaç, cartoons serve two primary purposes: to entertain and make people laugh, and to stimulate thought and draw attention to specific events or subjects. Traditionally, cartoons have been used as a tool for social criticism. Hence, cartoonists strive to reach a broad audience for their artwork.107 Cartoons can be a means of criticizing individuals, society, social events, and phenomena. Therefore, they often take a questioning stance towards societal norms and taboos that are deemed forbidden or shameful, exposing their inherent meaninglessness. This is why cartoons are often championed by the oppressed and underprivileged groups in society, who use them as a medium of self-expression and even as a form of rebellion.108
Roberts emphasizes the role of cartoons as a means of communication that can democratize opinions by giving voice to the masses and allowing for identification with oppressed or marginalized individuals. Through collective criticism, cartoons offer a means of compensating for the lack of individual agency in politics and society, enabling individuals to gain self-affirmation and express themselves. In this way, cartoons serve as a powerful tool for promoting social justice and equality by amplifying the voices of those who may otherwise be ignored or marginalized.109 According to Oral, renowned cartoonists accept that “the history of cartoon is the history of society’s conscience.” Reviewing a society’s cartoon history can indeed shed light on the challenges faced during its journey towards development and democratization. As a form of criticism, cartoon has no benevolent intentions, yet it is not malicious either. It focuses on the negative and strives towards the positive.110
106 Gérin, Annie. “Caricature as a Weapon in Class Struggle: Early Soviet Graphic Satire.” In The Languages of Humor: Verbal, Visual and Physical Humor edited by Arie Sover. Bloomsbury, 2018, pp. 139-140.
107 Alsaç, 1994, p. 8.
108 Ibid., p. 12.
109 Roberts Daniela. “The Thorn of Scorn: John Nash and His All Souls Church for a Transformed Regency London.” In Laughing at Architecture: Architectural Histories of Humour, Satire and Wit, edited by Michela Rosso. Bloomsbury Publishing, 2019, p. 66.
110 Oral, Tan. Yaza Çize. İris, 1998, p. 102.
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Oral argues that cartoon is an art of criticism or a form of criticism. In order to discuss this, he explains the French-Turkish dictionary meanings of the concepts of comique and humor. Comique is defined as nice, amusing, weird, funny, and ridiculous, while humor means wit in a serious form. In this case, humor and its drawing counterpart, cartoon, are differentiated as a criticism tool that is not only for entertainment purposes. Humor, which serves a specific purpose and targets a specific audience, fades away into obscurity like a forgotten hero once the purpose is no longer relevant. Conversely, comedy strives to entertain and elicit laughter from anyone, without seeking to bring down a particular target. Humor may appear and disappear in a flash, like lightning, while comedy is a continuous presence.111
Tanilli points out the similarities between cartoon and philosophy and highlights the critical stance of cartoon. Philosophy invites individuals to contemplate universal human problems by questioning established knowledge and opinions based on reasoning and re-evaluation. Philosophy represents a critical mindset. Similarly, cartoon challenges established thought, questions, and critiques it, and presents a different perspective that was previously overlooked. This reversal of perspectives is a commonality between philosophy and cartoon. Therefore, both philosophy and cartoon exhibit pioneering and sometimes rebellious qualities, demonstrating a non-conformist attitude towards opportunism.112 Similarly, Oral says that cartoon, like philosophy, is curious, that it tinkers everywhere. According to him, cartoon, like philosophy, wants to understand everything, loves problems and knowledge. It searches, finds, exhibits, and discusses whatever is human related in the universe.113
Cartoons have the ability to convey cultural, economic, and social issues that exist in the past, present, and future, all of which are intertwined with politics. As Porumbita emphasizes, every daily event in society is political, making politics an inherent part of everything. Cartoon, through its nature and definition, becomes a political entity that manipulates the cultural, economic, social, and political orders through satire. Cartoonists often censor themselves to avoid potential political and moral pressures from the government. They criticize the system and politicians with the help of satire, humor, and metaphors without a direct address. The
111 Ibid., pp. 57-59. Comique is stated as gülmece and humor is stated as mizah in the original text Turkish.
112 Tanilli, Server. “Felsefe ve Karikatür.” In Karikatür ve Felsefe, 5. Uluslararası Karikatür Festivali Bildiriler Kitabı (7-11 Mayıs 1999), edited by Özge Kayakutlu et al., Karikatür Vakfı Yayınları, Ankara, 1999, p. 19.
113 Oral, Tan. “Humoroologie Philosophique.” In Karikatür ve Felsefe, 5. Uluslararası Karikatür Festivali Bildiriler Kitabı (7-11 Mayıs 1999), edited by Özge Kayakutlu et al., Karikatür Vakfı Yayınları, Ankara, 1999, p. 23.
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purpose of cartoon is to emphasize the past, present, and future existence, and to direct people to think, in addition to their criticism in various forms. This is why cartoon is considered an art for the public.114
Danyal points out that humor and cartoon emerge wherever there is a problem. Cartoon discusses problems that arise as a result of contradictions and utilizes these contradictions to question the problem in its own unique way. By joking, mocking, and satirizing the events, people, and institutions related to the problem, it delves into the true causes of the issue. Cartoon approaches problems with the goal of improving the world and living conditions for humanity and critiques these issues from this perspective.115 Blazevski argues that there exists a close connection between cartoon and humor, and that a cartoon cannot be devoid of humor. Humor is an integral part of cartoon, and one of its most important features. The essence of the cartoon is constituted by its humor, which serves to convey criticism and a message to the reader. In other words, humor cannot exist solely for the purpose of providing entertainment. Typically, the humor in a cartoon is linked to the criticism and message, which forms the central theme of the cartoon.
Blazevski posits that there can be no cartoon without humor, no humor without criticism (although humor can exist without cartoon), no cartoon without criticism, and no criticism without a message. Consequently, he formulates the cartoon as “drawing + humor + criticism (message) = cartoon”.116
Rosso claims that humor is used as society’s weapon to criticize deviations from what society expects, to punish and correct personal traits, and to question authority and order. She says that humor, therefore cartoons are critical tools since they act to control and influence public opinion, being a tool through which social boundaries are continually negotiated and reshaped
114 Porumbita, Mihaita. “Karikatürler ve Politika.” In Karikatür ve Siyaset, 7. Uluslararası Karikatür Festivali Bildiriler Kitabı (4-8 Mayıs 2001), edited by Özge Kayakutlu et al., Karikatür Vakfı Yayınları, Ankara, 2001, p. 47.
115 Danyal, Nezih. “Sorunu Sorun Yapmak.” In Karikatür ve Mizah, 10. Uluslararası Karikatür Festivali Bildiriler Kitabı (7-11 Mayıs 2004), edited by Resmiye Koç, Nezih Danyal, Sadi Sabur. Karikatür Vakfı Yayınları, Ankara, 2004, p. 9.
116 Blazevski, Tode. “Karikatür ve Mizah.” In Karikatür ve Mizah, 10. Uluslararası Karikatür Festivali Bildiriler Kitabı (7-11 Mayıs 2004), edited by Resmiye Koç, Nezih Danyal, Sadi Sabur. Karikatür Vakfı Yayınları, Ankara, 2004, pp. 69-70.
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as well as urban identities are constantly formed.117 Aziz Nesin also believed the power of humor to be a weapon by saying following words:
The laughter of a person who has surrendered in the struggle of life is a weapon of superiority. Since the ruling classes in the society have materially and concretely grasped this superiority, the oppressed, exploited, that is, defeated class, when unable to gain any other and real superiority against the ruling class, uses humor as a weapon to overcome them. This kind of humor is the weapon of social and political domination used by the weak against the strong ones.118
According to Rosso, the development of urbanization and innovation is often accompanied by the use of humor as a means of expressing dissent and adapting to rapidly changing circumstances. In this context, humor is viewed as a tool for promoting critical awareness and engagement within the public sphere. It serves as an alternative instrument of democracy, enabling individuals to assert themselves and feel empowered in the face of societal pressures.119 While laughter is often viewed as a way to avoid reality and humor is considered a lesser form of art, Rosso claims that, it can actually be a serious matter and a useful resource for historians of architecture and urbanism. She argues that studying humor can provide a more vivid and tangible understanding of reality compared to other forms of criticism.120
Cartoons, which first reflect distorted portraits and figures, have become a tool that conveys distortions of personal and social behavior and attitudes, in society, the living environment, and relationships, all distortions from the individual level to the universal level.121 Oral asserts that cartoon is remarkable for its striking and irritating character, which can be perceived as offensive. He claims that what sets cartoon apart from other forms of graphic art is its lack of benevolent intentions. Its aim is to “annoy those who annoy us.”122
Cantek and Gönenç provide an explanation for why humor magazines and cartoons often focus on political issues, which highlights the critical and oppositional nature of cartoons. Political
117 Rosso, 2019, pp. 9-10.
118 Nesin, 1973, pp. 37-38
119 Rosso, 2019, p.12.
120 Ibid., p.16
121 Şenyapılı, 2003, p. 45.
122 Oral, 1998, p. 8. Oral states that the word in quotation marks was also said by his Romanian artist friend, Albert Poch.
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humor has become a popular cultural demand that readers expect. People laugh at political humor because it is oppositional and anti-government. According to theoretical studies on humor, making fun of those in power provides relief to those who feel oppressed, stuck, or helpless. In addition, political humor keeps magazines current and relevant. Finally, political humor adds prestige and political identity, especially to humor magazines.123 Cantek and Gönenç suggest that humor magazines are a useful medium for tracking social changes. They bring popular culture to their pages and highlight significant developments or reveal contradictions and dichotomies. Humor magazines and cartoons are valuable tools for interpreting and understanding society based on what they include, exclude, laugh at, or are unable to criticize.124 In fact, Kaya says that the universal dimensions of our personal and social history are hidden in cartoons.125
Both humor magazines and newspapers use cartoons as a powerful means of communication. In the context of newspapers, cartoons are often created to complement the main headline and editorial focus. They are designed to reinforce and enhance the message of the newspaper. By visualizing the message and using humor, cartoons can effectively convey criticism and commentary on current events. In fact, cartoons are closely related to journalism practices and could be considered a form of newspaper art. They are an essential visual tool for keeping up with the pulse of society and its values and prejudices, particularly in relation to politics. Cartoons have a unique ability to capture the essence of current events and translate complex political messages into easily digestible images that can be widely understood. With their ability to convey complex ideas, cartoons are an essential tool quickly and effectively for keeping up with the pulse of society and understanding its values and prejudices, particularly in relation to politics.126 Especially the press cartoon reflects the history of a society. While written history records things later, cartoon records them immediately, shedding light on the future with a premonition.127
123 Cantek & Gönenç, 2017, p. 25
124 Ibid., 2017, p. 36.
125 Kaya, İsmail. “Çizginin Serüveni.” In Sanatta Karikatür, 3. Uluslararası Karikatür Festivali Bildiriler Kitabı (9-13 Mayıs 1997), edited by Yusuf Eradam et al. Karikatür Vakfı Yayınları, Ankara, 1997, p. 31.
126 Cantek & Gönenç, 2017, p. 84.
127 Çeviker, 1997, p. 30.
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Some researchers and cartoonists highlight the function of a cartoon as a tool of political opposition. Unlike cartoons drawn purely for entertainment purposes, it is claimed that political cartoons serve a more serious function. Citing Harrison, Cantek and Gönenç argue that political cartoons have two distinct functions: social protest and political persuasion. The social protest function is linked to the critical and oppositional nature of this form of art. The political persuasion power, on the other hand, is related to its ability to impact social and political events.128 As noted by Caswell, political cartoon serves both as a reflection of public opinion and as a tool for shaping it. It not only mirrors the beliefs, values, and trends of society but also plays a role in molding and maintaining them.129 While some view cartoons as a form of commentary that follows events, more widely accepted is the idea that cartoons are influential in preparing, determining, and influencing the direction of events.130 Oral claims that the cartoon is a hero that changes things or helps change things.131
Alsaç emphasizes two crucial points concerning the critical nature of cartoon. Firstly, he challenges the notion that cartoon is an art of tolerance and asserts that it is, in fact, an art of criticism, and at times, even aggressive in its approach. Additionally, he suggests that the golden age of cartoon did not occur in an environment of freedom but rather in times of oppression, contrary to popular belief. The reason for this lies in cartoon's ability to elicit associations through the use of indirect expressions and the power of humor to function as a weapon.132 On the other hand, as humor and cartoons advocate tolerance against the bad ones, they actually need an environment of tolerance in order to survive. According to Oral, a cartoon is a special form of social criticism in forming public opinion. With this structure, it maintains its commitment to democratic traditions.133
Topuz cites the following words of the Spanish cartoonist Vasques de Sola, emphasizing the role of cartoon in opposing and criticizing the order.
Cartoon is the politest way to say, “God damn it!”. Let's say people are suffering in my country or other countries, some people are in jail, and I have something to say.
128 Cantek & Gönenç̧, 2017, pp. 97-98; Harrison, Randall. The Cartoon, Communication to the Quick. Sage Publications, Beverly Hills, 1981, p. 75.
129 Caswell, 2004, p. 14. 130 Popkin, 1990, p. 255.
131 Oral, 1998, pp. 49-50.
132 Alsaç, 1994, p. 12.
133 Oral, 1998, pp. 192-193.
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But there are things that cannot be said. Here we indicate them with a humor pattern so that everyone understands. For me, this is something extremely important. We can say things that cannot be said seriously and are forbidden to be said.134
2.4. Cartoon as a Representation Medium in Turkey
This study examines the cartoons about housing and related issues published in a selected group of humor magazines and newspapers published from the 1950s to mid-1980s. However, in order to understand the context of the cartoons produced in that time period, it would be useful to briefly look at the journey of cartoons in Turkey. In Turkey, as in many other countries, the art of cartoon flourished alongside the growth of mass media. Following the Tanzimat era135, the widespread use of newspapers and magazines, combined with advancements in printing technology, provided a platform for the advancement of graphic arts during the late Ottoman period. Consequently, drawings and illustrations depicting or supporting news articles began to appear in these publications.
Over time, the concept of using these artistic forms for entertainment purposes gained popularity, leading to the emergence of critical humor. According to Alsaç, the influence of the Western world played a significant role in shaping the development of cartoon in Turkey. However, despite being a relatively new form of expression, it quickly gained acceptance due to its resemblance to traditional Turkish arts.136
Öngören explains the history of cartoon in Turkey starting from the historical/traditional Anatolian humor of many different cultures who lived here. The oldest type of entertainment can be seen in the Hittites’ ceremonies called Purulli, which was done for appreciating the harvest of the year. Another important example is Ezop, who was originally Anatolian but mostly affected the Western stories and sense of humor.137 Tales of various humor figures in Seljuk period, i.e., Dede Korkut, Keloğlan and Nasreddin Hodja, were related to the cultural,
134 Topuz, 1986, p. 21.
135 The Tanzimat Period was a continuous legislative and reform period that modernized the Ottoman state and society between 1839 and 1976. For further information see: Lewis, Bernard, and Boğaç B. Turna. Modern Türkiye’nin Doğuşu. İstanbul: Arkadaş̧, 2011.; Ahmed, Feroz. The Making of Modern Turkey. Harper Collins Academic, 1991.; Shaw, Stanford J, and Ezel K. Shaw. History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey. Cambridge, GBR: Cambridge University Press, 2010.
136 Alsaç, 1994, p. 24. 137 Öngören, 1998, p. 40.
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political, and social transformation and mainly from rural to city life.138 This was public humor that became the part of the folkloric product.139
Humor in the Ottoman period was mainly about life in İstanbul, the capital city. It existed before the press started to be shaped by the organization of guilds. Öngören summarizes the humor in traditional Ottoman life as stable and constant. For instance, Hacivat and Karagöz traditions had continued almost unchanged in the nine hundred years of Ottoman life. Like in Hacivat and Karagöz, Ottoman humor consisted of paired figures who represented two different cultures by always confronting each other and thus creating humor (Figure 2.9). Among the Ottoman humor types, Karagöz and Hacivat, Ortaoyunu, Bektashi jokes, humor texts from Divan and folk literature can be given as prominent examples.140
The humor in the constitutional era, i.e., the late decades of the Ottoman Empire, can be considered as the humor about the empire itself. Therefore, it can be categorized as a sub-part of humor in the Ottoman era. There are two main characteristics of constitutional humor: The first is the transition to written, printed humor; and the second is that humor was no longer led
138 The Dede Korkut tales are genuine folk tales presented in an epic format that depict the lives of Oghuz chiefs. These stories unfold in the Eastern Anatolia region, near the Caucasus. They vividly portray feasts, drinking, plundering, castle sieges, unabashed indecency, community solidarity, a fantastical atmosphere, and tribal culture. In contrast, the tales of Keloğlan represent a final and somewhat cynical glimmer of hope, narrating semi-epic stories that offer solace to the hearts of devastated tribes. When comparing the Keloğlan tales to the Dede Korkut tales, it becomes apparent that the old tribal customs and heroic acts have vanished. Nevertheless, the established order remains intact, and Keloğlan continues to struggle in the countryside. Keloğlan no longer resembles the noble characters found in Dede Korkut fairy tales. He lacks a father, and his identity remains a mystery. Unlike in Dede Korkut tales, Keloğlan does not vanquish monsters and giants through sheer strength. Such motifs have disappeared from Keloğlan tales, replaced instead by cunning tricks and traps. The humor in Keloğlan tales also stems from these displays of wit and craftiness. Humor that appears in the tales of Dede Korkut was the absolute document for the aspect of rural-to-rural, while in Keloğlan's tales the aspect of rural-to-urban can be found for the first time. On the other hand, Nasreddin Hodja reflects the devastated and chaotic times of Anatolia. Hodja had the role of consultant in this atmosphere with his storyteller characteristic. His approach to this consultant role with humor was the main reason for his popularity. He does not impose the teachings of any specific sect on the people of Akşehir. Instead, he cleverly satirizes the afterlife, mocks death, and even turns societal norms upside down by riding his donkey backward. See: Ibid., pp. 43-49.
139 Ibid., p. 43.
140 Karagöz and Hacivat is a shadow play based on imitation and conversation, played on a screen with two-dimensional depictions. The Karagöz and Hacivat shows, which have left a significant impact on Ottoman humor, originated in the guild in Kasımpaşa, İstanbul, and have been closely associated with the Nakşibendi order since their inception. Reflecting the dual nature of Ottoman humor, Karagöz represents the common people and their culture, while Hacivat embodies the intellectual figure who has studied the teachings of the guild sect and possesses extensive knowledge of Divan Literature, Ottoman music, and customs. Hacivat's role is to constantly attempt to educate Karagöz and guide him in the right direction. However, Karagöz, in his inability to fully comprehend this guidance, often misinterprets Hacivat's words, leading to humorous situations. See: Ibid., pp. 50-59.
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by the guilds but the parties. During the constitutional period, traditional Ottoman humor and Western humor appeared together. Constitutionalism can be considered as a transition period in the humor with this appearance.141
Figure 2.5 : A scene of Karagöz Hacivat show.
(Source: https://www.karagoz.net/golgeoyunu.htm)
Cartoon played a significant role in the modernization of the Ottoman Empire. In 1870, during a favorable political climate, Teodor Kasap published the first Ottoman humor magazine, Diyojen, which marked the beginning of the printed humor era in the country with its satirical writings and cartoons (Figure 2.10).142 The magazine attracted great interest, provoked widespread reactions, and even caused legislative proposals to be discussed in the parliament to forbid humor. This printed humor movement, which began with Diyojen, gradually became a part of the political movements that accelerated the proclamation of the First Constitution in 1876.143 The characteristic of the early period cartoons is that their drawings were like pictures. In other words, cartoons were based on realistic drawings. It was mostly the function of the
141 Ibid., 1998, p. 60.
142 Karikatürcüler Derneği. Başlangıcından Bugüne Türk Karikatürü. Cem Yayınevi 1971, p. 7.; Alsaç, 1994, p. 25.
143 Other humor magazines published in this period were Hayal and İbretnameyi Alem in 1871, Çıngıraklı Tatar in 1872, Latif and Kamer in 1873, Şafak and Kahkaha in 1874, Geveze and Meddah in 1875 and Çaylak in 1876. They were all published by the Greek and Armenian citizens of the empire. After the First Constitution era, Abdülhamid took the ruling for the next 32 years. As a result of this, humor magazines were shut down until 1908. However, Young Turks started to publish magazines outside the country and smuggled them. As Öngören mentions, they continued the humor practices of the Ottoman period even if they were exiled. These magazines were Hayal, Hamidiye and Dolap in London, Pinti and Curcuna in Cairo, Beberuhi and Tokmak in Switzerland and Davul whose location was undetermined. See: Ibid., pp. 60-61.
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text to convey the humor.144 The most important feature of the cartoons of this period is that they published drawings through the press for the first time in a society with a tradition of prohibition of painting. Therefore, they are important historical documents.145
Figure 2.6 : Cover of first issue of Diyojen, 24.11.1870.
(Source: Ünver, 2016, p. 19.)
The abolition of Abdulhamid in 1908 and the proclamation of the Second Constitution can be considered a battle for humor. As a result of these circumstances, more than 35 humor magazines started to be published in İstanbul. Öngören claims that this was a unique situation in the history of humor.146 41 humor magazines, published in five months of 1908, reflect the happiness and enthusiasm for the establishment of freedom. However, the number of magazines declined to eight in 1909, which shows that this positive atmosphere was temporary. This number increased to 30 in the years 1910 and 1911 but this time they were attacking the ruling Party of Union and Progress and the Constitutional administration. This resulted in the censorship of the humor magazines and press this time by the Party of Union
144 These cartoonists can be listed as; Nişan Berberyan, Tınghı, Santr, Opçanadassis. See: Alsaç, 1994, p. 26.
145 Karikatürcüler Derneği, 1971, pp. 7-8.
146 Humour magazines published after 1908 were Zıpır, Püsküllü Bela, Gramafon, Mirat-ı Alem, Karagöz, Elüfürük, Nekregü, Zuhuri, Tasvir-i Hayal, Kalem, Cingöz, Üç Gazete, Zevzek, Dalkavuk, Temaşa, Tonton, Cellat, Hacivat, Elüfürük, Mahkum, Hokkabaz, Karakuş, Resimli Şakacı, Edep Yahu, Şakrak, Tavus, Davul, İbiş, Geveze and Papağan in 1908; Eşref, Resimli Eşref, Nekregü ile Pişekar, Çoşkun, Kalender, Laklak, Kartal, Ezop, Karnaval in 1909; Arzühal, Yeni Geveze, Hande, İğne, Kahya Kadın, Dertli Garip, Gıdık, Kibar, Cem, Alafranga, Lala, El Malum, Şaka, Gülünçlü Sahne-i Meddah, Tokmak in 1910; Curcuna, Züğürt, Şaka, Çekirge, Cadaloz, Cici, Kara Sinan, Cart Beyim, Latife, Falaka, Baba Himmet, Tokmak, Yeniçeri, Münasiptir Efendim in 1911. See: Öngören, 1998, p. 62.
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and Progress, and the number of magazines decreased to three in 1914, i.e. Leylak, Feylesof, Karikatür. Later, Hande in 1916 and Şeytan in 1918 were published.147
After the Second Constitution in 1908, Cem, who was considered one of the pioneers of modern Turkish cartoon, came to İstanbul, and started to draw in Kalem, which was the most known humor magazine of the period. The pioneering figure of Kalem was Salah Cimcoz who was also a member of the Party of Union and Progress. Although the Party of Union and Progress had received great support from humor until it gained power, it changed attitude and restricted both the humorists and humor magazines when it became the authority figure itself, as a common attitude of authorities.148 After Kalem, Cem drew for many years in the journal Cem, which was published under his own name. He drew cartoons of prominent figures in political life at the time and provided the first examples of portrait-caricature.149
The Ottoman Empire ended after the First World War and the Republic of Turkey was established in 1923 after the War of Independence. In these difficult times humor continued, albeit in a different form. Öngören underlines the difference in the technical character of humor during the War of Independence. It is seen that, in the earlier or later periods, the humor of the country was shaped by organizations such as parties or sects that were critical of the authorities. However, humor during the War of Independence was shaped by the governments of Ankara and İstanbul, i.e., the two focuses of power. Güleryüz, which was published by Sedat Semavi in İstanbul, was supporting the Ankara Government and the War of Independence. On the other hand, Aydede, which was published by Refik Halit Karay in İstanbul, was supporting the İstanbul Government, occupants, and their local collaborators.150 After the War of Independence, Refik Halid Karay and “Rıfkı the betrayer” (who was the main cartoonist of Aydede) left the country and Aydede magazine was closed. The rest of the cartoonist team gathered and established a new humor magazine in 1922 with the leadership of Yusuf Ziya and Orhan Seyfi Orhon. It was named Akbaba, which was one of the last-longing humor magazines in Turkey maintaining publication until 1977 (Figure 2.11).151
147 Ibid., p. 63.
148 Ibid., p. 66.
149 Karikatürcüler Derneği, 1971, p. 8.; Alsaç, 1994, p. 26.
Other known cartoonists of the period can be listed as; Sedat Nuri, Scarselli, A. Rigopulos, Mehmet Baha, Halit Naci, Münir Osman, Cevat Nuri. See: Alsaç, 1994, p. 26.
150 Öngören, 1998, p. 68.
151 Ibid., pp. 70-71.
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Figure 2.7 : Cover of Akbaba, 02.10.1958.
(Documented by the author)
Öngören explains the humor in the Republican period with its thresholds and categories. As he claims, there is a unique path for humor in the Republican time: The first important threshold is November 3, 1928, when the Latin alphabet was accepted. Since the year 1928 marks both a great end and a new beginning for literature, it determines the beginning of the first phase for the humor of the Republic. The humor practices from 1923 to 1928 had been made by using the Ottoman alphabet. On the other hand, its social quality was the expression of the joy of the victory of the War of Independence in establishing a new Republic. Öngören claims that being written in “old Turkish”, this period stays unfortunately out of the interest of younger generations. He also adds that, in this phase, in addition to the pages in Ottoman, there were pages written in French. This double appearance, which had also been seen during the Constitutional period, seems to have continued until the alphabet reform.152
The phase that started with the alphabet reform in 1928 was the time for the products of the Republic completely. The new alphabet created a fundamental change and expressed a rebirth. Öngören believes that the new alphabet had an impact not only on authors but also on
152 The main figures of the period from 1923 to 1928 can be listed as writers such as Neyzen Tevfik, Halil Nihat Boztepe, Sermet Muhtar Alus, Ercüment Ekrem Talu, Osman Celal Kaygılı, Orhan Seyfi Orhon, Yusuf Ziya Ortaç, Fahri Celaleddin, Namdar Rahmi Karatay, Faruk Nafiz Çamlıbel (Çamdeviren, Deliozan), Nurettin Artman; cartoonists such as Ramiz, Münif Fehim, Sedat Nuri, Ratip Tahir, Salih Erimez, Togo and other artists from Aydede, and Cem, who later returned from Europe; and the masters like Ahmet Rasim and Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar. See: Ibid., pp. 76-78.
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cartoonists. He claims that drawings and types of cartoonists immediately changed after 1928 especially as the use of more rounded and smooth drawings became a prominent style.153
The most famous cartoonists of the Republican period are Cemal Nadir and Ramiz Gökçe. Cemal Nadir was an artist who popularized cartoons through daily newspapers, leaving a lasting impact on the new generation. Ramiz also served the art of cartoon for years as the cartoonist of weekly humor magazines. Both of these artists influenced future generations and laid the foundations for cartoons to become an integral part of the press. During the early Republican period, cartoons were mostly limited to indirect subjects, such as the criticism of the municipality due to the authoritarianism of the administration, or efforts to establish and sustain a new state. The understanding of cartoon during this period was generally in the form of enhancing written humor with illustrations.154
The establishment of the Free Republican Party (Serbest Cumhuriyet Fırkası) in 1930 and a short-term experiment of the multi-party system naturally affected the structure of the humor. Despite its short-lived existence of only two months, it brought about two distinct effects on the realm of humor. Firstly, during the period of multi-party politics, humor magazines had the opportunity to engage in political satire and ridicule. However, this freedom was short-lived as public reactions prompted humor magazines to shift their focus away from political matters to more lighthearted topics such as beach activities, relationships between men and women, and cultural differences.155
The Second World War had a profound impact not only in Turkey but also on the global culture and humor. Consequently, it marked a significant turning point and the beginning of a new phase in humor. During the war, two forms of humor gained popularity: anecdotes (fıkra)
153 Ibid., pp. 79-80. Also see: Alsaç, 1994, p. 27.
In the period after 1928, Karagöz, Köroğlu, and Akbaba continued publishing and Kahkaha (1928), Babacan (1928), Aliağa (1929), Kalem (1930), Alay (1931), Eğlencelik (1931) with only one issue, Bravo (1930) with eleven issues were published. Afterwards, the first cartoon album named Cemal Nadir’e Göre was published in 1932. Karikatür started its life in 1934 with some breaks, another short-term humor magazine named Kambur Felek was seen in 1935. Ayvaz (1936), Yeni Nasrettin Hoca with twelve issues (1936) and Papağan (1938) started to be published. According to Öngören, there were seven active humor magazines in the year of 1938 and more cartoon albums. All the humor magazines or books were published in İstanbul, and a written tradition of humor could not be established outside of İstanbul. Öngören believes that humor magazines had a positive role in the adoption of the new alphabet by the public. See: Öngören, 1998, p. 81.
154 Karikatürcüler Derneği, 1971, pp. 8-9.; Alsaç, 1994, pp. 26-27.
155 Öngören, 1998, pp. 85-86.
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and cartoon. According to Öngören, a total of 34 cartoon albums were published between 1939 and 1948, with 21 of them released during the war and 13 shortly after its conclusion. This period witnessed the highest number of cartoon albums compared to previous and subsequent years. It was during the Second World War that cartoon acquired an international language and recognition.156
The period from 1945 to 1950 marked a vibrant phase in the history of humor in Turkey. Another significant milestone was the year 1950, which served as a turning point for both the Turkish Republic and the evolution of humor. This era, spanning until 1960, is often referred to as the multiparty period, and stands out for its distinct humor structure and publications. It was a unique stage characterized by several factors. The support of society for the opposition party, a general reaction to long-standing limited freedoms, the emergence of new values as a result of the aftermath of the Second World War, and the global influence of democratic and fundamental freedoms all had an impact on the technical and social aspects of humor. Additionally, factors such as the adaptation to the new alphabet, an increase in literacy rates, and the ability to write stories in a language easily understood by society contributed to the lively humor practices of this period.157
The most important humor event of 1945-1950 was the Markopaşa movement carried out by Sabahattin Ali, Aziz Nesin, Rıfat Ilgaz and Mim Uykusuz. Markopaşa, which was frequently closed and reopened with different names (Bizim Markopaşa, Malum Paşa), became the first humor magazine that struggled directly with the ruling party. Markopaşa fought for the transition to multi-party life and the democratic order (Figure 2.12).158 The cartoons featured in Markopaşa magazine are considered significant early instances of and social commentary realism in Turkish cartoon.159
After multi-party life started and Democrat Party (DP-Demokrat Parti) won the elections in 1950, ending the single-party rule of the Republican People’s Party (CHP-Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi) since the establishment of the Republic, firstly, there was a tendency to attack the defeated Republican People’s Party and to use the acquired freedoms in abundance. The representative of this type of humor was Karakedi and Akbaba, which began to be re-published
156 Ibid., pp. 87-88.
157 Ibid., p. 91.; Alsaç, 1994, p. 28.
158 Öngören, 1998, pp. 91-92. 159 Çeviker, 1996, p. xiv.
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in 1952. In the second group, Tef and Dolmuş can be given as important humor magazines between 1950-1960. Besides their political perspective, they were very effective in introducing a very rich team of writers and illustrators. They contributed to the education of future cartoonists as well as expansion in the topics of cartoons by including daily life issues. Taş-Karikatür magazine represents the third group among the humor magazines of the period. It reflected the struggle between CHP and DP, which turned into a public problem. Taş-Karikatür magazine stood for the now-opposition party CHP and displayed an intense satire and humor of attack. On the other hand, Akbaba defended the ruling party DP with its traditional policy.160
Figure 2.8 : Cover of Markopaşa, 25.11.1946.
(Source: Çeviker, Turgut et al., 2010, p. 23)
Çeviker describes the humor practices of the 1950s generation as the interpretation of the new approach developed by Steinberg. Following Steinberg, this generations started to consider cartoon as graphic art and used strong graphic and symbolic language in their works. Cartoon with its new form transformed the aesthetic value of cartoon into a communication and expression tool.161
160 Another important feature of the 1950-1960 period was the popularity of humor stories. Aziz Nesin, Rıfat Ilgaz, Bülent Oran, Yalçın Kaya, Orhan Kemal and scriptwriters like Haldun Taner published several humor stories. See: Öngören, 1998, pp. 93-94.
161 Çeviker, 1997, p 86.
In this respect, the cartoon language of this generation is like the language of the intellectuals who are the bearers of the modernization project and has an elitist aspect. In this context, cartoons produced by Turhan Selçuk, Ferruh Doğan, Ali Ulvi Ersoy, Nehar Tüblek, Eflatun Nuri Erkoç, Semih Balcıoğlu, Altan Erbulak, Oğuz Aral, Mim Uykusuz and Şadi Dinççağ are important examples of the 50-generation in terms of reflecting the change in the humor with the changes in social and political situations. These
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The military coup occurred on May 27, 1960, and then a new constitution was accepted that affected both the society and humor practices correlatively. The pressure on the press decreased, and satirical attack on DP as the overthrown party increased. Zübük and Akbaba were prominent humor magazines of the period. Even though Akbaba had been supporting DP earlier, it became the pioneer for the attacks on DP that caused a reaction among intellectuals and society. It was the only magazine for ten years since other magazines lasted for a short time. Despite the appropriate atmosphere, cartoons and satire experienced a great stagnation from 1960 to 1970. Cartoons lost their place on the first page of the newspapers, were rather thrown to the second page, or completely abandoned. According to Öngören, the richest generation in Turkey’s history of humor was forced then to work in other fields to live.162
The stagnant humor ended in the 1970s and was replaced by lively and effective humor. Gırgır magazine became the symbol of the 1970s; meanwhile, Akbaba magazine came to an end after a long-term dominance among humor magazines. Gırgır changed the production of humor by introducing the cultural realities of large masses with an anti-elitist language (Figure 2.13). Humor transformed from an intellectual event to a popular language in which large masses and their values were involved. During this period, the Association of Cartoonists, Cartoon Museum and International Nasreddin Hodja Cartoon Competition and Exhibition were held. Many people migrated from rural areas to big cities from the 1950s on and settled by finding their own solutions to the housing deficit, which are called squatter houses. In the 1970s, the first generation of these rural masses who were born or raised in big cities reached the age that affected the 1970s. These generations grew up in big cities in rural cultures. As a matter of fact, they fell into a deep disharmony with the slums they grew up in and they faced great difficulties in establishing a dialogue with urban life. Therefore, these dynamic masses created their own urban experiences for themselves. Rural-town-urban experiences, contradictions and conflicts were the richest sources of humor of the 1970s.163
Oral describes the cartoons of this period, also known as the 1973 generation, as an angry generation. This generation drew with aspirations for a better life, a more democratic country, a more just order, and a more peaceful world when society was going through a difficult and
were followed by another generation including Yalçın Çetin, Tonguç Yaşar, Erdoğan Bozok, Tan Oral, Tekin Aral and Yurdagün Göker. See: Alsaç, 1994, pp. 28-32.
162 Öngören, 1998, pp. 97-98.; Alsaç, 1994, p. 31.
163 Öngören, 1998, pp. 101-102. Also see: Alsaç, 1994, pp. 33-40.
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troubled period. Despite their angry nature, this generation was humanistic, and tolerant, longing for the new in their lines.164
Figure 2.9 : Cover of Gırgır, 24.06.1984.
(Documented by author)
During the 1970s, cartoon emerged as a powerful medium for articulation, expression, and even rebellion, particularly among young people. During this time, cartoons departed from abstract and indirect expressions and began to incorporate techniques specific to comic books. Speech and thoughts were enclosed in balloons and added to the drawing, while comic book-specific exclamation words and marks were employed. Drawings became more detailed, and local features were increasingly emphasized.165 Another method that became widespread in this period was to apply a written expression and connect the subject discussed in the cartoon to a current event that everyone could understand. This was done with a short phrase similar to the title of the news and a statement such as “from the newspapers” or “from the press”, indicating where the subject was taken from.166
The 1970s were the period of coalitions in politics in Turkey. Thus, leaders of the two leading parties became the daily subject of cartoonists who were using symbols of funny couples such as Karagöz-Hacivat and Lorel-Hardi. Another typical feature of the 1970s was the dissemination of television. The effects of television in terms of humor are explained in two
164 Oral, 1998, pp. 216-217.
165 Alsaç, 1994, p. 33.
166 Ibid., p. 35.
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points by Öngören. Society encountered world humor products, movies, comedies, comics, cartoons, and cartoons through television. Thus, an accumulation of humor products occurred in the public memory. Moreover, television also created common points and reproduced them rapidly that also affected the source of humor.167
The 1980s began with the military coup on September 12, 1980. Before the November 1983 general elections, humorists and humor publications faced significant pressure. Over the preceding three years, editorial cartoons had been moved from the front pages to inside pages in newspapers. Additionally, all associations in Turkey, including the Association of Cartoonists and the Cartoon Museum, were closed along with political parties. However, following the general elections, the multi-party system was restored, and humor magazines had a fresh start.168 From 1980 through 1990, all press went to offset printing and colored TV started broadcasting.169
Cantek and Gönenç highlight two significant claims put forth by humor magazines in Turkey. Firstly, these magazines strive to align themselves with the people, including the marginalized groups such as the poor, civil servants, employees, students, and other subjects, against those in power, such as the wealthy, the bureaucracy, the authorities, bosses, teachers, municipality, and government. Regardless of their political leanings, humor magazines consistently assert their alignment with the people, as this stance is often seen as a prerequisite for dissent. The second claim made by these magazines is that their intention extends beyond mere amusement. They aim to use humor as a means to expose and highlight societal problems, with a commitment to truth-telling regardless of the circumstances. This claim stems from their oppositional and critical stance as well as their belief in the corrective and therapeutic power of humor within society.170
Şenyapılı claims that cartoons serve as a graphic chronology documenting Turkey's process of urbanization experienced from the 1950s on. He highlights that cartoonist had the ability to criticize both the 'facts' themselves and the political and social attitudes surrounding these facts. Through an analysis of cartoons, he demonstrates that cartoonists envisioned and considered the socio-economic transformation of Turkey more comprehensively than any
167 Öngören, 1998, p. 104.
168 Ibid., pp. 106-107.
169 Ibid., p. 105.
170 Cantek and Gönenç, 2017, p. 151.
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other institution. The cartoonists of the 1950s generation played a crucial role in encouraging society to form opinions on urbanization, the transformation of the socio-economic structure, and the resulting duality within cities. This showcases their keen observational skills surpassing those of sociologists, their heightened sensitivity compared to politicians, and their contemporary approach in addressing these issues.171
Despite numerous political obstacles, Turkish cartoon became more liberated and impactful in the post-1950 era. During this time, cartoons centered around urban living, the migration of jobless, landless, and homeless individuals, and the often dramatic and tragi-comic lives in metropolitan areas. One recurring theme in the cartoons of this period was the squatter houses that emerged around big cities, which were projected to grow in numbers and eventually conquer İstanbul once again.172 Moreover, the prominent focus was on the housing question, presented with the actors involved in, and the urban and architectural context of contemporary housing production in the cartoons compiled and analyzed in this study in order to understand the mid-twentieth century housing in Turkey. After discussing these, apartment blocks and squatter houses emerged as the resulting two opposing housing types of the period will be analyzed in the following chapter in order to evaluate how cartoons visually presented and criticized the mid-century housing production in Turkey.
171 Şenyapılı, Önder. Kentleşemeyen Ülke Kentlileşen Köylüler. Ankara: O.D.T.Ü. Mimarlık Fakültesi Ara-Yayınları, 1981, pp. v-vi. 172 Çeviker, 1996, p. xv.
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CHAPTER 3
3. MID-TWENTIETH CENTURY HOUSING IN TURKEY IN CARTOONS
This chapter focuses on housing in mid-twentieth century Turkey and its representation in cartoons from the 1950s to the mid-1980s. The first part will begin with the discussion on housing question which comes to the fore as one of the prominent themes during the research and analysis. Housing question will be explored both in a general conceptual sense and within the specific context of urbanization and housing production in Turkey. To do that the socio-political and economic context of the period provides the basis to have a comprehensive understanding of further analysis.
Then it will be followed by the analysis of cartoons related with the housing question in Turkey in mid-twentieth century. The analysis reveals that housing is represented in cartoons along two axes: the actors involved in housing and the different types of housing. Consequently, the final two parts of this chapter delve into these two themes in greater detail. The actors and housing types relevant to the mid-twentieth century are examined and critically analyzed through the lens of cartoons.
3.1. Housing in Mid-Twentieth Century Turkey: Urbanization and Housing Production
The urbanization and the housing problem that it created in the mid-twentieth century is to be understood in order to evaluate how housing is visually (re)presented in contemporary cartoons that approach the issue from a critical perspective. The examined period's cartoons reveal the existence of housing as a question with various aspects. Starting from this point and considering the dynamics of industrialization and urbanization during that period, the concept of the housing question will be discussed, both in general and within the context of Turkey.
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3.1.1. The Housing Question
The first part of this chapter will introduce and discuss the concept of the question/problem as emerged and discussed in the theoretical frame from the nineteenth century industrialization of European countries and the critique by Engels at the time until the mid-twentieth experience in Turkey.
The issue of housing revolves around several important factors. Firstly, the affordability of the house is crucial. Secondly, the house should be suitable for the needs of the family members, which includes having adequate living space per person. Thirdly, the durability of the house and quality of the building materials are important considerations. Additionally, the social, cultural, and physical integration of the house with its environment is essential. The house should also be appropriate for the zoning plan and have access to basic public services such as education, culture, health, security, and transportation. These are the main aspects that need to be taken into account when considering the housing question.173
Sheltering is the most important, basic, and necessary need for humans to maintain a healthy life, and the house is the tool to answer this basic need. Keleş defines the house as “a shelter built for one or a few households to live, providing convenience in basic needs such as sleeping, cooking, protection from cold and heat, bathing and toilet required by human life”.174 Tekeli also highlights the Article 25 of Universal Declaration of Human Rights enacted in 1948 which says that “Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control.”175
Housing does not only provide shelter, which is the most basic human need, it can be also associated with all layers of Maslow's hierarchy of needs. Since housing protects people from
173 Keleş, 2019, p. 256.
174 “Bir ya da birkaç ev halkının yaşaması için yapılmış, insan yaşamasının gerekli kıldığı uyuma, yemek pişirme, soğuktan ve sıcaktan korunma, yıkanma ve ayakyolu gibi temel gereksinme konularında kolaylıkları bulunan barınak.” See: Keleş, Ruşen. Kent bilimleri terimler sözlüğü. Ankara: TDK Yayınları, 1980, p. 79.
175 Tekeli, 2012, p. 6.
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possible natural or artificial dangers from the environment, it also meets the need for security, which is the second stage of the pyramid of needs. The need for a sense of belonging, which is the next stage, is provided by the fact that the house is an environment where the family can be together, interact with the immediate environment and raise children. The need for self-esteem and self-actualization, the last two stages of the pyramid, is achieved through the role of housing in one's identity and social status, and its effect on enabling him to reach his potential. Due to the multifaceted nature of the house, it is both an urban element on a macro scale and an important determinant of the life experiences of individuals on a micro scale.176
This multi-functionality of housing causes different definitions, meanings, solutions, and results for the housing question. However, in addition to the different functions of the house related to individuals, it also functions as an important physical element of the city and urbanization and as an economic good in the market. Therefore, the housing question is not only related to society but also related to politics (local and central authorities, housing policymakers), the economy (housing market), entrepreneurs (producers and contractors), professionals (planners and architects) etc.
Generally, the housing question/problem term is used when the housing supply cannot meet the housing need, which refers to a housing shortage or when houses are below the minimum living standards. The housing and sheltering problem, which increased after the industrial revolution, is a universal problem with political, economic, and social dimensions caused by many interrelated factors such as poverty, unemployment, unfair income distribution, rapid population growth, migration from rural to urban area, unplanned urbanization, natural disasters, war, and conflicts of interest in the housing sector. These factors show similarities all over the world, as well as some differences according to geographical and chronological changes.177
In order to create a comprehensive discussion ground for future parts of the chapter, the issue of the housing question needs to be examined. The Housing Question, a compilation of three articles written by Friedrich Engels for Der Volksstaat between 1872, could serve as a starting
176 Hutchison, Ray. Encyclopaedia of Urban Studies. 1st ed. SAGE Publications, 2010, pp. 375-376.
177 Pulat, Gülçin. Dar Gelirli Kentlilerin Konut Sorunu ve Soruna Sosyal İçerikli Mekansal Çözüm Arayışları, Ankara: Kent-Koop, 1992, p. 81; quoted in Olgun, Hakan. Konut Politikası Ülke Deneyimleri. İdealkent, 2022, p. 32.
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point of discussion.178 This work is important as a precursor for later urban studies and urban sociology literature and therefore will be discussed as an introduction to the concept of the “housing question”.179 Engels stated that the period when the text was written coincided with the housing shortage in Germany. At this time, workers were migrating from the countryside to the cities, which were turning into industrial centers. According to Engels, housing shortage did not emerge in cities that were born as industrial cities. However, these German cities had not yet provided the physical conditions that the industrial city needed. As a result, in the cities later industrialized, housing shortage occurred with the migration of workers.180
In the first article named “How Proudhon Solves the Housing Question”181, Engels responded to the 6-article series on housing shortage written by Mülberger and published in Der Volksstaat, which aimed to spread Proudhon's thoughts to Germany. Engels claimed that housing shortage, which was widely discussed in the media, was not unique to the present day, but also could not be limited to the fact that the houses where the workers lived were in bad conditions. He explained what housing shortage is with the following words:
What is meant today by housing shortage is the peculiar intensification of the bad housing conditions of the workers as the result of the sudden rush of population to, the big towns; a colossal increase in rents, a still further aggravation of overcrowding in the individual houses, and, for some, the impossibility of finding a place to live in at all. And this housing shortage gets talked of so much only because it does not limit itself to the working class but has affected the petty bourgeoisie also.182 178 Engels, Friedrich. The Housing Question. Reprinted by the Co-operative Publishing Society of Foreign Workers, 1995. He wrote these articles as an argument against the texts written by Mülberger and Sax on the housing shortage in Germany during this period.
179 Engels uses the term “housing question” when pointing out the problems related to housing, and “housing shortage” for situations where the amount of housing cannot meet the supply-demand balance quantitatively. While the housing problem is used synonymously with the housing question in the literature, housing shortage can also sometimes be used to describe the housing problem. In this study, to avoid conceptual confusion, the housing shortage describes quantitative insufficiency, as used by Engels, the housing question and housing problem are used as the general framework for all kinds of quantitative or qualitative problems related to housing.
180 Engels, 1995, p. 1.
181 Engels claims that these texts' author follows Proudhon’s thoughts and ideas. Therefore, whenever Engels says Proudonist, he meant the author himself. However, throughout the text, the author (Mülberger) and Proudhon are considered as if they were the same person.
182 Engels, 1995, p. 14.
Engels discusses the distribution of the surplus value -which is produced by and taken from the working class and given to the non-working class- because of the capitalist system and explains its reflection and similarity to the housing shortage. In the growing modern cities, the land gains an increasing value and the buildings built on these plots decrease this value. As such, these buildings are demolished, and new buildings are built in their place. In fact, this is exactly what happened to workers' houses in the city
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Engels criticized the solution offered by the Proudhonist thought as a solution of the petty-bourgeois class. Both bourgeois and petty-bourgeois defended the house property of the working class as a solution to the existing housing shortage.183 However, Engels explained that the worker must actually be mobile, that he had to move frequently, and in this case, having a partial share in different residences in different places would not benefit the worker at all.184
In response to the Proudhonists' proposals, Engels suggested that the solution to the housing crisis was to use existing buildings in cities more efficiently. He proposed that the proletariat would gain political power, expropriate landlords, and provide accommodation to homeless or overcrowded workers.185 Engels noted that the housing crisis impacted both the petty and big bourgeoisie. To address the unhealthy living conditions of workers, the benevolent bourgeoisie created literature on the “public health and housing question.” Among this literature, Engels examined “The Housing Conditions of the Working Classes and their Reform”186 by Dr. Emil Sax to discuss “How the Bourgeoisie Solves the Housing Question”
center. The number of workers' houses in the city center decreases, becomes more expensive, and as a result, workers are pushed out of the city skirts. The construction market, on the other hand, prefers to build expensive houses that will bring more profits than to build small and cheap workers' houses which also increases the housing shortage as well. Therefore, this housing shortage affects the working class more than any other group. See: Ibid., p. 16.
183 The Proudhonists proposed to accept the rent as instalments paid on the total price of the houses and to ensure that the workers would first partially and then completely own the house and thus the residential tenancy could be eliminated. The Proudhonist thought complains the severance of workers' relations with their homes and gardens is a regression. On the other hand, Engels underlines that the home, garden, field, and handloom, which were once a source of prosperity, condemn the worker to the individual production method and manual labour, which is now outdated by mechanization. Workers are required to work in other jobs because of these reduced wages of individual production methods, and they can only do this by giving up their homes and gardens, of which they are owners or tenants. Engels says that modern industry transformed the land-dependent workers into free proletarians without property and freed from traditional barriers, which is the absolute way to create a modern revolutionary proletarian class. It was a time when ownership of a home or garden was worth less than free movement. See: Ibid., pp. 7-12, 21-23.
184 On contrary to Engels, Proudhonist believes that an industrial revolution is a repugnant event that should never have happened. Instead, everyone should produce a different product and exchange it for another product that will be worth the full value of their labor. Only in this way can “eternal justice” be achieved. Proudhonist also connects the concept of eternal justice to the solution to the housing shortage. According to him, every worker should be the owner of his own house. Because as workers pay rent for their dwellings, landlords multiply the original cost of their homes over the years, which is against the concept of eternal justice that Proudhon constantly emphasizes. See: Ibid., pp. 23-28.
185 Ibid., p. 31.
186 Die Wohnungszustande der arbeitenden Klassen und ihre Reform [The Housing Conditions of the Working Classes and their Reform] by Dr. Emil Sax, Vienna, 1869.
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in the second article.187 Engels argued that solving the housing question alone, as Sax proposed, would not solve the social problem. Instead, the social problem must be addressed first to eliminate the housing question. Engels believed that the capitalist mode of production and the rural-urban divide it created must be eliminated to make the housing question disappear.188
Engels viewed the housing problem in Germany, as discussed in “The Housing Question,” as a synthesis of normal elements and contradictions within the capitalist society. He used dialectical language to emphasize the coexistence of both housing shortage and surplus. Engels did not aim to criticize the government or understand the reasons behind the housing shortage in Germany but rather to criticize the thoughts on the housing shortage. He believed that the housing question was linked to the capitalist system and could only be resolved through a social revolution resulting from the class struggle. Engels' work influenced later Marxist thinkers and writers.
Harvey's book Social Justice and the City is the twentieth century expansion on Marxist ideas on housing question developed in the nineteenth century by Engels by examining the relationship between capital and urban space. He addresses social inequality, its causes, and potential solutions, utilizing social and moral philosophy principles, urban planning, regional science, and geographical inquiry. Harvey, similar to Engels, identifies the vicious cycle inherent in the capitalist system. He also analyzes factors influencing income redistribution within urban systems, highlighting that any urban system has the potential to generate continuous disequilibrium. Factors impacting income redistribution are divided into three sub-topics.189
187 Engels, 1995, pp. 40-41.
188 Engels summarized Sax's view as advocating for a bourgeoisie without a proletariat, meaning the abolition of the proletariat without changing the capitalist mode of production. However, the proletariat is a fundamental part of the capitalist production system. Sax believed that the solution to the housing problem lied in elevating propertyless classes to the level of propertied classes, where workers would become capitalists. He proposed that employers should build housing for workers and that rents be considered residential instalments. However, this plan would make workers more dependent on their employers, as Engels criticized. Engels argued that workers would receive lower wages and devalue their labor power if they became property owners and save on rent. Sax's proposal was nothing more than showing capitalists how to profit by building workers' housing. As long as the capitalist system exists, it benefits capitalists to prevent workers from saving. The bourgeoisie attempts to solve the housing question in a way that keeps it constantly reappearing. See: Ibid., pp. 40-75.
189 The first is the speed of change and rate of adjustment in an urban system, with different groups and individuals having different adaptive capacities. Wealthier, better-educated groups adapt faster, allowing them to benefit from the time difference and accumulate greater wealth, thus increasing inequality. Harvey identifies the price of accessibility and cost of proximity as the second factor that
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These three factors show that changes and regulations in the spatial form of the city affect income redistribution, as Harvey explains with examples from American cities experiencing suburban and inner-city dualities. In cities where job opportunities are concentrated in the center, the land in the center becomes valuable, and the wealthy class prefers to live in the suburbs and pay less rent, while the poor working-class lives in the center and pays high rent due to limited budget and time for transportation. Consequently, they tend to live in cheaper but less comfortable and unhealthy places by reducing and sharing the spaces.190
This competitive market leads to a vicious circle where high-income groups live in suburbs and save more by affording transportation. On the other hand, low-income groups become poorer by living in the center since they do not have enough money. Moreover, the decision-makers in the choice of both housing locations and business investments are again high-income groups, leading to income inequality. According to Harvey, the market operates under socially defined conditions of shortage, which results in the production of wealth. Therefore, if this shortage is eliminated, the capitalist market economy will collapse. Harvey's approach is in parallel with Engels' statement that the housing shortage in a society is not unexpected, because the existence of the housing question is an inevitable part of the bourgeois society.191
Keleş argues that, in capitalist countries, the housing problem for low-income families is an inevitable outcome. Housing is viewed as a typical consumer good, and housing investments are regarded as a means to boost the economy. The price or rent of housing is determined by market forces, and the private sector that dominates most housing investments finds constructing homes for poor and low-income families unprofitable. Public institutions, including the state, municipalities, and housing cooperatives, do not have a significant role in
affects the redistribution of income in an urban system. These factors are determined by changes in the spatial form of the city, such as housing, transportation systems, job opportunities, and pollution sources, and they can affect a family's spending on accessing employment resources and social services, as well as the costs associated with living close to sources of pollution. The final factor, external effects, is the unpriced effect of any element in the urban system on other elements. These external effects can be income or cost, positive or negative, or both, depending on how the producer or consumer is affected. Harvey states that these effects have an impact on the real income of individuals, and therefore on income redistribution and income inequality. See: Harvey, David. Sosyal Adalet ve Şehir. 4. ed. Metis 2013, pp. 56-61. First Edition: Harvey, David, Social Justice, and the City. Johns Hopkins University Press, 1973.
190 Ibid., pp. 127-128.
191 Ibid., p. 131.
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meeting the housing needs of low-income groups.192 Therefore, as Engels pointed out, the housing question will persist as long as capitalist production continues.
As Keleş stated, sheltering was considered a need that individuals had to find a solution on their own until the twentieth century. Until that time, the efforts of public administrations regarding housing were to prevent the health and moral hazards of inadequate housing conditions in big cities and to ensure that they did not spread. Between the two world wars, in most of European countries, the housing problem began to be discussed among economic, social, and political problems. Thus, public institutions began to play an active role in solving housing problems. Protecting low-income tenants against landlords and imposing rent restrictions were the methods used in this period. After the Second World War, especially in underdeveloped countries, the problems of squatter settlements caused by urbanization, the emergence of workers' housing problems by industrialization and the planned development attempts of most of these countries enabled the determination of the responsibilities of the state in these issues. Keleş explains the actions of the state to solve the housing question in three ways: First, public institutions can be involved in the housing market as investors. The second is that public administrations can provide cheap land, technical support, low-interest, and long-term loans, rent support, and rent restrictions to the classes that cannot solve the housing requirement by themselves. Lastly, the state can regulate land speculation in the housing market and take measures to protect low-income groups from exploitation.193
The housing question is generally the result of the inequalities and conflicts of the class society in every region or every time period. According to Tekeli, it is important to initially define it in order to solve it. The housing question is a complex and multifaceted phenomenon and different aspects of this phenomenon gained importance in different periods. For this reason, Tekeli states that, when examining the housing question of any country, it is necessary to first determine how to approach the complexity of the problem. He attributes the complexity of defining three different reasons. The first of these is the uncertainty about whether the existence of the problem will be determined according to the rules of the market mechanism, or the normative criteria determined by the political process or planners. Secondly, the problem arises from the fact that housing is multifunctional for both individuals and society because the function of housing, which is seen as a problem, changes over time. The third is
192 Keleş, 2019, pp. 258-259.
193 Ibid., pp. 259-261.
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that the solution to the housing question has different meanings in terms of the interests of different actors in society.194
Considering the first difficulty that Tekeli describes, if the housing market had functioned correctly, which means if the supply-demand balance had been established, there would no housing question except in special cases such as war and natural disasters. However, the market mechanism does not work properly, adequate housing is not produced for low-income groups; on the contrary, more housing is produced for high-income groups, and low-income groups have to allocate a large part of their budgets to housing due to high rents.195
Tekeli states that it is difficult to define the housing question because housing does not have a single function. He explains that the multi-functional characteristic of the house is one of the main problems in both practice and theory. According to him, housing functions as (a) a shelter (protective and private), (b) a production commodity196, (c) a consumption good (for social status)197, (d) a way of expropriation to speculative value increases as an investment, (e) the mechanism of ensuring assurance for individuals and families, (f) a tool for reproduction of social relations (reproduction of inequality)198, (g) a cultural artefact for the urban environment
194 Tekeli, 2012, p. 10.
195 Ibid., p. 11.
196 The association of the housing problem with the production of a sufficient number of houses is related to the function of the house as a production commodity. In terms of production, housing is produced by the combination of several factors such as technology, labor, capital, and urban land. However, urban land differs from other factors because it creates absolute rent and a speculative increase in value. The increase in value, which is the result of social developments, benefits the urban landowner, who has no productive function. The increase in value also makes the housing supply more expensive. Considering all this, the housing question is inevitably related to the problem of urban land. See: Ibid., p. 13.
197 The function of the house as a consumption good is related to the satisfaction and pleasure that people get from consuming a higher standard and larger house, like every other consumer good. Therefore, people with higher incomes create a demand for better and larger housing. As Tekeli underlines, when people's income increases, they tend to consume more than one residence, such as urban residences, summer residences, and mountain residences. The increase in housing consumption also determines the status of that family in society. This function of housing raises the problem of conspicuous housing consumption. It begins to be consumed as a means of social prestige rather than meeting the need for sheltering. If one part of the society consumes excessively while the other part consumes well below the needs, excessive consumption will be regarded as a problem in society due to equality concerns. Even though excessive consumption can be accepted in a consumer society, since low-interest loans and government subsidies, and therefore public resources are used for housing production, it emerges as a problem. See: Ibid., pp. 14-15.
198 Tekeli states that the house is a long-term investment and therefore it should be evaluated differently from being considered as a consumption good. Housing is one of the investment options for a family that can save money, and income is generated by renting the house. Even if this income is not high compared to the capital, the value of the house increases over time, and the real estate owner distrains the value increase in the urban land due to the property institution. For small investors, housing is seen
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(a public commodity due to being part of the city), and (h) a tool for reproduction of labor.199 If the multifunctionality of the house is considered, different problems in housing can be defined for each different function. However, Tekeli claims that the general approach is to perceive the house only as a shelter instead of its multi-dimensional definitions. Thus, it is thought that the housing question can be solved when a sufficient number of shelters are provided.200
The fact that the housing question is related to different actors of housing in society, creates difficulty in finding solutions to the problem. Tekeli states five actors as related to the housing issue (or housing question); (a) tenant, (b) house owner/landlord, (c) producer, (d) local authority, and (e) central authority. The problems that emerged due to each different type of housing presentation/production will have different meanings according to these actors. The housing question for tenants is about supplying enough affordable housing to the market.201 According to Tekeli, in a country where there are no special programs for the supply of rental housing, the production of rental houses will be low, and the rents will be high relative to the
as the only option because it is more profitable than other investment areas. It can be said that this situation will not cause a problem if there is a housing shortage in the country. However, since these investors do not have any other options, they will try to own houses larger than their needs and with higher standards. As a result, housing production in the country will become inconsistent with income distribution. Since the house is an investment and its value, which rises over time, can be converted into cash in a short time gives it the assurance of overcoming the crises that the family may experience in its life cycle. Housing provides this security not only with its economic value but also with its sixth function, the mechanism of reproducing social relations. Housing is both the place where the socialization of the individual takes place within the family and the place where the social relations of the family are constantly reproduced. With this feature, the house, on the one hand, preserves the place of the family in the social layer, but on the other hand, it makes it difficult for the family to rise to the upper layers. In order to change the social layer, it is often necessary to change the house. Tekeli states that the reproduction of social relations by housing helps the reproduction of inequality as well. See: Ibid., pp. 15-16.
199 The house is also a cultural artefact for an urban environment. Houses and the environments they create contain information about a certain culture and time, and in this respect, they can be interpreted as public goods. Considering the house from this point of view, producing a sufficient number of houses is not a solution. In this case, the cultural and aesthetic values of the houses are also considered as a value judgment of the housing question. In fact, the above-mentioned features of the house come together and provide the function of reproduction of labor. Expensive housing production due to absolute rents on the land, undeveloped construction processes or other reasons, and high rents will also make the reproduction of labor more expensive. Therefore, it will be a problem for different actors of housing. See: Ibid., p.12, 16-17.
200 Ibid., p. 97.
201 As Tekeli states, rents should be between five and fifteen per cent of the family's income. Like Engels, Tekeli also claims that the rental housing supply should be preferred over the property housing in societies that are trying to develop by adopting the capitalist system, are rapidly changing, and therefore have high population movements. See: Ibid., p. 17.; Tekeli, İlhan. Konut Sorununu Konut Sunum Biçimleriyle Düşünmek. Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, 2009, p. 102.
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income of the tenants. However, the rental value remains few compared to the amount of investment made by those who invest in housing production. The reason for this paradox is that the houses are offered to the market at high prices due to both the land values increased by speculation and the high-profit expectations of the entrepreneurs. To him, it is very difficult for individuals who pay high rents to save money to own a house, which can be seen as another housing question for tenants.202
The individual who wants to be the owner of a house chooses it according to factors such as the satisfaction provided as a consumption good, the social status came with it, its distance from the city center and workplace, and the profit rate it will bring in the future etc. According to Tekeli, it is not possible for a middle-income individual to realize all these without paying the entrepreneur's share and high urban rents. The only way for this to happen is only if the individual or people in a similar situation come together in cooperatives and assume the entrepreneurial function. Otherwise, they will depend on different entrepreneurs who are the most active members of the housing market. The supply of housing in a country with small or large-scale entrepreneurial organizations also determines the growth of the cities. The perspective and interests of the producer on the housing problem vary depending on the scale of the initiative. The scale of all these initiatives and their effects on the growth of the city bring along problems such as infrastructure organization and expenditures, and the difficulties of maintaining the zoning order for local authorities.203
The housing question in terms of central authorities is related to the most effective distribution of the country's resources among the segments of society and the function of housing in terms of the country's economy. The balance of investment between industrialization and urbanization is very important, especially in the so-called “underdeveloped” or “developing countries”. Since these countries with slow capital accumulation aim to accelerate their industrialization to develop, they have to keep their investment in urbanization and therefore housing to a minimum. The upper and middle-income groups of these countries tend to invest in high housing.204 Therefore a dual structure emerges in cities, with modern houses on one side and squatters on the other.
202 Tekeli, 2012, pp. 17-18.
203 Ibid., pp. 19-20.
204 Ibid., pp. 19-20.
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While defining and discussing the actors, Harvey’s approach is worth to mention. Harvey examines the actors in the housing market through their relationship to use and exchange values. These actors; (a) dwellers (both as tenant or as owner), (b) real estate agents, (c) landlords, (d) contractors and the housing building industry, (e) financial institutions and (f) government agencies. Dwellers way of using and consuming a house differs according to their desires and needs. Whether the dwellers are tenants or landlords, their common concern is to obtain use value by spending the exchange value of the house. The real estate agents exist in the housing market to obtain exchange value. They make a profit by selling or being an intermediary and taking commission. They do not contribute to the use value of the house. For them, the use value of house is related to the business volume since the exchange value is proportional to it. The increase in the movement in the housing stock enables them to increase their income as well. Landlords are concerned with exchange value if they rent out their homes, and with both exchange and use value if they live in their own homes. Contractors and the housing building industry participate in the process by creating new use value for others in order to obtain exchange value for themselves. They spend capital in the process of purchasing the land and building the house, which happens before they gain exchange value. Then they become part of the competitive market because they want to make a profit. Along with real estate agents, this group is not concerned with the use values of others as long as they create exchange value for themselves. Financial institutions obtain exchange value through financing the creation or provision of value in use. Entrepreneurs produce housing using the resources of banks, insurance companies, construction companies and other financial institutions. Government agencies also intervene in the housing market when reaching the use value becomes difficult for housing consumers. This intervention can be either directly or indirectly. They can support financial institutions, contractors, and the construction industry by enabling them to gain exchange value by providing tax relief, securing profits or eliminating risk.205 As can be seen, different groups have different meanings of use and exchange value. This is an indication that each of them has different interests in producing and consuming housing.
The housing question is rarely seen in countries where urbanization and industrialization processes run parallel or have been completed. However, in the so-called “underdeveloped” and “developing” countries, issues such as poverty, migration, rural-urban opposition and thus problems related to housing are common. Tekeli, like Engels, relates the issue to the level of
205 Harvey, 2013, pp. 152-154.
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development and class differences of countries while creating an argument on the housing question. Although the time period in which the two authors wrote their texts, and the geographies they studied were different, they both meet on a common ground. The main reason for this is that housing is directly related to urbanization and urbanization is directly related to industrialization.
Urbanization is both the result of economic, social, political, and technological developments (dependent variable), and it is a phenomenon that can lead to changes in the economic, social, and political structure of the society and human behavior (independent variable).206 Keleş defines urbanization in the simplest sense as the “increase in the number of cities and the population living in cities.” The urban population increases, on the one hand, due to births being higher than deaths, and on the other hand, internal migration from villages to cities. According to Keleş, urbanization is a dynamic concept that describes a change, a process over time. He underlines that urbanization is not just a population movement because urbanization is the result of changes in the economic and social structure of a society, as stated above. Then, the urbanization movement can be broadly defined as the “population accumulation process, which, in parallel with industrialization and economic development, causes the increase in the number of cities and the growth of cities, creates organization, division of labor and specialization in the social structure, and causes urban-specific changes in people's behavior and relations.”207
Keleş also states that the change in the mode of production has a unique role in the definition of urbanization. Therefore, urbanization can also be defined as shifting from agricultural production to a more advanced production level. With this transition, cities and the urban population grow again. As it can be understood from all these, there is a rural area with a predominantly agricultural character on the one side and a city with a predominantly non-agricultural character on the other side of the urbanization process.208 While urbanization enables an increase in income in a country, it can also affect income distribution between classes and regions negatively, depending on how newcomers are employed in cities. As Keleş states, urbanization will not be a measure of development if migration from villages to cities
206 Kartal, Kemal. “Kentleşme Sürecinde Toplumsal Değişme Odağı olarak Ankara.” In Kentsel Bütünleşme, edited by Türköz Erder, Türkiye Gelişme Araştırmaları Vakfı, 1982, p. 125.
207 Keleş, 2019, p. 20.
208 Ibid., p. 21.
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does not increase the income of individuals and society,209 which would in turn result in housing as a question.
3.1.2. Housing as a Question in Turkey
The main purpose of this part is to establish a conceptual and contextual basis for the analysis of housing cartoons in the following sections. To achieve this, a general framework will be drawn, taking into consideration the socio-political and economic atmosphere of Turkey between the 1950s and mid-1980s in relation to housing question and policies.
The establishment of the Turkish Republic is the most important threshold for Turkey when the regime changed by introducing modernization and thus affecting not only politics but also other aspects such as economic and social life. Modernization process had already started in the Ottoman period from the eighteenth century on and gained momentum with the declaration of the Tanzimat edict in the nineteenth century.210 With the establishment of the Turkish Republic in 1923, various reforms were made in social, political, and economic structures to modernize the country. The reform program implemented in the Republican period differed from the attempts in the past in many respects. The aim of the modernization movements in the Republican era was to transform the traditional Ottoman society into a modern and secular one and to create the Turkish nation-state.211
After the establishment of the Turkish Republic, the one-party regime of the Republican People’s Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi-CHP) continued under the leadership of the founder Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, and later İsmet İnönü after his death in 1938.212 In the early Republican decades of political establishment, the course of the economy did not quickly
209 Ibid., pp. 21-22.
210 For modernization in the late Ottoman period see: Ahmed, Feroz. The Making of Modern Turkey. Harper Collins Academic, 1991; Çelik, Zeynep. The Remaking of İstanbul: Portrait of an Ottoman City in the Nineteenth Century. University of California Press 1993; Gül, Murat. Modern İstanbul’un Doğuşu: Bir Şehrin Dönüşümü ve Modernizasyon. Sel Yayıncılık, 2009; Lewis, Bernard, and Boğaç B. Turna. Modern Türkiye’nin Doğuşu. İstanbul: Arkadaş̧, 2011; Ortaylı, İlber. İmparatorluğun En Uzun Yüzyılı. 16. Baskı ed. İletişim Yayınları 2003; Zürcher, Erik Jan. Modernleşen Türkiye'nin Tarihi. 32. baskı ed. İletişim 2016
211 Gül, 2009, pp. 96-97.
212 There were some democratization attempts with the establishment of an opposition party in 1924. However, it never had the power to be a strong opposition to CHP and it was also closed with Takrir-i Sükun Law in 1925.
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improve. The restrictions imposed by the Treaty of Lausanne, which obliged the government to maintain a relatively open market until 1929, caused stagnation in the economy.213 The economic crisis of 1929 (known as the bankruptcy of Wallstreet) also affected Turkey. In the 1930s, on the other hand, new economic breakthroughs were made with the principle of Statism. Lewis summarizes the aims of statism as “to launch and develop projects that are vital to the power and welfare of the nation, in areas where private capital is insufficient, inactive or slow”. The government thus began to take measures to develop the industry throughout the country and aimed to distribute industrial projects all over Anatolia in order to minimize the disparities in different parts of the country. Then, the First Five-Year Industrial Development Plan for the growth of the national industry was accepted in 1934, to be followed by the second plan, which could not be implemented due to the beginning of the Second World War.214
In addition to the political realities, the newly established Republic of Turkey, like all revolutionary regimes in the world, was aware that architecture and urban design were the most important visual tools of cultural modernization.215 In the beginning, these architectural practices were based on using Ottoman revivalist elements together with new materials and construction techniques. However, after CHP became stronger and established its secular and modern program, these revivalist attitudes were abandoned. Bozdoğan refers to this period with the following statements:
This was the beginning of the ideologically charged binary way of thinking in terms of contrasts between the old and new, the traditional and the contemporary (asri), the reactionary and the progressive, which permeated the entire architectural discourse of the early republic.216
The years of the Second World War exposed Turkey to serious economic difficulties and the state's intervention in the economy had to become more comprehensive. Turkey was strongly influenced by the Second World War even if the country has been left out of the war. Therefore, Turkey was faced with a new economic crisis and stagnation due to the war, while the practices in parallel with the policies followed in the 1930s were just started. This resulted in a decrease in housing production after 1939 and an increase in the existing housing
213 Ahmad, 1995, p. 87.
214 Lewis, 2015, p. 377-384; Ahmad, 1995, pp. 140-141.
215 Gül, 2009, p. 102. 216 Bozdoğan, & Akcan, 2012, p. 24.
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question.217 The government had to take new financial measures. Thus, the capital tax (varlık vergisi) was introduced on November 11, 1942. The law stated that taxes would be collected from those who accumulated capital during the war, such as property owners, big farm owners, businessmen, and some salaried employees who were taxpayers.218
Although the non-Muslim business community was more affected, the capital tax caused disturbance and suspicion among the Turkish bourgeoisie in general. The policy of decreasing the prices of land products to balance inflation during the war, the “Tax on Soil Products (Toprak Mahsulleri Vergisi)” and the “Law of Providing Land to Farmers (Çiftçiyi Topraklandırma Kanunu)” in 1945 were also against the interests of large landowners. Therefore, all these played an important role in the emergence and strengthening of the political opposition in post-war Turkey.219 During this time, not only the country's failing economy and the anger of interest groups, but also Turkey's foreign relations triggered the transformation into the multi-party system.220
Such democratization efforts, which had been tried twice during the 27 years of uninterrupted ruling of CHP, were succeeded in the 1950 election when the single-party era ended, and the multi-party era started with the victory of the Democrat Party (DP) led by Adnan Menderes.221
217 Sey, 1998b, p. 279.
218 This law was particularly criticized for separating taxpayers into Muslims and non-Muslims and charging non-Muslims the highest rate. Lewis, 2015, pp. 397-398.; Ahmad, 1995, p. 103.
Tekeli also highlights that, even if Turkey was not a part of the Second World War, the rapid urbanization that started after the war caused an increase in housing questions. During these years, the Turkish Lira lost its value rapidly due to the war economy. In addition, the government, which faced budget deficits during the war years due to military expenditures, had to sell a large number of treasury lands in and around the cities at low prices. These lands, which were collected by speculative expectations, were offered to the market at high prices after the war. The decrease in housing supply and the increase in land prices despite the freezing of housing rents were among the factors that increased the housing problem for the low-income group. See: Tekeli, 2012, p. 30.
219 Zürcher, Erik Jan. Modernleşen Türkiye’nin Tarihi. 32. baskı ed. İletişim 2016, pp. 305-306.
220 The victory of the United States of America, a pluralist and capitalist democracy, as the dominant world power in the Second World War, affected many countries, including Turkey, from different aspects. Turkey participated in the San Francisco Conference in 1945 as a founding member and promised democratic ideals by signing the United Nations treaty. In addition, the Truman Doctrine, proclaimed by the United States in 1947, was the first move to protect anti-communist regimes around the world. This was followed by the Marshall Plan, which aimed to provide large amounts of financial support to European countries. This plan had three complementary goals. First, to help Europeans recover from the effects of the war; second, to protect and increase profitable export markets for American industry, and last to eradicate the poverty that caused communism. See: Zürcher, 2016, pp. 307-308.
221 This process began in 1945 when a group of CHP members presented a proposal for legal reform. Although their aim seemed to make reform within the party, this proposal became the initial symbol of organized political opposition after the war. After the ongoing tensions within the party, four members
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In the transitional period of the late 1940s, both parties made promises for the liberalization of the economy. In 1947, a new development plan was adopted under the influence of DP. The new plan focused on free enterprise, the development of agriculture and agro-industry, highways instead of railways, and the development of the energy (oil) sector.222 The promises and demands of DP during the election in 1950 included more freedom in both political and economic fields, such as easing statism, supporting private enterprise, and introducing the right to strike for workers.223
Different time periods have different features related to housing question depending on the socio-political and economic context. Tekeli explains in six points the characteristics of the housing question after the establishment of the Turkish Republic in 1923 until the transition to a multi-party system in 1950:
● The development of villages burned by Greeks during the War of Independence
● Housing demand that occurred after the establishment of Ankara as the capital city
● Housing demand for workers of newly constructed factories
● Modernization of houses in the villages
● Reconstruction of houses after the natural disasters (Erzincan earthquake is given as an example)
● Housing demand increased by the migration after the Second World War and its illegal solution through the emergence of squatter settlements.224
In this period, the almost constant size of the urban population was not a challenging factor for the development of housing policy. The problem of accommodation of peasants was not seen as a prior policy and it was considered that resources should be used for industrialization.
resigned from CHP on December 3, 1945, and officially established DP on January 7, 1946. The leaders of the group were Celal Bayar, who was a banker and economist, the deputy of Izmir and served as the prime minister in 1937-39; Fuad Köprülü, who was the deputy of Kars, academician, and historian; Adnan Menderes, who was the deputy of Aydın, lawyer, and a farmer; Refik Koraltan, who was the deputy of İçel and had an experience as a judge and governor. The group submitted a proposal to CHP group asking for the full implementation of the Constitution and the establishment of democracy in accordance with the signed United Nations treaty. See: Lewis, 2015, pp. 405-410; Ahmad, 1995, pp. 148-149.; Zürcher, 2016, pp. 310-311.
222 Zürcher, 2016, p. 316.
223 Lewis, 2015, p. 417.
224 According to Tekeli, only the last one was the real housing question in Turkey. In the conditions of the Second World War, the housing question began to be seen as a common problem throughout the country, rather than an architecture, a zoning problem or only Ankara's problem. Therefore, only the last years of the period were accepted as the years of the housing question. See: Tekeli, 2012, pp. 27-28.
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In other words, housing was not considered as a social problem throughout the country, instead, individuals tried to find a solution to their sheltering needs through their efforts.225
However, in reality, the newly established Turkish Republic was confronted with a housing and urban development problem. The development of cities demolished during the First World War and the relocation of Turks, living in abandoned lands, to Anatolia, resulted in excessive housing construction needs. In addition to this, there was the problem of rebuilding Ankara and providing housing for state employees.226 For this reason, private enterprise was encouraged to meet the need arising from the population exchange and the reconstruction of the houses destroyed during the war. With such a policy, it was aimed to encourage domestic and foreign private enterprises and companies and institutions to increase construction activity. Despite all these actions and precautions, Sey underlines that expected results could not be obtained and most of the population was forced to live in unhealthy conditions.227
Ultimately when DP won the election on May 15, 1950, as particularly supported by the landlords, the peasants, the new commercial class, and the old religious class,228 the transition from a statist economy to a liberal free market economy started in full force. For the first time in Turkish political history, DP followed a policy that prioritized the interests of farmers as exemplified in the use of tractors that came in 1949 within the Marshall Plan mentioned above.
225 Çoban, 2012, p. 78.
226 Between the years 1923 and 1950, with the development of the institutional organization of the state, arrangements were made to meet the housing needs of the increasing number of civil servants. The first attempt was actually seen in the Jansen Plan of Ankara in 1928, where he planned a neighborhood for low-income groups (Amele Mahallesi). Jansen’s plan reveals the importance given to the housing problem of low-income families. A law enacted in 1925 allowed civil servants to set aside half of their salaries to establish housing cooperatives. Although another law issued in 1928 granted the Ministry of Finance as the authority to make civil servant housing with Treasury facilities, this was not put into practice. Instead, housing compensation started to be paid to civil servants with the law of 1929, and it continued until 1951. See: Keleş, Ruşen. Kentleşme Politikası. Ankara: İmge Kitapevi Yayınları, 2010, p. 445.; Şenyapılı, 2004a, p. 66.
227 Şenyapılı mentions that this attempt was not successful to meet demands. They were planned to target officers, but they became too luxurious for them, and they became useful for the ones out of the target group. See: Şenyapılı, 2004a, pp. 55-57. Sey also defines the 1930s as the years when housing was an issue within the objectives of the state. Among these objectives, housing for workers and peasants was one of the important subjects. In addition to that, municipalities were expected to get involved in housing construction in the government program of Celal Bayar. Factories that produce basic materials, such as iron, steel and cement were also established. See: Sey, 1998b, pp. 274-276.
228 Large-scale landlords in Anatolia were angry with CHP government because of the land reform law enacted in 1945. Religious leaders, still influential in villages and small provincial cities, were displeased with the forced secularization movements of CHP. The growing new commercial class opposed statist policies and supported DP, which promised a more liberal economy. Lewis, 2015, pp. 422-424. For further information on Land Reform, see: Lewis, 2015, pp. 641-642.
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Modern farming methods reduced the need for labor in agriculture, triggering migration to big cities, and thus changing the demographic texture in both geographies. In addition to agriculture, various incentive laws were enacted for both domestic and foreign investors in the industry.229
The housing problem transformed concomitantly with the emergence of a multi-party system in the mid-twentieth century. In the 1950s, urbanization was the main issue, and the housing question emerged in this context as the most significant problem in cities in Turkey. Many people migrated to big cities, and as a result of the lack of housing provisions for the newcomers, they started to build squatter settlements.230
The effects of the structural change in the agricultural sector on the economy began to become evident in the first half of the 1950-1960 period. In addition to the investments made in highways within the scope of Marshall aid, the road networks expanded, and the number of transportation vehicles increased due to the need to transport agricultural products to the markets. In this period, two factors contributed to the development of urban economies. The first of these was the investment of the increasing agricultural income to cities, and the second was the increase in the cheap labor force in the cities through migration. As a result of this, Turkey started to give importance to urbanization after 1950.231
The most important feature of the urbanization process of Turkey was related to its speed. As it is mentioned by many scholars, this process happened very quickly in Turkey. The second feature was related to the growth rate of the cities. During this process, not all cities grew at the same rate, but large cities grew faster than others.232 Just like population growth,
229 DP believed that the market would work once it switched to a liberal economy. However, despite all the incentives, foreign investments remained extremely limited. Zürcher, 2016, p. 328.; Gül, 2009, p. 154. 230 Bozdoğan, Sibel, and Esra Akcan. Turkey: Modern Architectures in History. London: Reaktion Books, 2012, pp. 105-113. For further information see also; Lewis, Bernard, and Boğaç B. Turna. Modern Türkiye’nin Doğuşu. İstanbul: Arkadaş̧, 2011.; Ahmed, Feroz. The Making of Modern Turkey. Harper Collins Academic, 1991.; Shaw, Stanford J, and Ezel K. Shaw. History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey. Cambridge, GBR: Cambridge University Press, 2010.
231 Şenyapılı, 2004a, pp. 173-174.
232 Keleş, 2019, p. 63.
Urbanization started to be discussed as a problem in Turkey, especially after the existence of uncontrollable and complex big cities after the 1970s. Urbanization movements resulted in several problems directly or indirectly. These were related to the utilization of various municipal services, technical infrastructure, housing problems, and uneven distribution of basic services such as transportation, health, and education. Differences in income and living standards between rural and
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urbanization was first perceived as a positive social process and was supported by some industrialization policies. Özer defines urbanization as an indicator of social development and states that it is the modernization of a “developing” country by leaving its traditional structure behind.233
The social dimension of urbanization has been perceived as a “migration and squatter” problem for a long time.234 Keleş states that the migration in Turkey is from less developed regions such as the East, Southeast and the Black Sea to the West, which is considered as the more developed region.235 It can be said that İstanbul is one of the most striking examples of Turkey's rapid and unhealthy urbanization with a high rate of migration. Its population increased from 681,000 in 1927 to 980,000 in 1950, 1,269,000 in 1955, 1,467,000 in 1960, and 2,773,000 in 1980.236
As migration accelerates over time, the reaction becomes rapid, and the phenomenon referred to as “extreme urbanization” in the literature emerges.237 Keleş argues that the concept of “extreme urbanization” is not only related to the speed of urbanization but also related to its quality.238 Another problem is related to the adaptation of the migrating population to the new living place. It is not enough for the newcomers to find a job for their adaptation to the city, cultural integration is also necessary. Özer states that these problems are accompanied by concepts such as not being urbanized, duality in urban structure, unintegrated cities, and unplanned urbanization.239
urban have gradually increased. Similar distinctions emerged not only between rural and urban areas, but also in cities, and a duality within the city has emerged. Keleş also emphasizes that one of the biggest problems of urbanization in Turkey is the use of urban lands to generate rent and sharing. See: Ibid., pp. 101-103.
233 Özer, İnan. Kentleşme Kentlileşme ve Kentsel Değişme. Ekin Kitabevi, 2004, p. v.
234 Migration can be defined as the population movement that changes the social structure with economic, cultural, and political dimensions. Migration flow directions can be from rural to urban, from city to city and from city to rural. Ibid., p. 11, 33.
235 According to statistics, there is a continuous increase in the proportion of people living outside of the provinces they were born in. This rate rose from only 9.3% in 1945 to 10.4% in 1955, 12.8% in 1965, 21% in 1970 and 24% in 1980. See: Keleş, 2019, p. 79.
236 Ibid., pp. 87-88
237 Özer, 2004, p. 27.
238 Keleş, Ruşen. “Türkiye’de Kentleşme ve Kentsel Gelişme Politikaları.” In Kentsel Bütünleşme, edited by Türköz Erder, Türkiye Gelişme Araştırmaları Vakfı, 1982, p. 69.
239 Özer, 2004, p. 28.
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Within the framework of the mid-twentieth century process of urbanization and modernization, designing and construction of housing increased in Turkey. Menderes started the reconstruction (imar) operation in İstanbul in 1956.240 Large and straight boulevards were opened especially in İstanbul and Ankara during the ‘development movement’ (imar hareketi) between 1955-1960.241 Due to the rapid housing production, the decades from the 1950s onwards witnessed the transformation of the traditional built environment of cities. Rents arose due to the increasing housing need and the state did not offer any solution to the problem. Thus, squatter settlements around cities emerged as individual solutions.242 They emerged as a special type of housing in the cheap and mobile labor market depending on their characteristics, opportunities, and income. The existence of empty and uncontrolled lands around the cities ushered in the rapid development of this model.243
It can be said that the popularity of DP increased mostly in the 1954 elections. However, as DP tried to do more with insufficient funds, economic growth in 1955 fell from 13% to 4%. Nevertheless, the government wanted to keep the pace of imports and investments. As a result, debt to international markets increased. Consequently, as Zürcher noted, the ensuing years of growing economic depression and the alienation of the elite ruling class and the military weakened the power of DP. 244
The increasing economic depression and the increasing tension between DP and CHP due to the investigation commission established by DP resulted in a military coup on May 27, 1960. The military believed that changing the government was not enough.245 The new constitution, prepared by the appointed committee, was approved by a referendum on July 9, 1961. The
240 This operation had an economic dimension as well as a prestige dimension. It can be said that Menderes tried to create the reflection of his period in İstanbul, in parallel with the republican regime trying to create its reflection in Ankara. According to Şenyapılı, there are two reasons why this large-scale operation by Menderes did not achieve the targeted success. The first is that the zoning procedures were not regulated within the scope of a plan or program, and the other is that it coincided with the years when inflation was at its highest. See: Şenyapılı, 1996, p. 175.
241 To achieve this, many expropriations were made. Therefore, existing dwellers of the expropriated areas were forced to leave their homes which resulted in the emergence of new, unhealthy settlements with different qualities. Şenyapılı, 1981, p. 10.
242 Sey, Yıldız. “Cumhuriyet Döneminde Konut.” In 75 yılda değişen kent ve mimarlık, edited by Yıldız Sey, Tarih Vakfı Yayınları, 1998b, p. 285.
243 Şenyapılı, Tansı. “Yeni Sorunlar – Eski Çözümler: Kentsel Mekanda Bir Gecekondu Yolculuğu.” In Tarihten Günümüze Anadolu'da Konut ve Yerleşme: Housing and Settlement in Anatolia a Historical Perspective, edited by Yıldız Sey, Türk Tarih Vakfı, 1996. p. 347.
244 Zürcher, 2016, p. 327, pp. 332-333.
245 Ibid., p. 352.
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main distinctive feature of the mid-twentieth century was the experience of a planned economy with the 1961 Constitution. During this period, an approach based on a state plan was followed as the solution to the housing question.246
The 1961 Constitution also includes principles about social housing.247 Article 49 of the 1961 Constitution gave the state the task of “taking measures to meet the housing needs of low-income and poor citizens”. In the following, article 57 of the 1982 Constitution did not make a distinction between families with or without low income. According to Keleş, it can be understood from this statement that the state is responsible for solving the housing problem of all families.248 The new Constitution was more libertarian than before for both left and right parties, and it resulted in the establishment of several new parties.249 Among these parties, the Justice Party (Adalet Partisi-AP) led by Süleyman Demirel won the 1965 elections.250
The planned economy process was executed with the five-year development plans and several new laws.251 The First Five-Year Development Plan (1963-1967) proposed that the growth of cities must be proportional to the job opportunities they offered, to prevent the unlimited growth of large cities. It was emphasized that the geographical distribution of urbanization should be balanced. Apart from this, there was no detailed urbanization policy.252 In terms of housing issues, it was aimed to limit the standards to meet the housing needs of the masses. This plan stated that housing investments were not used efficiently enough, so more houses should be produced with the same investment. For this reason, it was aimed to build relatively
246 Tekeli, 2011, p. 290.
247 Sey, 1998b, p. 285.; for further information about social housing standards see: Anonymous, “İmar ve İskan Bakanlığı Halk Konutları Standartları”. Mimarlık, Sayı:3, 1964, pp. 9-14.
248 Keleş, 2019, p. 276.
249 Zürcher, 2016, pp. 357-358.
250 Ibid., p. 364.
Modernization shifted from the cultural atmosphere to the economic atmosphere in this period. The 1960s was a time when political, urban, and economic structures changed and expanded, and became more closely linked to the development of transportation and communication networks and made the heterogeneity of all social institutions more apparent. See: Kaynar, Mete Kaan. “Önsöz”. In Türkiyeʼnin 1960ʼlı Yılları, edited by Mete Kaan Kaynar, 2. baskı ed. İletişim Yayıncılık, 2021, p. 19.
251 Further information on laws related to housing and housing policies and reports by foreign professionals are given detailly in Appendix D.
252 Keleş, 2019, p. 193.
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smaller and cheaper houses called “public housing” or “social housing”.253 Through this approach, the “Public Housing Standards” was prepared. These years were the years when the concept of 'affordable housing' entered the terminology of architecture. The approach of the first plan to the squatter settlements was to protect the dwellers of these houses. Therefore, instead of demolishing them, it was aimed to regenerate them.254 In addition, it was also aimed to prevent the construction of new squatter houses. However, to achieve this, the plan did not have a prohibitive approach. Instead, it aimed to provide facilitating measures for these people to construct regular houses.255
Meanwhile, the first Demirel government program (1965-1969) addressed various issues related to housing in 1965. This program was a reflection of the new approaches to the housing question after 1960 in Turkey. Its effects were also seen in the Second Five-Year Development Plan. This program was intended to make all citizens, starting from the poor and low-income groups, own a home or live in cheap rental housing. For this, it was proposed to establish a housing office. It was aimed to legalize the existing squatter houses and to enable them to benefit from municipal services such as water, road, transportation, and sewerage.256 At the end of the 1960s, the character of the economy and society had undergone a profound change. During this period, there was a diversification and increase in the production of durable consumer goods, macroeconomic balances were maintained, and industrialization progressed to a great extent thanks to the industrialization strategy for import substitution.257
In this period, migration changed urban daily life considerably. The need for housing increased; and as solutions, apartment blocks, squatters, cooperative houses, and lodgings became the main living areas of these years. Although social housing came to the agenda, and cooperatives initiated by the unions continued to be effective, apartment blocks quickly built by contractors became the mostly preferred residences of middle and upper-income groups.258
253 Ibid., p. 314.; for detailed information about housing issues in the First Five-Year Development Plan see: Anonymous. “1. Beş Yıllık Kalkınma Planında Konut Sektörü.” Arkitekt, Sayı: 312, 1963, pp. 135-139.
254 Sey, 1998b, p. 276; Tekeli, 2012, p. 112.
255 Tekeli, 2012, p. 114.
256 Ibid., p. 227.
257 Özcan, Feridun Cemil. “Altmışlı Yıllarda Türkiye Ekonomisi”. In Türkiyeʼnin 1960ʼlı Yılları, edited by Mete Kaan Kaynar, 2. baskı ed. İletişim Yayıncılık, 2021, p.184.
258 Alkan, Mehmet. “Altmışlı Yıllarda Günlük Hayatın Siyaseti”. In Türkiyeʼnin 1960ʼlı Yılları, edited by Mete Kaan Kaynar, 2. baskı ed. İletişim Yayıncılık, 2021, pp. 934-935.
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Squatter houses, on the other hand, became the solution by the low-income groups to the housing question.
The gradual industrialization of the economy naturally reflected social transformation. In the late 1960s, two new groups began to emerge politically. The first was the working class, whose class consciousness was increasing. The other group was the industrial bourgeoisie, which developed as Turkish industry began to be supported to produce almost all kinds of consumer goods that had been imported in the past.259 Before the 1960s, Turkey had been a predominantly agricultural country with a small state-dominated industrial sector. By the end of the decade, a strong private industrial sector would emerge. Moreover, the contribution of industry to the gross national product nearly equated with that of agriculture and even exceeded it in 1973. This was followed by the acceleration in the urbanization process as villagers migrated to cities and towns in search of work and a better life.260
The migration from rural to urban areas, which had mainly started in the 1950s, continued to increase in the 1960s. While the ratio of people living in cities with a population of more than 20 thousand to the total population was less than 15% in the 1950s, this ratio increased to 28% by 1970. Thus, the populations of major cities doubled in less than a decade.261
Under this atmosphere, the Second Five-Year Development Plan (1968-1972), was introduced. In this plan, the urbanization policy was determined more clearly. Urbanization was handled as a phenomenon that should be supported as a result of economic and social development, especially industrialization. Unlike the first plan, the further growth of big cities was considered a positive trend for economic and social development.262 Housing investments were slightly restricted (20% in the First Plan, and 17% in the Second Plan), and the role of the state was defined as a regulator, not as an investor.263 The plan stated that the squatter housing problem should be handled within the housing sector as a whole. It aimed to solve
259 The first car, which was named Anadol with the abbreviation of the word Anatolia, became the symbol of the new industrialization. This car was produced together by Koç Holding, which was the largest company in Turkey at that time, and Ford Motors. Planners saw such cooperation as the best way to attract foreign capital and know-how to the country. See: Ahmad, 1995, p. 189.
260 Ahmad, 1995, p. 189.
261 Özcan, 2021, p. 189.
262 Keleş, 2019, pp. 193-194.
263 Sey, 1998b, p. 288; Keleş, 2019, p. 315.
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this problem by giving priority to prevention and benefiting from the effort of individual construction practices. In this plan, mass housing practices were also started to be discussed.264
The 1960s were years of rapid change. People were much more mobile, both physically and socially. There was a growing student community and a growing industrial proletariat. The development of a new left-wing view of students and intellectuals in the 1960s was not unique to Turkey as youth movement started to be experienced worldwide leading to the 1968 events.265Increasing violence towards the end of the 1960s between right and left-wing views also affected Turkey both politically and socially.266
As a result of the escalating tension, the military issued a memorandum on March 12, 1971, warning that a new government should be formed that would end the anarchy. It was said that the intervention was carried out to end the growing social discontent, political tension, parliamentary crisis, and the expanding circle of terror, and no economic justification was given. However, like all other interventions, it is criticized for aiming to make arrangements for the sake of capitalism and favor of the ruling class. Thus, the price of everything from postage to electricity, from coal to iron, and from cement to newsprint, increased. The model proposed by the centers of world capitalism for Turkey had to be implemented for the improvement of the economy from a broader perspective.267
264 Tekeli, 2012, p. 229.
265 Zürcher, 2016, pp. 368-372.
266 The 1960s was a time when, unlike in previous decades, international politics had a significant impact on Turkey's political development. These developments transformed various political groups in Turkey, like many other countries, and directed the emergence of new views and political personalities. Özcan claims that it is not a coincidence that leaders such as Süleyman Demirel, Bülent Ecevit, Necmettin Erbakan, and Alparslan Türkeş, who would influence Turkish politics for the next thirty years, emerged in this decade. See: Özcan, Gencer. “Altmışlı Yıllarda Dış Politika”. In Türkiyeʼnin 1960ʼlı Yılları, edited by Mete Kaan Kaynar, 2. baskı ed. İletişim Yayıncılık, 2021, p. 254.
In this period, the most radical leftist party was Workers’ Party of Türkiye (Türkiye İşçi Partisi- TİP) although it was divided into various groups over time. Meanwhile, the Nationalist Movement Party (Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi-MHP) and the National Order Party (Milli Nizam Partisi-MNP), which were growing among the right-wing groups, were getting strong enough to threaten the AP government, even if they could not defeat it yet. Zürcher, 2016, p. 368-372. For further information on the political atmosphere of Turkey in the 1960s see: Yanık, Aybars and Tanıl, Bora. “Altmışlı Yıllarda Türkiye’nin Siyası Düşünce Hayatı”. In Türkiyeʼnin 1960ʼlı Yılları, edited by Mete Kaan Kaynar, 2. baskı ed. İletişim Yayıncılık, 2021, pp. 275-301.
267 Import-substituting industrialization and protectionism should be abandoned, and priority should be given to exportation. In order to increase exports, goods had to be produced cheaply, and for this, workers' wages had to be reduced. Atılgan, Gökhan “12 Mart: Kapanan ve Açılan Yollar”. In Türkiyeʼnin 1970ʼlı Yılları, edited by Mete Kaan Kaynar, 1. baskı ed. İletişim Yayıncılık, 2020, pp. 78-79.
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After the military's memorandum, a new government consisting of mostly technocrats was formed. One of the most important actions of the new government was the development of socio-economic reforms aimed at protecting and developing industry in the country.268 Then followed the coalition governments that had started after the transition to civil democracy in 1973 and continued for many years.
Meanwhile the Third Five-Year Development Plan (1973-1977) was established. In this plan, it was underlined that the luxury consumption habits of big cities increased, and it affected investments negatively by increasing consumption. The idea of maintaining a balance between population and labor was on the agenda again.269 The third plan did not include the housing issue in detail. In this plan, housing investments were limited to %15, 7. The most important feature of this plan was to encourage cooperatives for the construction of mass housing and to support private entrepreneurs.270 However, the private sector was not concerned about taking any responsibility for low-income groups.271 In addition to all these the 1970s also witnessed the oil crisis of 1973-1974 and 1979-1980, the economic recession in Europe, and the irresponsible economic policies of successive governments in Turkey in this context resulted in increased inflation.272
Even though there were no housing policy for low-income families in the development plan of the period, political parties were discussing these issues during the parliamentary elections in 1973. They formulated their approaches to the housing question by publishing populist election manifestos. CHP declared a manifesto called “Akgünlere” [towards the white/clean days] and claimed that,
● Land speculation will be prevented through expropriation.
268 As it was mentioned before, there were several, short-term governments in these years. The second government of Demirel, established in 1969, gave importance to housing policies as in the previous period. It was aimed to build mass housing neighborhoods around the cities of completed infrastructures, and social and cultural facilities. It was also aimed to enable low-income families to own these houses. For this reason, it was stated that the interest on housing loans will be partially or completely covered by the state budget. Afterwards, governments established after the military intervention in 1971, did not include housing issues in their program. See: Zürcher, 2016, pp. 229-231, 373-374; Akça, İsmet. “Yetmişli Yıllarda Hegemonya Krizi, Ordu ve Militarizm”. In Türkiyeʼnin 1970ʼlı Yılları, edited by Mete Kaan Kaynar, 1. baskı ed. İletişim Yayıncılık, 2020, p. 107.
269 Keleş, 2019, pp. 194-195.
270 Sey, 1998b, p. 288.
271 Keleş, 2019, p. 316.
272 Zürcher, 2016, pp. 382-386.
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● Irregular and unhealthy growth of big cities will be reorganized with 'satellite cities' to be established around them.
● Class discrimination due to housing clusters in cities will be prevented.
● Large building cooperatives will be established.
● All existing squatters will be legitimized, and new floor permits will be granted so that more citizens can benefit.
● The necessary land and infrastructure will be provided by public institutions to those who want to build their own house.273
It is seen that CHP, which had not seen even the renting of squatter houses as legitimate in its 1965 election manifesto, came to the point of proposing a new floor to be built with a populist approach. Although CHP led by its new leader Bülent Ecevit won the 1973 elections, it could not form a government alone and in 1974 a coalition government was formed together with the National Salvation Party of Necmettin Erbakan (Milli Selamet Partisi-MSP). This government's approach to housing was in line with the Akgünlere declaration. The fourth Demirel government, established in 1975, continued similar policies. 274
In 1976 CHP published a new party program with new topics in addition to the Akgünlere declaration. The first of these was on the issues of environment and energy. The second was aimed at increasing the power of local governments and cooperatives to build mass housing. The third was about critics of the spreading method of building and selling apartment blocks by contractors (called as yap-sat, in Turkish). Accordingly, unless it is necessary, new urbanization areas should be developed instead of demolishing existing buildings. In addition, a set of rules should be developed to repair and maintain the structures and regions with historical and aesthetical values. The housing policies of the minority government established by CHP in 1977 followed this program. However, the minority government did not receive the vote of confidence and in 1977 the fifth Demirel government was established. This government, which remained in power for five months, aimed to implement a project called the “National Housing Plan”. This program was primarily prepared to encourage mass housing. During the following third Ecevit government, established in 1978, the “Ministry of
273 Tekeli, 2012, pp. 232-233.
274 Ibid., pp. 233-236.
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Local Governments” was established for the first time. Housing policies were also in line with the program in 1976.275
The Fourth Five-Year Development Plan (1979-1983) was prepared during the third Ecevit government. The basic principle of the plan was to make cities more livable and to meet the needs of the people of the city, rather than slowing down urbanization.276 According to this plan, measures should be developed to prevent large land rents and land speculations in cities. Infrastructure and services such as roads, water, electricity, and sewerage should be accelerated in squatter settlements. Long-term occupancy rights should be granted to citizens residing on public lands in squatter improvement areas.277
In this plan, it was emphasized that there was a need for technological developments and organizations that would enable the production of a large number of dwellings when the annual housing need was 300 thousand. It was also envisaged to encourage local governments. However, as Sey underlines, the principles determined in the plans were not put into practice.278
The sixth Demirel government was established in 1979 and it was mentioned that a “national housing policy” would be prepared as before. The construction of mass housing by the private sector was also on the agenda with this program.279 Nonetheless, the increase in violence between the right and the left in Turkey at the end of the 1970s, together with the economic problems, paved the way for a third military intervention on September 12, 1980. The Army enacted a new constitution that would reverse many developments in the 1961 Constitution. With the new constitution, freedom of the press, freedom of union, individual rights and freedoms were restricted.280
In 1983, the Motherland Party (Anavatan Partisi-ANAP) led by Turgut Özal won the election, in which only allowed parties participated. The most important goal of the Özal government was to restructure the economy. The so-called stabilization program consisted of three parts:
275 Ibid., pp. 233-236.
276 Keleş, 2019, p. 196.
277 Ibid., p. 317.
278 Sey, 1998b, p. 288.
279 Tekeli, 2012, p. 241.
280 Zürcher, 2016, p. 405; Akça, 2020, p. 109.
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improving the balance of payments, stabilizing inflation, and creating an export-oriented free market economy. During this period, luxury goods began to be imported freely, by paying a special tax. The income from this tax was used in housing production programs. The result was growth and liveliness in an economy based on consumption. Thanks to the instalment purchase and credit system, consumerism increased not only among the high-income class but also in the middle class. There were no more discriminatory measures against foreign investors, on the contrary, they were encouraged to invest. The government also invested in infrastructure and public interest services. Telecommunication and road networks were modernized.281 The economic policies of the 1980s widened the gap between the rich and the poor.282
All these considered, there are different views on the economic importance of the housing problem. However, as exemplified in Turkey's development plans of the period, housing investments were limited. The main reason for this is that housing investments were assumed to be inefficient, and they were not a preferred as an investment area for “developing” countries such as Turkey that wanted rapid economic development.283
Despite this, the ratio of housing investments to total investments was above a certain level in Turkey. This rate was between 25% and 34.5% between 1950-1960. Although it was limited after 1960, when planned development began, it did not fall below 21.2% in 1970, 18% in 1975, and 19.3% in 1980. Although housing investments were high between 1950 and 1960, there was no positive change in housing conditions, and the construction of squatter houses increased continuously. This is an indication that the investments were made for large, expensive, and even luxurious houses rather than houses that will meet the real needs of low-income families.284
While these political and economic changes were taking place, society and its environment were also being transformed. It is important to note that the above-mentioned economic and political issues are directly related to the social transformation brought about by migration and the resultant urbanization, which resulted in turn in the housing problem in large cities of Turkey. As mentioned by several scholars, urbanization, migration, squatter settlements and
281 Zürcher, 2016, pp. 440-442.
282 Ibid., p. 447.
283 Keleş, 2019, p. 262.
284 Ibid., pp. 288-289.
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apartment blocks were the common phenomena related to the housing texture of Turkey in the mid-twenties. Squatter housing, which is the result of rapid and unplanned urbanization, the changing family and lifestyle with apartment block construction, and their effects on the city's physical structure are the topics discussed. These physical changes have a social impact on various actors, as well as different actors have an impact on the formation of physical changes.
Cartoons of the period (re)presented visually and criticized the problematic condition of housing in Turkey in mid-twentieth century. In line with the character of the housing question as a social issue, the affordability of houses seems to be the main concern of their criticisms.
The cartoons generally underlined that there was a housing stock enough for society, but they were not affordable for those who needed them. Therefore, houses, rooms or some spaces which were not adequate to live in, were rented for people who could not afford the livable houses. For example, the cartoon from 1952 (Figure 3.1) claims that there was enough housing stock in the city, but they were too expensive. The caption under the cartoon says that “– Is there a housing problem in your city? - Far from it? It's just a money problem!”. While saying that the density of apartment blocks at the background is also seen. Therefore, people who cannot afford these houses were looking somewhere else to live. Figure 3.2 shows that even ruins were for rent for these needy people. In this cartoon, not only the unaffordability of houses was criticized but also people who took advantage of this problem and rented out properties that were not suitable for living.
“You have a housing problem in your city, is that so?
-Not at all! There is only a money problem!”
Figure 3.1 : Gümen, 02.10.1952, Hürriyet, p. 8.
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“Floor for rent”
Figure 3.2 : Eremektar, 09.01.1954, Akşam, p. 1.
To emphasize the need for affordable houses, Yalaz drew a cartoon showing that rooms of prison were even rented and there were several people looking for that (Figure 3.3). This shows how miserable those people are. This prison metaphor was used by other cartoonists as well. For instance, in another cartoon, a man is sitting and thinking, and in the background houses with high-price rent tags are represented. Then in the next sequence, the man is reading a newspaper saying that “The art of finding a room without paying rent” and then he is sitting in a prison with a happy face (Figure 3.4).
“Room for rent”
Figure 3.3 : Yalaz, 14.02.1957, Dolmuş, p. 4.
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“The art of finding room without paying rent.”
Figure 3.4 : Filiz, 05.11.1958, Tercüman, p. 6.
The housing question of low-income people is underlined by the representation of living in unproper spaces such as tree hollow, tree branch, chimney, roof, bench, doghouse, and even woman’s quarter of palace. Figure 3.5 shows a cartoon saying that “A man lives in a tree hole due to homelessness in İstanbul.” Similarly, in Figure 3.6 there is a tree that looks like an apartment block with several flats. There is an insinuation in this cartoon by giving reference to the flat ownership law enacted for the construction of apartment blocks by several owners. However, people who are not able to live in apartment blocks are presented as living in a tree-apartment. This also shows the seriousness of the housing problem, as it is underlined not only one person, but several people are living in a tree hollow. In another example, an apartment block silhouette with rent and sale price tags is represented, while in front of it, a man is living in a tree hollow again. This image is also merged with a text saying “housing problem” as well (Figure 3.7).
“A man in Istanbul lives in a tree trunk due to homelessness. – from newspaper-
THE DISTURBED TREE”
Figure 3.5 : Ersoy, 16.05.1961, Cumhuriyet, p. 1.
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“Flat Ownership!”
Figure 3.6 : Balcıoğlu, 30.04.1963, Tercüman, p. 1.
“Housing Question”
Figure 3.7 : Beyner, 22.01.1975, Akbaba, pp. 10-11.
The image of having to live not only in tree hollows but also in tree branches is a frequently repeated representation in cartoons of the period. In Figure 3.8, Tüblek reveals the increase in housing rents by drawing a group of houses in the background and a man perched like a bird on a tree branch. In another cartoon of Tüblek due to increasing rents a man with a bird cage is moving to a tree where there is also another man living in a bird cage (Figure 3.9). All these types of cartoons underline that the main source of the housing problem is the lack of affordable housing, and they express this reality with the representations of citizens living in places that are not habitable under normal conditions.
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“Prices of houses are increasing.”
Figure 3.8 : Tüblek, 17.08.1973, Hürriyet, p. 1.
“Rents are so expensive.
-Find yourself a house!”
Figure 3.9 : Tüblek, 30.08.1984, Hürriyet, p. 9.
Another representation for those who cannot afford to live in a house is living in chimneys. In Figure 3.10 and 3.12 a family is living in a chimney which is a nest for storks. In Figure 3.12 family and storks are making an agreement on renting the chimney. Also, there is a phrase saying that “There is no rental house for middle-income”. This sentence also shows that not only low-income families, but also middle-income families are having problem to find an affordable houses. Figure 3.11 claims that living in a squatter house is a situation to be grateful compared to living in chimney. This cartoon also underlines the squatter housing phenomenon as a self-solution for housing problem which will be detailly discussed in the following chapters. There are statements accompanying the cartoon in Figure 3.11 saying that “If 1 million 427 thousand houses are not built in cities until 1983, citizens will sleep on the streets...Turkey needs 340 thousands of new houses every year. It is expected that 200 thousand squatter houses will be built around the cities in 4 years.”
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“Rents are so expensive!”
Figure 3.10 : Tüblek, 18.05.1976, Hürriyet, p. 9.
“Let’s be thankful for this too.
We might as well be in the neighbor’s situation.”
Figure 3.11 : Altunçul, 09.08.1980, Tercüman, p. 9.
“There is no rental house for middle-income group.
-We will come next year, I am renting you for twelve months!”
Figure 3.12 : Tüblek, 03.09.1982, Hürriyet, p. 9.
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Like living in chimneys, Figures 3.13 and 3.14 also represent living on the roof due to high rents. While in Figure 15 a couple is settled comfortably, in Figure 3.14 there are several families located in the circles drawn on the roof. The caption says that “There is one circle left for rent”. There is a sarcastic reference using the homonymic word daire in Turkish. When this sentence is read in Turkish because a circle (as a geometric form) means daire in Turkish which also means an apartment flat as well. So, this cartoon criticizes the intensity of the affordable housing problem by illustrating more than one family living on rooftops.
“Rents are so high!”
Figure 3.13 : Tüblek, 08.09.1976, Hürriyet, p. 9.
“There is one circle left for rent.”
Figure 3.14 : Undefined, 13.09.1978, Çarşaf, p. 4.
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As will be mentioned in the following chapters, the apartment block was one of the dominant housing types of the period. However, in Figure 3.15, those who cannot afford to live in those apartment blocks were represented as living in benches put on top of each other to look like an apartment block. In the previous chapter it was mentioned that people who need a shelter for themselves and their families were living in places that cannot be considered as a house especially in İstanbul. Figure 3.16 shows a family living in a woman’s quarter of a palace (probably Topkapı Palace).
“PARK BENCHES IN THE FORM OF APARTMENTS FOR THE POOR
-The apartment is nice, but it has a big problem too, brother.”
Figure 3.15 : Kürüz, 13.04.1978, Mikrop, p. 11.
“-We couldn’t find a house, so we settled here.
-What do you mean friend? Is it normal to stay in harem with one single wife?”
Figure 3.16 : Er, 01.01.1982, Çarşaf, p.7.
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Another cartoon represents a man standing on top of a doghouse distracting the dog to take its house for himself (Figure 3.17). However, there is a sentence on top of the cartoon saying that “The officer (memur) entered the squatter house”. When this sentence and the image is evaluated together there are two types of critics. One of them is that not only the low-income groups or newcomers to the city have to live in squatter houses but also officers too since they are not able to afford to live in an apartment block anymore. The second criticism is about the condition of squatter houses. They are shown as equal with a doghouse.
“Officer entered the squatter house.”
Figure 3.17 : Tüblek, 15.08.1984, Çarşaf, p. 2.
These cartoons illustrate the existence of a housing problem in the country and demonstrate that the society as well as the cartoonists are not insensitive to this issue. They reflect social observations and criticisms as a natural response. The contemporary political context is depicted through land speculation, resulting housing deficits, and problems with state housing policies. The social and economic class differences that have arisen due to new housing production methods are highlighted through criticism of apartment blocks as expensive consumer goods. The topic is related to squatter settlements and the issue of social status, with an emphasis on house owners and tenants.
The following parts of the chapter will analyze the representation of housing in the mid-twentieth century Turkey in cartoons on two main axes based on the actors and the housing types, determined by considering the critical attitude of the cartoons towards the housing phenomenon of the period.
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3.2. Actors of Housing Production
After discussing the criticism of housing question as a general concept, and in the case of Turkey, this part of the chapter will focus on three main actors of housing production in the mid-twentieth century Turkey as represented in cartoons: the authority, i.e. the state that regularized policies on urbanization and urbanization; landlords, tenants, and contractors, who were predominantly associated with apartment-style housing, and newcomers who migrated from rural to urban areas and constructed squatter houses. Thus, the actors of housing production encompass a wide range of groups, including those in charge of housing and urbanization decisions, those involved in the production process, those who generated income from them, and those who used them and indeed built them themselves to solve their own housing needs.
3.2.1. The State (Politicians) as the Authority
In this section, the focus will be on examining the actions, attitudes, and solutions of the state, particularly politicians, in relation to the housing question. The evaluation of their impact on society will be carried out through the use of cartoons. The state's approach to the housing problem encompasses various aspects, including rent regulations, financial measures such as providing loans, efforts to establish social and affordable housing, as well as strategies employed to address squatter settlements and exploit the existing housing issue for political interests.
It is important for the state to provide the need for shelter because sheltering is an integral part of social security. Especially in societies and periods where the inflation rate is high and purchasing power is low, it has become more important to protect low-income tenant families. On the other hand, the owner of the house whose rent is frozen or limited is deprived of the opportunity to benefit from the advantages provided by the right of ownership. Housing rents were frozen in Turkey with the National Protection Law enacted in 1939.285 As a result of the pressure of the owners of the houses, the rents of the houses were increased by 20% and the rents of other buildings by 50% in 1947. Rents were released starting from 1955 with the law
285 Keleş, 2019, p. 358.
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numbered 6084, which was enacted in 1953 to support the private sector.286 Afterwards, with Law No. 6570 on Real Estate Rents, which was enacted in 1955, the rents were frozen again at the level of 1939-1953 rents. These restrictions remained in effect until 1963. However, after the establishment of the constitutional court, the laws providing for the freezing of rents were repealed since they were against Article 36 of the Constitution on the limitation of property rights.287
Keleş claims that “rent control”, which means the state's interference with the rents formed in the free market, has been criticized in many respects. First, it is argued that the housing problem cannot be solved by limiting rents, because the absolute solution to the problem should be increasing housing production. Second, rent control has a long-term impact on the housing market so it cannot be a solution quickly. Thirdly, under market economy conditions, while all products and services are valued individually, controlling rents is only an insignificant and temporary measure. More importantly, as a result of rent control, the enthusiasm of the entrepreneur and owner for the construction of new houses may reduce, and the housing problem may become permanent instead of decreasing. Finally, the owners of the houses whose rents are frozen can leave their houses in dilapidation.288
As can be seen, releasing the rents came to the agenda both at the beginning of the 1950s and the 1960s. When the cartoons of the period are examined, it is seen that in both time periods, there was a reaction to this issue. Although the government's decision to release rent concerned two actors, i.e., the tenant, and the landlord, cartoons of the period were generally in favor of the tenant, whose victimization is even greater. Considering the fact that there was already a housing problem, this decision of the state only caused an increase in the number of people who could not meet their housing needs. As presented in the cartoons, if the rents are released, the landlords will increase the rent, and the tenants will be homeless because they cannot pay the new amount.
It is seen in Figure 3.18 that possible results of the releasing of the rents were started to be discussed in the 1950s. In the cartoon, there are two men flying over the country and discussing where they are passing. One of them is asking to the other: “Are we in Palestine?”, and the other replies: “No, we are in Turkey”. The reason for making the Palestine analogy is that the
286 Şenyapılı, 2004a, pp. 180-181.
287 Keleş, 2019, p. 359.
288 Ibid., p. 358.
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image below is a place where families are living in tents. In the lower right corner of the cartoon, there is the phrase: “After the house rents are released...”, meaning that, if the rents are released, the housing problem in the country will increase, and this decision of the state was thus criticized even before it was implemented. Similarly, the image of a family forced to be living in a tent was used for several times in cartoons. Another cartoon from 1953 claims that tents will be the only type of housing for citizens after rents are released (Figure 3.19). When the decision of releasing rents is published in newspapers in 1954, the subject became in the focus of cartoonists. In Figure 3.20, for example, there is an apartment block on the left and a tent on the right, which are thus compared to reflect the upcoming transformation of housing due to the change in the rent regulations.
“After the rents are released.
-Are we in Palestine?
-No, we are in Turkey!”
Figure 3.18 : Gümen, 22.01.1950, Hürriyet, p. 1.
“Prototype housing for citizens after rents are released.”
Figure 3.19 : Gümen, 17.02.1953, Hürriyet, p. 1.
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“Rents will be released in June 1955 (newspapers)
Real Estate of 1954 and Estate of 1955.”
Figure 3.20 : Gümen, 23.12.1954, Hürriyet, p. 8.
The tent metaphor remerged in the cartoons when the issue of the release of rents came to the agenda again in the 1960s. In Figure 3.21, a street peddler is selling tongs and tents, making two interesting references: Firstly, the cartoon states that many people will be homeless once rents are released and then even street peddlers will be selling tents like any other item they sell daily. Secondly, half of the apartment blocks at the back was drawn in white, and the other half in black, meaning that, after the release of rents, most of the families will move out and the houses will thus be abandoned without tenants. Similarly, in Figure 3.22, a book named as the “Rent Law” is positioned like a tent, under which the tenant is trying to be protected from the rain. Like the tent image, the doghouse metaphor was chosen by cartoonists to underline the difficulties encountered by the people left homeless by the release of rents (Figure 3.23).
“After rents are released:
-There are tongs, there are rents!”
Figure 3.21 : Zorlu, 17.10.1963, Akbaba, p. 3.
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“Rent Law”
Figure 3.22 : Selçuk, 06.09.1960, Milliyet, p. 1.
“Rents will be released. -Newspaper”
Figure 3.23 : Tüblek, 13.09.1962, Akşam, p. 1.
Indeed, two actors were affected from the release of rents: tenants and landlords. Although cartoonists generally took the side of tenants, these two actors were also represented together and separately in cartoons. It is obvious that the landlord will be happy to increase the profit thanks to the new law. As can be seen in Figure 3.24, there are two men representing the tenant and the landlord. While the tenant is drawn as thinner, modestly dressed combined with a cravat, the landlord is drawn as fatter, more well-dressed with neckwear. This is a very common representation method of two different income groups. The contrast between the two representations emphasized in their appearances is indeed used to explain the fact that their reactions to the release or non-release of rents are opposite to each other as an expression of the fact that they belong to different interest groups. Similarly, in Figure 3.25, a discussion between two men is representing the contrast and the dialogue between them is as follows:
“-Especially in 1954, I will hit the jackpot!
-Are you coming to power?
-No, rents will be released!”
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The man in red with its huge belly is representing the landlord who is dreaming about earning more money, becoming richer with the new law. The criticism here is that the government’s decision about releasing rents will be only beneficial for the owners who are already wealthier. Another cartoon portrays a tenant kneeling on the ground and a huge rock tied with a rope above it. On this rock there is a text written “rents” and a hand is about to cut the rope holding this rock with a knife. Here it is the state itself represented by the hand. The government, which plans to release the rents, is criticized for not thinking about the tenants and making their lives more difficult on purpose (Figure 3.26).
“Rents will be released!
Rents will not be released!”
Figure 3.24 : Gümen, 01.02.1950, Hürriyet, p. 1.
“Let 1954 come, I will be very lucky!
Will you come to power?
No, rents will be released!”
Figure 3.25 : Gümen, 13.02.1953, Hürriyet, p. 1.
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“From newspapers: Rents will be released six months later.”
Figure 3.26 : Eremektar, 22.12.1954, Akşam, p. 1.
It is also emphasized in the cartoons that under these conditions, families will become homeless, and this will happen very quickly. For example, in Figure 3.27, a family is standing in front of the house they had to leave with their belongings. Similarly, in Figure 3.28, the tenant lives in the house on the left with a text written “Today”, while the tenant sits on the roof of the house with a text written “Tomorrow” which is the day the rents are released, on the right. In other words, it is underlined that as soon as this law is passed, people will become homeless. This shows that the cartoons criticize the government for acting in an unanticipated and unplanned way when deciding to release rents. Another example of this situation is seen in the example of the tenant flying out of the chimney as soon as the rents are released, as in Figure 3.29.
“Rents are releasing – newspaper-
OPEN SESSION”
Figure 3.27 : Ersoy, 04.06.1963, Cumhuriyet, p. 1.
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“Rents will be released tomorrow.
TODAY, TOMORROW”
Figure 3.28 : Balcıoğlu, 25.09.1963, Tercüman, p. 1.
“Rents are released – newspaper.”
Figure 3.29 : Tüblek, 22.11.1964, Akşam, p. 1.
In Figure 3.30, the cartoonist underlines that, when the rents are released and the landlords increase the rent, it is inevitable that homeless families will also tend to build squatter houses. He even makes an equivoque on the Turkish meaning of the squatter house. The word squatter house (Gecekondu) comes from settling at night because of being constructed quickly overnight as they were illegal. The cartoonist claims that, with this new law, the number of
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squatter houses will increase, and the state knows it and tolerates it. Therefore, they become legal and could thus be constructed daytime (Gündüzkondu).
“Rents are released.
Constructed in night and daytime!”
Figure 3.30 : Balcıoğlu, 04.06.1963, Tercüman, p. 1.
In fact, with this law, the provisions that limited excessive earnings and speculation on real estate and protected low and middle-income groups were abolished. Although controlling the rent will not solve the housing problem, the critics in the cartoons show that this decision worsened the housing problem and thus led to squatter house construction.
Another subject criticized in cartoons on the government’s action about housing was related to the financial actions. In 1946, Real Estate Credit Bank was established with the aim of “constructing dwellings, especially for citizens who do not have a house”. In 1950, the Old Age Insurance Law (İhtiyarlık Sigortası Kanunu-SSK) No. 5417 was enacted to provide loans to workers' housing. Similarly, Social Security Institution was established in 1946 with the Law No.4792 to provide financing for workers' housing. In order to benefit from a worker housing loan, insured workers must have certain qualifications and establish a housing cooperative. According to the procedures, the cooperative was supposed to have at least seven people, they should buy the land, and pay 10% of the tender price to the Institution in advance. The preparation period to get the loan caused an increase in land prices and monthly installments made it difficult for low-income groups to benefit from these loans. As a result, only high-income groups benefited from these loans, while squatter houses spread on the one hand and luxury houses began to increase on the other.289 The use of loans and funds by the
289 İnkaya, Yılmaz. “Türkiye’de Cumhuriyet devrinin başından günümüze kadar konut sorunu.” Mimarlık 107, 1972, p. 61.
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high-income group instead of the low-income group, and the construction of luxury houses instead of social housing are frequent topics in the literature.290 However, when cartoons are examined, it is seen that they approach this issue from a different perspective. They generally focus on the low-income group's difficulty in paying these loans and the standards of social housing.
For instance, in Figure 3.31, there is a text saying that “The citizen will be given a house in monthly installments of 100 liras”. However, in the image, the house where a family lives in is being taken away because they couldn’t have paid the installments on time. The family was left with their belongings when the house was carried by someone else as if it did not belong to the family. This is a criticism that the loans given to low-income families to own a house are more than they can pay. In other words, they are not actions taken by considering their situation, needs and capacity to pay. In another cartoon, the amount of the worker's home loan is illustrated as the worker trying to climb a long and difficult ladder made of money to reach the house (Figure 3.32). It is also discussed in another cartoon that these actions, which were supposed to help workers own a house, actually caused them more difficulties. Similar to the previous example, in Figure 3.33 there is a house in the middle and this house is being pulled between the contractor, SSK and the worker. It is criticized that different interests conflicted, and institutions and individuals who supposedly should help worker to own a house did not actually help.
“Citizens will be given a house in installments of 100 lira per month.
What should we do, brother, if you paid the installment on time!”
Figure 3.31 : Balcıoğlu, 28.02.1968, Tercüman, p. 1.
290 For detail information see: Aydın, Tekin. “Konut Planlaması ve Yerleşme İlkeleri.” Mimarlık, Sayı:3 1964, pp. 19-21; Sayar, Zeki. “Bizde Mesken Finansmanı.” Arkitekt, Sayı: 253-254, 1952, pp. 165-166; Sayar, Zeki. “Mesken Davasında Devletin Yardım Rolü.” Arkitekt, Sayı: 259-260, 1953, pp. 69-70; Sayar, Zeki. “Belediyemizin Mesken Davasını Anlayışı!”. Arkitekt, Sayı: 280, 1955, pp, 49-50.
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“Worker housing loan became 150 thousand liras.”
Figure 3.32 : Altunçul, 06.06.1976, Tercüman, p. 4.
“Constructor, SSK, Worker”
Figure 3.33 : Altunçul, 06.01.1979, Tercüman, p. 4.
The common view on social housing or public housing in the literature is that loans or housing funds are spent on building large and luxurious apartment blocks for the high-income group. On the other hand, the housing standards prepared by the Ministry of Public Works and Housing determined conditions with very small square meters for different family groups in 1964. In fact, these conditions were divided into two minimum and medium-quality houses. Different square meter standards were specified, from family without children to families with 5 children. Accordingly, the minimum quality residences varied between 30.5 and 63 square meters, and the medium quality residences between 40-100 square meters.291 However, it is said that small apartment blocks were not built for single and double families in the houses built by Real Estate and Credit Bank during this period. It is also criticized in professional magazines from time to time in terms of the construction of apartment blocks of 100 square meters or more.
291 Anonymous, 1964, pp. 13-14.
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Interestingly, this subject is criticized in the cartoons with the argument that the government planned to build social or public houses that were indeed inconvenient in terms of dimensions and locations. In other words, the cartoons did not criticize spending the funds on large apartment blocks, and there seems have not been any demand for small housing for the low-income groups; on the contrary, it was generally underlined that low square meter public housing projects were not suitable for their living standards.
In Figure 3.34, too narrow and high apartment blocks are represented, and the apartment block group is named “Low Income Complex (Dar Gelirliler Sitesi)”. Underneath, the news “Cheap housing will be built with installments for low-income citizens” is noted. Narrow means “dar” in Turkish and there is an analogy here between being physically narrow (with the representation of apartment blocks) and earning less (with a reference to low income). It can be understood that the cartoonist criticized the construction of small-size houses for low-income groups as if it was an insult for the owners-to-be.
It is possible to see this criticism more clearly in Figure 3.35. In this image, a person is trying to enter the house given to him by SSK. However, this house is represented as a doghouse, and another person comes and asks the one in front of the doghouse why he is trying to enter a doghouse, and he replies that it is his “social housing”. There is a criticism on the quality of social or public houses provided by public institutions in such cartoons. In order to emphasize the smallness of social housing, it is one of the representations in the cartoons that houses are built as a turtle's shell, just like the doghouse analogy (Figure 3.36). The planning of social housing away from the center is also among the criticisms. As seen in Figure 3.37, a worker leaves the house to go to work; however, he cannot arrive the work before the evening. Since these houses were to be built for workers, their access to work should be considered; therefore, the government was criticized for not considering either the location or the living standards of these families.
“Cheap housing to be paid in installments will be built for low-income citizens.”
Figure 3.34 : Bozok, 12.03.1975, Akbaba, p. 8.
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“SSK gave a house.
-Hop bro! What are you doing in the doghouse?
-Not a doghouse! I'm trying to get into the social housing given to me.”
Figure 3.35 : Sayar, 22.05.1983, Gırgır, p. 2.
“The construction of 40 square meters of social housing starts.
40 square meters apartment for sale by owner.
-I give the money to interest at 47.5% and I can live comfortably.”
Figure 3.36 : İlkin, 15.10.1980, Çarşaf, p. 11.
“Social housing will be established 25 km from the city.
-The days are so short, it becomes evening before I even start work!”
Figure 3.37 : Tüblek, 18.01.1984, Çarşaf, p. 2.
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In general, these criticisms are based on class distinction. The general interpretation of the cartoons is that low-income groups were forced to live in small and poor-quality houses. Cartoons differ from the solution-oriented rational views of professionals and look from the perspective of the user, therefore the society. The criticisms of the cartoons consider the categorization of the size and location of houses according to the economic capacities of social groups, which can be evaluated as a class criticism. According to the cartoons, the approach of the state and public institutions, while supposedly helping low-income citizens, deepened on class distinction. In fact, this class distinction is emphasized more in the cartoon in Figure 3.38. In this image, a couple, thought to be rich based on their clothes and their overweight representation, say that “Houses of 10 square meters are being built; any way we can't fit in them”. In other words, this couple is saying with a pretentious attitude that these small houses are not worthy of them.
“-10 square meters of houses are being built. Anyway, we don't fit.”
Figure 3.38 : Oral, 22.03.1981, Cumhuriyet, p. 4.
Housing policies in this period considered the phenomenon of squatter housing as a problem and tried to find the solution in their prevention, demolition, or renovation, and provision of social housing in the squatter housing prevention zones. Different governments tried different actions and solutions for squatter houses, but none of them were successful. Different answers can be given to the question of why governments could not prevent the increase in the number of squatter houses. Approaching the reality of squatter housing only as a housing problem, considering the issue only politically or economically, not considering the reasons for their emergence and the needs of the dwellers are among these answers. In addition to these, it should be noted that governments benefited from the existence of squatter houses especially during election times.
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The cartoons of the period also criticized the approach of governments to the phenomenon of squatter housing, the actions they took in this regard and the results of these actions. In the cartoon with the text “Government is examining the squatter housing issue”, the well-dressed individual representing the authority is looking through a magnifying glass at a house where many people are sleeping uncomfortably (Figure 3.39). This representation includes a critique of how the authority approached the problem of squatter housing. He examines them like a scientist examines a disease in the laboratory. In light of the news about the squatter housing convention scheduled for May 1976 292, another cartoon was drawn that includes predictions about the convention's content. The cartoonist criticizes the state's housing policies by suggesting that it lacks the ability to propose new solutions beyond demolishing squatter houses and replacing them with apartment blocks (Figure 3.40). This highlights the society's lack of faith in the state's ability to effectively address the issue of squatter housing.
“Government is analyzing the squatter housing issue.”
Figure 3.39 : Solukçu, 05.04.1962, Akbaba, p. 16.
“Squatter house convention will meet in May.”
Figure 3.40 : Balcıoğlu, 11.04.1976, Hürriyet, p. 8.
292 Cumhuriyet, 05.04.1976, p. 9.
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One of the repeated politicians in the cartoons was Fahrettin Kerim Gökay, the governor and mayor of İstanbul from 1949 to 1957. He stated that he did not find it right to use the squatter housing as a political tool and said that they would prevent the construction of new squatter houses.293 It is also frequently mentioned in the news that Gökay continually visited the squatter settlements, listened to the dwellers, specified the needs of these areas, and took actions to prepare the zoning plan for these settlements.294 He also stated at a press conference that the squatter houses in İstanbul ruined the view of the city. He emphasized that squatter houses should be completely removed by showing houses or places to existing dwellers.295
Gökay was famous with selling foodstuffs by the municipality to regulate the prices when he was the governor/mayor. Similarly, when he later became the Minister of Public Works and Housing in 1962, Gökay was known for distributing title deeds to squatter houses and legalizing those settlements. This situation is criticized by portraying Gökay as a hawker selling cheap squatter houses in Figure 3.41. Although he had said in his previous statements that squatter houses should be demolished, his saying that they would not be demolished after he became a minister is also a matter of criticism. He was even accused of being the father of these squatter settlements (Figure 3.42). Twelve years later, a similar cartoon was drawn upon the news that the squatter houses would not be demolished until the inhabitants would own a house (Figure 3.43). The figures, who are understood to be politicians due to their hats and suits, leave their pickaxes and shovels like soldiers abandoning their weapons and retreat from the squatter settlement.
“-Cheap tomatoes, cheap!
-Cheap squatter houses, cheap!”
Figure 3.41 : Solukçu, 23.07.1962, Zübük, p. 8.
293 Cumhuriyet, 27.01.1950, p. 3.
294 Cumhuriyet, 02.04.1950, p. 3.
295 Cumhuriyet, 21.10.1950, p. 2.
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“Minister of Public Works and Housing Fahrettin Kerim Gökay said 'squatter houses will not be demolished'.
F.K.G. - How can a person destroy his own work!”
Figure 3.42 : Ayça, 19.07.1962, Akbaba, p. 5.
“- Squatter houses will not be demolished until squatter dwellers own a house.
Farewell to weapons”
Figure 3.43 : Beyner, 06.03.1974, Akbaba, p. 4.
The “squatter settlements prevention zone” or “pilot zone” application was one of the measures taken by the governments about squatter settlements. In fact, this issue was also related to the social housing action. The aim here was to produce houses with better conditions for squatter dwellers and to enable them to live there. Thus, it was foreseen that the production of new squatter would stop thanks to the prevention zones. However, these prevention zones did not reach the desired effect due to their location and conditions, their numbers, and the commitments they imposed on those in need. The representation of “squatter settlements prevention site” in Figure 3.44 as a large squatter house shows the lack of confidence in the actions of the state. It was criticized that the decisions taken by the state to rehabilitate the squatter settlements failed and resulted in only increasing their number. In another example, pilot zone action in squatter settlements is discussed. The pilot zone consisted of high-rise apartment blocks surrounded by many squatter houses (Figure 3.45). In this example, it is underlined that even though new houses were constructed for squatter dwellers, squatter houses continued to be built. Thus, the pilot zone practice is criticized as a figurative solution proposal.
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“'Squatter settlements prevention site' with 1280 units will be established.”
Figure 3.44 : Balcıoğlu, 15.07.1966, Tercüman, p. 1.
“Pilot zone”
Figure 3.45 : Balcıoğlu, 23.01.1970, Tercüman, p. 1.
In Figure 3.46, the State Planning Organization is represented as a modern high-rise building surrounded by squatter houses. This cartoon also criticizes the inconsistency between the government's decisions, rules, plans, the laws, and its practices. This inconsistency also undermines the public's trust in the state. As an example, there is an implication in Figure 3.47 that the $200 million aid from Saudi Arabia for the squatter settlements would not be used for the benefit of the society. It is underlined that the state will not use these incoming aids for the improving or preventing the squatter settlements, and therefore the number of slums will increase again.
It is seen in another cartoon that the state did not effectively use the aids and the funds allocated for housing. In this image, there are dilapidated squatter houses at the front and modern multi-story apartment block drawings on a billboard-like surface behind them. In this image, which is titled “Here is the real face of the housing fund wave”, the fact that the apartment blocks are
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not real but only a visual image is the critique of the state's ostensible approach to both the housing and the squatter settlement problems (Figure 3.48).
“State Planning Organization
Plan and Action”
Figure 3.46 : Selçuk, 22.02.1982, Milliyet, p. 1.
“200 million dollars will come from Saudi Arabia for squatter settlements.
-We did these with the money from Saudi Arabia.”
Figure 3.47 : Tüblek, 08.03.1984, Hürriyet, p. 9.
“Here is the real face of the housing fund wave.
-He he he, this fund makes this place very good.”
Figure 3.48 : Üstündağ, 30.05.1984, Çarşaf, p. 6.
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A correlation was observed between squatter settlements and elections. In fact, as in the example of Governor/Mayor Gökay, many politicians presented different views and took different actions about the squatter areas before and after the elections. Newspapers reported on different election periods, when squatter houses were allowed to be built during the elections despite the current laws against them.296 Started with the DP period of the 1950s, when the title deeds of the lands were first given and the political power of the squatter dwellers was understood, the desire to build squatter houses increased. The newcomers had learned that if their squatter houses were protected until election time, they could negotiate title deeds with politicians for votes.297
The squatter population gained the opportunity to use their voting potential as a bargaining tool for settling in the place. As a result of political relations, the arrival of infrastructure investments to squatter neighborhoods, combined with increasing family incomes, increased the spatial quality of these areas, and the phenomenon of squatter houses gained an unofficial permanence.298 In general, squatter house constructions, which thus accelerated during the election process, were tolerated for a while, but demolition took place in these regions after the election. There are various reasons for the tolerance shown to squatter houses during the election period. For example, promises or practices of not demolishing them and giving title deeds were very effective in determining the party that current squatter dwellers would vote for. In addition, not only the destruction of existing squatter houses, but also the condoning of new constructions in this process was effective in increasing the number of voters who would vote for them. Due to all these reasons, the opposition parties stated that the governments encouraged the people to build squatter houses.299
The changing attitudes of politicians during the election period were also the subject of cartoons. In Figure 3.49, the changing attitudes of politicians are represented, showing the
296 Cumhuriyet, 18.11.1964, p. 1; Cumhuriyet, 13.04.1968, p. 1. 297 Squatter dwellers were also aware that the market value of their houses would increase after they received the title deeds. Thus, they had the chance to own a house in the city and become relatively wealthy compared to their conditions in the rural area. As Karpat stated, owning a house was also an improvement in the social status of the squatter dweller. See: Karpat, 2022, pp. 113-114.
298 Şenyapılı, 2004a, p.187.
The actors related to the squatter settlements do not only consist of the dwellers. Tekeli also explains the different interest groups related to these areas. The first of these interest groups physically relates to the settlement. For these different interest groups see: Tekeli, İlhan et al. Gecekondulu Dolmuşlu İşportalı Şehir. 2. basım ed. İdealkent Yayınları, 2020, pp. 225-228.
299 Cumhuriyet, 27.04.1966, p. 1.; Cumhuriyet, 21.05.1968, p. 1.
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politicians as defending the squatter houses by accusing those who demolished them. In Figure 3.50, it is seen that Demirel, the head of the Justice Party during the period, was distributing title deeds before the election. Similarly, Figure 3.51 illustrates the politician sitting at the intersection of four roads leading out of the squatter houses and the dwellers with writings of “vote” in their hands.
“Politicians started to defend squatter houses before the elections.
-Destructive activities in the country increased again.”
Figure 3.49 : Zorlu, 30.06.1965, Akbaba, p. 7.
“Demirel will distribute 3700 title deeds in İstanbul. -newspaper-”
Figure 3.50 : Ersoy, 03.07.1969, Cumhuriyet, p. 1.
“Squatter houses without roads will be demolished. -newspaper-”
All roads go to the power!”
Figure 3.51 : Zorlu, 25.10.1967, Akbaba, p. 3.
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There are even criticisms that there was a distinction between squatter areas depending on which party they would vote for. For example, in Figure 3.52, the politician who wanted the squatter house to be demolished because they spoiled the beauty of the city, states that the squatter house with “the vote” on it is inviolable. In this case, the construction of squatter houses inevitably accelerated and increased during election processes. In another example for this situation, squatter houses are placed in such a way as to write “VOTE (OY)”. This is a reference to the increasing squatter housing construction in each election period (Figure 3.53). Due to both the existing number of squatter houses and the increase in their number during the election period, squatter dwellers were seen as very effective in determining the election results. In the cartoon highlighting this, each squatter house is represented as a vote and the ballot box is drawn as a large version of a squatter house (Figure 3.54).
“There are squatter houses ruining the beauty of the city. -newspaper-
-Demolish this one.
-This has privilege.”
Figure 3.52 : Beyner, 15.11.1967, Akbaba, p. 5.
“Vote
Construction of squatter house accelerated.”
Figure 3.53 : Balcıoğlu, 01.07.1969, Tercüman, p. 1.
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“Squatter houses will decide the results of elections in big cities.”
Figure 3.54 : Balcıoğlu, 08.10.1969, Tercüman, p. 1.
However, most of the squatter houses that had been built by taking advantage of the tolerance during the election periods were demolished after the elections. This is an indication that politicians did not care about squatter dwellers as human beings; according to them, squatter houses did not represent anything beyond votes, nothing more. After getting the necessary benefit from them, politicians left them to their fate again.
In Figure 3.55, the situation is underlined by writing “development” under the squatter houses built before the election and “unprecedented development” under those demolished after the election. In 1969, news appeared in the newspapers that the municipality would set up theaters in the squatter settlements. In the cartoon drawn on this news, a group of squatter houses was drawn inside a theater stage and the note “drama part” was written under it (Figure 3.56). Here, the cartoon criticizes this decision of the municipality as if all the problems of the squatter settlements or dwellers were over and only a theater was missing.
“Squatter houses of elections are being demolished. -newspaper-
Development! – Unusual development!”
Figure 3.55 : Balcıoğlu, 03.07.1968, Akbaba, p. 7.
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“The municipality will establish theaters in the squatter settlements.
Drama Part!”
Figure 3.56 : Balcıoğlu, 09.11.1969, Tercüman, p. 1.
Finally, in addition to the above topics, the cartoons containing the suggestions, promises and actions of the politicians and governments of the period as a solution to the housing problem will be discussed. It is a frequent topic in cartoons of different years that politicians or institutions that carried out housing policies proposed to reduce the size of housing as a solution to the housing problem.
In a cartoon from 1959, which was drawn on Fahrettin Kerim Gökay's promise that he would solve the housing problem, a couple had their legs and heads protruding from the house because they could not fit in the house. In the dialogue below the cartoon, the man jokes about Gökay's short height by saying that he built houses according to his height (Figure 3.57). But the criticism underlying this cartoon is based on the belief that Gökay could not solve the housing problem according to the needs of the people.
Similarly, a cartoon was published in 1976 on the statement of the Minister of Public Works and Housing of the time that “every citizen will find a home where he can lay his head”. Indeed, the citizen in the cartoon can only fit his head in the house (Figure 3.58). The tiny house policy as a solution, which remained popular, was also the subject of a cartoon published in 1983. The representation of the man who only partly fits into the house is repeated here as well (Figure 3.59).
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“F. K. Gökay said that ‘We will handle the housing case.” -newspaper-
-How can I know, my wife, that Fahrettin Kerim will handle the housing case according to his size!”
Figure 3.57 : Tüblek, 06.11.1962, Akşam, p. 1.
“Every citizen will find a home where he/she can lay his/her head (Minister of Public Works and Housing).”
Figure 3.58 : Bozok, 28.04.1976, Akbaba, p. 13.
“Small houses will be encouraged.”
Figure 3.59 : Tüblek, 22.07.1983, Hürriyet, p. 9.
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The promises of politicians to build cheap housing and solve the housing problem were also subject to criticism, as in Figure 3.60, where promises of solving the housing problem are represented just as words. In this image, a citizen sitting under a pile of words is depicted, and the figure of the politician who rises above this pile continues to speak. But as a result, there is not a cheap dwelling produced, but a pile of words. The promise that “every family will have a house” was in the agenda of all governments. However, governments that made such a promise did not calculate whether they had the resources to achieve this goal. Instead, they aimed to gain the public support with this promise as the society gave great importance to owning a house and considered ownership as a guarantee for the future of the family300. The cartoon in Figure 3.61 highlights how unrealistic the promise of the opposition party CHP to give everyone a home in 1969. The politician, who has a pile of house images behind him, gives houses to the citizens who are in line, almost as if he is handing out toys. Here, the cartoonist implied that the promise of “a house for all” could only be “a dollhouse for all” and criticized the so-called solutions as being unrealistic.
“Cheap houses will be constructed for poor people.
Cheap House!”
Figure 3.60 : Beyner, 02.04.1975, Akbaba, p. 6.
“CHP will give one house to everyone. -newspaper-”
Figure 3.61 : Tüblek, 18.09.1969, Akşam, p. 2.
300 Keleş, 2019, p. 274.
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In the 1980s, with Ytong's “Package House” exhibition and the spread of prefabricated production, they started to be discussed as a solution to the housing problem. In the cartoon drawn on the news of “package houses will be built” in Figure 3.62, a pack of cigarettes is depicted as a room of a house. It can be understood that the concept of a package house was not perceived as a logical solution. The cartoon published two years later with the words “Houses that can be built in a week will be built for the public” probably refers to prefabricated production. However, the image consisting of stacking playing cards on top of each other to form triangular volumes implies that they will not be durable and will not be a healthy and efficient solution (Figure 3.63).
“-Hurry up! This man is burning my room!
Package houses will be built.”
Figure 3.62 : Tüblek, 31.10.1981, Hürriyet, p. 9.
“Houses that can be built in a week will be built for the public.”
Figure 3.63 : Tüblek, 16.04.1983, Hürriyet, p. 9.
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One of the interesting examples about the solution proposals of politicians to the housing problem is the cartoon group titled “Özal's Box Houses”. The details of the mentioned box houses could not be determined; however, when these three cartoons are examined, it can be said that it is a form of housing production just like the package house example above. However, as illustrated in these images, this project was not well received by the public and was considered strange. In the example at the top right, the emphasis on both its small representation in size and the absence of a door indicates that Özal’s proposal did not consider the needs of the society (Figure 3.64).
“ÖZAL’S BOX HOUSES
-Make do with that shoebox until the box houses, we built for you are finished (Left).
-Where is the door of this house? - What a gate! These are box houses. You will open the lid from above, enter and lie inside (Up-right).
-Weird, I guess, it lives in box houses (Down-right).
Figure 3.64 : Beyner & Erdoğan, 13.01.1982, Çarşaf, p. 7.
In many cartoons, it is underlined that politicians do not produce realistic and concrete solutions to solve the housing problem, and they are criticized for only giving promises and not even having possibility of solving this problem. In the example in Figure 3.65, the leader of Republican People’s Party and the prime minister of the time, Ecevit, is pulling a house out of a hat on the stage in the middle of his show like a magician. The cartoon and the accompanying sentence “Ecevit said 'we will solve the housing problem with a charm'” also criticizes the realism of politicians' promises about the housing problem through exaggeration. In another example, the figure depicted as a politician says, “we will solve the housing problem”, but behind him there are piles of construction zones. Here, the cartoonist again criticizes the contrast between the promises of politicians and the truth (Figure 3.66). All of this is actually an indication of the society' distrust to the politicians in these promises. In
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addition to the distrust of the society towards politicians, the fact that politicians raise the housing question with a populist approach, but do not try to find a real solution is one of the issues criticized. In fact, the source of insecurity in society stems from this. Both cartoons targeting a well-known politician and those who put their message through the image of a generic politician criticize the so-called constructive attitude of the authority towards the housing question.
“Ecevit said 'we will solve the housing problem with a charm'.”
Figure 3.65 : Tüblek, 08.04.1979, Hürriyet, p. 9.
“-We will solve the housing problem!
Politics of years.”
Figure 3.66 : Oral, 02.11.1983, Cumhuriyet, p. 12.
The last cartoon to be discussed under this title is perhaps the summary of the subject. In this image, among a group of squatter houses, there is a house without a roof. A hand reaches over this house and protects the house by opening an umbrella. Underneath this image there is a sentence of the leader of the Motherland Party and the Prime Minister Özal: “We do not have
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a housing shortage” (Figure 3.67). In other words, the prime minister of the period is represented as either not having any idea about the situation of the society or he just closes his eyes to the facts and claims the opposite of the current situation.
“- Özal said that ‘We do not have a housing shortage’.”
Figure 3.67 : Selçuk, 04.11.1984, Milliyet, p. 2.
3.2.2. Landlords and Contractors versus Tenants
The actors in the production and use of houses are landlords, contractors, and tenants. These actors have different advantages and disadvantages in housing production, consumption, and related problems. Although the governments seemed to have encouraged house ownership, the number of people living as tenants increased greatly from the 1950s to the 1980s. The proportion of tenants in cities was 3.6 % in 1955, 45.8 % in 1965, 50 % in 1975, and just over 50 % in 1980.301 In this context, the problems of tenants, and thus housing production by landlords and contractors and house ownership in general, dominated the critique of housing in cartoons.
After the Second World War, even though private construction increased, thousands of houses constructed in İstanbul could not be rented because their rents were too high. According to Evliyagil, there was no housing problem in İstanbul in economic terms as the shortage of houses, but there were only houses that were protected and not protected by the National Protection Law that had controlled the prices since the war period.302 This reality is also criticized in cartoons. In general, the representation of a modern apartment block image refers
301 Keleş, 2019, p. 274.
302 Evliyagil, Necdet. “İstanbul’da Mesken Buhranı Var mı, Yok mu?” Arkitekt, Sayı: 223-224-225-226, 1950, pp. 204-205.
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that the house is newly built. Such cartoons are also supported by the dialogue between the landlord, the tenant, or the contractor.
In Figure 3.68 there is a representation of a modern apartment block with several rental signs on it. In front of the apartment block, two people, one of whom is understood to be the owner of the apartment block, are talking. One says to the other, “They even talk about the housing problem. It's been a week since the apartment block has been finished. It's still empty”. In another similar example, an apartment block filled with rental signs was drawn, and a man, who seems to be the owner of the house, is smiling and looking at the homeless tenants standing on the street with their belongings. On the other hand, the construction of new apartment blocks in the back continues (Figure 3.69).
“-They even talk about the housing problem. It's been a week since the apartment block has been finished. It's still empty.”
Figure 3.68 : Ersoy, 23.10.1951, Cumhuriyet, p. 1.
Figure 3.69 : Selçuk, 09.12.1957, Milliyet, p. 1.
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In Figure 3.70, many apartment blocks are represented as monthly or annual prices written on them. Under the cartoon, it is written, “Out of 302 thousand houses in İstanbul, only half of them can be inhabited.” This text criticizes that the rents of these houses are not affordable. Similarly, under the cartoon with rows of apartment blocks and high rent signs on them, there is the text “According to the Chamber of Architects, İstanbul will become uninhabitable in 30 years” (Figure 3.71). These cartoons have several points in common. First of all, high amounts of rental advertisements are seen on the apartment images to underline that there is an existing housing stock but that these are not affordable. Moreover, there are family figures looking for a place to live around these apartment images, which makes it clear that the apartments in question are not affordable for those who need them. After all, even if the current rental prices of the period are not known, looking at these cartoons from today's perspective, it is possible to understand that existing housing stock is not affordable for a particular group.
“Out of 302 thousand houses in İstanbul, only half of them can be inhabited.”
Figure 3.70 : Undefined, 06.07.1961, Akbaba, p. 7.
“According to the Chamber of Architects, İstanbul will become uninhabitable in 30 years.”
Figure 3.71 : Balcıoğlu, 24.10.1963, Tercüman, p. 1.
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Increasing differences between tenants and landlords are also subject to cartoons. On the one hand, there is a citizen who is represented as running after a rental house because he cannot afford to rent them (Figure 3.72). On the other hand, there is a landlord who enjoys smoking on the balcony of his apartment block. The apartment block is represented as being carried on the back of the person who is understood to be the tenant (Figure 3.73). That is, while the tenants suffer, the landlords are enjoying themselves. The interesting part is that this cartoon was drawn on the news published in the newspapers that the landlords said at a meeting, “We are in a misery and pathetic situation.” It's probably a statement made because rents were controlled by the state. However, the cartoonist argues that, despite the rent control, the landlords exploit the tenants and therefore the class difference is increasing day by day.
Figure 3.72 : Sinan, 12.01.1979, Tercüman, p. 3.
“Landlords said that ‘We are in a misery and pathetic situation’ in the meeting. -newspaper-
The visible village does not need a guide.”
Figure 3.73 : Uygan, 07.09.1950, Milliyet, p. 1.
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There are also various cartoons drawn on the opportunism of the landlords. It is often repeated in the cartoons that the landlords, who try to take advantage of the increasing expropriations due to the zoning activities, immediately increase their rents (Figures 3.74, 3.75, 3.76). These types of cartoons were published after the state stopped controlling the rental prices. So, the landlords who complained in Figure 3.73 finally found a way to get richer.
“1-Rental for 500 TL, 2-1595 thousand buildings will be demolished again., 3-Retal for 800 TL.”
Figure 3.74 : Selçuk, 06.01.1958, Milliyet, p. 1.
Figure 3.75 : Selçuk, 25.06.1958, Milliyet, p. 1.
Figure 3.76 : Dinççağ, 24.07.1958, Akbaba, p. 4.
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Therefore, as the landlords, whose wealth is constantly increasing, earn more, they build more apartment blocks and thus become wealthier again. For example, in Figures 3.77 and 3.78, the conversations between the people who are having a dialogue in front of the apartment block images indicate that the landlords built new apartment blocks thanks to the rents they collected. The cartoons criticizing this situation actually draw attention to the relevant vicious circle because, under these conditions, neither low-income people can find a house to live in nor class differences can be balanced. Considering this situation from the perspective of the housing problem in the country in general, the criticism of the cartoonists reveals the reasons and facts underlying the problem in question.
“Firstly, I constructed this small apartment block. Then I bought this big apartment block with the income from the small one.”
Figure 3.77 : Selçuk, 10.07.1956, Milliyet, p. 1.
“I will build another new apartment block after collecting rents.”
Figure 3.78 : Selçuk, 18.01.1958, Milliyet, p. 1.
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In the example in Figure 3.79, the difference between actors who benefit (landlord or contractor) or are harmed (tenant) is emphasized as rents increase. A correlation is represented between the rent increase and the size of houses. On the arrow sign emphasizing the increase in rents, the tenants who cannot afford those prices fall down. It can be also understood that those who benefit from high rents produce more luxury houses, which makes them collect higher prices. So, the cycle keeps continuing for the advantage of the wealthier. Figure 3.80 is one of the cartoons that explains this cycle by representing the contrast between the tenant and the landlord. Here, the tenant and the landlord are almost equal in size in the first part, but as the years pass, the tenant weakens and becomes like a skeleton, while the landlord becomes fatter.
“Rents and Buildings”
Figure 3.79 : Oral, 16.09.1978, Cumhuriyet, p. 10.
Figure 3.80 : Filiz, 07.07.1960, Tercüman, p. 1.
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The general critique in the cartoons is that there were enough housing stocks, but they were not affordable. However, in Figure 3.81, even the shadow of an apartment block being rented can be interpreted from two different perspectives. The first one may be the criticism that the housing stock was not enough for the population, contrary to the general opinion. The second one may be the criticism that even places that could not be lived in were rented out. In both cases, it is emphasized that the low-income group had difficulty finding housing to live in.
“Floor for rent.”
Figure 3.81 : Zorlu, 27.10.1960, Akbaba, p. 16.
In these circumstances, tenants who could not afford rent increases or newcomers to the city searching for housing were forced to live in much smaller, low-quality houses. The cartoons represent this situation by emphasizing the number of persons per one room in a house. For example, in Figure 3.82, a family is shown erupting from a tiny house, and the caption reads “One room for 15 people in Turkey.”
Similarly, in Figure 3.83, a pregnant woman and her husband are illustrated living under one roof, and the caption reads “One room for two and a half people.” In another cartoon, a tenant and landlord are shown with their heads coming out of the roof. The caption reveals that the tenant was deceived by the landlord's claim that the house was well-ventilated. The cartoonist critiques this situation by humorously portraying the idea that people's heads are in the open air because they cannot fit inside the cramped house (Figure 3.84).
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“One room for 15 people in Turkey. (Hürriyet)”
Figure 3.82 : Gümen, 15.07.1953, Hürriyet, p. 1.
“One room for two and a half people.”
Figure 3.83 : Tüblek, 24.01.1963, Akşam, p. 1.
“-Is this the house you called well-ventilated?”
Figure 3.84 : Er, 01.01.1982, Çarşaf, p. 2.
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In addition to landlords and tenants, there is another party involved in housing: the contractor. Contractors are typically depicted as wealthy and well-dressed, with a cigarette in their mouth, overseeing the construction of an apartment block. Although they are responsible only for the construction, they are often portrayed as benefiting the most from the project. For example, in Figure 3.85, a contractor and a person are depicted chatting in front of a modern apartment block under construction. The caption beneath the image shows the contractor saying, “Living is hard bro, we tumble along!”. The cartoonist is highlighting the fact that the wealth of the contractors is increasing day by day, using contrast and sarcasm to emphasize this point. The cartoon in Figure 3.86 further supports this point. The cartoon is based on a statement by Demirel, the leader of the Justice Party, who said: “Let's find a way to make everyone rich.” In the cartoon, the “Contractor” sign is seen on all the buildings, emphasizing the correlation between wealth and the contractors.
“Living is hard bro, we tumble along!”
Figure 3.85 : Undefined, 06.08.1964, Akbaba, p. 6.
“Demirel said ‘Let's find a way to make everyone rich’.”
Figure 3.86 : Tüblek, 27.04.1966, Akşam, p. 1.
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Figure 3.87 highlights another issue related to housing. In the image, the contractor is depicted as wearing a bow tie and smoking a cigarette while balancing an apartment block on his head. Two individuals are shown having a conversation, stating that the contractor was unable to find suitable land on which to build the apartment block. The cartoonist's drawing can be interpreted in two ways. Firstly, it may emphasize the challenges faced in finding appropriate land due to land speculation in the country. Alternatively, it may be a critique of the contractors who produced housing as a commodity without considering the context or the needs of the community. Furthermore, another cartoon highlights the difficulty in finding affordable land due to speculations. The situation is portrayed so dire that even the flowerpots have “land for sale” notices on them (Figure 3.88).
“This constructor Kamil still has not found a land.”
Figure 3.87 : Aktaş, 10.01.1982, Gırgır, p. back cover.
“Land for sale.”
Figure 3.88 : Eremektar, 03.04.1954, Akşam, p. 1.
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3.2.3. Newcomers as “Invaders” versus the State
Cartoons tackled various subjects related to rural-to-urban migration, i.e., the most significant process of urbanization that resulted in the housing problem in mid-twentieth century in Turkey. These included the challenges faced by migrants in the city, the living conditions and spaces of migrants, and the perceptions of city dwellers and governments towards them. Dwellers of squatter houses are important actors in discussing the squatter house phenomenon. Those who came to the city by migrating from their villages can be called newcomers.303 Even if migration and squatter housing can be seen in different geographies, they all have unique characteristics. Kongar defines the squatter dwellers of Turkey as families who have high expectations, whose political attitudes and behaviors change significantly over time, and who can develop an important ability to adapt to the city.304
The development of squatter settlements follows a pattern that repeated itself for many years. Initially, newcomers build their homes on vacant public lands in the outskirts of cities without any infrastructure. As their numbers increase, these settlements gradually turn into neighborhoods. Before each election, politicians seeking the votes of squatter dwellers promise them title deeds for their homes and basic services for their districts in exchange for
303 In general, newcomers settle in new places and increase the number of opportunities they can benefit from, provide professional and social mobility, and choose a new lifestyle. However, defining migration as relocating by leaving a certain settlement area within a certain period brings with it the problems of re-adaptation as people move to a new social environment. In this process, the behavioral patterns of the people who come to the city from the rural area are reshaped in the new pattern of social relations. The urbanization process causes individuals who migrate to the city to change their environment, gain a new social status, change their occupation and income levels, and as a result, have differences in their social relations and individual characteristics. Özer states that, depending on these changes, the political participation of the newcomers to the city is also affected, diversified, and changed during their process of being urbanized (kentlileşme). The newcomers to the city vacillated between the city and the rural for a long time. On the one hand, they tried to settle in the city and on the other hand, they wanted to maintain their economic relations with their village. Sometimes they invested in the village with what they earned in the city, and sometimes they spent the earnings coming from the sale of their rural assets in the city. See: Özer, 2004, p. v, pp. 12-13, 32.
The term ‘being urbanized’ is generally accepted as the integration of the newcomer to the city, and adaptation of physical and cultural characteristics of urban life and culture. Karpat explains this process in Turkey in four stages. He defines the first stage as the preparation for urbanites' attitudes. In this phase, newcomers started to adopt the clothes and habits of urbanites. The second stage consists of the newcomer's adoption of city services and facilities and purchasing their needs from shops. According to Karpat, this stage represents the physical aspect of integration with the city. The third stage is the newcomer's desire to establish a relationship with the other actors in the city. The fourth stage happens when newcomers considered themselves as a part of the city not the rural anymore. See: Karpat, 2022, pp. 157-158.
304 Kongar, Emre. “Kentleşen Gecekondu Gecekondulaşan Kent.” In Kentsel Bütünleşme, edited by Türköz Erder, Türkiye Gelişme Araştırmaları Vakfı, 1982, p. 37.
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their votes. Over time, these squatter settlements become part of the city and gradually receive basic services and infrastructure, such as paved roads and bus transportation to and from the area, as well as access to city water and electricity in their homes. Once these demands are met, the squatter settlements become legally integrated into the cities. The legal status of these areas also leads to the increase of land values.
The state did not develop an urbanization policy to prevent continuous migration to the cities. In fact, due to the industrialization process, the state actively encouraged villagers to migrate to cities in order to provide a source of cheap labor and secure political support during election times. Figure 3.89 portrays two gates inscribed with the words of “village” and “city”. The threshold of the gate marked as “city” is heavily worn, highlighting the large influx of migrants from rural areas and the significant changes that have taken place in the city as a result.
“Village – City
Two thresholds!”
Figure 3.89 : Tüblek, 24.08.1960, Akşam, p. 1.
Squatter neighborhoods were home to a society in transition as residents came from rural environments and attempted to adapt to urban life. They sought out better economic opportunities that were not available in rural areas, and in doing so, often left behind their social status in exchange for a new one in urban society. This reality presents both an opportunity and a burden for these individuals.305 For villagers, the city represents a beacon of hope and the promise of a better future for their children. Driven by this notion, many villagers flocked to cities and established their own living spaces over time, often followed by members of their families or fellow citizens (hemşehri).
305 Tekeli, 2012, p. 195.
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Fellow citizens are individuals who have migrated from the same village, town, small city, or region to larger cities. This shared bond often results in immigrants from the same region settling in the same areas within the cities and concentrating in similar economic sectors. These new immigrants are often motivated by the success stories of their fellow citizens and other immigrants who have prospered in the past, leading them to believe that they too can achieve better conditions in the future. This is one of the reasons why migration from rural to city continues. Figures 3.90 and 3.91 depict a scenario where urban migrants are calling their relatives or acquaintances from their native village, encouraging them to move to the city. These cartoons effectively highlight the contrast between life in the city and village. In Figure 3.90, the village is represented by a farm on the left, while an apartment block represents the city on the right. Contrary to popular belief, the villagers who migrated to the city did not have fixed income jobs but were seen working on the streets selling items such as bread, milk, and bagels. The cartoonist addresses the issue of abandoned fertile lands beneath the illustration. The intention is to demonstrate that migrating to the city does not necessarily guarantee an increase in welfare, as many may assume. He emphasizes that the migrants had to work on the streets for low wages in the city, despite leaving their fertile lands with high hopes. Overall, the cartoonist's aim is to show that the realities of city life may differ significantly from what people perceive, and not everyone can achieve success and prosperity in the city.
“Fruitful lands – Ahmets, Memets, İsmayils. Where are you?”
Figure 3.90 : Tüblek, 04.09.1960, Akşam, p. 1.
“Memo! Haso! Come over here.”
Figure 3.91 : Zorlu, 09.05.1963, Akbaba, p. 1.
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There were two groups that are also affected by the migration from the village to the city. The first of these was composed of the current citizens who can be also called as middle- and upper-class groups of the society, while the other was the newcomers who had just come to the city. The perspectives of both groups on the concepts of migration and urbanization, the way they were affected by the results, the way they were involved in the process and their views on each other were different.306
Şenyapılı divides the squatter population into three groups. In the first group, there were the low-income civil servants of the city, those who migrated from different parts of the country due to war, natural disasters, or zoning procedures, and those who were forced to migrate from the villages around the city. The characteristic of the first group was that they had a particular ability to pay for housing. The second group consisted of those who lived in the surrounding villages and came to the city to work at certain times. The houses of this group were more like hovels (derme çatma) compared to the houses of the first group. They were generally built with the collection of materials and the labor of the owner. The third group consisted of those who came to the city as a result of economic and social changes. While those who sold lands and migrated with some capital joined the first group, and those who migrated with 'quilts on their backs' such as sharecroppers or woodchoppers formed the third group.307
The first-generation squatter dwellers, especially those who migrated to cities around the 1950s, were different from the later generations. The main feature of the squatter houses of this period is that they were built on public land with users’ efforts. In other words, there was no difference between the owner, the builder, and the user. These squatter houses were not produced to be sold in the market, but to provide the accommodation needs of particular users.308
306 Tekeli et al. contend that labeling urbanization in Turkey as “excessive”, “unhealthy”, and “inauthentic” has led upper- and middle-class individuals to adopt policies that aimed to hinder or slow down urbanization. These individuals, who were opposed to what they perceived as excessive urbanization, tended to be those who had already established themselves in urban centers and felt no need for further expansion. They viewed the newcomers to the city as undesirable and as contributing to this “excess” urbanization. See: Tekeli et al., 2020, p. 32.
307 It is also thought that squatter housing alleviates some of the effects of mass migration in the city. The increasing industrialization process and investments in the 1950-1960 period were based on expensive foreign technology and capital imports. Therefore, labor had to be cheap to make a profit. The term “cheap” mentioned here does not only cover the wages of labor but also that problems such as housing should not be a burden to the employer and the state. This kind of cheap labor was met by the squatter dwellers. See: Şenyapılı, 2004a, pp. 125-126, 186.
308 Özer, 2004, p. 33.
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After 1960, migration conditions also changed. The city was not an unknown environment for newcomers, as a result of increasing highway and communication density and the accumulation of people from different regions in the cities. The newcomers started to come to the city with the address of a relative or compatriot, and the accommodation and employment problems of the newcomers were solved through these networks.309
Second-generation squatter houses were no longer a solution built by those who migrated from rural to urban areas on their own. The squatter houses started to be rented between 1960-1970 and this increased over time. The squatter dwellers started to build a large number of houses and rent them. In time, a squatter housing market emerged, which had its own rules of operation and served only those who have a certain amount of money. The squatter houses turned into a fast speculation tool towards the 1980s. The production purpose of the squatter house transformed from a solution to the sheltering need into a struggle to capture the value and rent of the land. Squatter settlements in these two periods also represent different lifestyles that developed at different stages of urbanization.310
Newcomers who migrated from rural areas to the city often encountered disappointment when looking for a job. They also struggled to meet their basic needs such as housing, transportation, education, healthcare, entertainment, heating, and nutrition in the city. Despite these difficulties, it was expected that big cities would lose their appeal, but they remained attractive to newcomers. This is because the benefits of city life outweighed the challenges, and they offered more opportunities than small villages or towns.311
In this context, the issue of migration is often depicted in cartoons that portray newcomers as invaders, as seen in themes like “The Conquest of İstanbul” (Figure 3.92, 3.93 and 3.94). Similarly, there are examples where squatter houses, the habitat of the newcomers, were
In this period, squatter housing was the innocent solution for poor families to meet shelter needs with their power and means. It was rare to find squatter houses to be rented during this period. The basic idea was the use value, not the exchange value. See: Keleş, 2019, p. 374.
309 Şenyapılı, 2004a, p. 188.
310 Özer, 2004, p. 34.
The first-generation squatter dwellers were relatively satisfied with their lives in the city by comparing their current situation with their life in rural. However, second-generation squatter dwellers compared themselves with the developed part of the city and started to shape their hopes and expectations according to the values of this segment. In this case, the second generation had a sense of relative poverty and defined themselves as poor. See: Kongar, 1982, p. 35.
311 Keleş, 2019, p. 23.
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viewed as occupying the city. In these cartoons, the migrants are often portrayed as conquerors, and the city is represented as surrounded by walls, much like İstanbul during the Ottoman period (Figure 3.93 and 3.94). The newcomers are depicted as though they arrived to conquer the city with only their saddlebags, quilts, and a few belongings on their backs.
“The Conquest of İstanbul!”
Figure 3.92 : Balcıoğlu, 29.05.1962, Tercüman, p. 1.
“The Conquest of İstanbul!”
Figure 3.93 : Tüblek, 29.05.1962, Akşam, p. 1.
“The flow to İstanbul continues. -from newspapers-
GRANDCHILDREN OF FATİH”
Figure 3.94 : Ersoy, 03.08.1963, Cumhuriyet, p. 1.
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Another key actor involved in the matter of newcomers is the authority. In the previous section where politicians were discussed, the relationship between the newcomers and the authority was mentioned when relevant. However, this relationship is not limited to that of the politicians only. As it is widely known, squatter houses built by newcomers were illegal and subject to demolition. Squatter residents lived in constant fear of their houses being destroyed at any moment. Figure 3.95 depicts a cartoon that highlights this situation, where a bulldozer and the authority are shown, and a squatter resident is illustrated as willing to do anything to prevent the demolition of their home. This cartoon effectively portrays the power dynamics at play between the authority and squatter residents, emphasizing the vulnerability of the newcomers and their struggles to maintain their housing in the face of authority pressure.
“-Please do not demolish my squatter house. I can give you any type of information.”
Figure 3.95 : Yakup & Salepçi, 14.05.1984, Hürriyet, p. 8.
Figure 3.96 also features a bulldozer, with a seemingly happy authority figure driving it. The representation of the bulldozer operator, with a suit and hat, is similar to the politician representations mentioned earlier. However, the cartoonist adds a unique touch to this particular image, depicting the bulldozer as if it has a mouth that is salivating. Although the text below the cartoon notes that those whose homes were demolished had become homeless, this is not the only issue that the cartoon is trying to convey. The drawing of the politician as happy and the bulldozer with a salivating mouth is intended to criticize the fact that while low-income individuals suffered from these demolitions, certain segments of the society benefited. This cartoon highlights the different interests of the authority and squatter residents, with the authority portrayed as apathetical to the suffering of the people affected by their actions.
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“Those whose squatter houses were destroyed in Ankara are left in trouble as winter approaches.”
Figure 3.96 : Beyner, 01.11.1972, Akbaba, p. 9.
The decision made by authorities regarding squatter settlements did not always result in destruction. Sometimes, people living in these settlements were proposed to be relocated instead. This situation is often portrayed in cartoons as bulldozers carrying houses along with their inhabitants (Figure 3.97 and 3.98). These cartoons convey a deeper meaning, suggesting that although the squatter house is being transported to another location, the root issue of squatter housing continues to persist. The critique being made here is that the relocation of squatter settlements does not necessarily mean that the problem of squatter housing is being solved. Instead, it may simply result in the production of new squatter settlements in other areas, perpetuating the cycle of squatter housing. Overall, these cartoons underscore the need for a comprehensive approach to the issue instead of temporary solutions. As Tekeli has pointed out, the demolition or relocation of squatter houses did not necessarily eliminate them or prevent their numbers from increasing. Instead, it restarted the process and extended the amount of time needed for their development.312
One of the criticisms made in the cartoons is that the politicians often made decisions regarding squatter houses without considering the impact on the dwellers, who might become homeless as a result. In Figure 3.99, the destruction of a squatter house by the blow of the İstanbul Mayor Bedrettin Dalan is a reference to the consequences of such decisions. Similarly, in Figure 3.100, titled “Towards the New House,” squatter dwellers whose homes have been destroyed are seen walking towards a cemetery, symbolizing their struggle to survive under these conditions. The representation of the cemetery is also used in another example, Figure 3.101, which depicts the loss of lives among the inhabitants of a squatter settlement during clashes with authorities who came to demolish it.
312 Tekeli et al., 2020, p. 34.
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“I hope we land in a good place my wife!”
Figure 3.97 : Zorlu, 11.06.1959, Akbaba, p. 3.
“I fell light as a bird this morning my wife.”
Figure 3.98 : Demirci, 18.09.1983, Gırgır, p. back cover.
“Practical president: Bedrettin Dalan”
Figure 3.99 : Olgun, 06.06.1984, Çarşaf, p. 14.
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“Towards a new housing!
Squatter dwellers whose houses are demolished marched.”
Figure 3.100 : Balcıoğlu, 04.12.1969, Tercüman, p. 1.
“Squatter dwellers interfered with the police in Ümraniye. There are six dead.”
Figure 3.101 : Zorlu, 14.09.1977, Akbaba, p. 3.
These cartoons highlight the fact that the solutions to the issue of squatter housing are often inadequate and do not address the root causes of the problem. While the authorities might take action to demolish squatter settlements, this did not necessarily solve the problem, but rather made the lives of the affected individuals even more difficult. Moreover, the process of dealing with squatter housing could often benefit certain groups while further marginalizing those who were already vulnerable. In conclusion, the cartoons serve as a reminder of the need for more comprehensive and effective approaches to address the issue of squatter housing, one that takes into account the needs and rights of the dwellers and addresses the social and economic factors that contribute to the problem.
3.3. Housing Types of Urbanization
The victory of Democrat Party on May 14, 1950 marked the end of the early Republican period in Turkey. The secular, statist, and nationalist one-party rule of Republican People’s Party were replaced by Democrat Party's promotion of populist democracy, private enterprise, and a more assertive regional role for Turkey in the post-war international order. The capitalist expansion of Turkey's economy in the following two decades resulted in significant social
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changes, demographic movements, and extensive urbanization. The establishment of a strong private sector resulted in rapid industrialization, the emergence of a national market, and a new culture of consumption. As a result of industrialization, new social groups such as the urban working class and migrant workers in search of employment arose, leading to new spatial transformations. In particular, factories and industrial zones, accompanied by squatter settlements for migrant workers, emerged in the urban periphery of major cities. While Early Republican modernism was primarily reflected in government complexes, educational buildings, and cultural institutions, architectural production after 1950 was most visible in hotels, offices, shopping centers, and commercial and recreational projects, with taller apartment blocks and widespread squatter houses emerging as the dominant housing typologies.313
The focus of this part of the chapter is the dominant types of houses in mid-twentieth century Turkey, i.e., apartment blocks that were considered to be modern and formal living spaces, and squatter houses that were informal shelters for people who had recently moved to the cities. In order to have a comprehensive understanding of the criticisms portrayed in cartoons about these housing types, which will be discussed in the following part, it is imperative to explore the emergence of these housing types, as well as the reasons and conditions that led to their emergence. Apartment blocks were constructed to accommodate the growing urban population and were considered to be the symbols of modernity and progress. Although architects were designing other housing types as single-family houses and cooperative collective housing, their impact on the broader housing development of apartment blocks was negligible.314 On the other hand, squatter houses emerged due to the inability of governments to provide affordable housing to the influx of people moving to cities. As a result, people began building their own makeshift shelters, often on the outskirts of cities, leading to the formation of squatter settlements.
By initially understanding the historical context of the emergence of these housing types, the social and cultural significance they hold in mid-twentieth century Turkey can be comprehended. This will provide the basis for the formal, urban, and social analyses of the criticisms and viewpoints concerning these housing types in cartoons to be examined in the final part of this chapter.
313 Bozdoğan & Akcan, 2012, pp. 105-106.
314 Ibid., p. 141.
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3.3.1. Apartment Blocks and Squatter Houses for Urbanized Masses
Apartment blocks became the dominant type of housing production in Turkey especially in the late 1960s and the 1970s after the Flat Ownership Law of 1965. Even if the apartment blocks were seen mainly as the product of the mid-twentieth century, scholars such as Öncel focuses on the early examples of apartment blocks in İstanbul and examines the housing examples that had been built before apartment blocks in the late Ottoman period but can be considered as their predecessors. She categorizes the houses according to their building material, i.e., wooden, stone and brick masonry.315 She examines the three-story buildings in which the service volumes continued on each floor in Galata. These buildings are thought to function as houses due to their plan schemes. This radical transformation in Ottoman residential architecture did not occur suddenly. Thus, it can be said that, before the construction of the apartment blocks, there was a kind of collective residences where floor independence was ensured.316
The emergence of new types of housing in the late Ottoman period is often explained by the idea that the housing types built in European cities were taken as models. The notion of cultural closeness confirms this idea when it is thought that the users of apartment blocks were already non-Muslim Ottomans, who were already Europeanized at the time. However, Öncel finds this statement insufficient for explaining the dispersion of the new housing style to many different neighborhoods in İstanbul. Therefore, she asks “Does the adaptation of the Ottoman lifestyle to these houses, in which many families live, mean the transformation of the main spatial characteristics of the Ottoman dwelling?”317 Öncel’s study is an important source to have a better understanding of the dynamics which let the apartment phenomenon emerge.
One of the features that distinguish apartment blocks from other residences in İstanbul until the end of the nineteenth century can be defined as the comfort conditions. These new residential buildings, in parallel with the idea of modernization of the period, created more
315 Öncel, 2010, p. 98.
316 The enhancement of trade activities increased the number of residents and workers in Galata, which led to the need for more housing and a rise in the value of the building areas. This is one of the important factors in the emergence of apartment blocks. Thus, family dwellings (aile konutu), which were mostly wooden, masonry with two or three-story heights and had at least a small garden or a stone flat (taşlık) on the ground floor, began to be transformed into multi-story apartment blocks where many families lived together. Ibid., pp. 124-126.
317 Ibid., p. 6.
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comfortable spaces compared to other houses. The other two criteria revealed by Öncel are the utilization of new building materials and the occupation by many families.318 Öncel defines the important indicators of the spatial change in the transition from the concept of family housing to the collective residence as the presence of independent flats on the floors and the absence of a kitchen or bath on the entrance floors.319
The term and definition of the apartment block, on the other hand, were different in the early Republican period until it gained its contemporary meaning in the 1950s. As Balamir explains, im the discussions at the Turkish Grand National Assembly in 1933, the apartment block was defined as a public and commercial space where privacy was low. Hence, the issue of 'privacy' in housing was not emphasized at the time and the apartment blocks were taken mainly as commercial investments; therefore, they were taxed differently from single houses. For a building to be considered an 'apartment block', it must have 'earnings'. This approach was encountered in other sources as well. The apartment blocks were thus presented as ‘rental houses (kira evi)’ as seen in the issues of Mimar/Arkitekt, the first architectural journal in Turkey, from 1931 to 1950. These rental houses generally belonged to one person and were constructed to be rented. The practice of giving the names of their owners to the apartment blocks is another indication to prove that these houses were the properties of single persons. Balamir argues that, as a result, these single-owner houses were more characteristically designed to represent the owners’ choices. In that period, having a beautiful and qualified apartment block was an issue of honor.320
Not only the definition but also the social perspective of the apartment blocks also changed over time. The social judgments of the apartment blocks had been negative until the 1950s. This was primarily because apartment blocks were not common, and they were not seen as anonymous properties until the Flat Ownership Law of the mid-1960s.321 With this law, more than one person was given the opportunity to own property on a parcel. Therefore, the one-story houses on these parcels were demolished and apartment blocks started to be built instead. When the land costs were shared by many landlords, they became affordable to the middle classes. The name given to this housing production was “yap-sat”, i.e., build-sell, as these
318 Ibid., p. 149.
319 Ibid., p. 247.
320 Balamir, Murat. “Kira Evi’nden Kat Evleri’ne Apartmanlaşma: Bir Zihniyet Dönüşümü Tarihçesinden Kesitler.” Mimarlık, 260, 1994, pp. 29-33.
321 Ibid., p. 31.
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apartment blocks were built by contractors (müteahhit/yap-satçı) to sell the apartment blocks/flats.322
The law signals a transition not only from the single house to the apartment block, or single-unit to multi-unit type of housing, but also from single ownership to multiple ownership. According to this new law, owning a single flat in an apartment block became possible. The legal assurance provided by this law, which allowed owners of flats to receive title deeds individually, encouraged apartment construction. After this period, the housing production in cities underwent a complete transformation and the urban texture in the country changed with the dense apartment blocks over time. The contemporary transformation of social and economic context thus produced a new spatial arrangement together with this change in housing construction.
In addition to these physical changes, Bozdoğan states that the form of production, ownership and status of apartment blocks changed during the mid-twentieth century. Before the 1950s, housing production was low, and they were in the form of villas or small size of apartment blocks owned by the early Republican elites who constructed them to gain profit. However, after 1950, they were transformed into houses owned by the middle-income population of the society who needed accommodation. Therefore, the meaning of dwelling was also transformed from “an object of individual use to a commodity to be produced and exchanged within capitalist market relations”.323 The high amount of migration to the major cities accelerated the transformation of both housing production and its reflection in the city. According to Tekeli, the yap-sat style housing production not only caused the urban forms to scatter as oil stains but also prevented the development of housing production technology.324
322 Tekeli et al., 2020, p. 13.
The rapid urbanization in the mid-twentieth century led land values to increase. This made it economically impossible for middle-classes to construct single houses on single parcels. Therefore, alternative solutions were used to build a multi-story apartment block on one parcel. This was accomplished by either building cooperatives or by the yap-sat method. It was allowed to construct only one single house in a single parcel until the 1950s. In this case, the parcel owner built the house for his/her purpose. Therefore, it was difficult for entrepreneurs to build a house to make a profit. In 1954, the right of easement (irtifak hakkı) emerged with the regulation made in the Land Registry Law (Tapu Kanunu). This paved the way for the yap-sat method, and it was institutionalized in 1965 with the Flat Ownership Law. See: Çoban, 2012, p. 85.
323 Bozdoğan, Sibel. “Residential Architecture and Urban Landscape in İstanbul since 1950.” In Landscapes of Development: The Impact of Modernization Discourses on the Physical Environment of the Eastern Mediterranean, edited by Panayiota Pyla, Harvard Graduate School of Design, 2013, p. 97.
324 Tekeli, 2012, p. 236.
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The yap-sat system defines production through the agreement between the individuals - who have the land but who do not have the income to undertake the construction - with the contractors. The contractor is usually a small capital entrepreneur who gets permission from the owner of the plot in exchange for an agreed number of stories. He starts building the apartment block and sells the flats during the construction. The constructor carries out the construction of one or more apartment blocks with very little capital. For this system to be operated and to become profitable, the building rights on the land should be high.
This form of presentation was implemented in agreement with former house owners after the development of zoning rights in the old quarters of cities. The yap-sat method of production targeted the part of the society that could not bear the risk of being illegal. However, as Tekeli states, the legitimacy of this form of presentation was repeatedly questioned by planners and architects. This problem of legitimacy had been constantly on the agenda due to the constant pressure on the development of zoning rights, the destruction of many buildings before they completed their lifetime, the destruction of historical textures, and the creation of unhealthy environments.325
In this model, the contractor received the property from the owner in exchange for the flat and the construction costs were met by the pre-sale of the apartment blocks. The possibility of construction with a little amount of capital let this model spread rapidly. Thus, the number of apartment blocks and their heights became important for making more profit. Local authorities were forced to allow higher building construction to have more flats. Therefore, the main aim was not only to meet the housing need but also to have the maximum profit at the same time. Besides, using cheaper and unqualified materials was also one of the negative results of this model which could be problematic both for the family and the built environment. Gürel also adds that this model also accelerated the destruction of the historic environment to have more land for apartment block construction.326
In the yap-sat method of housing production the apartment block was the product as a housing presentation. Therefore, it is necessary to mention the apartment phenomenon not only through the yap-sat style of production but also in a comprehensive way to have a better understanding
325 Tekeli, 2011, pp. 6-7; Keleş, 2010, pp. 434-435.
326 Gürel, Meltem. “Seashore readings: the road from sea baths to summerhouses in mid-twentieth century İzmir.” In Mid-Century Modernism in Turkey: Across Cultures in the 1950s and 1960s, edited by Meltem Ö. Gürel, Routledge, 2016, p. 40.
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of the history of housing in Turkey. Gürel expresses the importance of apartment blocks in the architectural history of Turkey with these words:
Significantly, apartment buildings were the mechanism of modernization in Turkey as much as they were agents of modernity. They embodied the concept of modernity as much as the ideas of technology, standardization, and affordability. They were economic means to replace older houses that lacked modern amenities. The increase in their production enabled the development of the middle classes.327
The apartment blocks became the dominant type of housing production in Turkey from the mid-twentieth century onwards as a result of increased migration to cities and legal arrangements. As it was mentioned above, Bozdoğan also defines three developments which gave rise to apartment block production in the mid-twentieth century: The first one is the emergence of the new actor, i.e., the contractor. The second one is the progress in the domestic industry that reduced the expensive imported building materials. The last one is the Flat Ownership Law that started being discussed at the beginning of the 1950s and was finally accepted in 1965 as the legitimization of the multi-story apartment block construction with individual property rights.328
The social structure of the cities also changed in parallel with the physical transformation. The small nucleus family was becoming the new social norm and the modern home, as its living space, was idealized at the time. In addition to these, Kıray also claims that the apartment block was the house of the middle class, i.e., of workers and civil servants who emerged as new social groups in modern industrial societies. As Turkey was experiencing a similar transformation at those times, the notion of the apartment block also emerged and developed with the increasing role of these social classes in the country.329
Apartment blocks of the mid-twentieth century were generally designed as multi-story rectangular prisms with large openings and pure facades without any ornamentation. Their plan layout was organized for small nucleus families. Both the architectural principles used in their design and their target group reflect the modern architectural features of the mid-twentieth century (Figures, 3.102, 3.103 and 3.104). Housing was the main subject of modern
327 Ibid., p. 40.
328 Bozdoğan, 2013, pp. 97-98.
329 Kıray, Mübeccel. “Apartmanlaşma ve modern orta tabakalar.” Toplubilim Yazıları, Gazi Üniversitesi Basın Yayın Yüksek Okulu, Ankara, 1979, p. 386.
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architecture and apartment blocks were the main housing production type of the mid-twentieth century all around the world. Similarly, modern apartment blocks were interpreted as parts of “urbanization, modernization, Westernization, development, hygienic living conditions and economy, as well as to higher living standards and social status”330 in Turkey.
Figure 3.102 : Hukukçular Sitesi designed by Haluk Baysal and Melih Birsel in the 1960s.
(Source: Anonymous. “Hukukçular Sitesi.” Arkitekt, Sayı:305, 1961, p. 163.)
Figure 3.103 : Real Estate and Credit Bank Apartment Blocks in İstanbul.
(Source: Anonymous. “İstanbul Belediyesi T. Emlak Kredi Bankası Blok Apartmanları Atatürk Bulvarı.” Arkitekt, Sayı: 286, 1957, p. 12)
Figure 3.104 : Housing Blocks designed by ME-SA in Ankara.
(Source: Anonymous. “ME-SA Toplu Konut A.Ş'nin bir kaç uygulaması.” Arkitekt, Sayı: 374, 1979, p. 47.)
330 Gürel, 2009, p. 704.
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There were also some mass housing examples such as Levent (Figure 3.105 and 3.106) and Ataköy (Figure 3.107 and 3.108) settlements in İstanbul. According to Bozdoğan, the transition in architectural design from the 1950s to 1960s can be exemplified by comparing the housing schemes in the 1st and the 4th Levent settlements, both designed by Ahmet Kemal Aru and sponsored by Real Estate and Credit Bank. The 1st Levent scheme adhered to garden city principles that were prevalent before the Second World War. In contrast, the 4th Levent scheme presented high-rise multi-family buildings that were widely spaced apart. The buildings had a mix of unit sizes, ranging from 56 to 167 square meters and were constructed in three, five, and ten-story blocks to accommodate 1800 residents. The horizontal lines, repetitive balconies, and large glazed surfaces of the blocks reflected the contemporary International Style of modern architecture, which helped to establish a preference for it.331
Ataköy and Levent settlements were rich in their architectural features, but they did not respond to the needs of the masses. Mainly targeting middle- and high-income residents, they were not designed to solve the housing problem; however, they became a model for the housing of the middle class by offering ideal life standards.332 İnkaya also underlines that the increase in the size of houses produced in three big cities (İstanbul, Ankara, and İzmir) shows that most of the housing investments were designed for luxurious houses.333
Figure 3.105 : An apartment Block of 4th Levent.
(Source: Aru, Kemal Ahmet. “Levend 4. Mahallesi.” Mimarlık, Sayı: 285, 1956, p. 145.)
331 Bozdoğan & Akcan, 2012, pp. 150-151.
332 Bozdoğan, 2016, p. 18.
333 İnkaya, 1972, p. 57.
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Figure 3.106 : Advertisement of Levent Neighborhood.
(Source: Cumhuriyet, 09.10.1955, p. 6)
Figure 3.107 : A view from Ataköy Settlement in Advertisement Brochure.
(Source: Salt Research Archive, https://archives.saltresearch.org/handle/123456789/79634 )
Figure 3.108: General view of Ataköy Settlement.
(Source: Anonymous. “Türkiye Emlak Kredi Bankası Ataköy Sosyal Konut Uygulaması.” Arkitekt, Sayı: 358, 1975, p. 54.)
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Sayar states that even the block apartment blocks funded by the İstanbul Municipality were not built in accordance with the principles of cheap public housing. He adds that the funds allocated for housing should be used on cheaper lands, especially according to the needs of the low-income group, instead of dedicating the funds allocated for housing to 3- and 5-room apartment blocks on big streets where only the middle class could live.334
In the 1950s, the ratio of apartment flats in the total housing unit supply in the regular residential areas in İstanbul had reached the level of 80%. Ankara was the second city where apartment blocks reached large numbers after İstanbul. The apartment blocks were also reflected in other cities of the country in the following years. According to the data from 1950, there were 5,114 apartment blocks in İstanbul, 2009 in Ankara, 1,202 in Izmir, 894 in Adana, 62 in Bursa, 299 in Kayseri, 250 in Konya and 75 in Gaziantep.335
The increase in land prices affected housing production for the middle-income group of the society. As it was mentioned above, the yap-sat style housing production was developed as a solution to this problem. Another alternative for the middle class was housing production through cooperatives which had been applied in Ankara before the Second World War. During the post-war decades, approximately 200 building cooperatives were established in Ankara. Housing cooperatives, which started to develop in the 1940-1950 period, increased in number in the 1950-1960 period.336 In this period, both the Flat Ownership Law and the Cooperative
334 Sayar, Zeki. “Belediyemizin Mesken Davasını Anlayışı!”. Arkitekt, Sayı: 280, 1955, p. 49.
335 Tekeli, 2012, pp. 65-66.
336 Tekeli, 2011, p. 8; Şenyapılı, 2004a, p. 224.
Özükeren categorizes housing production through cooperatives into three periods depending on the formation of houses and their environments. In the first period, houses were built with the concept of garden houses or garden-cities. The first example in Turkey was the Bahçelievler Housing developed in 1935. Following this example, many cooperatives were formed by people who gathered their investments to individual houses or apartment flats. See: Özükeren, A. Şule. “Kooperatifler ve Konut Üretimi.” In Tarihten Günümüze Anadolu'da Konut ve Yerleşme: Housing and Settlement in Anatolia a Historical Perspective, edited by Yıldız Sey, Türk Tarih Vakfı, 1996, p. 355
In the beginning, cooperatives were constructed in the planned areas (imarlı alan) in the cities. They began to spread outside the development boundaries by the end of the 1960s. Cooperatives were using this method for reducing the cost of land, and thus the cost of housing. Trade unions also participated in housing construction by using social security institution loans, and they carried out large housing projects by organizing their members in cooperatives. See: Türel, Ali. “1980 Sonrasında Konut Üretimindeki Gelişmeler.” ODTÜ Mimarlık Fakültesi Dergisi 9, 1989, p. 147.
For further information also see: Altan, T. Elvan. “Modern Ankara’nın Yeniden İnşası Başlıyor: 1950’lerde Yeni Yaşam, Yeni Kent ve Rahmi Bediz-Demirtaş Kamçıl Bürosunun Konut Tasarımları.” Arredamento Mimarlık, 290, 2015, pp. 90-96; Cengizkan, Ali. Discursive Formations in Turkish Residential Architecture Ankara: 1948-1962. Unpublished PhD Dissertation. Middle East Technical University, The Graduate School of Nature, and Applied Sciences, 2000, İmamoğlu, Bilge and E. Altan
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Law (1969) transformed the housing presentation of the cooperatives. They began to construct multi-story apartment blocks instead of detached houses.337
Individual and independent apartment block production negatively affected urban life quality. Therefore, discussions on the necessity of mass housing production started to be discussed in Turkey around the 1970s. The mass housing presentation format was first proposed as a solution in the Second Five-Year Development Plan adopted in 1967. These initiatives had a certain accumulation of experience in Turkey for the expansion of public housing provision, which became widespread after the 1980s.338 Even though housing production through cooperatives were organizations for at least middle-income families although generally for the low-income, they changed in time and transformed into organizations in which those who wanted to construct luxurious houses and gain profit gathered together and constructed larger settlements of houses in the 1980s.339
Apart from the houses built by individuals, the state or cooperatives, the only housing form planned on a large scale was the “lottery houses” (ikramiye evleri). In addition to the houses distributed by the banks to their customers, some banks also built apartment blocks and gave the purchase priority to their customers. From this point of view, it is seen that urbanization and banking activities had a coordinated transformation in the mid-twentieth century (Figure
Ergut. “Mimarlık Tarihi Araştırma Stüdyosu Çalışmasının Düşündürdükleri: Ankara’da Mimarlık, 1950-1980.” Mimarlık, 337, 2007; Karataş, Sıla. Building Marshall Plan in Turkey: The formation of workers' housing question, 1946-1962. Unpublished Master’s Thesis. Middle East Technical University, The Graduate School of Nature, and Applied Sciences, 2015; Karataş, Sıla. “From Marshall Plan to “Hilton in the wild”: The Transnational History of a Cooperative Housing Block in Esat, Ankara.” ABE Journal. Architecture beyond Europe 20, 2022.
337 However, Özükeren also underlines that these cooperative houses were not different in terms of architectural features. They did not include any social infrastructure which was expected from cooperative housing development. See: Özükeren, 1996, pp. 359-360.
338 Tekeli, 2011, pp. 8-9.
One of the first examples was held in Ankara in 1974, which is known as Batıkent. The Mass Housing Law enacted in 1981 and developed in 1994 gave financial priority to cooperatives for constructing a building. As a result of these legal arrangements, the percentage of housing construction through cooperatives increased. See: Özükeren, 1996, pp. 361-363.; Türel, 1989, p. 148.
339 Görgülü, 2016, p. 6.
Cooperatives operated by the upper-income groups and the upper-level bureaucrats of the society rather than the low-income groups became a tool to construct outside the zoning areas, by benefiting from state loans and aiming to build houses as large as possible. Tekeli states that this form of housing presentation, which was developed to provide housing to low-income groups in the West, turned into a method of constructing luxury housing above the social housing standards in Turkey. See: Tekeli, 2012, p. 71.
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3.109).340 The lottery houses formed one of the important housing production methods, starting at the end of the 1940s and continuing until the 1970s.341 They emerged at a time when housing demand was high in Turkey. It was also a time when the state’s attempt at housing production was also criticized and discussions on alternative housing production methods started to increase.342 Lottery houses were initially designed mostly as detached houses, as understood through the posters designed by İhap Hulusi (Figure 3.110); and then apartment blocks were added to the lottery houses in the mid-1950s.343
All things considered; it is important to underline that the housing problem of the period was not only related to the production of houses. The lack of municipality power to ensure infrastructure and unplanned urbanization were other dynamics for the housing problem. As Tekeli emphasizes, even if the housing demand was provided in required numbers, the housing
340 Yarımbaş, Duygu. “İkramiye Evleri ve Yapıldıkları Dönemin Konut Algısı Arasındaki İlişkiler: İkramiye Evleri İlanları Okuma Denemesi.” In Mekanlar/Zamanlar/İnsanlar: Evsellik, Ev, Barınma ve Mimarlık Tarihi Bildiriler Kitabı, edited by Lale Özgenel. ODTÜ Basım İşliği, 2016. p. 71.
341 Şumnu, Umut. Ankara’daki (İş Bankası) İkramiye Evleri. Ankara Araştırmaları Dergisi, 2(1), 2014, p. 51.
342 The lottery houses were mostly constructed by the state banks as a small-scale production until the 1950s when the central state concept was dominant. However, it turned into a serious sector in terms of quantity and quality with the establishment of many new/private banks after 1950 when the liberal economy approach was adopted. The notion of lottery started with cash money, gold, and automobile and continued with houses. It started with İş Bankası in the 1930s and continued with the state banks Ziraat Bankası and Sümerbank, and they were followed by private banks such as Yapı Kredi, Garanti Bankası, Raybank, Muhabank, Akbank, Türk Ticaret Bankası, Doğubank, İstanbul Bankası, Osmanlı Bankası, Emlak Bankası, Tutum Bankası. Lottery houses also transformed in line with the rest of the housing production in Turkey. It started with the design of detached, double-story houses which were built for crowded families in the late 1940s. It can be said that the lottery houses produced in this period showed formal, spatial, and vital similarities with the “garden-city” and “garden-house” models developed by the state. They were replaced by small flats of multi-story apartment blocks without a garden, which were built for low-income nucleus families in the mid-1950s. The change in lottery housing was related to the political, social, and economic changes of the period and the housing needed to be increased due to the migration. See: Şumnu, 2014, p. 52-53.
343 Not only posters but also other advertisement materials give clues about the design of the lottery houses. For instance, in one of these advertisements, it was stated that “the apartment blocks to be distributed by the lottery have fuel-heating, a living room with a fireplace, two bedrooms with a wardrobe, a large bright kitchen, a bathroom with a water heater”. See: Ibid., p. 57, 65.
Not only banks but also newspapers and magazines such as the popular magazine of the post-war decades Hayat started to distribute valuable real estates such as houses, summer villas and land in the 1960s, with the support of sponsors such as Building and Credit Bank (Yapı ve Kredi Bankası), with coupons and lotteries. For example, Ses magazine gave one of its readers an apartment block as a gift every month, and Yeni İstanbul newspaper’s circulation increased considerably after announcing that it would give its readers 10 houses by lottery. However, Cantek notes that only three of these promised houses were given. See: Cantek, Funda Şenol. “Altmışlı Yıllarda Basın”. In Türkiyeʼnin 1960ʼlı Yılları, edited by Mete Kaan Kaynar, 2. baskı ed. İletişim Yayıncılık, 2021, pp. 765-766.
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problem would continue in terms of environmental standards and quality of life in urban environments which grew like an oil stain.344
Figure 3.109 : Advertisements for lottery houses.
(Source: Author’s personal archive)
Figure 3.110 : Advertisements drawn by İhap Hulusi Görey.
(Source: Merter, Ender. Cumhuriyet'i Afişleyen Adam: İhap Hulusi Görey 110 Yaşında. Literatür Yayıncılık 2008, pp. 31-32)
Another important subject in this period was the notion of the ‘modern home’ or ‘ideal home’. In other words, as Bozdoğan claims, discussions on the housing of the period were focused on two different concepts: “a question of shelter” and “a question of quality”. The question of shelter placed social issues at the center. On the other hand, the question of quality concerned
344 Meanwhile, there was also a process of constructing new buildings by destroying the historical zones. This resulted in both the destruction of historical values and existing housing stock even if they were still in use. See: Tekeli, 2012, pp. 108-109.
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with the idea of “consumption” and “accommodation of the good life” was one of the main outputs of populist modernism.345
Bozdoğan states that those notions of comfort and luxury also entered the agenda with the modern home discussions of the 1950s. It was possible to follow the changing subject through the contemporary issues of the architectural journal Arkitekt in which previous discussions on effective and economic housing were replaced by new habits and appliances such as dishwashers, refrigerators and a family-dining corner.346 Besides, Tanyeli claims that living in the apartment block is a modern behavior, not because it is a modern type of housing, but because of the belief that a “good life” can be lived only in apartment blocks.347
The “good life” was suggested to be lived in apartment blocks built for upper and middle classes and by architects and contractors, while squatter houses attempted to answer the bare need of accommodation as an illegal solution for low-income groups. Even though they differed a lot from each other in terms of their physical characteristics, user profiles, economic values, and social statuses, these two types of housing existed together and formed the mid-twentieth century urban context.
Şenyapılı claims that those people living in squatter settlements had the desire to own a house due to three main reasons: The first reason is the condition of illegality, the second one is the low quality of the houses they live in, and the last one is the prestigious position of their lands. All these reasons resulted in the ‘apartment dream’, which was seen as the way of being part of the city. It was believed that dwellers of squatter settlements can be adapted to the rest of the city and its dwellers and can be accepted by them with the new life that emerged in the apartment blocks. So, they could be localized dwellers of the city. Living in an apartment block was also seen as a reflection of wealth, and social and economic position.348
As a result, a dual structure emerged in big cities: Housing types were divided into legal modern apartment blocks and illegal squatter areas. The reflections of the actors living in these houses on the business field were divided into organized and marginal sectors. In urban
345 Bozdoğan, 2016, p. 22.
346 Ibid., pp. 13-20.
347 Tanyeli, 2004, p. 62.
348 Şenyapılı, 1981, p. 105.
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transportation, it was divided into public transportation areas organized by the public and organized by small capital.349
The existence of dual structures in cities does not mean that they were two completely disconnected environments. There was no clear boundary between the organized and marginal sectors when it came to employment opportunities. There was no evolutionary time order or priority and succession between these two structures. These dualities were indeed simultaneous and co-spatial, and they were parts of the structure of the urban built environment in a relationship of mutual dependence.350
Various definitions have been made for the ‘squatter house’, which entered the daily language after the 1940s in Turkey. According to one of these definitions, “a squatter house is the name given to rashly built dwellings that are against zoning laws, often primitive, unsupervised and devoid of sanitary conditions”. According to the definition cited by Keleş from an official source, the squatter house is defined as “a shelter that is contrary to the zoning laws, health and scientific rules, which is hastily built in a land that does not belong to the dweller”. The Law about Squatters, no.775, enacted in 1966, defined squatter houses as “buildings built on lands that belonged to someone else and without the consent of the landowners, in violation of zoning and building laws”.351 In Sayar’s words, on the other hand, the squatter house is an unsanitary and non-social institution that the people built illegally and irregularly on empty lands that belonged to the state or foundation or belonged to individuals since the state did not manage the problem of cheap housing for the citizens in the simplest way.352
The need for housing as a result of urbanization and population growth, which was not constituted in parallel with industrialization and development, caused very important social problems. Especially in terms of housing, increasing demand and limited supply increased the rents in big cities. As a result, part of the population that had newly migrated to cities was forced to live in crowded and unhealthy environments without any infrastructure services and social institutions.353 Besides, while the existence of squatter houses was seen as a problem for the society and cities by planners, it was the cheapest way of providing labor for industrial
349 Tekeli et al., 2020, pp. 14-15.
350 Ibid., p. 34.
351 Keleş, 2019, p. 365.
352 Sayar, 1955, p. 49.
353 İnkaya, 1972, p. 56.
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environments. Through this method, investments were easily directed towards industrialization instead of urbanization.354 Therefore, the existence of squatter settlements was seen as an easy and cheap solution to the housing shortage by the state.
Those living in squatter settlements are members of low-income or poor groups of society. Since housing is a relatively expensive durable consumer good, people in every income group cannot afford to pay for this property. Squatter dwellers in Turkey had the financial power to pay neither the rent nor the value of the houses. That is why they tried to meet their shelter needs most cheaply. Therefore, poverty and lack of income must be considered as a reason for the emergence and rapid increase of squatter houses in addition to the urbanization and housing shortage.355 These definitions of the squatter house caused it to be perceived as just a housing or sheltering problem in Turkey. However, it is a development problem related to the speed and form of urbanization arising from the economic and social structure of the country and the changes in this structure.356
There are three approaches explaining the squatter house phenomenon common in the literature. These are actually urbanization theories but are used to discuss squatter houses as well. The first one is Buffer Institution and Mechanism Theory. Kongar states that buffer institutions and mechanisms that emerge in times of relatively rapid and comprehensive change are neither associated with the old nor the new structure. They occur only in processes of rapid and comprehensive change because, in times of slow change, all social and economic systems can work in relative harmony. They emerge only in the transition period and ensure the integration of the society or the continuation of this integrity. In terms of urbanization, the squatter settlements emerged as a buffer mechanism. The phenomenon of squatter houses is seen neither in feudal structures nor in societies that have completed their capitalization. Kongar says that the squatter houses not only offered individuals the opportunity to live but also ensured their interaction with the city and the integration through this interaction. He adds that squatter houses had a role not only in the integration of the newcomers to the city, but also affected the integration of the rural and the urban, the peasant and the urbanite, the working labor and the unemployed.357
354 Tekeli, 2012, p. 110.
355 Keleş, 2019, p. 367.
356 Ibid., pp. 368-369.
357 Kongar, 1982, pp. 29-32.
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The second theory which is related to both location of squatter settlements and the employment of their dwellers is called as Marginal Sector Theory. Some scholars point out that the population living in squatter settlements were marginal compared to the urban population. Tekeli et al. state that the emergence of a marginal sector consisting of unorganized jobs is inevitable to close the increasing employment gap in big cities. It is also said that the formation of such a sector reduces the tension caused by rapid urbanization. This marginal sector consists of jobs such as peddling (seyyar satıcılık), car washing, selling stuffed mussels, and being car park valet etc.358
Kongar expresses the third concept of “dependent urbanization (also known as the central-periphery approach)” as an approach to squatter housing in terms of international economic relations. According to the center-periphery approach, all underdeveloped countries that are a part of the capitalist system are the extensions and provinces of developed countries. For this reason, contemporary-capitalist groups and traditional-feudal groups live together in these countries. According to this view, the urbanization process in Turkey, which is a peripheral country, is a foreign-dependent process and has different characteristics from the urbanization phenomenon seen in western societies in history. As a result, squatter housing is the physical reflection of the distinction between the contemporary capitalist and traditional-feudal groups on the urbanization phenomenon.359
There are also approaches that see squatter housing as not part of the standard urbanization and modernization processes but as a social deviation. Karpat explains the motivation of this view as the illegality of these settlements, their inconsistency with the idea of orderly development, and their negative fame among the inhabitants of the old city. If housing production capabilities and financial resources were available in “developing” countries like Turkey, these settlements might never have emerged. However, in all “developing” countries, squatter settlements with their different characteristics and dynamics emerged as a natural component of the urbanization process. Therefore, Karpat underlines that these settlements should not be considered as a deviation, but rather as a part of the economic development and urbanization process.360
358 Tekeli et al., 2020, p. 14. Kongar, on the other hand, criticizes the marginal sector approach as it sees the reality of squatter settlements only as an employment problem. In addition, he states that it will not be correct to define a group that includes more than half of the urban population as marginal. See: Kongar, 1982, p. 36.
359 Kongar, 1982, pp. 25-27. 360 Karpat, 2022, p. 32.
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It can be said that the economic realities related to industrialization facilitated the emergence of squatter settlements. Workers living in squatter houses could save from rent and thus did not have to demand higher wages from their employers. Many factories were also established around the cities to benefit from this cheap labor force.361
In order to understand the squatter housing process and actors Karpat’s explanations about the vicious cycle of the housing question in Turkey could be helpful. The construction sector, which was primarily conducted by private entrepreneurs, grew rapidly and increased land speculation. With this land speculation, the rapidly growing urban entrepreneur class made a great accumulation. Afterwards, this high-income group built luxury residences to earn more instead of investing in industry. As a result, the demand for workers in the construction sector increased and more people migrated to cities. The newcomers to the cities could not find housing they could afford. Meanwhile the economic atmosphere in the cities was not as positive as it was dreamed of. The purchasing power of workers and civil servants was reduced with the increasing inflation. The demand for housing also increased the rents of houses.362 This resulted in the establishment of squatter settlements as a sheltering solution for newcomers.363
Politicians were aware of the vote potential of squatter dwellers. Politicians tried to gather votes by making promises such as giving land titles and providing infrastructure requirements. This phenomenon was the first breaking point in the squatter housing process. Due to these political conditions, squatter settlements were tolerated. The adoption of the import substitution model in the economy in the early 1960s was another breaking point for the squatter settlement population. Until the first law aimed at preventing squatters was enacted in 1948, there were 25-30 thousand squatters in big cities. Until the second law concerning illegal buildings was enacted in 1953, the number of squatters was around 80 thousand. This number increased from 240 thousand in 1960 to 1,250,000 in 1983. Every law enacted in this 361 Ibid., pp. 46-47. 362 Ibid., p. 82. 363 In fact, Karpat underlines that squatter settlements in Turkey were not established by newcomers for the first time as in other similar countries but started to be built by existing low-income groups in the city. He claims that the first builders of squatters were followed by their relatives or acquaintances. Over time, squatter settlements started to be remembered as the areas of migrated groups to the city. Karpat summarizes the process with these words: “While the establishment of the squatter settlements is essentially a physical action, its growth and development are social phenomenon linked to the rural area and supported by migration.” Karpat, 2022, p. 103, 107.
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process prohibited the construction of squatter houses. Despite this, the number of squatters continued to increase.364
In 1966, with the Law about Squatters, the existence of squatter houses was officially accepted.365 Squatter settlements are defined in the law as follows: “The term ‘gecekondu’ [squatter] mentioned in this law is intended to mean unauthorized buildings on land and plots which do not belong to them, without the consent of the owner, regardless of the legislation and general provisions regulating the zoning and construction works.” The law does not refer to the quality of houses or public content. The definition of squatter settlements in the law reflects an attitude towards these settlements in Turkey.366
Squatter settlements were seen as the only problem of the urbanization of villagers (kentlileşen köylüler) or non-urbanization of the country (kentleşemeyen ülke). Şenyapılı criticizes the approach to the squatter settlements, which was only about the demolition or legalization of the existing settlements. On the other hand, he claims that it is important to understand and reveal the causality of the emergence and maintenance of the squatter settlements and the urbanization of the villagers.367
Similar to Şenyapılı, Tekeli also underlines that the reality of squatter settlements was always accepted as a problem instead of a solution. Although the Law about Squatters allowed different zoning rules and standards to be applied, modernist legitimacy was also aimed through the concept of squatter prevention zones brought by the law. The main concern was to assure shelter in urban life to squatter house owners in both law and amnesty of squatter settlements. In addition to the development of housing qualities in these neighborhoods, the infrastructure quality also improved with the help of the mechanisms of political patronage. These developments resulted in the conceptualization of squatter house construction. Therefore, these squatter houses transformed from a shelter into apartment type of buildings with the increase in their height, so they became an investment tool and investment opportunity for the gecekondu owners.368
364 Ibid., p. 372.
365 Şenyapılı, 1998, pp. 309-311.
366 Şenyapılı, 1981, p. 42.
367 Ibid., p. ix.
368 Tekeli, 2011, p. 7.
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Balamir defines the squatter settlements as the first physical environment for experiencing urbanization, while houses acquired through the flat ownership method represent its first concrete evidence. Squatter settlements and the fragmentation of ownership are the two important phenomena that were the results of rapid urbanization and rapid population increase in cities. They were not only the results, but they also contributed to these processes and all these processes complemented each other.369
Şenyapılı mentions that there was not much attention to the housing problem before the emergence of the squatter settlements even if there was a great deficiency in the number of affordable housings, especially for low and middle-income people. She explains the reason behind this as the desire to have a ‘beautiful city’ organized by a mathematical order with a wide boulevard completed with greenery. Therefore, function, and sufficiency to provide basic requirements and affordability had not been considered at all until the squatter settlements started to negatively affect this desire. Şenyapılı claims that these dwellings were accepted as ruining the so-called ‘beautiful city’, and thus the aim was to demolish them. However, it is also observed that the number of squatter settlements constructed after the demolishment was higher than the number before. Since the number of squatter settlements increased, the number of dwellers who are also future voters increased. As a result of this, the legalization of these settlements was added to the agenda. While the solution of demolishing was for the benefit of the physical appearance of the city and the elites of the city, the solution of legislation was for the advantage of the politicians. To sum up, none of them was related to any social realities.370
There are several critics on governments’ policy of squatter housing. According to Sayar, the squatter houses settled in the old arches in the “Arasta” street behind the Blue Mosque were demolished on the occasion of the Byzantine Studies Congress held in İstanbul. While doing this work, the Municipality gave 100 - 200 square meters of space to each family whose house was demolished to build a new squatter house between Mecidiyeköy and Kağıthane stream. He claims that the Municipality encouraged these poor citizens, who were displaced by this action, to build new squatter houses with the materials they demolished.371 In another article, he says that the squatter houses on Sarayburnu and Florya coastal road were similarly demolished, and the municipality gave these families 50 square meters of space in Beykoz and
369 Balamir, Murat. “Kat Mülkiyeti ve Kentleşmemiz.” ODTÜ Mimarlık Fakültesi Dergisi, Cilt 1, Sayı 2, 1975, p. 299.
370 Şenyapılı, 1981, pp. 10-12.
371 Sayar, 1955, p. 49.
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allowed them to build new squatter houses. Sayar states that demolishing the squatter neighborhoods within the zoning areas and allowing them to be re-established in further distances did not benefit the development of the city and also increased the misery of these people. He underlined once again that the newly established Ministry of Reconstruction encourages the construction of luxury neighborhoods such as Ataköy instead of dealing with public housing.372
All things considered, two dominant types of housing of the mid-twentieth century Turkey were apartment blocks and squatter houses. These two types of houses are represented in the cartoons with highlighting and exaggerating their contrast features. In the next last part of this chapter cartoons representing apartment blocks and squatter houses will be examined by considering contrast features and physical, social, and urban characteristics.
3.3.2. Apartment Blocks versus Squatter Houses
This part of the study aims to analyze in cartoons the representation of the apartment blocks and the squatter houses as the main housing types of mid-twentieth century in Turkey. These two types of housing production have significantly influenced the physical appearance of cities, urbanization practices, urban texture, and social relations. The dominance of apartment blocks as the primary type of housing production and squatter houses as informal housing production did not go unnoticed by city dwellers and so cartoonists, who produced various discourses reflecting on these changes.
From formal, urban, and social perspectives, this section will discuss the representations of apartment block and squatter housing types in cartoons. It is important to understand the impact of these two types of housing on the urban landscape, and how they are portrayed in cartoons can provide insight into how they are perceived by the society. Overall, the representation of housing types in cartoons serves as a reflection of social and urban changes and can provide valuable commentary on the impact of housing production on urban development.
In the period when apartment life had just entered Turkey, “An Apartment in Şişli”, nickel cubic furniture which was the subject of inspired by “Luxury Life (Lüküs Hayat)” operettas,
372 Sayar, Zeki. “Gecekonduların Yıktırılması Münasebetiyle.” Arkitekt, Sayı: 294, 1959, p. 3, 29.
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was one of the subjects that cartoonists dealt with. Again, in those times, large, glazed doors, glass-enclosed balconies, floors above the attics, unstable buildings, block constructions, and the build-sell method were criticized in cartoons. In fact, these were criticisms related to architecture rather than the city. After the 1950s, migration, a new phenomenon that was not known before, began to occur in Turkey, so the criticism shifted to the focus on squatter housing.373
3.3.2.1. Well-built versus Poorly Built
Firstly, the formal characteristics of cartoons featuring apartment blocks and squatter houses will be discussed. The analysis will start with individual representations of apartment blocks, followed by individual representations of squatter houses, and conclude with cartoons that portray both types of dwellings. Comparisons with representations in professional magazines will be made throughout the process, especially when examining apartment block representations.
The presentation of “Nişantaşında bir Apartman” (Figure 3.111) and the image of the following apartment blocks with circular windows reveal the contemporary architectural style. Another example from an Arkitekt issue of 1951, “Sadıklar Apartmanı” (Figure 3.112), introduces the new way of living by depicting the apartment block and its environment. “Birkan Apartmanı” (Figure 3.113), designed in 1955 by prominent figures of modern architecture in Turkey, Haluk Baysal and Melih Birsel, reflects the modern apartment block style through its horizontal windows, vertical-horizontal linear elements, free plan, and flat roof. Another example from Arkitekt is “Kervansaray Apartmanı” (Figure 3.114). It was designed by Rükneddin Güney in 1952 and presented in the journal with an emphasis on the reinforced concrete load-bearing system construction method. Both the plan and the facade organization reflect the common manner of the era. Two other examples also share common features. The first one, named “Bir Apartman 'İzmir’” (Figure 3.15, was designed by Fahri Nişli in 1961. Arkitekt notes that there were two saloons on the roof for children to play and for families to gather. The next one, named “Bir Apartman Binası (Emlak Caddesi)” (Figure 3.116), was designed by Rana Zıpçı and Ahmet Akın in 1962. The facade of this apartment block features an application of a concrete honeycomb motif, which was popular at the time.
373 Oral, 1998, pp. 106-108.
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Figure 3.111 : An apartment block in Nişantaşı
(Source: Nişantaşı’nda Bir Apartman, Arkitekt, Sayı: 237-238, 1951, p. 163.)
Figure 3.112 : An apartment block in Şişli
(Source: Sadıklar Apartmanı, Arkitekt, Sayı: 233-236, 1951, p. 94.)
Figure 3.113 : An apartment block in Bebek
(Source: Birkan Apartmanı, Arkitekt, Sayı: 294, 1959, p. 6.)
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Figure 3.114 : An apartment block in Taksim
(Source: Kervansaray Apartmanı, Arkitekt, Sayı: 299 1960, p. 54.)
Figure 3.115 : An apartment block in İzmir
(Source: Bir Apartman 'İzmir', Arkitekt, Sayı:302, 1961, p. 6.)
Figure 3.116 : An apartment block in Emlak Street
(Source: Bir Apartıman Binası (Emlak Caddesi), Arkitekt, Sayı: 307, 1962, p. 53.)
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The existence of apartment blocks is a crucial factor that can significantly alter the silhouette of a city. They have a direct impact on the lives of its dwellers, whether they live in apartments or not, making it a widely discussed topic in cartoons. The common modern architectural style of the period was discussed above with reference to the publications in the architectural journal Arkitekt.
The representation of apartment blocks in cartoons share common features with those from professional magazines. They are rather elevated from the ground; the facade is organized with horizontal, or circle windows and it is completed with a flat roof. In all examples, apartment blocks are represented as rectangular prisms organized horizontally or vertically, with very sharp lines. The emphasis on geometric forms is not only reflected in the architecture of the time. It is also related to what the concept of the apartment symbolizes in the cartoons. The representation of apartment blocks as straight, stable, and well-built in cartoons is directly related to the power dynamic of the social class they are associated with. Portraying the living spaces of the upper-income group in this manner conveys the strength, durability, and permanence of this social class in the society. In contrast, the appearance of squatter houses – often depicted in cartoons as poorly constructed with gathered materials, crooked, unstable, and seemingly on the brink of collapse. This portrayal represents the temporary, weak, and powerless nature of the class who inhabit these houses. These depictions also highlight the weaknesses and precariousness of this social group, as well as the challenges they face in securing adequate housing.
The cartoons Figure 3.117 and 3.118 reflect the honeycomb motifs or ‘btb’ (glass mosaic as it was called in Turkey) covering on the facade, commonly used at the time. In Figure 3.119, the image of an apartment block reflects the common architectural features of the period: the facade is organized with circular windows, horizontal balconies and it is completed with a flat roof and terrace. Figure 3.120 has similar features with previous example; it is elevated from the ground, has horizontal window organization and a flat roof. In this example, the horizontal emphasis on the facade and the flat roof were presented as discernible features of contemporary buildings. Moreover, in some examples (Figure 3.121 and 3.122), the facades of the apartment blocks presented as covered with glazed windows, an application that was also popular in those years, together with other features.
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“A water tank will be built in the newly built apartment blocks. (Newspapers)”
Figure 3.117 : Polat, 11.02.1960, Akbaba, p. 1.
“Landlords will not be able to kick tenants out.”
Figure 3.118 : Zorlu, 31.10.1963, Akbaba, p. 12.
“-Look, he built this huge apartment block thanks to books and magazines.
-Is he a bookseller?
-No, he is a paper bag seller.”
Figure 3.119 : Yoltaş, 22.08.1952, Akbaba, p. 6.
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“Living is hard bro, we tumble along!”
Figure 3.120 : Undefined, 06.08.1964, Akbaba, p. 6.
“The houses of those who have moved to the summer houses are being robbed. -newspaper-
-We go to summerhouse.
-Then we go to the winter house.”
Figure 3.121 : Zorlu, 14.07.1965, Akbaba, p. 8.
“Two more floors will be added to the apartments in Sürpagop (from newspapers).
-No matter what our opponents say, we will raise the country.”
Figure 3.122 : Ayça, 29.07.1954, Akbaba, p. 6.
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In Figure 3.123, the background apartment block stands out with its horizontal balconies, circular windows, and flat roofs, which were typical features of modern architecture during that period. Despite being in the background, the image of the apartment block draws the viewer’s attention immediately and becomes the focal point of the cartoon. Although the primary subject of the cartoon is unrelated, the depiction of the apartment blocks accentuates the new city skyline.
Figure 3.123 : Ural, 16.03.1956, Tercüman, p. 1.
It is common to see cartoons that emphasize the height of apartment blocks. In these cartoons, the height of the apartment blocks is exaggerated compared to real-life examples depicted in professional magazines. Cartoons do not aim to realistically represent buildings, but rather to exaggerate certain aspects in order to draw attention to specific issues and situations that they aim to discuss or criticize. For instance, in Figure 3.124, the left and middle cartoons depict buildings that are so tall they reach above the clouds. In the cartoon on the right, a group of people gather so that the garbage collector can reach the woman living on the top floor. In the left cartoon of Figure 3.125, a man named “Modern Romeo” needs the help of a helicopter to reach his lover, who lives on the upper floors of the apartment block. In the middle cartoon, a family living on the top floor of a building appears to float in the air inside their home because there is no gravity. In another example on the right, the elevator in the building has such a long path that it needs to stop in between floors.
Even though apartment blocks of the period were not that tall, cartoons often depicted them as towering structures that reached beyond the clouds, defied gravity, or took an incredibly long time to reach the upper floors even with elevators. This may be because multi-story apartment blocks were still considered as an unfamiliar and perhaps unusual type of housing. However, not all cartoons featuring apartment blocks exaggerate their height to such an extent. Usually, they are only portrayed as multi-story buildings, which is already a distinguishing feature of
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apartment blocks. While living in apartment blocks was desirable, it was also criticized for introducing a new lifestyle and as living areas that the society was not accustomed to.
“-I came to take your garbage lady! (Right)”
Figure 3.124 : Left: Sinan, 06.09.1952, 41buçuk, p. 4., Middle: Karaca, 04.10.1952, 41buçuk p. 5., Right: Undefined, 04.06.1959, Akbaba, p. 14.
“Modern Romeo (Left)
-I wish we didn't rent a house so high, my wife. Look, there's not even gravity here (Middle).
-Dear passengers, our elevator took a ten-minute break. The teas are from the company. Thank you (Right).”
Figure 3.125 : Left: Solukçu, 07.03.1963, Akbaba, p. 7., Middle: Undefined, 13.11.1983, Gırgır, p. 9., Right: Özdemir&Şerif, 24.10.1984, Çarşaf, p. 4.
Cartoons, as a form of popular culture, have been used to comment on and criticize various aspects of the society, including housing issues. By depicting the emergence of squatter housing in a humorous way, cartoonists draw attention to the underlying problems of housing
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inequality and lack of access to formal housing. As previously mentioned, squatter housing was another form of housing production during the period, built by newcomers to the city or those who could not afford housing in the city.
Squatter houses are a form of informal housing that are often found in urban areas, particularly in “developing” countries where poverty and housing shortages are prevalent. They used cheap materials and their own labor to construct houses on vacant lands belonging to someone else. Squatter housing introduced a new type of construction process to the society. When people start living in a squatter house, it is still in the early stages of construction. Over time, the dwelling grows and develops as it is inhabited. The construction process of a squatter house is dynamic and flexible. This method is designed to minimize the initial investment expenditure and relies heavily on the use of their own workforce, making it suitable for the economic realities of those living in such communities.374
A squatter dweller is someone with a low income and no security, often with a large family and limited opportunities for housing. However, their cultural structure is expected to change over time. In such circumstances, any house they build must meet specific criteria. Firstly, it must minimize initial investment costs and provide a place to sleep at the lowest possible expense. Additionally, it should allow for the expansion of the house in the future and adapt to changing conditions. Therefore, a squatter house is a continually evolving construction project, rather than a finished product.375
Squatter houses were frequently portrayed in cartoons, even if the subjects of the cartoons were different. The sudden emergence of squatter houses, almost overnight and from nothing, was also a popular topic in cartoons, as illustrated in Figure 3.126. The cartoon illustrates an individual who hide the house in their inner pocket, surveyed the environment, took the house out at an opportune moment, and entered with a smile. Here, the cartoonist emphasizes the quick and effortless production of squatter houses and their transformation into habitable spaces.
One of the defining characteristics of squatter houses is their impermanence. These houses are often built quickly and without much planning or oversight, using whatever materials are
374 Tekeli et al., 2020, p. 221.
375 Ibid., p. 234.
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available. As a result, they are often structurally unstable and prone to collapse. Cartoons and illustrations can be a powerful way to highlight the unique features of squatter houses and draw attention to the challenges faced by those who live in them. Squatter houses, unlike apartment blocks, are represented as single-story, small, and shabby dwellings consisting of crooked lines, patched roofs, chimneys showing the usage of traditional stove and facades supported by stones. For example, in Figure 3.127, a squatter house is depicted as a fractured volume rather than a solid prism, highlighting the impermanence and instability of these structures. The horizontal lines on the facade are drawn randomly, underscoring the lack of planning and organization that characterizes many squatter settlements.
In another illustration (Figure 3.128), a squatter house is depicted in more detail, supported by sticks and stones as it struggles to stand. The roof has patches and a stone to prevent it from flying away. Similarly, Figure 3.129 portrays a squatter house with broken wooden materials and incomplete shelter, highlighting the challenges of living in a house that lacks the basic structural integrity and protection afforded by more formal housing. Figure 3.130 portrays a compelling cartoon that shows the struggles of a family residing in a squatter settlement. The setting of the cartoon appears to be a typical day in the life of the family. The family is shown arguing over a leaky roof while hanging laundry. This image serves as a reminder of the urgent need to address poverty and inequality in the society.
“A tale of a squatter house”
Figure 3.126 : Zorlu, 17.12.1964, Akbaba, p. 6.
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“Television sales started.”
Figure 3.127 : Balcıoğlu, 21.05.1967, Tercüman, p. 1.
“Who is the leader of this house?”
Figure 3.128 : Şükrü & Şevket, 25.10.1981, Gırgır, p. 8.
“-If we are not at home, throw it under the door like everyone else.”
Figure 3.129 : Akgün, 26.02.1984, Gırgır, p. 11.
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“-How many times have I told you not to hang the laundry up? The roof is leaking.”
Figure 3.130 : Kemal & Can, 04.05.1984, Hürriyet, p. 2.
Even though squatter houses were often depicted in cartoons in a similar way, there are instances where they were portrayed differently depending on the materials used. For example, Figure 3.131 represents not a fully constructed squatter house but rather its building process. In the construction of the squatter house, cardboard that would not normally be used in the construction of a house was used. The cartoonist's intention here is to emphasize the instability and inadequacy of the materials used in the construction of squatter houses.
“Go get two more layers of cardboard!”
Figure 3.131 : Akgün, 26.02.1984b, Gırgır, p. 11.
The cartoons frequently depict the transient nature of squatter houses, highlighting their lack of durability. This recurring theme portrays the houses as being at the mercy of the wind, ready to be blown away at any moment. For instance, in Figure 3.132, there is a family leaning against their house to keep it from flying away. In Figure 3.133, a squatter house is tied to a
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tree to prevent it from being carried away by the wind, while other houses without such precautions are seen flying away in the background. Figure 3.134 takes this idea further, showing the dwellers of a house that did not take precautions, finding themselves in Paris the next day after their house flew away.
These cartoons not only illustrate the fragile nature of squatter houses, but also highlight the daily struggles that dwellers face in maintaining their homes. These cartoons provide a unique and accessible way to explore some of the challenges that squatter dwellers face, particularly in terms of housing stability and security. They also offer a thought-provoking insight into the lived experiences of squatter dwellers, and the challenges they face in their daily lives. What is noteworthy is that these three cartoons were not created by professional artists, but rather by ordinary people who submitted their drawings to Gırgır's public page. This makes them even more significant, as they offer a direct reflection of social reaction.
“Come on, whoever is next, go to bed.”
Figure 3.132 : Salı, 13.12.1981, Gırgır, p. last cover.
“Do you understand now why I tied it, my wife?”
Figure 3.133 : Ercins, 19.08.1984, Gırgır, p. last cover.
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“Wife, shut the window well, there is a very bad wind.”
Figure 3.134 : Açıkel, 22.11.1981, Gırgır, p. back cover.
The humorous depiction of the quick construction of squatter houses is captured in Figure 3.135. The image portrays a family who appears to have mistakenly built their scratchy dwelling on top of a car, under the cover of darkness at midnight. As they awaken the next morning, they suddenly realize that they are traveling down the road on top of a car in their newly constructed house.
“-Where did you set up this squatter house, husband?
-How can I know, do the eyes see at midnight?”
Figure 3.135 : Efe, 11.01.1984a, Çarşaf, p. 9.
Figures 3.136 and 3.137 represent the demolition of squatter houses due to families' rejoicing as their houses receive title deeds. These cartoons draw attention to multiple issues simultaneously. One such issue is the political interests that prompt the conferment of title deeds and the resulting joy felt by the families. The demolition of houses through mere shouting can be viewed from two perspectives. Firstly, the families, who are already in dire straits and rely solely on these substandard squatter houses, find immense happiness in the news of receiving title deeds. Secondly, it highlights the flimsy and fragile nature of these structures, which can be brought down by the mere act of shouting.
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“The zoning amnesty was accepted. Deeds are given to the squatter houses.
-Hurray, they won't demolish our squatter house.”
Figure 3.136 : Öktem, 02.03.1984, Hürriyet, p. 8.
“1 million squatter houses are given title deeds.
Hurray we got the deed my wife!”
Figure 3.137 : Şükrü & Ergün, 18.03.1984, Gırgır, p. front cover.
The following examples illustrate the substandard living conditions in squatter houses. In Figure 3.138, a family with three children is illustrated, struggling to fit into a tiny squatter house. To emphasize this point, the cartoonist drew a three-story bunk bed with a simple structure on top of the house. This highlights the cramped living conditions of squatter houses while also showing how the inhabitants themselves try to come up with simple solutions to their problems. In another example (Figure 3.139), a dweller needs to go to the toilet at night but must leave the house to do so since there is no toilet in the house. Upon returning, the man informs his wife that he was unable to find transportation to reach the toilet. This illustrates how squatter houses often lack even basic amenities, including access to proper sanitation facilities. Additionally, the locations and transportation services of squatter neighborhoods can make life challenging. These types of cartoons provide a stark reminder of the poor living conditions that many people in squatter houses face. The examples presented highlight the lack of basic amenities, cramped living spaces, and transportation difficulties that are common in such areas.
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“Look, this bunk bed system worked pretty well, my wife. Children will now sleep comfortably. Of course, so are we.”
Figure 3.138 : Polat & Ahmet, 11.01.1984, Çarşaf, p. 9.
“-I couldn't find a vehicle to go to the toilet again, my wife.”
Figure 3.139 : Efe, 11.01.1984b, Çarşaf, p. 9.
Cartoons often display squatter houses not just as isolated structures, but also as entire neighborhoods. While these depictions typically feature identical houses with less intricate details, they still capture the essence of these improvised dwellings. For example, the facades of these houses are often shown to have visible patches, the roofs are depicted as being paper-thin, and stones are placed both on the roofs and on the ground to protect the houses from collapsing. Additionally, cartoons of squatter neighborhoods often include chimney elements, which serve as a visual representation of the stoves used for heating and cooking inside these houses. This also shows life in squatter settlements is still based on traditional methods due to the lack of modern fixtures which generally exist in apartment blocks (Figure 3.140 and 3.141).
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“Constructed in daytime”
Figure 3.140 : Balcıoğlu, 24.11.1965, Tercüman, p. 1.
“The Minister of National Education said that 10 more universities will be established.
Dear Minister, may I ask for your valuable opinions about the squatter housing?”
Figure 3.141 : Balcıoğlu, 27.12.1967, Akbaba, p. 5.
Cartoons often feature social criticism through the illustration of apartment blocks and squatter houses together. These two types of housing represent different income groups and lifestyles within the society. For example, Figure 3.142 depicts a squatter house with an agricultural vehicle in front of it, while an automobile is shown in front of the apartment block. This illustrates that the people living in squatter houses generally have lower economic status and lead more traditional lifestyles than those living in apartment blocks. The apartment block, in contrast, represents modernity, development, and wealth.
In Figures 3.143 and 3.144, a squatter house is shown stuck between high-rise and mono-block apartment blocks. The presence of television antennas on the apartment blocks in Figure 3.143 suggests that they have access to modern amenities. On the other hand, the chimney on the squatter house in the same figure implies that traditional heating methods are still used there. In Figure 3.144, a periscope-like device is shown on top of the squatter house, indicating
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that it is surrounded by taller apartment blocks and is unable to see the sun. These representations highlight the dualities of squatter houses and apartment blocks, traditional and modern, poor, and rich, and disadvantaged and advantaged. The cartoons thus offer a critical commentary on class differences and their spatial reflections.
Figure 3.142 : Ermektar, 21.01.1959, Taş-Karikatür, p. 8.
“Real estate tax exemption is shrinking.”
Figure 3.143 : Balcıoğlu, 11.07.1971, Tercüman, p. 1.
“Not being able to see the sun!”
Figure 3.144 : Selçuk, 07.02.1983, Milliyet, p. 2.
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Figure 3.145 represents a silhouette of apartment blocks and squatter houses with news underneath stating that one out of every three houses is a squatter house. The cartoon emphasizes the increasing number of squatter houses and apartment blocks while highlighting the coexistence of the two types of housing. The differences in how the squatter houses and apartment blocks are represented by the cartoonist are intended to highlight the contrast between the two housing types. In Figure 3.146, squatter houses with hipped roofs can be seen in front of the rectangular prism-shaped apartment blocks, emphasizing the dual situation of these two housing types. One of the best examples of this coexistence is shown in Figure 3.147, where multi-story apartment blocks with regular window organization and flat roofs are surrounded by small and irregularly placed squatter houses that fill every gap. This cartoon highlights both the social and physical differences between the two types of housing and emphasizes the existence of squatter settlements surrounding cities, which are rapidly increasing in number.
“Out of three houses is a squatter house. -newspaper-”
Figure 3.145 : Ersoy, 30.11.1965, Cumhuriyet, p. 1.
“Budget discussions”
Figure 3.146 : Selçuk, 21.01.1982, Milliyet, p. 1.
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Figure 3.147 : Balcıoğlu, 16.04.1974, Tercüman, p. 1.
In another striking example, squatter houses and apartment blocks face each other on a chessboard, (Figure 3.148). The representation of two housing types has all the features described before, but the fact that they are drawn as rivals on the chessboard carries different meanings. One of them is related to the increase in the number of both housing types and the decrease in land for new construction, which poses a danger to each other. City dwellers living in apartment blocks see squatter dwellers and their houses as elements that spoil their city, leading to negative opinions about them. On the other hand, for newcomers to the city, the city represents various challenges that need to be overcome. The inhabitants of these two housing types, often represented in cartoons by highlighting their opposite features, also represent the conflict of different social classes and interest groups. The class difference, which is both deep and unfair, is criticized in the cartoon shown in Figure 3.149. In this example, two children from different housing types, one living in an apartment block and the other in a squatter house, are depicted with their balloons clamped together. This emphasizes how interconnected and interrelated these two different classes that lives in the same city, breathing the same air and facing the same sun.
Figure 3.148 : Balcıoğlu, 31.10.1967, Tercüman, p. 1.
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Figure 3.149 : Veysel & Kalender, 23.04.1984, Hürriyet, p. 1.
Squatter houses were often the result of urban poverty and the lack of affordable housing. These dwellings were typically built without legal permission on land owned by the government or private individuals. Despite their shabby appearance, squatter houses provided home for many people who could not afford to live in formal housing. As a result, squatter settlements often lacked basic infrastructure such as running water, electricity, and sanitation. In some cases, they were part of tight-knit communities that had formed over many years, with their own unique culture and way of life. However, the living conditions in squatter settlements were often far from ideal, and residents might face a range of social, economic, and health problems.
Cartoons related to the squatters can be a powerful way to raise awareness about the issues faced by those living in squatter settlements and the urgent need for solutions to address the problem of inadequate housing. They can also be a call to action, urging governments and other organizations to invest in affordable housing and infrastructure to support those living in squatter settlements and other informal housing arrangements.
3.3.2.2. New City Walls versus Invaders
The housing types of apartment blocks and squatter houses, which were previously analyzed through their formal features and representations, have significant effects on an urban scale. These effects are related to the physical existence of these housing types, as well as the social transformation and perception they create or cause. This part of the study analyzes these housing types separately and together on an urban scale through their representation in cartoons within this context. Cartoons can serve as a powerful means of social commentary and critique, exposing the underlying tensions and contradictions in the urban landscape. By
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examining the representation of housing types in cartoons, valuable insights can be gained into the social and cultural meanings attached to these spaces.
Cartoons reflect several criticisms directed towards both apartment blocks and squatter houses on an urban scale. This section discusses the impact of high-rise apartment blocks on the urban skyline and city life, as well as the inclusion of squatter houses in the city, which previously existed on the outskirts and now attracted reactions and comments from the society. The coexistence of squatter houses and apartment blocks as a duality in the city, which cannot be considered independently from each other on an urban scale, is frequently emphasized in cartoons. The portrayal of these issues in cartoons offers a means of initiating discussion and debate on the challenges of urbanization and the need for sustainable development.
One of the recurring issues in cartoons is the rapid and intense construction of squatter settlements.376 These cartoons, which display the number of squatter houses produced per hour (Figure 3.150) or per day (Figure 3.151), highlight their uncontrollable increase. Figure 3.151 shows that 40 squatter houses are built every day, and the squatter settlement is referred to as the “new city,” emphasizing its quantitative feature at an urban scale. In other words, there is more than just a squatter area or neighborhood; they have increased in number to the point of almost creating a new city.
“A new squatter house is built in every one hour in İstanbul.”
Figure 3.150 : Bozok, 07.02.1973, Akbaba, p. 4.
376 It is important to note that the majority of the cartoons depicting the relationship between squatter houses and the city's scale are about İstanbul, with a small number about Ankara.
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“40 squatter houses are built every day in İstanbul.
New City”
Figure 3.151 : Balcıoğlu, 29.07.1966, Akbaba, p. 1.
In Turkish language, there is an idiom known as “its stone and soil are gold” [taşı toprağı altın], which implies that the land in question is highly valuable and abounds in various forms of wealth, opportunities, and possibilities. During the times of high migration from rural areas to cities, this idiom was frequently used to describe the city. People who migrated to the city harbored great expectations of becoming wealthier, enjoying better living conditions, and securing their future. However, as previously mentioned, these aspirations were not always fulfilled, and dreams did not always come true. Figure 3.152 illustrates this idiom, portraying a group of squatter houses with the inscription, “İstanbul's stone and soil!” underneath. This image highlights the stark contrast between expectations and reality.
“İstanbul's stone and soil!”
Figure 3.152 : Balcıoğlu, 27.11.1965, Tercüman, p. 1.
As the number of squatter houses increased and expanded beyond small groups on the periphery of cities, politician Demirel declared, “We will integrate squatter houses into cities.” Two cartoons were published in newspapers in response to this statement. Figure 3.153 depicts a house that is half modern apartment block and half squatter house, representing the growing duality within cities. This same duality is reflected on an urban scale in Figure 3.154, which shows a few apartment blocks representing the city and many squatter houses. In response to Demirel's statement, a citizen comments, “I think cities are becoming a part of
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squatter houses, Prime Minister.” The cartoonist and the citizen criticize the integration of squatter houses into the city by only granting title deeds, which only serves to increase their numbers.
The fact that the apartment blocks and squatter houses are still represented with contrast formal features emphasizes that nothing has been done to eliminate the difference between these people and their living conditions. These two cartoons effectively highlight the issue of squatter houses in cities and the failure of the government to address the underlying social and economic inequalities. The integration of squatter houses into cities without providing adequate resources and support only serves to perpetuate these inequalities.
Figure 3.153 : Balcıoğlu, 11.07.1967, Tercüman, p. 1.
“Demirel said that ‘We will integrate squatter houses into cities.’
I think cities are becoming a part of squatter houses, Prime Minister.”
Figure 3.154 : Balcıoğlu, 26.07.1967, Akbaba, p. 7.
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Over time, cartoons that represented İstanbul almost exclusively with the concept of squatter houses were published. Although this is an exaggeration, cartoons intend to exaggerate their subjects in order to attract attention and be memorable. Figure 3.155 depicts a statue that appears to be a pile of squatter houses on a pedestal with the word “İstanbul” written underneath. Figure 3.156 shows a picture of a squatter house with the words “Memory of İstanbul” in the background, taken inside a photographer's studio. It is accompanied by news that suggests that 80 percent of the buildings in İstanbul are squatter houses. These cartoons serve as criticism that the city's landscape is dominated by such housing which is a different representation then previous examples showing dualities.
Figure 3.155 : Balcıoğlu, 21.03.1974, Tercüman, p. 1.
“İstanbul Souvenir
Eighty percent of the buildings in Istanbul are squatter houses.”
Figure 3.156 : Tüblek, 09.06.1982, Çarşaf, p. 2.
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Some argue that squatter houses contributed to the informal economy and provided housing for low-income residents. Conversely, others criticize the absence of proper infrastructure and legal ownership in squatter settlements, which could lead to safety hazards and social exclusion. As discussed in the section on actors, a frequently recurring topic in cartoons was the occupation of the city by newcomers. This issue is depicted not only through the actors but also through squatter houses, which invade, spread, and even capture the city. The criticism in these cartoons, which often feature the theme of the “Conquest of İstanbul,” can be interpreted in two ways. First, there may be criticism by the cartoonist regarding the increasing spread of newcomers and squatter houses throughout the city. However, this possibility is unlikely given the general approach of the analyzed cartoons. Therefore, the criticism in these cartoons featuring the theme of invaders and conquest can be viewed as a critique of the current conditions resulting from the increase in squatter settlements, the state's insensitivity to this reality, or the unsuccessful search for solutions.
The cartoons represent squatter houses in unlikely places around a city, which is understood to be İstanbul through accompanied text and various images. Figure 3.157, for instance, portrays Galata and Maiden's Towers with the squatter houses. In fact, the cartoons go so far as to include a texture of exclusively squatter houses in the city. Figure 3.158 shows a cluster of squatter houses dominating the landscape, with only two apartment blocks visible, and the caption “Conquest of İstanbul” underneath. Similarly, in another example, the celebration of the 529th anniversary of the conquest of İstanbul is referenced, with squatter houses depicted as living creatures with feet, climbing, and running towards the top of a mosque. One of these living squatter houses exclaims, “This is the thirty-fifth anniversary of our conquest of İstanbul!” (Figure 3.159).
“The Conquest of İstanbul”
Figure 3.157 : Tüblek, 26.05.1953, Akbaba, p. 6.
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“The Conquest of İstanbul”
Figure 3.158 : Balcıoğlu, 29.05.1966, Tercüman, p. 1.
“This is the thirty-fifth year of our conquest of İstanbul!
İstanbul's 529th year of conquest was celebrated.”
Figure 3.159 : Tüblek, 09.06.1982, Çarşaf, p. 2.
The presence of squatter houses on the tops of mosques or other buildings, even in unusual locations, is a type of representation found in other cartoons as well. In Figures 3.160 and 3.161, the minaret of the mosque, the top of its dome, and even the roofs of the buildings surrounding it are almost entirely occupied by squatter houses. The caption accompanying the cartoon in Figure 3.160 states “Urbanization is rapidly increasing in Turkey” and “Turkey is urbanizing.” When the caption and the representation are considered together, it is evident that the cartoonist is not criticizing the existence of squatter houses themselves, but rather the authority responsible for allowing these houses to exist in such conditions, and for failing to present and implement an effective urbanization and housing policies.
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“Urbanization is increasing rapidly in Turkey.
Urbanizing Turkey.”
Figure 3.160 : Balcıoğlu, 15.03.1967, Akbaba, p. 7.
Figure 3.161 : Balcıoğlu, 31.05.1972, Tercüman, p. 2.
While some may argue that squatter settlements provided a necessary living space for marginalized populations, others point out the negative impacts of such settlements on urban texture and life. According to Şenyapılı, in the 1950s, the city officials and residents held a negative perception towards immigrants. They were seen as undesirable elements that disrupt and pollute the urban culture, contributing neither to labor nor income.377 There were also viewpoints that regarded squatter houses, which were the living spaces of newcomers, as objects that spoiled the city's beauty. This viewpoint ignores their obligatory situation to construct and live in those squatter houses.
377 Şenyapılı, 2004a, p. 185.
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Figure 3.162 represents a dialogue taking place in front of a squatter neighborhood. This cartoon, drawn after the commemoration of Mimar Sinan on 9th April, presents a dialogue that goes as follows: “Aaah! Great Sinan... If only he could lift his head and see what his grandchildren are doing!” The cartoon implies that the architectural value and quality of the squatter houses ruin the visual beauty of the city when compared to the designed structures. However, it is noteworthy that the “grandchildren of Sinan” mentioned here are not the ordinary people who built the squatter houses, but the authority who is the real architect due to being responsible for their existence.
“Aaah! Great Sinan... If only he could lift his head and see what his grandchildren are doing!”
Figure 3.162 : Balcıoğlu, 18.04.1984, Çarşaf, p. 7.
Another cartoon on the subject refers to an interesting news about housing policy in the newspapers (Figure 3.163). According to the news, modern apartment blocks would be built in Kazlıçeşme neighborhood to hide the dilapidated neighborhoods. In the cartoon, there are squatter houses with heart shapes coming out of their chimneys in the back, and 2D panels of similar apartment block images in front of them. The cartoon portrays the Governor/Mayor Fahrettin Kerim Gökay, who is generally known for his short stature, as the authority figure responsible for this solution.
The squatter houses with heart forms coming out of their chimneys represent the positive attitude of the cartoonist towards them. However, as discussed in the previous section, although Gökay is one of the authority figures who is generally held responsible for the increase in the number of squatter houses, he is criticized here for considering them as structures that harm the beauty of the city. The cartoon also criticizes the formalist and ostensible solution that the government has found to the problem, which it defines as spoiling
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the beauty of cities. A similar example can be found in a cartoon published years after the one described above. In Figure 3.164, the caption says, “Works to improve the appearance of İstanbul have begun”. The image depicts squatter houses lining both sides of the street, with canvases placed in front of them. Two men are shown drawing an imagined cityscape on these canvases. As in Figure 3.163, the cartoon criticizes the superficiality of the decision to address the so-called problem.
“In Kazlıçeşme, modern apartment blocks will be built to mask the neglected neighborhoods.
Housing Policy”
Figure 3.163 : Ersoy, 30.04.1955, Cumhuriyet, p. 1.
“Efforts to improve the appearance of İstanbul have begun.”
Figure 3.164 : Tüblek, 07.04.1983, Hürriyet, p. 9.
In another example, the cartoon references a news saying that “The squatter houses that ruin the beauty of the city will be demolished.” The drawing features a squatter house situated between apartment blocks, visibly distinguishable due to its dilapidated appearance. The squatter dweller is represented wearing tattered clothes, in contrast to the three other people in
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the neighborhood who are portrayed as “urbanites.” The squatter house owner calls out to a woman passing by, asking her to stand in front of the house to make it look more beautiful and prevent its demolition (Figure 3.165).
The demolition of squatter houses in İstanbul is not only aimed at preserving the beauty of the city but also at ensuring its salvation. The previous parts of the study also discuss cartoons in which İstanbul is depicted with its mosques and squatter houses or newcomers that have flocked to the city (Figures 3.91, 3.92, 3.93 and 3.94). Figure 3.166 presents a similar portrayal, but this time with the demolition of these houses depicted as a necessary step to rescue İstanbul. This cartoon highlights the existence of squatter houses as a problem that İstanbul needs to “get rid of.” Another cartoon depicts İstanbul as a walled city with a gate bearing its name, which was drawn in response to a statement in the newspapers about measures being taken to prevent migration to İstanbul (Figure 3.167). While the cartoon suggests that the city's entrances and exits will be controlled, it also criticizes that the proposed measures may not be realistic, effective and may not address the root cause of the problem.
“The squatter houses that spoil the beauty of the city will be demolished.
My dear sister, stand in front of this for a minute so that it looks beautiful.”
Figure 3.165 : Beyner, 30.11.1966, Akbaba, p. 9.
“Liberation of İstanbul”
Figure 3.166 : Tüblek, 06.10.1960, Akşam, p. 1.
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“Measures are being considered to prevent the influx of Istanbul from the countryside.
Figure 3.167 : Tüblek, 22.06.1961, Akşam, p. 1.
High-rise apartment blocks also been criticized for their impact on the urban silhouette and their potential to be new city walls. The theme of new city walls is often depicted in cartoons where the situation is portrayed as row houses rising between the city and the sea, enclosing the city. These cartoons not only emphasize the high-rise nature of these apartment blocks but also highlight the significant increase in their numbers within the city. It is interesting to note that even in cases where the subject is related to squatter housing, apartment blocks that represent modern and improved lifestyles are criticized for some of their features. Moreover, it is surprising that despite being a more contemporary housing type, these apartment blocks are represented with references to the past in these cartoons, such as “New Walls of the Duchy of İstanbul (Figure 3.168)” and “Byzantine Walls at the Bosporus (Figure 3.169)”. Similarly, the cartoon in Figure 3.170 implies that the multi-story apartment blocks encircling the city, akin to the old city walls, as if they are not the contemporary apartment blocks.
“New Walls of the Duchy of İstanbul”
Figure 3.168: Undefined, 30.03.1975, Cumhuriyet, p. 10.
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“Is Byzantine Walls at the Bosporus dream?”
Figure 3.169 : Selçuk, 20.03.1983, Milliyet, p. 2.
“Congratulations! You maintained the fortifications well.”
Figure 3.170 : Tüblek, 17.11.1982, Çarşaf, p. 2.
The rise in the quantity and concentration of high-rise apartment blocks faced criticism not only for its effects on the urban landscape but also for its impact on the citizens' daily life. As demonstrated in Figure 3.171, a citizen surrounded by tall apartment building blocks protests that he cannot even see the sunlight. While constructing apartment blocks, particularly affordable ones, is viewed as a means of addressing the housing crisis in urban areas, it is stressed that this must be executed in a manner that considers the fundamental requirements of the citizens. It is essential to recognize that urban planning, particularly housing planning, should prioritize the well-being of citizens. Overlooking the basic needs of the people of the city may result in a dehumanization of urban living. It can be dedicated from this cartoon that policymakers and planners must consider the impacts of high-rise apartment blocks on people's lives and the broader community.
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“They were saying that the summer is coming, it will be sunny?”
Figure 3.171 : Undefined, 19.04.1984, Hürriyet, p. 1.
The transformation of squatter settlements is another theme related to the urban-scale relationships of apartment blocks and squatter houses. Initially, squatter houses were built by newcomers who needed shelter and lived in them. However, over time, these houses have become a commercial commodity. Some owners of more than one squatter house generate income by renting them out, using this money to construct apartment blocks and increasing their wealth. Alternatively, some owners demolish their houses as the land value increases and construct apartment blocks in their place. In both cases, it is clear that squatter houses have become an investment tool for constructing apartment blocks and earning rental income.
These individuals who owned a significant number of squatter houses might appear to contribute to the housing market by constructing new apartment blocks. However, they exploited the vulnerabilities of low-income groups and weaknesses in state policies to increase their own wealth, perpetuating dualities in the urban landscape. Figure 3.172 depicts a group of squatter houses on the left and a modern multi-story apartment block on the right. The text accompanying cartoon, saying “Mice give birth to mountains” [dağ fare doğurdu, a saying in Turkish meaning that the result is less significant than expected], is based on reports that these individuals, who engage in squatter house trading, own 27 of them. In Figure 3.173, a squatter house is represented like a woman, first getting pregnant and then giving birth to an apartment block. While these squatter traders illegally produced squatter houses, they also used their profits to build apartment blocks since current housing and urbanization policies could not prevent the construction of squatter houses. Therefore, these individuals, who exploited this systemic gap, are criticized with the analogy that squatter houses give birth to apartment block, as seen in Figures 3.172 and 3.173. In Figure 3.174, the situation is depicted in reverse, where it is stated that there are squatter dwellers who own multiple apartment blocks. The intended
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meaning remains the same, as illustrated in the cartoon, where a man understood to be wealthy with a large belly is seen relaxing in a hammock that is supported by the squatter houses on the left and the apartment blocks on the right. This man, who is represented in a very pleasant way, is the actor who makes a profit from the squatter house trade and produces apartment blocks and maintains this system with the profit he makes.
“Minister of Public works and Housing said that ‘There are those who own 27 squatter houses among those who trade in squatter housing.
Mice give birth to mountains.”
Figure 3.172 : Ersoy, 08.05.1965, Cumhuriyet, p. 1.
“It is necessary to control this birth.
-There are people who own an apartment block out of squatter house trade. -newspaper-”
Figure 3.173 : Beyner, 27.10.1965, Akbaba, p. 8.
“There are squatter dwellers who own a several apartments. -newspaper-
A space on earth.”
Figure 3.174 : Beyner, 16.05.1963, Akbaba, pp. 10-11.
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In another cartoon, an apartment block is depicted as a tree with roots that are attached to squatter houses underground, drawing nourishment from them (Figure 3.175). This suggests that the persistent poverty in squatter houses benefited high-income or producer groups in the housing sector. These groups profited from meeting the demand for squatter housing, and in turn perpetuated the cycle by building apartment blocks that squatter residents could not afford.
Figure 3.175 : Koraman, 15.05.1971, Milliyet, p. 2.
There are cartoons expressing the changing urban texture resulting from the demolition of squatter houses, which are often situated on valuable land, and the subsequent construction of apartment blocks. An example of such a cartoon can be seen in Figure 3.176, which portrays a collapsing squatter house and its dweller on the left, juxtaposed with a rising apartment block and its dweller on the right. The interior of the apartment, visible through the window, features elements such as a chandelier and a mirror, which suggest a high-end lifestyle. The inclusion of an individual smoking a cigar further reinforces the notion that the apartment block is targeted towards the high-income segment of the society.
Figure 3.176 : Behiç & Ergün, 09.01.1983, Gırgır, p. front cover.
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The situation is often illustrated in cartoons with the theme of “a millionaire in every neighborhood”, which was a popular discourse of the period to define the political strategy of making the society richer; in cartoons, this is also accompanied by the statement “a neighborhood for every millionaire” in order to criticize he growth of the squatter house trade (Figures 3.177, 3.178 and 3.179). The fact that there is a millionaire in every neighborhood indicates that squatter houses are transformed into apartment blocks, while one neighborhood for every millionaire indicates that those involved in this trade continue it as the owners of many squatter houses. The construction of apartment blocks after the transformation, especially in squatter areas, exacerbates the squatter house-apartment block duality in the urban fabric. The most significant criticism underlying these cartoons is that these two housing types, which differ due to their physical characteristics and the lifestyles they offer, support each other's production. The cartoonists not only criticize the entrepreneurs or contractors who perpetuate this vicious circle but also the authorities who fail to control, prevent, or find a solution to this situation.
“Small inspirations from big words: We will create a millionaire in every neighborhood.”
Figure 3.177 : Selçuk, 07.09.1958, Milliyet, p. 1.
“A millionaire in every neighborhood, A neighborhood for every millionaire.”
Figure 3.178 : Balcıoğlu, 20.09.1962, Tercüman, p. 1.
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“There are people who own a forty squatter houses. -newspaper-
A millionaire in every neighborhood, A neighborhood for every millionaire.”
Figure 3.179 : Zorlu, 16.06.1965, Akbaba, p. 4.
In the previous section, the duality of squatter houses and apartment blocks is discussed in terms of their formal features. The duality of urban texture is a common theme in many cartoons examined under this title. Besides the previously reviewed cartoons, there are various other examples that depict this duality. For instance, in Figure 3.180, a cartoon represents İstanbul with its bridge, mosque, and apartment blocks in the background, while the squatter houses and their rural inhabitants engaged in traditional activities are seen in the foreground. The cartoon features a definition of the term “village-city,” indicating the intertwined nature of the two as a result of rapid migration from rural to urban areas. The cartoonist not only describes the current situation in the city but also underlines that those who migrated from villages to cities continue to carry on their traditional activities. Through this image, the cartoonist's criticism may be that the texture of cities changed, becoming more like villages or that migrants from villages to cities struggled to become part of urban life while still maintaining their traditional activities.
“İstanbul's population is 5 million.
Village-city”
Figure 3.180 : Tüblek, 01.10.1978, Hürriyet, p. 9.
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Through such cartoons the difference and change in both the physical environment and the lifestyle were emphasized. For example, in Figure 3.181, the negative effects of rapid and unplanned urbanization are underscored through the differences portrayed in the cartoon. The image depicts a man, representing İstanbul, carrying loads on his arms, symbolizing the increasing number of both squatter housing and modern apartment blocks. The weight scale tipping towards the squatter houses indicates their significant rise in numbers within the city.
“This scale cannot lift that much weight.”
Figure 3.181 : Balcıoğlu, 10.08.1966, Akbaba, p. 7.
The cartoons that highlight the contrasting situations between squatter houses and apartment blocks in terms of their physical, urban, and social differences are particularly noteworthy. These images depict how the squatter settlements, initially located on the outskirts of the city during their early construction stages, gradually expanded and became intertwined with the city, sometimes even dominating it. Figure 3.182 depicts multi-story apartment blocks with horizontal windows and advertising panels on their roofs in the background. In the foreground, there are squatter houses that shows the aforementioned characteristics. Figure 3.183 also represents a similar scenario, but with the distinction of a higher quantity of squatter houses surrounding the apartment blocks.
Figure 3.182 : Gülgeç, 22.09.1978, Milliyet, p. 2.
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“Ankara surrounded by squatter houses.”
Figure 3.183 : Gülgeç, 29.05.1982, Cumhuriyet, p. 8.
The cartoons also draw attention to the stark contrast between the two types of houses and lifestyles that coexisted in such proximity. In the following section, a social analysis will be conducted on the representation of these two types of houses in cartoons, and the topic will be explored in greater depth.
3.3.2.3. Development versus Illegality
It is important to understand the complex social, economic, and political factors that shape the development and use of housing in urban areas. Squatter settlements, for example, often arose as a result of poverty, inequality, and inadequate housing policies, highlighting the failure of governments to provide affordable and adequate housing for all. On the other hand, although apartment blocks were considered a more advanced housing method, they failed to provide affordable housing for all segments of the society. Despite being viewed as a symbol of illegal and informal housing, squatter houses were often a more accessible option than apartment blocks. However, as shown in the following cartoons, some of the apartment blocks were also built illegally, yet authorities tended to turn a blind eye to them. This part of the study discusses the societal perception of these two housing types and their implications for social and class relations through relevant cartoons.
As previously mentioned, there is a common misconception that the construction of apartment blocks is equivalent to urban development or zoning activities. Figure 3.184 depicts a construction site for apartment blocks in the background while two men, one of them being Governor/Mayor Fahrettin Kerim Gökay, are in front. Gökay is portrayed as claiming that without apartment block construction, there would be no urban development. The cartoonist
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criticizes the superficial attitude of the authorities who equate constructing apartment blocks with developing cities. Figure 3.185 depicts a dialogue taking place in front of a modern apartment block. The person on the right expresses surprise upon seeing the newly built apartment block. This is evident from his reaction - his hat flew off and he covered his mouth with his hand. He then asks the man, who is represented as the owner of the apartment, “Is this your new apartment block?” The use of the word “new” indicates that the apartment block owner has other apartment blocks. The owner of the apartment block responds by stating that he has contributed to the country’s development by building apartment blocks. This suggests that not only the authority but also a certain section of the public considers an increase in the number of apartment blocks as development. However, it remains debatable whether this development pertains to the country or to the individual.
“F.K.G. - Let's just say between us, the city will not see the development if the apartment blocks are not built.”
Figure 3.184 : Gümen, 21.10.1952, Hürriyet, p. 1.
“-Is this your new apartment?
-Yes! As you can see, I am working for the sake of the development.”
Figure 3.185 : Ayça, 19.02.1953, Akbaba, p. 4.
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In another instance, there is an apartment block that is still under construction. Two villagers, who probably arrived in the city recently, were standing in front of the building discussing. They seemed curious and amazed as they both looked up towards the apartment block. One of them asked his friend what it is, and the other replies, “I don’t know, they call it development.” The villagers’ astonishment and raised heads suggest that this type of housing is uncommon for them. Despite their surprise, they seem to have already heard the notion that equates apartment blocks with development. It is important to note that this cartoon was created based on news that some of government officials planned to build an 18-story apartment block for themselves (Figure 3.186). The critique here is the approach to urban planning that is focused on the interests of the elite rather than the needs of the broader population. Furthermore, if the government officials are building the apartment block solely for their own benefit, this raises questions about issues of corruption and inequality in the allocation of resources and public funds. The cartoon, in this case, can be seen as a critique of the government’s priorities and its disregard for the needs of the wider community.
“From the newspapers: Some DP dignitaries will build an 18-floor apartment!
-Ahmet, what is this?
-I don't know, they call it development!”
Figure 3.186 : Ayça, 23.02.1956, Akbaba, p. 11.
Figure 3.187 highlights the transformation taking place in the squatter areas by depicting a modern-looking apartment block rising from among the squatter houses in the neighborhood. The physical contrast between these two types of housing is emphasized, while the apartment block construction is seen as an indicator that the neighborhood has started to develop. This is evident from the dialogue between two people in the image. In other words, the squatter houses and their dwellers are portrayed as symbols of underdevelopment, while the apartment block and its dwellers represent the power to develop the neighborhood.
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“Ooo mashallah, development has started in your neighborhood as well.”
Figure 3.187 : Beyner, 27.02.1964, Akbaba, p. 10.
In some cartoons, the word “raising” is used instead of the concept of “development” to convey a similar message. Figure 3.188 depicts a dialogue in front of a modern apartment block built with architectural features of the period. The representation shows that a new floor is being added to a previously constructed building. The accompanying newspaper article confirms this information. In the dialogue between two men standing in front of the apartment block, one of them exclaim, “Whatever our opponents say, we will raise the country!” In another similar example, an under-construction apartment is depicted amidst squatter houses (Figure 3.189). This apartment block is portrayed as superior to the squatter houses, both in size and living standards it offers. The text accompanying the cartoon also includes the word “rise.” These two examples, by referencing the apartment block’s size, allude to the subjects of development and advancement, as seen in previous group cartoons.
“Two more floors will be added to the apartments in Sürpagop (from newspapers).
-No matter what our opponents say, we will raise the country.”
Figure 3.188 : Ayça, 29.07.1954, Akbaba, p. 6.
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“Rise that your place is not this place.”
Figure 3.189 : Beyner, 27.09.1956, Akbaba, p. 7.
In another example, it is suggested that squatter houses symbolize underdevelopment while apartment blocks symbolize development. The following cartoon is divided into three parts, each conveying a different message. The left part depicts only squatter houses, implying that the country is underdeveloped. The middle part, on the other hand, shows only apartment blocks, suggesting that the country is developed. Finally, the right part portrays a mix of both apartment blocks and squatter houses, indicating that a more or less developed country (Figure 3.190). The cartoonist criticizes Turkey’s current situation by presenting this duality. In Figure 3.191, Turkey is depicted as a “developing” country with a group of squatter houses and an apartment block that appears to be stack of these squatter houses on top of each other. In both examples, the country’s development plans and programs are criticized, and it is implied that Turkey is not considered a developed country due to its housing and urbanization activities.
“Less developed country, developed country, more or less developed country.”
Figure 3.190 : Balcıoğlu, 10.06.1969, Tercüman, p. 1.
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“Developing country”
Figure 3.191 : Oral, 12.04.1984, Cumhuriyet, p. 12.
Although apartment blocks are often seen as a symbol of development and a better life, the demolition of old and traditional houses for the sake of apartment block construction is also a topic of discussion in cartoons. For instance, in Figure 3.192, a junkman is depicted in front of a silhouette of multi-story and densely textured apartment blocks, carrying old houses on his saddlebag. This man is portrayed as if he is collecting old houses. However, the fact that the junkman, whose task is to collect old items that are no longer used, is collecting traditional houses, is a reference to the meaning attributed to these houses. Thus, these houses are now seen as outdated and useless. Figures 3.193 and 3.194 indicate that this notion is not accepted in the society. In these two cartoons, apartment blocks are represented as monsters with hands, arms, or teeth, devouring old houses. Even though apartment blocks were perceived as a sign of progress, they were criticized by both the society and cartoonists for their destructive and consumerist side. It can be also concluded that the conflict between preserving traditional houses and community values and embracing progress was a dilemma faced by the society.
“-I collect old houses!”
Figure 3.192 : Zorlu, 17.05.1972, Akbaba, p. 14.
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Figure 3.193 : Turhan, 31.05.1975, Gırgır, p. back cover.
Figure 3.194 : Gürol, 12.10.1979, Gırgır, p. 2.
An important and recurring issue is the fact that some apartment blocks, which were considered as symbols of development, were actually built illegally. This issue is often depicted in cartoons through the Turkish word “gecekondu,” which refers to a squatter house, and its dichotomy, “gündüzkondu,” meaning landed in the daytime. Squatter houses got this name because they were produced at night, secretly and illegally. However, as discussed in previous sections, some of these houses were legalized due to the state’s condoning of their construction, which included granting title deeds, etc.
In Figure 3.195, the cartoonist employs wordplay to strengthen his criticism. On the left side, “Gecekondu (landed at night)” is written under an apartment block, whereas on the right side, “Gündüzkondu (landed in the daytime)” is written under a squatter house. This contrast highlights the ironic fact that the squatter house, which should be illegal, is depicted as legal, while the apartment block, which is expected to be legal, is portrayed as illegal. In another example, in a dialogue between squatter dwellers in front of an apartment block that was constructed lately, the apartment block is referred to as “Gündüzkondu.” This emphasizes the
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idea that this apartment block was blatantly built illegally (Figure 3.196). The wordplay used in these cartoons conveys the irony and absurdity of this situation, while also providing a platform for social commentary.
“Landed at night, Landed in daytime.”
Figure 3.195 : Balcıoğlu, 01.08.1963, Tercüman, p. 1.
“Who built this gündüzkondu (landed in daytime) here?”
Figure 3.196 : Balcıoğlu, 04.02.1965, Akbaba, p. 10.
Apart from these, the failure to control and prevent illegal construction is also a subject of criticism in the cartoons. The issue of illegal construction is a significant problem in many “developing” countries, particularly those with a rapidly growing population and urbanization. Insufficient resources, weak legislation, and corruption are some of the reasons for the failure to prevent illegal construction. For instance, in Figure 3.197, a man, who appears to be a landlord, or a contractor based on his clothing and protruding belly to represent wealth, is depicted speaking to workers in front of a building under construction. In this dialogue, it is understood that the man intends to obtain an additional floor by converting the sections built between the top floor and the roof of the building (çekme kat) into full floors. Although this
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method was illegal, they were somehow able to adapt to the system to increase their profits. In this case, the cartoon criticizes both the contractor/landlord for taking unfair advantage of the gaps in the law and the control mechanism and the authority responsible for enforcing the law.
“Attics are becoming full floor. – newspaper-
-You can make attic a regular floor and add another attic on top of it!”
Figure 3.197 : Ayça, 18.03.1965, Akbaba, p. 8.
Figure 3.198 humorously criticizes the incompetence of institutions responsible for controlling and preventing illegal construction. The cartoon depicts a municipal police officer on the left and a representative from the Ministry of Public Works and Housing on the right. Despite their presence, an illegal floor is added to the building in front of them. These authority figures are portrayed as being astonished, but they appear to take no effective action to prevent the situation.
In Figure 3.199, even the waters of the Bosporus seem to be overflowing with apartment blocks due to uncontrolled and unlawful constructions. The person standing on the bridge, seemingly a contractor from the way he is portrayed, has his eyes fixated on the Sea of Marmara, intending to fill every possible space with illegal constructions. The cartoonist goes to the extent of exaggeration by depicting the sea itself as occupied by buildings, in order to illustrate the disastrous outcome of neglecting to prevent illegal constructions. Furthermore, the cartoonist criticizes the contractor’s insatiable greed, who values profits over the well-being of the city.
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“Illegal floor construction cannot be prevented.
Municipal Police – Ministry of Public Works and Housing”
Figure 3.198 : Altunçul, 26.03.1969, Akbaba, p. 11.
“Illegal constructions accelerated in Bosporus.
-Now it is Marmara Sea’s turn!”
Figure 3.199 : Tüblek, 22.10.1982, Hürriyet, p. 9.
The cartoon in Figure 3.200 aims to criticize the inclusion of illegally constructed buildings in the scope of zoning amnesty. The drawing depicts a man, portrayed as a thief, with multiple structures on his body representing illegally built constructions. The cartoon underscores the notion that illegal construction is a crime and should not be pardoned through amnesty. Additionally, the drawing highlights the issue of unjust attitudes towards those who become wealthy through illegal construction by portraying the man as an overweight thief with a large belly. Overall, this cartoon sheds light on the complex issues surrounding illegal constructions and their repercussions.
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“Some illegally constructed buildings are included in the scope of zoning amnesty (press).
-Excuse me!”
Figure 3.200 : Kabakçıoğlu, 29.10.1982, Tercüman, p. 1.
The cartoons above criticize governments for their inability to control and prevent the construction of illegal apartment blocks. In addition, they highlight the fact that while these same governments take merciless decisions to demolish squatter houses when deemed necessary, they treat illegal constructions with privilege. While it is true that some squatter houses were legalized by granting title deeds, it is also a known fact that some were destroyed overnight, leaving many families homeless. The state, however, did not show the same behavior when it came to apartment blocks that were at least as illegal as these squatter houses. This privilege granted to the apartment blocks, which are built for profit and were unaffordable, is criticized as socially unfair.
Figure 3.201 shows an illegally constructed apartment block in a squatter settlement following the news that the construction of squatter houses was banned. Speaking to the officers who came to check, the landlord shows his multi-story apartment block and says that it cannot be demolished because it is not a squatter house. In another example (Figure 3.202), bulldozers demolish squatter houses while illegal apartment blocks remain untouched. The fact that the illegal apartment blocks have the panels “illegal construction” or “against license” written on them in capital letters indicates that it is well known that these buildings are illegal, but somehow privileged to demolition.
Moreover, those who built these illegal apartment blocks are also aware of this privileged position. While a demolished squatter house and its inhabitants are sadly depicted in Figure 3.203, the owner or contractor in front of his apartment block easily states that his building is not a squatter house but an illegal construction, and therefore will not be demolished. Both
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types of housing are equal in terms of their legality. However, the construction of multi-story apartment blocks instead of squatter houses is economically and politically beneficial to some groups, which is why these illegal constructions are tolerated. These cartoons criticize the treatment of governments who favored the rich over the poor. This attitude perpetuated a vicious circle that made the rich richer and the poor poorer, further increasing, and highlighting class differences.
“Construction of squatter housing is certainly forbidden. -newspaper-
-You cannot name this as a squatter house!”
Figure 3.201 : Balcıoğlu, 23.06.1963, Tercüman, p. 1.
“Illegal Construction”
Figure 3.202 : Balcıoğlu, 31.08.1975, Hürriyet, p. 2.
“Of course, they cannot demolish this. Mine is not a squatter house, it is an illegal construction.”
Figure 3.203 : Yakut, 11.09.1977, Gırgır, p. 15.
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The physical transformations based on housing texture in the urban space, and the change in status relations due to the economic system caused significant differences in the profile of people living in the city. Owning an apartment block is perhaps the most frequently drawn theme in cartoons of the period. Although there were cartoons about people of various professions that made easy money, and immediately built apartment blocks, people from the profession of medicine who owned apartment blocks were often criticized in cartoons.
Doctors are depicted as earning substantial amounts of money, allowing them to build modern-looking apartment blocks that serve as symbols of status. These apartment blocks have a modern appearance that reflects the architectural features of the period. Notably, the appearances of the apartment blocks in these cartoons resemble those in architectural magazines of the period. This indicates that owning an apartment block was not only a financial achievement but also an expression of cultural status.
These cartoons reveal that the income of doctors was considerably higher than that of other members of the society. The fact that the name of the apartment block in Figure 3.204 is “Aspirin Palas” and the name of the apartment block in Figure 3.205 is “Polio” suggests that the owners of these apartment blocks are doctors. These cartoons shed light on the socio-economic changes that took place during the period, where owning an apartment block was a status symbol, and doctors were seen as having higher social status due to their relatively higher income.
“It brings an apartment block to the doctor.”
Figure 3.204 : Gümen, 21.12.1950, Hürriyet, p. 2.
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“Here is the new apartment of our doctor!”
Figure 3.205 : Balcıoğlu, 02.08.1956, Hürriyet, p. 1.
Cartoons illustrate as apartment block owners not only “wealthy” doctors but also other individuals who are perceived as “poor” such as beggars. For instance, in Figure 3.206, a couple searching for a rental house talks to a woman living on the ground floor of an apartment block. The woman informs them that the beggar sitting in front of the door is the owner of the house, which is named “Apartment block for the sake of Allah [Allah rızası için bir apartman, a saying in Turkish by beggars who ask for money by mentioning God]”.
Similarly, Figure 3.207 portrays a hand reaching out of an apartment block to ask for alms from a man on the street. The person who is being solicited for alms is taken aback by the situation because he realizes that the beggar is the actual owner of the apartment block. In another instance, a wood seller stands proudly in front of a wooden house he has constructed. The wooden material used in the construction is intended to showcase that the seller built the house using the proceeds from his business (Figure 3.208).
These cartoons illustrate that individuals with wealth tended to utilize their resources to construct apartment blocks. The irony that especially low-income but easily earning professionals have apartment blocks, is based on the desire to reach a social status that is associated with apartment living. Such social aspirations reflect the broader societal expectations that value homeownership as a marker of success and social status.
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“Apartment block for the sake of Allah
-Is the upper floor available?
-I do not know. The beggar at the door is the owner, ask him.”
Figure 3.206 : Gümen, 20.07.1950, Hürriyet, p. 2.
“A beggar who owns an apartment in Tarsus was caught. (Newspapers)
-A charity for God's sake!”
Figure 3.207 : Uykusuz, 27.12.1962, Akbaba, p. 16.
“Ooo, Besim aga has already built the apartment!”
Figure 3.208 : Solukçu, 24.12.1964, Akbaba, p. 6.
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Living in an apartment block was a common aspiration for the general public, particularly for those with low incomes, as it represented a change in their social status. As in Figures 3.209 and 3.210 depict a man dreaming of possessing money, a car, and an apartment block. These examples demonstrate that having an apartment block or being able to live in one was regarded as a symbol of wealth and prosperity.
Figure 3.209 : Zorlu, 31.01.1973, Akbaba, p. 16.
“Spor Toto has started.”
Figure 3.210 : Balcıoğlu, 14.09.1961, Akbaba, p. 9.
The desirability and status associated with living in an apartment block are both a cause and a consequence of the economic and social disparities between those residing in apartment blocks and those in squatter houses. Squatter dwellers lag far behind those living in apartment blocks in terms of both spatial and economic advantages. As previously discussed, both the capitalist system and the government's housing and urbanization policies perpetuated poverty and intergenerational disadvantage. Cartoons highlighting the social and economic disadvantages of squatter residents are prevalent. In these cartoons, the houses themselves serve as representations, as they reflect the spatial manifestations of class, economic, and social status. Moreover, the housing sector plays a pivotal role in maintaining this class divide.
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For instance, Figure 3.211 portrays a lone squatter house amidst towering apartment blocks, with lightning striking the squatter house while the high-rise buildings remain unscathed. In another example, the sun shines on top of an apartment block while snow falls on the squatter house (Figure 3.212). In yet another cartoon, the squatter house gets wet while apartment blocks remain protected from the pouring rain, thanks to the umbrellas atop them (Figure 3.213). Similarly, in Figure 3.214, footprints of dwellers going to squatter houses and apartment blocks are seen on the snow. It is shown that while the footprints going to the squatter house are bare, those who go to the apartment have shoes on their feet. All four cartoons convey a common critique: life is not fair for low-income groups residing in squatter houses, and those living in apartment blocks are more privileged. The dwellers of apartment blocks had significantly more opportunities in terms of both the spatial equipment of their dwellings and the economic conditions they could attain, compared to those attempting to survive in squatter settlements.
Figure 3.211 : Ersoy, 31.07.1971, Cumhuriyet, p. 1.
Figure 3.212 : Küçük, 28.03.1976, Gırgır, p. back cover.
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Figure 3.213 : Kotbaş, 17.11.1982, Çarşaf, p. 12.
Figure 3.214 : Manici, 20.01.1982, Çarşaf, p. 13.
Two additional cartoons highlight the social, economic, and class disparities between residents of apartment blocks and squatter settlements, emphasizing the limited spatial resources available in the squatter house. For instance, in Figure 3.215, a woman living in an apartment block is depicted as renting a squatter house to store her food, using it as a refrigerator. In Figure 3.216, a squatter settlement is portrayed as jumping towards an apartment block in an attempt to warm up. This highlights the class difference between those who lived in apartment blocks, which were typically constructed with heating systems and those who lived in squatter settlements, which might lack basic heating and insulation.
The squatter residents are depicted as resorting to extreme measures, such as jumping towards an apartment block, to try and obtain the basic resources that they lack. Both cartoons criticize the class difference between apartment block and squatter dwellers, emphasizing the limited resources and amenities available to the latter group. They stress the challenges and inequalities faced by those who live in squatter settlements, who were often marginalized and lacked access to basic resources that were essential for a decent standard of living.
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“-It was good that we rented this house. We do not have a refrigerator cost.”
Figure 3.215 : Undefined, 19.12.1982, Gırgır, p. 15.
“Oooh! My bones became warm.”
Figure 3.216 : İncesu, 21.11.1984, Çarşaf, p. 11.
Living in an apartment block was considered more advantageous, and thus, individuals or families who previously lived in squatter houses might interpret moving into an apartment block as a means of leveling up and improving their status. This sentiment is depicted in a cartoon where a squatter dweller throws their old house out of the window upon moving into an apartment block (Figure 3.217). In another example, a family living in a squatter house moves into an apartment block after winning the lottery. Prior to the move, a person living in an apartment block refers to the man of the house by their name, but upon moving into the apartment block, the same person refers to him as “sir” (Figure 3.218). This suggests that not only do those who lived in squatter houses perceived themselves as belonging to a lower social class, but also that higher income groups viewed squatter dwellers as being of a lower social class.
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“Squatter house dweller.”
Figure 3.217 : Zorlu, 17.07.1968, Akbaba, p. 7.
“Double citizenship
-Memet!
-We won the lottery! Let’s move to an apartment block.
-Mr. Memet!”
Figure 3.218 : Tüblek, 18.02.1981, Hürriyet, p. 9.
Housing plays a crucial role in shaping social and class relations. The unequal distribution of affordable housing leads to unequal access to resources and opportunities, which in turn perpetuates social and economic inequalities. Housing reflects existing class differences in the spatial context. Cartoon in Figure 3.219 depicts low-income families as thin, living in small houses with low incomes, and having only onions for food. In contrast, high-income families are depicted as fat, living in multi-story apartment blocks, and enjoying a variety of foods.
This representation method of housing and income groups is recurrent in various cartoons. For instance, in Figure 3.220, a fat man is portrayed as the owner of many apartment blocks, while the thin poor man can only dream of owning a squatter house. Similarly, in Figure 3.221, the two income groups are depicted in the front, and their living areas are displayed in the back,
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exposing the differences between them. Lastly, in Figure 3.222, a happy and well-dressed child is standing in front of the apartment blocks on the right, while a ragged child stands in front of the squatter settlements on the left. However, the world figure turns his back on the child on the left and hands a gift to the child on the right. This cartoon points out the harsh reality of class differences and how they impacted the living conditions of individuals and families.
“Low income - High income”
Figure 3.219 : Gümen, 02.06.1955, Hürriyet, p. 8.
Figure 3.220 : Beyner, 11.04.1963, Akbaba, p. 10.
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“Turkey will be divided into twelve zones according to incomes. -newspaper-”
Figure 3.221 : Uykusuz, 27.08.1964, Akbaba, p. 24.
“World’s Children Day celebrated.”
Figure 3.222 : Beyner, 26.10.1966, Akbaba, p. 9.
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CHAPTER 4
4. CONCLUSION
This study examined mid-twentieth century housing in Turkey as represented in cartoons published in newspapers and humor magazines. Accordingly, it focused on the two topics of analysis as housing production and visual representation of architecture in media. By analyzing cartoons as a representation medium that functions as a critical tool as well as a visual communication tool, the study has attempted to evaluate how this non-professional media represented and thus criticized housing production, and to understand how cartoons served as a visual platform for a critical evaluation of housing production from not only formal/architectural but also urban and social perspectives while contemporary professional media promoted specific architectural styles and approaches in housing design.
Architectural history has conventionally focused on the design and construction of buildings, as well as their architects and patrons. However, the study of cartoons offers a unique perspective on the social and cultural context in which architecture exists. Furthermore, cartoons can be used to criticize broader societal issues that are linked to architecture, such as class inequality, inherent right to life, social transformation, or urban planning policies. By examining cartoons, scholars can gain insights into the ways in which architecture is perceived by society, and how it interacts with broader social, economic, and political forces. The function of humor, and therefore of cartoon, is to make problems visible and spoken. While cartoons may not possess the inherent ability to create social opposition on their own, they do play a role in shaping it by expressing critical/opposing views towards the dominant ideology and its actions.
Architectural historiography is interdisciplinary; nonetheless, making use of a non-professional media tool such as cartoon also provides a popular perspective by emphasizing societal issues related to architecture. Although professional publications in the field of architecture are critical of some issues related to the discipline, direct social criticism from a popular field created a valuable resource in writing architectural history. As such, the focus in
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this study has been on understanding current housing-related matters and debates from a social perspective.
Aiming at providing this kind of a critical perspective, a delicate balance was tried to be maintained in the selection of the media sources. Accordingly, daily newspapers to be examined were chosen from different ideological stances, including right, center, and left. Concerning humor magazines, although the same method was attempted, mainly opposition publications were examined due to the leftist nature of the cartoon's spirit. However, it is useful to underline that many cartoonists drew cartoons and also worked as editorial cartoonists in newspapers and humor magazines that had different and even opposing political views. Thus, regardless of the political stances of the newspapers and magazines, there are similarities in the attitudes of the cartoons towards the housing problem. (Appendix B) Although this may require further analyses of cartoonists as the main actors of cartoon production, it could be concluded within the frames of this study that cartoons maintained their critical positions in different mediums.
During the period between the 1950s and the mid-1980s, cartoons published in newspapers and humor magazines related to the housing phenomenon served as a unique medium for the expression of ideological critiques. Rather than merely visual representations of political discourse, these cartoons offered to explore and expand ideological perspectives. Through the use of exaggerated features and humorous or satirical commentary, cartoons provided a means for criticizing the status quo and challenging prevailing beliefs and values. In this sense, they served as an important tool for dissent and for voicing alternative perspectives.
However, analyzing these cartoons can be complex, as their meaning and message are often multifaceted and open to interpretation. The ease of understanding and perceiving cartoons relies on the utilization of common images and symbols. These visuals can either have universal meanings or contain more localized references. For instance, it is evident that a similar image is frequently repeated by different cartoonists, even when used for different subjects, although there are changes in the details. In fact, this repetition ensures that what is represented in the cartoon is easily understandable at first glance. Beyond these abstracted images, the cartoonist's intended message surfaces, and sometimes readers perceive different meanings and interpretations based on their own experiences and observations. This adds depth to the cartoons, making them more engaging and open to various perspectives.
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Therefore, it is important to approach each cartoon with a critical eye and to consider the context in which it was created, as well as the perspectives and biases of the artist and the audience for which it was intended. Despite these challenges, the study of cartoons of housing of this period can offer valuable insights into the social, political, and cultural issues of the time, as well as the ways in which these issues were perceived and debated by various groups within society.
When analyzing the housing-related cartoons published in selected newspapers and magazines during the mid-twentieth century, the critical nature of the cartoons, emphasized throughout the study, allowed for the unveiling of the problematic aspects of housing in Turkey. Consequently, the cartoons did not depict the various types of houses produced during the period and examined in the related architectural literature as initially presented in the study. Instead, the cartoons primarily focused on only two types of housing: apartment blocks and squatter houses. This representation served as a means to criticize the authorities while drawing attention to social problems.
Apartments and squatter houses are portrayed in similar ways in newspapers and humor magazines. The representation of these dwellings holds crucial insights into how society perceives them. Caricatures not only mirror public opinions but also disseminate and amplify them to a broader audience. Both newspaper and humor magazine cartoons serve as reflections of prevalent topics in the public sphere. Given that editorial cartoons are prominently placed on the first page of newspapers and published daily, they signal the importance of staying current and in tune with popular subjects. Likewise, humor magazines must address relevant societal issues to maintain their popularity and boost sales.
Thus, the formal symbols of housing used in caricatures were analyzed as related to their social meanings. Apartment buildings, for example, were depicted in all situations as rectangular prisms structured horizontally or vertically, and with very sharp lines. The emphasis on geometric shapes is not only symbolic of the modern approach in the architecture of the time but also connected to what the apartment notion represents in the cartoons. The image of apartment buildings in cartoons as straight, stable, and well-built was strongly tied to the power dynamic of the social class with whom they were affiliated. The depiction of the upper-income group's living areas in this manner shows the power, durability, and longevity of this socioeconomic class in society. Squatter dwellings, on the other hand, were frequently represented in cartoons as crudely made with collected materials, crooked, unstable, and
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apparently on the verge of collapse, similarly depicting the fragile social position of the social class that used them.
The urban context of housing production was similarly analyzed in social terms. By using cartoons as a critical area for examining the representation of housing, the study has revealed the perception shaped by the concept of migration, the resultant urbanization, and their spatial reflection in the form of apartment blocks and squatter houses.
The initial examination of the socio-political and economic context of the period has suggested urbanization as the process to be initially understood in order to analyze contemporary housing production, whereby housing has emerged as a problem in mid-twentieth century Turkey; and the actors of housing production and the housing types of urbanization have been defined as the two main frames for the analysis of the representation and critique of housing in cartoons.
The analysis of the actors has clarified the state as the authority in housing production, which could be understood with reference to the roles of the landlords and contractors versus the tenants in housing construction and use, and to the role of the newcomer squatter dwellers as “invaders” in the urban context.
The analysis of the housing types, on the other hand, has clarified the apartment blocks and the squatter houses as the two solutions provided for the housing need of the urbanized masses. Their comparative evaluation in formal/architectural, urban as well as social terms has provided the understanding about how the society interpreted well-built houses versus the poorly built ones, how the relation of newcomers as invaders was interpreted with reference to new constructions seen as city walls, and how the legal processes of urban development went together with the illegal expansion of the urban context. In a broader context, it can be concluded that the dichotomy between squatter houses and apartment blocks in the cartoons has highlighted the class disparities present in society, thus emphasizing them as a social issue.
The critical and oppositional spirit of the cartoons thus becomes evident as they did not direct criticism towards the squatter houses or their inhabitants. Instead, they frequently depicted and defended the physical, spatial, and social hardships that the inhabitants faced. Through comparative visual depictions of squatter houses and apartments, the cartoons addressed class distinctions, and socio-economic realities.
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While the cartoonists aimed at highlighting such societal issues, they employed the image of squatter houses and the contrast between squatter houses and apartment blocks in order to criticize the state’s attitude. The primary reason for this lies in the fact that the formation of squatter housing was a result of the policies of local or central administrations and politicians, rather than the individuals constructing the houses. Thus, the cartoons hold the government responsible for the emergence of these conditions. For instance, when cartoonists referred to squatters as invaders, they were not focusing on their illegal construction on public lands but rather on their increasing numbers due to socio-economic conditions or political interests before elections. Similarly, they criticized the rise of squatter house trade involving second-generation squatter dwellers, rather than those constructed to fulfill housing needs.
As for the actors of housing portrayed in the cartoons of that period, it should be noted that architects were not included, and houses were not presented as “designed” products of architects. This sets the cartoons of mid-twentieth century apart from those of the 1930s, for example, where architects or their works were often featured. Hence, it could be concluded that the focus of the cartoons of the mid-twentieth century was not directed towards criticizing architectural practices of the time. Instead, the main target of criticism in the cartoons of the period was the social, economic, and political factors contributing to or resulting from the housing problem, allowing a perspective of analysis beyond merely the architectural.
When cartoons are thus utilized for writing architectural history, their inherent semantic instability makes them an exciting and complex area of investigation. The ambiguity and richness of possible meanings inherent in this type of material offer a wealth of opportunities for scholars to explore the intricate relationship between architecture, culture, and politics. Through the lens of cartoons, scholars can analyze the various ways in which architecture is represented in popular media, and how these representations reflect broader social and political concerns. Additionally, the use of satire in cartoons provides a unique means of criticizing power structures and social norms, offering a valuable tool for examining issues of power and inequality within society. Overall, the study of cartoons in relation to architecture serves to understand the complex interplay among cultural, social, and political forces throughout history.
One of the distinct features of this study, differentiating it from a conventional examination of the architectural production of the period, is its focus on the social context of housing whereby architecture and houses in this case provide a critical frame of analysis in order to understand their evaluation by the society. The analysis of cartoons as non-architectural media to evaluate
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housing as an architectural production, helped expand the means and results of historiography, which is believed to provide valuable insights for future research endeavors along these lines.
Thus, the focus of analysis in this study was not the housing production presented by the professional media and the specific issues criticized or discussed in the discipline itself. However, it should be noted that, there were cartoonists who were also architects, such as Tan Oral, who can provide distinct perspectives on contemporary housing and its problems from both professional and cartoonist viewpoints. Hence, the comparison between professional and non-professional media especially with a focus on such actors’ roles, presents a potential topic for future research that will further evaluate housing production from urban and social as well as architectural perspectives.
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Türel, Ali. “1980 Sonrasında Konut Üretimindeki Gelişmeler” ODTÜ Mimarlık Fakültesi Dergisi 9, 1989, pp. 137-154. Tütün, Yaprak. Kentsel Modernleşmeye Mizahi Yaklaşımlar (1908-1923). Unpublished Master’s Thesis. Yıldız Teknik Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, 2004.
Uludüz, Çağrı. Türkiye’de 1931-1980 Dönemi Apartman Konutlarının Mimar/Arkitekt Dergisi Üzerinden İrdelenmesi. Unpublished Master’s Thesis. Karadeniz Teknik Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, 2014. Usta, Çiğdem. Mizah dilinin gizemi. Akçağ, 2005.
Uz, Funda. Seksenler İstanbul’u Kentsel Söylemini Popüler Yazılı Medya Üzerinden Okumak. Unpublished PhD Dissertation. İstanbul Teknik Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, 2007.
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APPENDICES
A. HUMOR MAGAZINES AND NEWSPAPERS PUBLISHING CARTOONS BETWEEN 1950-1990
Weekly Humour Magazines
Political - Cultural Magazines
Newspapers 1950-1960
Akbaba, 41 buçuk, Dolmuş, Taş, Karikatür, Taş-Karikatür
Cumhuriyet, Hürriyet, Akşam, Yeni Sabah, Ulus, Milliyet, Yeni İstanbul, Dünya, Zafer, Siyasi Halk Gazetesi, Vatan 1960-1970
Akbaba, Tef
Ant, Yöne
Cumhuriyet, Hürriyet, Akşam, Milliyet, Dünya, Öncü, Tercüman 1970-1980
Akbaba, Gırgır, Çarşaf, Fırt, Mikrop
Toplum, Nokta, Yankı, Özgür İnsan, Bilim ve Sanat, Halkın Dostları, Yansıma
Cumhuriyet, Hürriyet, Akşam, Günaydın, Barış, Tercüman, Vatan, Politika, Yenigün, Milliyet, Yeni Halkçı 1980-1990
Gırgır, Fırt, Çarşaf, Limon, Deli, Leman, Hıbır, Dinozor, Kare Kare, Sıfır, Pişmiş Kelle
Nokta, Yeni Gündem, 2000’e Doğru
Cumhuriyet, Hürriyet, Milliyet, Tercüman, Güneş, Demokrat, Aydınlık, Sabah, Günaydın, Dünya, Yeni Yüzyıl, Binyıl, Radikal, Şalom, Agos
(Source: Çeviker et al., 2010, pp. 15-30)
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B. CARTOONISTS MENTIONED IN THE STUDY
AHMET – There are several different cartoons named Ahmet. However, their signatures are different than the one seen in the cartoon used in this study. Therefore, the one seen in this study can be an amateur artist.
ALİ GALİP ALTUNÇUL was born in İstanbul in 1946. His first cartoon was published in 1964 and he worked in Yelpaze, Emekçi, Kirpi, Pardon, Akbaba and Papağan magazines and in Tercüman newspaper.378
ALİ OLGUN was born in Karaman in 1964. He started to draw cartoons in 1980 and worked for Karaoğlan in 1982. He worked as illustrators for several advertisement companies. He continues to work as illustrator.379
ALİ ULVİ ERSOY was born in İstanbul in 1926 and died on January 30, 1998, in İstanbul. His first cartoon was published in Çocuk Sesi magazine in 1940. He worked for Kahkaha and Mizah magazines between 1947-1950. Then he became editorial cartoonist of Cumhuriyet in 1950.380
ARMAN SALEPÇİ - There is no information about this cartoonist.
BEHİÇ – There is a cartoonist named Behiç Ak, but his signature is different than the one seen in the cartoon used in this study. He might be another amateur cartoonist but there is no more information.
378 Balcıoğlu & Öngören, 1976, p. 21.
379 http://www.aliolgun.com/about
380 Balcıoğlu & Öngören, 1976, p. 155.; https://www.karikaturculerdernegi.com/ According to the Association of Cartoonists he was born in İstanbul in 1924. Access date: 19.05.2023.
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BURHAN SOLUKÇU was born in Zonguldak in 1928 and died on March 26, 1978, in İstanbul. His cartoons were published in several humor magazines and newspapers such as Dolmuş, Taş, Taş-Karikatür, Akbaba, Amcabey, Zübük, Akşam, Pardon and Ustura.381
CAN - There is no information about this artist, he/she can be amateur.
CAFER ZORLU (CAF) was born in İnegöl in 1926 and died in 2012. His first cartoonist was published in Dolmuş magazine in 1957. He drew cartoons in Akbaba and Taş-Karikatür and drew sport cartoons in Hürriyet, Milliyet and Tercüman newspapers.382
CEMİL AÇIKEL - There is no information about this cartoonist.
ERDOĞAN BAŞOL was born in İstanbul in 1936. His first cartoon was published in Hafta magazine in 1953. He worked for 20 Asır, Karakedi, Gölge, Yelpaze and Hayat magazines and Yenigün newspaper.383
ERDOĞAN BOZOK was born in İzmit in 1932 and died in 2015. His first cartoon was published in Doğan Kardeş children's magazine. Later, his cartoons were published in the newspapers and magazines Dünya, Milliyet, Bizim Gazete, Akbaba, Nail, Çarşaf, 2000'e Doğru. Erdoğan Bozok served in the management of the Association of Cartoonists at various times and served as its President in 1992. He worked as a manager at the Cartoon and Humor Museum since its establishment on February 27, 1989. 384
ERGÜL AKTAŞ – His name is seen in Association of Cartoonists’ web page but there is no more information.
ERGÜN GÜNDÜZ was born in Kayseri in 1960. He started his career at Gırgır when he was a student at the academy, and continued in the magazines Rr, Joker, Akrebin Gölgesi, and
381 Balcıoğlu & Öngören, 1976, p. 275.; https://www.karikaturculerdernegi.com/ Access date: 19.05.2023.
382 Balcıoğlu & Öngören, 1976, p. 343.; https://tr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cafer_Zorlu Access date: 19.05.2023.
383 Balcıoğlu & Öngören, 1976, p. 55.
384 Ibid., p. 74.; https://tr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Erdo%C4%9Fan_Bozok Access date: 19.05.2023.
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Resimli roman, which he personally took part in. Even though he has made many cartoons and covers for Gırgır magazine, he is known with his comic books.385
FARUK MANİCİ - His name is seen in Association of Cartoonists’ web page but there is no more information.
GÜNGÖR KABAKÇIOĞLU was born in Antalya in 1933 and died in 2011. He graduated from the Architecture Department of the Academy of Fine Arts. He worked for Tercüman, Akşam, Güneş, Yeni Yüzyıl.386
GÜROL – There is no information about this cartoonist, he/she can be amateur.
HALİD UYGAN - There is no information about this cartoonist.
HALİL İNCESU was born in Malatya in 1968. His first cartoon was published in magazines such as Gırgır, Fırt and Çarsaf. He worked for a long time in magazines and newspapers such as Günaydın, Sabah, Hürriyet, Tewlo and Dolmuş. He took a break from drawing for magazines in 1992 and continued to draw comics and cartoons intermittently. Currently, he is mostly engaged in advertising illustrations, storyboarding and 3D animation, and also makes short films.387
İLKİN – There is no information about this cartoonist, he/she can be amateur.
İRFAN SAYAR was born in 1951 in Manisa. He met Oğuz Aral while he was a student at the academy and started drawing cartoons professionally for Gırgır magazine in 1975. He created the “Porof. Zihni Sinir” typology in 1977 and was published in the 30 January 1977 issue of Gırgır magazine. After leaving Gırgır, he published Mikrop magazine with his five friends. He worked as a director in Hıbır magazine.388
385 https://www.karikaturculerdernegi.com/ Access date: 19.05.2023.
386 Balcıoğlu & Öngören, 1976, p. 209.; https://www.arkitera.com/haber/gungor-kabakcioglunu-kaybettik/ Access date: 19.05.2023.
387 https://karikaturistlerimiz.tr.gg/Karikat.ue.ristlerimiz--k1-H-k2-.htm Access date: 19.05.2023.
388 https://tr.wikipedia.org/wiki/%C4%B0rfan_Sayar Access date: 19.05.2023.
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İSA EFE was born in İzmit in 1960. He worked as a cartoonist in Çarşaf Humor Magazine, Tercüman and Bulvar Newspaper and Turkey Children's Magazine. After retiring from the press, he continues his professional life as a graphic designer and draws cartoons for various publishers and children's magazines.389
KEMAL ARATAN was born in 1965 in Kırklareli. In 1985, he started to draw cartoons in the “Ucube Karikatürler” column in Gırgır magazine. He left Gırgır in 1986 to publish Limon magazine with a group of friends. He started to draw the “İhtiyatsız Adam” type in Limon. Later, he worked in the magazines Gırgır, Avni, Dıgıl, Pişmiş Kelle and Leman from time to time.390
MEHMET ÇAĞÇAĞ was born in Şebinkarahisar in 1959. His amateur cartoons were published in Çarşaf, Gırgır and Fırt. He worked with Oğuz Aral and his brother Tekin Aral for five years. He made drawings on subjects such as squatter housing, immigration, apartment life, cultural conflicts, and urbanization. Later, he left Gırgır with a group of artist friends and took part in the establishment of Limon magazine.391
MEHMET POLAT was born in Tokat in 1929 and died on September 21, 1981. He drew for a long time in Akbaba magazine. After Yusuf Ziya Ortaç's death, he left this magazine in 1967 and published the magazine Papağan with his friends. After his retirement, he started to work in Gırgır. His cartoons were published in magazines and newspapers such as Şenlikli Gazete, Gün, Fırt and Günaydın.392
METİN ÜSTÜNDAĞ was born in Erzincan in 1965. He worked for Gırgır, Leman, Hayvan, Öküz, OT and Penguen. He also published a new magazine named “Yumuşak G” in 2015.393
389 https://www.karikaturculerdernegi.com/ Access date: 19.05.2023.
390 https://tr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kemal_Aratan Access date: 19.05.2023.
391 https://tr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mehmet_%C3%87a%C4%9F%C3%A7a%C4%9F Access date: 19.05.2023.
392 https://tersdergi.com/kisa-bir-yasama-sigdirilmis-olaganustu-bir-cizgi-dehasi-mehmet-polat/#:~:text=21%20Eyl%C3%BCl%201981'de%20bu,bir%20ya%C5%9Fta%20ayr%C4%B1l%C4%B1r%20bu%20d%C3%BCnyadan. Access date: 19.05.2023.
393 https://tr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Metin_%C3%9Cst%C3%BCnda%C4%9F Access date: 19.05.2023.
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MURAT KÜRÜZ drew for Gırgır and Fırt humor magazines in 1977, and then founded Limon magazine in 1985 with three of his friends. Murat Kürüz died on April 24, 2020.394
MUSTAFA KÜÇÜK - There is no information about this artist, he can be amateur.
MUAMMER KOTBAŞ was born in 1959 in Trabzon. His first cartoon was published in the Karadeniz Newspaper in Trabzon in 1981. He prepared weekly art and humor pages in the same newspaper. He worked in local newspapers and magazines in Trabzon and Samsun; and in humor magazines Gırgır, Fırt and Fesat in İstanbul. He continues his studies in Ankara.395
MUSTAFA EREMEKTAR (MISTIK) was born in İstanbul in 1930 and died on March 5, 1983, in İstanbul. His first cartoon was published in Doğan Kardeş magazine in 1947. He worked for several humor magazines and newspapers such as Akbaba, Tef, 41 buçuk, Dolmuş, Taş, Taş-Karikatür, Vatan, Akşam, Yeni İstanbul.396
MUSTAFA UYKUSUZ (MİM UYKUSUZ) was born in Manisa in 1922 and died in 1983. His first cartoon was published in 1938. The main newspapers he worked in the press since 1945 were İstanbul Ekspres, Dünya, Ulus and Gün and the humor magazines were Markopaşa, Malumpaşa, Akbaba, Karikatür, Tef, Dolmuş, Taş, Taş-Karikatür, Zübük and Papağan. 397
NECDET YAKUT - There is no information about this cartoonist, he can be amateur.
NECMİ RIZA AYÇA was born in Pristina in 1912 and died in 2001. He started to draw in Akbaba magazine in 1936. He also worked in, Karikatür and Şaka magazines, he was the editor-in-chief and shareholder of the Papağan magazine for a while. In addition to cartoons, he also draws advertisement images.398
394 https://tr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Murat_K%C3%BCr%C3%BCz Access date: 19.05.2023.
395 https://www.karikaturculerdernegi.com/ Access date: 19.05.2023.
396 Balcıoğlu & Öngören, 1976, p. 134.; https://www.karikaturculerdernegi.com/ Access date: 19.05.2023.
397 Balcıoğlu & Öngören, 1976, p. 307.; https://www.karikaturculerdernegi.com/ Access date: 19.05.2023.
398 Balcıoğlu & Öngören, 1976, p. 39.
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NEHAR TÜBLEK was born in Yugoslavia in 1924 and died in 1995. His first cartoon was published in Amcabey magazine in 1943. He worked for several humor magazines and newspapers such as Hafta, Yavrutuürk, Yeni Mecmua, Karikatür, Şaka, Amcabey, Akbaba, Dolmuş, 41 buçuk, Son Posta, Dünya, Akşam, Yeni Gazete and Hürriyet.399
NİYAZİ YOLTAŞ was born in İzmir in 1932. His first cartoons were published in Doğan Kardeş magazine in 1946. He drew cartoons in several humor magazines and newspapers such as Akbaba, Papağan, Gölge, 41 buçuk, Karakedi, Çarşaf, Erkekçe, Cumhuriyet and Milliyet.400
ORHAN URAL was born in İstanbul in 1913 and died in 1978. His cartoons were published in several humor magazines and newspapers such as Son Posta, Karikatür, Akbaba, Hemşeri, Tanin, Vakit, Haber, En Son Dakika, Tasvir, Şaka, and Tercüman. 401
OSMAN FİLİZ – His name is seen several times in newspapers. However, no information is found about him.
ÖZNUR KALENDER was born in Tokat in 1951. He started to work in Hürriyet newspaper firstly as an amateur in 1971 and then as a professional after 1973. He took part in the establishment and staff of Çarşaf Humor Magazine. He drew for this magazine for many years.402
R. ÖZDEMİR – There is no information about this cartoonist, he/she can be amateur.
SALİH SALI - There is no information about this cartoonist.
SEMİH BALCIOĞLU was born in İstanbul in 1928 and died in 2006. His first cartoon was published in 1943. He worked for Akbaba, Şaka, Amcabey, Karikatür magazines and Akşam, Vatan, Hürriyet and Tercüman newspapers. He was one of the founders of Association of Cartoonists. He is the first artist to realize three-dimensional cartoon in Turkey.403
399 Balcıoğlu & Öngören, 1976, p. 294.; https://tr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nehar_T%C3%BCblek Access date: 19.05.2023.
400 http://ismailkar.com/niyaziyoltas.htm Access date: 19.05.2023.
401 Balcıoğlu & Öngören, 1976, p. 303.
402 https://www.oznurkalender.com/ Access date: 19.05.2023.
403 Balcıoğlu & Öngören, 1976, p. 48.; https://www.karikaturculerdernegi.com/ Access date: 19.05.2023.
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SUAT YALAZ was born in Çiçekdağ in 1932 and died in 2020. He worked for several humor magazines and newspapers such as Akbaba, 41 buçuk, Tef, Dolmuş, Taş, Taş-Karikatür, Tercüman, Akşam, Yeni İstanbul and Milliyet. He created Karaoğlan in 1963, after drawing an adaptation of Abdullah Ziya Kozanoğlu's novel Kızıltuğ in the newspaper Akşam in 1960, which was met with great interest. 404
SURURİ GÜMEN was born in Bursa in 1920 and died in 2000. His first cartoon was published in Karikatür magazine in 1939. He started to work as editorial cartoonist in Hürriyet in 1949. He is the creator of “Canbaba” comic figure.405
ŞADİ DİNÇÇAĞ was born in Samsun in 1919 and died in İstanbul in 1983. His first cartoon was published in Karikatür magazine. Later he worked in Akbaba, Şaka, Tef and Dolmuş.406
ŞERİF – ŞERİF ER – This name is seen in two different cartoons. However, there is no information about this/these cartoonists.
ŞÜKRÜ – There is no information about this cartoonist, he/she can be amateur.
TAN ORAL was born in Merzifon in 1937. He graduated from Mimar Sinan University, Department of Architecture in 1963, and after working for three years, he later became interested in cartoons, movies, and cartoons. He served as a member of the board of directors, secretary, and chairman for three terms until 1979 at the Association of Cartoonists, of which he became a member in 1973. He drew daily cartoons for the Cumhuriyet. His cartoons were also published in Taraf newspaper for a while.407
TUNCAY AKGÜN was born in İstanbul in 1962. His first cartoons were published in the “Çiçeği Burunundalar” column of Gırgır magazine in 1977. Akgün, who drew various contemporary cartoons and occasionally one-page stories in Gırgır in 1981, also appeared in Fırt magazine for a short time. He entered the world of comics with the popular character
404 Balcıoğlu & Öngören, 1976, p. 317.; https://tr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Suat_Yalaz Access date: 19.05.2023.
405 Balcıoğlu & Öngören, 1976, p. 192.
406 Parla, Taha, editor. Türk Ve Dünya Ünlüleri Ansiklopedisi: Kişiler Dönemler Akımlar Yapıtlar. Anadolu Yayıncılık, 1983, p. 1786.; https://www.karikaturculerdernegi.com/ Access date: 19.05.2023.
407 Balcıoğlu & Öngören, 1976, p. 235.; https://tr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tan_Oral Access date: 19.05.2023.
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Bezgin Bekir in the humor magazine Limon, the first issue of which met the readers on March 14, 1986, and continued for fifteen years. 408
TURHAN SELÇUK was born in Milas in 1922 and died on March 12, 2011, in İstanbul. His first cartoons were published in Türk Sözü in Adana, Kırmızı Beyaz and Şut in İstanbul in 1941. He worked for Aydede, Akbaba, Yeni İstanbul, Milliyet, Akis and Yön. He published 41 buçuk and Dolmuş with his brother İlhan Selçuk. He is the creator of daily comic strip named Abdülcanbaz.409
VEHİP SİNAN was born in 1929 and died in 2010, in İstanbul. While he was a high school student in 1944, he worked as an illustrator for Doğan Kardeş magazine. After returning from his military service, he started working in Ceylan Publications and journalism in 1965 as a cartoonist in Sabah newspaper.410
VEYSEL - VEYSEL ÖKTEM - This name is seen in two different cartoons. However, there is no information about this/these cartoonist.
YAKUP - There is no information about this cartoonist, he/she can be amateur. There is a cartoonist named Yakup Karahan, but their signatures are not same.
YILMAZ KARACA - The only information found about him is that he drew cartoons for Tef and 41 buçuk magazines.
YUSUF ERCİNS - There is no information about this cartoonist, he can be amateur.
ZEKİ BEYNER was born in İstanbul in 1936 and died in 2002. His first cartoon was published in Akbaba in 1955. He worked for Akbaba, Tef, Zübük, Taş, Taş-Karikatür, Papağan, Pardon and Son Saat magazines.411
408 https://www.karikaturculerdernegi.com/ Access date: 19.05.2023.
409 Balcıoğlu & Öngören, 1976, p. 265.; https://www.karikaturculerdernegi.com/ Access date: 19.05.2023.
410 https://www.biyografya.com/biyografi/3147 Access date: 19.05.2023.
411 Balcıoğlu & Öngören, 1976, p. 63.; https://www.karikaturculerdernegi.com/ Access date: 19.05.2023.
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C. LIST OF EDITORIAL CARTOONISTS IN NEWSPAPERS
HÜRRİYET
YEAR
Editorial Cartoonist
1950-1955
Sururi Gümen
1956-1958
Semih Balcıoğlu
1959-1972
there is no continuous editorial cartoonist
1973-1984
Nehar Tüblek
TERCÜMAN
YEAR
Editorial Cartoonist
1955-1956
Orhan Ural | Güngör Kabakçıoğlu
1957-1960
Osman Filiz
1961-1974
Semih Balcıoğlu
1975
there is no continuous editorial cartoonist
1976
Galip Tekin | Osman Filiz
1977
Galip Tekin | Osman Filiz | Güngör Kabakçıoğlu
1978
there is no continuous editorial cartoonist
1979
Vehip Sinan | Yurdagün Göker | Galip Tekin | Semih Balcıoğlu
1980
Semih Balcıoğlu | Yurdagün Göker
1981
there is no continuous editorial cartoonist
1982
Güngör Kabakçıoğlu
1983
there is no continuous editorial cartoonist
1984
Bülent Şeren | Galip Tekin
AKŞAM
YEAR
Editorial Cartoonist
1950-1953
Semih Balcıoğlu
1954-1955
Mıstık
1956
Bülent Şeren | Mıstık
1957
Ferruh Doğan
1958
there is no continuous editorial cartoonist
1959-1965
Nehar Tüblek
1966
there is no continuous editorial cartoonist
1967-1969
Nehar Tüblek
1970-1973
Turhan Selçuk
1973-1976
there is no continuous editorial cartoonist
1977-1978
Nejat Uygur
1979-1984
there is no continuous editorial cartoonist
CUMHURİYET
YEAR
Editorial Cartoonist
1950
Niyazi Yoltaş (nadir)
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1951-1956
Ali Ulvi Ersoy
1957-1959
there is no continuous editorial cartoonist
1960-1984
Ali Ulvi Ersoy
MİLLİYET
YEAR
Editorial Cartoonist
1950
Halid Uygan
1951-1954
there is no continuous editorial cartoonist
1955-1968
Turhan Selçuk
1969-1972
Bedri Koraman
1973
there is no continuous editorial cartoonist
1974-1981
Bedri Koraman (rare)
1982-1984
Turhan Selçuk
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D. DETAILED INFORMATION ABOUT HUMOR MAGAZINES AND NEWSPAPERS
Akşam newspaper consisted of four, eight or twelve pages. The editorial cartoonist was Semih Balcıoğlu until 1953 and Mustafa Eremektar known as Mıstık from 1954 to 1955. Between 1956 and 1960, Mıstık, Bülent Şeren and Ferruh Doğan was seen as editorial cartoonist. Then, Nehar Tüblek was editorial cartoonist from 1960 to 1969 and Turhan Selçuk drew the editorial cartoons between 1970 – 1972. Afterwards there was no continuous editorial cartoonists.
Cumhuriyet newspaper consisted of six, eight or ten pages. Niyazi Yoltaş was the editorial cartoonist until November 1950. Then, Ali Ulvi Ersoy took his place starting from November 1950 and continued until 1980 with some interruptions. Especially from October 1956 to March 27, 1960, there were no editorial cartoons. Meanwhile, cartoonists like Faruk Fayzin and Sezgin Burak drew cartoons on pages three or four. After 1972 Turhan Selçuk and after 1977 Tan oral started drawing cartoons in Cumhuriyet but not as an editorial cartoonist.
Hürriyet newspaper consisted of four, eight or twelve pages. Sururi Gümen was editorial cartoonist until in 1950 and between 1953-1955 and he drew Haftanın Karikatürü in every week on the last page. Semih Balcıoğlu took his place between 1956-1958. There is no editorial cartoon from 1959 to 1973. Then Nehar Tüblek drew the editorial cartoons between 1973-1984.
Milliyet newspaper consisted of only four pages until 24 September 1951, therefore there was not much space for cartoons. There were few editorial cartoons which were drawn by Halid Uygan until 15 December 1954. Afterwards, Turhan Selçuk drew the editorial cartoons until 1967, there were not any editorial cartoons in 1968. From 1969 to 1980 Bedri Koraman was the editorial cartoonists. However, compared to the Turhan Selçuk, Bedri Koraman generally focused on political issues, elections, and politicians. The number of editorial cartoons decreased after Bedri Koraman took the position.
Tercüman newspaper consisted of eight or twelve pages. Orhan Ural and Güngör Kabakçıoğlu drew the editorial cartoons between 1955 and 1956. Osman Filiz drew the editorial cartoons in 1957 and between 1959 and1960. Semih Balcıoğlu drew the editorial cartoons between
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1961 and 1974. Then between 1975 and 1984 several different cartoonists drew as editorial cartoonist: Galip Tekin, Osman Filiz, Güngör Kabakçıoğlu, Vehip Sinan, Yurdagül Göker, Semih Balcıoğlu and Bülent Şeren.
Akbaba which was a long-lasting humor magazine has been documented from 1952 to 1977. It was a weekly published political humor magazine consisted of 20 pages including front and back covers. It was composed of both texts and cartoons. On the third page (it is the first page after the front cover), there is an editorial text written by the owner/founder of the Akbaba magazine Yusuf Ziya Ortaç and it is supported by an editorial cartoon as in the newspapers. There were also foreign cartoons. Akbaba supported the CHP in its early years and supported the DP when it came to power and became opposed to DP after military coup in 1960. In other words, it took a pro-government stance. Akbaba made the criticism, which is the basis of political humor, mostly through opposition parties, municipal services, and foreign policy.412
41buçuk was founded under the leadership of Turhan Selçuk and his brother İlhan Selçuk. Its first issue was published on September 6, 1952. It was important in terms of reflecting the humor of the 50-generation which is called as humor in line. In a sense, the new understanding of cartoon became widespread, as the magazine also published the works of foreign representations of the non-written humor movement such as Chaval, Puzet, and Steinberg. Unlike Akbaba magazine, it had an oppositional attitude towards authority. The chain of magazines published during the ruling period of the DP and reflecting the ideas of the 50 generation first started with 41buçuk. It continued with the magazines Tef, Dolmuş, Taş, Karikatür and Taş-Karikatür. 41buçuk, whose sixth issue was confiscated due to obscenity, had a very short life, and closed after the 15th issue.413
Tef, as a weekly political humor newspaper, published cartoons and articles that directly satirized political figures. The first issue was published on August 7, 1954. Tef published 55 issues between 1954 and 1955 and 48 issues between 1960 and 1961. It was owned by Ertem Eğilmez. The cartoonist staff was almost the same as 41buçuk. Although Tef was described by
412 Cantek & Gönenç, 2017, p. 28.
413 Cantek & Gönenç̧, 2017, p. 125.; Yavalar, Deniz Elif. Demokrat Parti Döneminde Muhalif Mizah Basını: 41 buçuk, Dolmuş, Taş, Karikatür, Taş-Karikatür Üzerine Bir İnceleme, Unpublished PhD Dissertation. Erciyes Üniversitesi, Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2016, p. 216.
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some as an apolitical magazine, it was against the DP, but it was not a supporter of the CHP, unlike Akbaba.414
Dolmuş which was the second attempt of the Selçuk brothers published their first issue on January 5, 1956. Dolmuş, whose 130 issues were published in total, was often confiscated because of dealing with politicians. In the magazine, whose editor-in-chief was İlhan Selçuk; stories of foreign authors as well as important writers such as Aziz Nesin and Muzaffer İzgü were also featured. The magazine emphasized in its initial pages that they do not work for either the ruling party or the opposition party.415
Taş and Karikatür magazines, representing the same approach, appeared about three months after the closure of the Dolmuş. These magazines, which started their publication life with an interval of three days, were published separately for 12 weeks, and after a short time, they merged with the name Taş-Karikatür. The first issue of Karikatür - as a continuation of Dolmuş was published on October 15, 1958, became the third humor magazine founded under the leadership of Turhan Selçuk during the 1950s. It had positioned itself as a society-oriented with its writings and cartoons and assumed the mission of an oppositional humor magazine. The founder of Taş magazine was Semih Balcıoğlu. In addition to young generation cartoonists such as Ferruh Doğan, Yalçın Çetin and Ali Ulvi, older generation cartoonist Ratip Tahir Burak, who had completed his 16-month sentence for a cartoon he drew against the DP, also took part in the staff. The first issue of Taş was published on October 18, 1958. Taş magazine claimed to be a defender of Atatürk's Principles and Revolutions. The publication aimed to adopt a policy of benefiting the people by turning towards the right path, based on reason, logic, and scientific thought, in order to bring Turkey to the level of contemporary civilization.416
The owners of the political humor magazine, which continued to be published under the name Taş-Karikatür on January 6, 1959, were Semih Balcıoğlu and İlhan Selçuk. Taş-Karikatür team had a unique approach to examining life, by reproducing news headlines from newspapers with their own interpretations and in the language of writing and illustrating. This team of young individuals, known as the 50 Generation, played a significant role in the last
414 Cantek & Gönenç, 2017, pp. 125-129.; Ünver, Merve. İstanbul’un 100 Mizah Dergisi. İstanbul Büyükşehir Belediyesi Kültür A.Ş. Yayınları, 2016, pp. 163-164.
415 Ünver, 2016, p. 163, pp. 221-223, 234-235; Yavalar, 2016, p. 216.
416 Yavalar, 2016, pp. 243 – 259.
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turning point of the DP power. Following the notice of recruitment of Semih Balcıoğlu and Turhan Selçuk, the magazine, which could have had 41 issues, was forced to close in a dubious manner. Its last issue was published on 15 July 1959.417
Zübük was published 43 issues in total by Aziz Nesin in 1962. It was located further to the left compared to the opposition humor magazines published after Markopaşa. Even if it is not politically, Zübük resembles Akbaba in terms of text density. Compared to the magazines of its period, it was closed quickly because it resembled the magazines of half a century ago.418
Gırgır was one of the best-seller magazines of Turkey. In the early 1970s, Oğuz Aral started a column in the Günaydın newspaper that later became Gırgır. It started to be published as an independent magazine on August 26, 1972. Unlike Akbaba, Gırgır used plenty of pictures, eroticism, and everyday language, and was primarily apolitical. It did not have an editorial text like Akbaba. The high copyright prices led to the rise of many young cartoonists with Gırgır, who brought new and different perspectives to the field of humor, resulting in the end of Akbaba in 1977. Gırgır began the era of high-circulation humor magazines with over one million total sales. However, over time, Gırgır's distant interest in current politics changed, as the politicized daily life of the 1970s inevitably transformed the productive youth. Gırgır also had a special column for amateur cartoonists in its pages, where Aral provided feedback on their work. 419
Çarşaf, was launched at the same time as Gırgır, and it stood out as a more colorful and attractive magazine than Gırgır however it was bland in content. Initially, it was published under the umbrella of the Hürriyet newspaper, and it had notable writers such as Çetin Altan, Çetin Emeç, and Aziz Nesin. Its political approach can be considered more centrist, and the magazine mainly appealed to pragmatic criticism that changed depending on the day's news. The magazine represented a populist opposition that criticized the ruling party with a playful language, defended the middle-class lifestyle, and supported the poor with an apolitical stance. It did not have any left-leaning content and was more anti-government than supportive of the CHP.420
417 Yavalar, 2016, pp. 262-271.
418 Cantek & Gönenç, 2017, p. 16, 125, 137. 419 Belge, Murat. “Karikatürün Serüveni”. In Karikatürkiye: karikatürlerle Cumhuriyet tarihi, 1923-2008, edited by Turgut Çeviker, Murat Belge, and Ahmet Kuyaş, Vol. 1. NTV Yayınları, 2010, p. 43.; Cantek & Gönenç, 2017, pp. 16-17, 30, 155-159.
420 Cantek & Gönenç, 2017, p. 17.
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Mikrop was known as more leftist magazine founded by those who left Gırgır. Engin Ergönültaş was the head of the magazine. Largely under the influence and direction of Ergönültaş, the magazine followed a Marxist-Socialist and anti-fascist line. The left jargon was seen for the first time in humor magazines with the Mikrop magazine. Mikrop followed a different path by giving more space to sexuality and disgust in its content compared to Gırgır. The cartoonists of Mikrop, which was closed after 68 issues, returned to Gırgır. Although Mikrop could not achieve a very high circulation, it laid the foundations of the marginal-radical understanding that dominated humor magazines in Turkey after 1990.421
The owner of the Balyoz Magazine was Mustafa Karahasanoğlu, and it was published every 15 days with the slogan “Family Humor Magazine”. It was published 10 issues in total between 1979 and 1980. The magazine defined itself as Islamic-oriented.
421 Cantek & Gönenç̧, 2017, p. 17, 32, 140.
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E. LEGAL ARRANGEMENTS AND REPORTS RELATED TO HOUSING IN TURKEY
Legal arrangements for housing in Turkey started in 1930 with the Municipality Law (1580, Belediye Kanunu) and followed by two codes enacted in 1948 (5213) and 1950 (5431) to prevent the increasing number of squatter settlements. Meanwhile, with the National Protection Law (Milli Koruma Kanunu) enacted in 1939, it aimed to control the increase in rent prices, but the attempt was not successful. Another step was the establishment of Real Estate and Credit Bank (Emlak Kredi Bankası) in 1946 to provide houses for the part of the society that needs accommodation. When the squatter settlements, which were the products of a certain social structure, could not be prevented by the laws, the Promotion Law of Building Construction (5228 – Bina Yapımı Teşvik Kanunu) and the Law on Old-age Insurance (İhtiyarlık Sigortası Kanunu) was enacted to provide housing loans for the insured workers in 1950. With Law No. 5656 enacted in the same year, it was accepted that the housing problem could be taken into the compulsory services of municipalities. This law suggested the transfer of vacant lots to municipalities to be given to homeless citizens by them. It also introduced precautions to reduce the cost of transporting and importing basic building materials. However, such a law did not succeed in resolving the housing problem, the financial problems of low-income families increased, and the squatter houses spread rapidly. In 1955, the rents were stabilized with the Law on Real Estate rents, followed by the Construction Law (6785 - İmar Kanunu) in 1956.
Another law enacted in 1956 is the Expropriation Law (İstimlak Kanunu) No. 6830, which was planned to facilitate the zoning operation undertaken by Menderes in İstanbul. Regarding the housing problem, the Law of Land Office (1164 – Arsa Ofisi Kanunu) in 1963 and the Law of Squatter Settlements (775 – Gecekondu Kanunu) in 1966 were enacted. In addition to the mentioned legal arrangements, tax legislation related to buildings and lands were regulated in various tax laws concomitantly with them.422 Tekeli also adds that even if there were many attempts to solve the housing problem, there was no central system until the establishment of
422 İnkaya, 1972, p. 58.; Sey, 1998b, p. 285.; Şenyapılı, 2004a, pp. 180-183.
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the Ministry of Public Works and Housing (İmar ve İskan Bakanlığı) in 1958.423 All these legal arrangements related to Housing in Turkey are gathered in Table 3.1.
Table E.1 : Legal Arrangements related to Housing in Turkey.
1930
Municipality Law (Belediye Kanunu)
1939
National Protection Law (Milli Koruma Kanunu)
1946
Establishment of Real Estate and Credit Bank
1950
Promotion Law of Building Construction (Bina Yapımı Teşvik Kanunu)
1954
change in the Land Registry Law (tapu kanunu) initiated the yap-sat method
1955
Construction Law (imar kanunu)
1956
Expropriation Law (İstimlak Kanunu)
1963
Enactment of Law of Land Office (arsa ofisi kanunu)
1964
Development of public housing standards to encourage housing production and tax policies to meet social housing standards
1965
enactment of the Flat Ownership Law
1966
enactment of the Gecekondu Law
1969
enactment of Cooperative Law
1981
enactment of the Mass-Housing Law
These legal arrangements were criticized sometimes due to not being useful for real housing question of Turkey. Aru stated that the laws numbered 5218 and 5228, which encourage housing construction, did not solve the housing problem, but only provided land for citizens to pay for in 10 years. He also added that only providing land would not solve the problem, considering the building construction costs, road and infrastructure costs.424
In addition to these legal arrangements, some foreign experts were also invited to Turkey to prepare a report concerning the housing, planning, and building construction in Turkey. These reports included not only the analysis of current conditions but also some recommendations. Gordon Bunshaft, who was the team leader of SOM (Skidmore, Owing and Merrill
423 Tekeli, 2012, p. 41.
424 Aru, Kemal Ahmet. “Avrupa’da Mesken Problemi”. Arkitekt, Sayı: 259-60, 1953, p. 101.
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architecture firm), came to Turkey and prepared a report in 1951. The group's report recommended the establishment of several institutions and committees to coordinate the activities of public and semi-public institutions on planning and housing. Another expert report was Donald Manson's report on workers' housing in 1953. He criticized the Social Insurance Institution’s (Sosyal Sigortalar Kurumu) approach to housing due to serving high-income groups instead of low-income workers. Another well-known expert was Charles Abrams, who came to Turkey in 1954 and completed his report in 1955. Abrams suggested the training of experts by government support which would be beneficial for keeping up with universal developments. In the report of Bernard Wagner delivered in 1956425, it was suggested to establish a “housing agency” for the production of social housing in a planned and programmed manner. Afterwards, Frederick Bath touched upon two important issues in his report in 1960. First, he said that 250.000 houses should be produced annually to close the gap between housing supply and demand. On the subject of squatter houses, he stated that long-term rentals (leasehold) are more appropriate instead of distributing title deeds to give assurance.
The Wedler report, prepared 1 year later, can be seen as a complement to the Bath report in terms of building materials and building styles. The report titled “The Housing Problem in Turkey” prepared by Chailloux-Dantel was published in 1961 as a series of administrative reform studies in Turkey. The report aimed to suggest new areas of research rather than suggesting solutions. In the same year, Johansson examined Provincial Bank (İller Bankası) and Real Estate and Credit Bank and prepared a report on the development of their role in cheap housing production. Finally, Metcalf prepared a report in 1963 that evaluated Turkey's housing policy and brought new suggestions. In this report, he focused on the problem of squatters and suggested the establishment of prevention zones. He suggested that building materials should be standardized, and prefabrication should be developed to make housing construction cheaper.426
425 Wagner, Bernard. “Türkiye’de Mesken Meselesi.” Arkitekt, Sayı: 284, 1956, pp. 78-80.; Wagner, Bernard. “Türkiye’de Mesken Meselesi II.” Arkitekt, Sayı: 285, 1956, pp. 119-139.
426 Tekeli, 2012, pp. 163-173.; Bozdoğan, Sibel. “Turkey’s postwar modernism: a retrospective overview of architecture, urbanism, and politics in the 1950s.” In Mid-Century Modernism in Turkey: Across Cultures in the 1950s and 1960s, edited by Meltem Ö. Gürel, Routledge, 2016, pp. 17-18.
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F. CURRICULUM VITAE
PERSONAL INFORMATION
Surname, Name: Çetinel Ak, Meltem
EDUCATION
2017 – 2023
PhD, History of Architecture
Middle East Technical University, Ankara
2014 - 2017
Master of Arts, History of Architecture
İstanbul Technical University, İstanbul
2008 - 2014
Bachelor of Architecture
İzmir Institute of Technology, İzmir
WORK EXPERIENCE
2020 –
Lecturer
Interior Architecture and Environmental Design Department
İstanbul Kültür University, İstanbul
2017 - 2020
Research Assistant
Interior Architecture and Environmental Design Department
İstanbul Kültür University, İstanbul
2004 - 2017
Research Assistant
Architecture Department
İstanbul Kemerburgaz (Altınbaş) University, İstanbul
FOREIGN LANGUAGES
Advanced English
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PUBLICATIONS
1. Yorgancıoğlu, Derya, Sevinç Tunalı, and Meltem Çetinel. “Student and tutor perceptions of the pedagogical potential and challenges of design jury as an assessment method.” Arts and Humanities in Higher Education 21.2, 2022, pp. 139-157.
2. Güzelci, Orkan Zeynel, and Meltem Çetinel. “A Pedagogical Model to Integrate Computational Thinking Logic to First Year Design Studio.” Handbook of Research on Methodologies for Design and Production Practices in Interior Architecture. IGI Global, 2021, pp. 94-117.
3. Çetinel, Meltem. “Karikatürlerde Konut Temsili: 1950-1970.” Disiplinlerarası Estetik Tartışmalar. SANART Estetik ve Görsel Kültür Derneği, 2021, pp. 345-363.
4. Yorgancıoğlu, Derya, Sevinç Tunalı, and Meltem Çetinel. “Undergraduate Architecture Students’ Perceptions of the Reasons for Their Choice(s) of Profession.” Anadolu Journal of Educational Sciences International 11.2, 2021, pp. 752-770.
5. Yorgancıoğlu, Derya, Sevinç Tunalı, and Meltem Çetinel et al. “Üniversite kampüsünün mekan ve pedagoji ilişkisi bağlamında değerlendirilmesi.” Yükseköğretim ve Bilim Dergisi 2, 2018, pp. 314-326.
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G. TURKISH SUMMARY / TÜRKÇE ÖZET
Geleneksel mimarlık tarihi yazımında ana kaynaklar çoğunlukla mimarlık eserlerinin kendileri veya bunların üretimine, tasarımına, arşivlerdeki veya mesleki süreli yayınlardaki temsillerine ilişkin belgelerdir. Bunlar mimari çizimler, fotoğraflar, haritalar ve maketler olabileceği gibi, mimarları üzerine yazılmış yazılar da olabilir. Öte yandan son yıllarda analiz kaynakları genişlemeye başladı. Filmler, fotoğraflar, afişler ve broşürler gibi reklamlarda yer alan popüler medyadaki mimarlık temsilleri, mimarlık üretiminin profesyonel yönlerinin yanı sıra farklı bakış açıları geliştirmek için tarihçiler tarafından da incelenmektedir. Bu çalışma, bir başka popüler medya türü olarak popüler gazete ve dergilerde yayınlanan karikatürlerde Türkiye'de 20. yüzyıl ortalarında konutun nasıl temsil edildiğini incelemektedir. Bu doğrultuda çalışma, konut üretimi ve mimarlığın medyada görsel temsili olmak üzere iki analiz konusuna odaklanmaktadır.
Karikatür, daha geniş bir izleyici kitlesini, yani sokaktaki insanları hedef aldığı için diğer sanat dallarından ayrışmaktadır. Wechsler de "karikatürün sanat ve yaşam arasındaki uçurumu daralttığını" iddia ederek bu görüşü destekler. Ayrıca karikatürün diğer tüm sanat eylemlerinden daha çok kendi dönemiyle bağlantılı olduğunun da altını çizer.427 Az satırla çok şey anlatabilme özelliği karikatürü resim ya da illüstrasyon gibi sanat dallarından ayırır.428 Karikatürler kendi dönemlerine tanıklık ederler ve bu nedenle karikatürleri inceleyerek tarihsel bir anlatı oluşturmak mümkündür. Karikatürler üretildiği ve sunulduğu dönemin gerçekliğine eşlik eden medya ürünleridir. Dolayısıyla bir konuyu karikatür gibi farklı bir mecradan faydalanarak okumak, karikatürler dönemin ruhunu, ortak meseleleri, sorunları daha akılda kalıcı ve etkili bir şekilde anlattığı için yeni bir tartışma zemini oluşturabilir. Karikatürün etkisi ve başarısı, sivil toplumun önemli bir bileşeni olan karikatüristin, halkın ortaya koyduğu eleştirel metni, halkın bildiği sembollerle bir imgeye dönüştürmesi ve bu imgenin toplumun hafızasında yer etmesidir.
427 Wechsler, Judith. “Editor's Statement: The Issue of Caricature.” Art Journal 43.4, 1983, pp. 317-318. 428 Çeviker et al., 2010, p. 281.
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Bu çalışmanın amacı, konutun toplum tarafından nasıl tasvir edildiği, anlaşıldığı ve yorumlandığı konusunda fikir edinmektir. Mevcut literatürde, belirli konut tiplerini ekonomik olarak karşılayamayanlar da dahil olmak üzere, konut hakkındaki kamuoyu görüşünün genellikle göz ardı edilmektedir. Toplumun yapılı çevreyi nasıl algıladığını ve eleştirdiğini anlamak da disiplinler arası bir araştırmayı gerektirir. Literatürdeki bu eksikliği giderebilmek için, popüler bir araç olarak karikatürler gibi geleneksel mimari belgelerin ötesindeki kaynakları analiz etmek gerekir.
Barınma ve kentsel yaşam, karikatüristlerin sıklıkla üzerinde durduğu konuların başında gelmektedir. Türkiye'de Cumhuriyet'in ilanından sonra konut sıkıntısı, yüksek kira bedelleri, mülk sahibi olma gibi sorunlar giderek yaygınlaşmaya başlamış ve karikatüristler bu gibi toplumun karşı karşıya kaldığı sorunlara önemli ölçüde yer ayırmışlardır.429 Alsaç'a göre karikatürün özellikle dar gelirli kesimde bir başkaldırı aracı olarak kullanılması, sanayileşme ve kentleşme ile ilişkilendirilebilir. Çünkü karikatür önceleri bireylerde sonra da toplumda var olan çarpıklıkları ve çelişkileri gözler önüne seren bir sanat olarak ortaya çıkmıştır.430 Karikatür, siyasal, ekonomik, teknolojik ve fiziksel değişim ve gelişimin sıkı bir takipçisi olmuş, gelişim ve değişimle uyumsuzluklara dikkat çekmiştir. Dolayısıyla bu sanat dalının ürünlerine bakarak geçtiğimiz yüzyılda yaşananları takip etmek mümkündür.431
Popüler medyanın ve mizahın tüm bu avantaj ve potansiyellerini karikatür özelinde dikkate alan bu çalışma, 1950'lerden 1980'lerin ortalarına kadar Türkiye'de konutun popüler medya olan karikatürlerdeki temsiline odaklanmaktadır. 1950 yılı, tek parti döneminin sona erdiği ve çok partili dönemin başladığı ve ülkedeki sosyo-kültürel yaşamdaki değişiklikleri de etkileyen bir eşik olması nedeniyle çalışmanın başlangıç noktası olarak seçilmiş. Bu sebeplere ek olarak 1950'li yıllar, büyük şehirlere göçün artması sonucunda konut açığının artması açısından da önemlidir. 1980'li yılların ortaları, 1984 yılında TOKİ'nin kurulmasıyla konut üretiminde değişikliklere neden olur. TOKİ'nin kurulmasıyla birlikte sadece konut sunum tarzı değil, şehirleşme dinamikleri de tamamen değişmiştir. 1980'li yılların başı aynı zamanda 1980 askeri müdahalesini takip eden yıllardır ve medya kısıtlaması karikatür yayınlarını da etkilemiştir. 429 Çeviker, Turgut. Kent Konut ve Yerleşim Üzerine Karikatürler = the City Homes & Settlements in Caricature (1908-1995). Devlet Güzel Sanatlar Galerisi, 1996, pp. vii-xi.
430 Alsaç, Üstün. Türkiye’de Karikatür Çizgi Roman ve Çizgi Film. 1. basım ed. İletişim Yayınları, 1994, p. 64.
431 Şenyapılı Önder. Neyi Neden Nasıl Anlatıyor Karikatür Kim Niye Çiziyor!? ODTÜ Geliştirme Vakfı, 2003, pp. 137-138.
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1950'lerden 1980'lerin ortalarına kadar olan dönem, Türkiye'de çağdaş hızlı kentleşme ve devam eden modernleşme karşısında konut için de önemi bir dönem olarak görülebilir.
Bu tez, profesyonel olmayan bir medya aracı olarak mizah dergilerinde ve gazetelerde yer alan karikatürlerin konut üretimini analiz etmedeki rolünü incelemektedir. Çalışma, popüler konut temsillerini inceleyerek konutun karikatüristler ve basın tarafından topluma nasıl yansıtıldığını ve dolayısıyla toplum tarafından nasıl algılandığını anlamaya çalışmaktadır. Ayrıca amaç, yalnızca nihai mimari ürüne odaklanmak yerine, profesyonel medyada genellikle gözden kaçan mimari üretim bağlamını ve sürecini derinlemesine incelemektir.
Karikatürler, farklı algı biçimlerini görsel olarak ifade etme yetenekleriyle, insanların yapılı çevreyi nasıl değerlendirdiklerini anlamamıza önemli katkılar sağlayabilir. Dolayısıyla sanatın en erişilebilir biçimlerinden biri olan karikatürler, mimarlık tarihini incelemek için de büyük bir potansiyele sahiptir. Karikatürlerin toplumun kolektif görüşünü doğrudan yansıtmayabileceğini belirtmekte fayda var. Bununla birlikte, toplumun günlük hayatından, sorunlarından ve gerçeklerinden ilham alarak, kamu duyarlılığını ortaya çıkarma ve şekillendirme gücüne sahiptirler. Buna karşılık, profesyonel medya kaynakları genellikle kamuoyunu yansıtma konusunda gerçek bir odaklanmadan yoksundur. Çalışma, bir görsel iletişim aracı olduğu kadar eleştirel bir araç işlevi de gören bir temsil aracı olarak karikatürleri inceleyerek, profesyonel olmayan bu medyanın konut üretimini nasıl temsil ettiğini ve dolayısıyla eleştirdiğini değerlendirmeyi amaçlamaktadır. Çağdaş profesyonel medya, konut tasarımında belirli mimari stilleri ve yaklaşımları desteklerken, karikatürler konut üretiminin eleştirel bir değerlendirmesi için görsel bir platform görevi görmektedir.
Bu çalışma, arşiv araştırmalarından, görsel ve yazınsal analizlerden ve ilgili literatürden elde edilen verilerden yararlanmaktadır. İlk olarak, tüm verileri tek bir çalışmada toplayarak, bu araştırma aynı konuda gelecekte yapılacak araştırmalar için bir temel oluşturabilir. Bununla birlikte, bu alan büyük ölçüde keşfedilmemiş olduğundan, dergilerden ve gazetelerden derlenen imajların dijitalleştirilmesinin önemli bir zorluk teşkil ettiğini belirtmek çok önemlidir. Çeşitli araştırmalar karikatürleri, dergileri veya gazeteleri veri olarak kullanarak analiz etmiş olsa da şu anda özellikle 1950'den 1984'e kadar olan döneme ait organize veya dijitalleştirilmiş bir karikatür koleksiyonu ya da derlemesi yoktur. Bu nedenle, tüm veri toplama çabalarının manuel olarak yürütülmesi gerekmiştir. Çalışma kapsamına hangi gazete ve mizah dergilerinin dahil edileceğini seçerken siyasi ideolojilerindeki çeşitliliğe, aktif olarak karikatür yayınlamalarına ve söz konusu zaman aralığını kapsama kapasitesine odaklanılmıştır. Çalışma kapsamında yer alan mizah dergileri ve gazeteleri Ankara'daki Milli
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Kütüphane ve İstanbul'daki Beyazıt Devlet Kütüphanesi arşivlerinde incelenmiştir. Karikatüristlerin geçmişleri, kişisel görüşleri ve siyasi görüşleri bu tez kapsamında ele alınmamıştır.
Seçilen gazeteler arasında Akşam (1918-), Cumhuriyet (1924-), Hürriyet (1948-), Milliyet (1950-) ve Tercüman (1961-1995) bulunmaktadır. Mizah dergilerinden Akbaba (1922-1977), 41 buçuk (1952), Tef (1954-1955, 1960), Dolmuş (1956-1958), Karikatür (1958-1959), Taş (1959), Taş-Karikatür (1959), Zübük (1962), Gırgır (1972-2017), Çarşaf (1975-1992), Mikrop (1978-1979), ve Balyoz (1979-1980) dergileri seçilmiştir. Mizah ve Çaylak dergilerine hiçbir arşivde ulaşılamamıştır ve bu nedenle başlangıçta amaçlandığı gibi analize dahil edilememiştir. Cumhuriyet ve Milliyet gazeteleri ile Zübük mizah dergisi dijital olarak, diğer gazeteler ise Ankara Milli Kütüphanesi ve İstanbul Beyazıt Kütüphanesi arşivinden manuel olarak incelenmiştir.
Bu çalışma, özellikle karikatür ve konut literatürüne odaklanmakla beraber, medya ve mimarlık tarihi arasındaki ilişkiye dair literatürden de yararlanmaktadır. Yapılan arşiv çalışmaları sonucunda konut sorununun apartman ve gecekondu olmak üzere iki ana yönde ilerlediği tespit edilmiştir. Karikatür ve mimarlık arasındaki ilişkiyi araştıran sınırlı sayıda çalışma olmakla birlikte, bu çalışma aynı zamanda popüler medya ve mimarlık tarihi arasındaki bağlantıyı inceleyen literatürden de yararlanmaktadır.
20. yüzyıl ortalarında konut uygulamaları birçok araştırmacı tarafından farklı yönleriyle tartışılmaktadır. Türkiye'de konutla ilgili çalışmaların çoğu konuyu ekonomik, politik, sosyal ve fiziksel açılardan ele almakta ve genel olarak profesyonellerin görüşlerini yansıtmaktadır. Konutların mimari özelliklerine odaklanan açıklayıcı ve betimleyici çalışmalar da bulunmaktadır. Öte yandan, konut kullanıcıları yani toplum, konuta bakış açıları ve algıları, sürekli değişen yapılı çevrenin bir yansıması olarak konut sorunu, çalışmaların çoğunda ele alınmamıştır. Araştırmanın merkezine kullanıcıyı yerleştiren çok az sayıda toplumsal cinsiyet çalışması bulunmaktadır.
Literatürde birçok araştırmacının konut konusuna farklı sınıflandırmalarla kronolojik bir düzen kullanarak yaklaştığı görülmektedir.432 Bu sınıflandırmaların yanı sıra araştırmacılar
432 Çoban, Aykut Namık. “Cumhuriyetin ilanından günümüze konut politikası.” Ankara Üniversitesi SBF Dergisi 67.03, 2012, pp. 75-108; Sey, Yıldız. “Cumhuriyet Döneminde Konut.” In 75 yılda değişen kent ve mimarlık, edited by Yıldız Sey, Tarih Vakfı Yayınları, 1998b pp.273-300; Şenyapılı, Tansı. “Baraka” dan gecekonduya: Ankara'da kentsel mekânın dönüşümü: 1923-1960. Vol. 173. İletişim
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tarafından tartışılan bir diğer konu da konut sunumu kavramı ve konut sorununun bağlamının bu kavram ve kalıplar çerçevesinde tartışılmasıdır.433 Türkiye'de konut sorunuyla ilgili yapılan çalışmaların bir kısmı olumsuz ve eleştirel bir tona sahip ve konuyu bir 'sorun' olarak ele almaktadırlar. Literatür incelendiğinde konutun sorunlu yönleri öne çıkarıldığında gecekondu olgusuna odaklanan çalışmalar da ön plana çıkmaktadır. Göç, gecekonduların ortaya çıkışı ve kentleşme konuları 20. yüzyıl ortası konut tartışmaları için önemli ve popüler konulardır.434 Sadece gecekondular değil, 1950 sonrası, özellikle kat mülkiyeti kanunu ve yap-sat metodu ile üretimi artan apartman olgusu da literatürde üzerine çalışılan bir konudur. 435 Bunlara ek olarak, bazı araştırmalar tek bir mahalle, şehir veya bölgeye odaklanmaktadır. Çoğu daha betimleyici bir havası olan ve envanter çıkarma amacı taşıyan arşiv çalışmaları olarak değerlendirilebilir. Bu çalışmalar genel çerçeveyi çizdiği için bundan sonraki çalışmalara yardımcı olmaktadır. Bazı çalışmalar belli bir dönem üzerinde yoğunlaşarak seçilen dönemin konut mimarisini etkileyen parametreleri ortaya koymaya çalışır. Ayrıca bazı araştırmalar müstakil ev, apartman, kooperatif, toplu konut gibi konut üretiminin türlerini incelemektedir. Bu çalışmalar aynı zamanda bilgilendirici niteliktedir ve konut üretim yöntemini tarihi, mimari
yayınları, 2004a; Tekeli, İlhan. Türkiye'de yaşamda ve yazında konutun öyküsü (1923-1980). Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, 2012.
433 Tekeli, İlhan. “Türkiye'nin konut tarihine konut sunum biçimleri kavramını kullanarak yaklaşmak.” Konut Araştırmaları Sempozyumu, 2011. 434 Erman, Tahire. Squatter (gecekondu) housing versus apartment housing: Turkish rural-to-urban migrant residents' perspectives. Habitat International, 21.1, 1997, pp. 91-106; Erman, Tahire. “The Politics of Squatter (Gecekondu) Studies in Turkey: The Changing Representations of Rural Migrants in the Academic Discourse.” Urban Studies 38, no. 7, 2001, pp. 983-1002; Işık, Oğuz and M. Melih Pınarcıoğlu. Nöbetleşe Yoksulluk: Gecekondulaşma ve Kent Yoksulları: Sultanbeyli Örneği. İletişim, 2001; Karpat, Kemal H. Gecekondu: Türkiye’de Kırsal Göç̧ ve Kentleşme. 5. baskı ed. Timaş Akademi, 2022; Keleş, Ruşen. 100 Soruda Türkiye’de Kentleşme Konut ve Gecekondu. 5. basım ed. Cem Yayınevi, 2019; Şenyapılı, Tansı. “Cumhuriyet’in 75. yılı, gecekondunun 50. Yılı.” In 75 yılda değişen kent ve mimarlık. edited by Yıldız Sey, Tarih Vakfı Yayınları, 1998, pp. 301-316; Şenyapılı, Tansı. “Charting the ‘voyage’ of squatter housing in urban spatial ‘quadruped’.” European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey, 2004b; Şenyapılı, Tansı, “A Discussion on The Physical Characteristics and The Evolution of The Gecekondu Phenomenon.” METU Journal of the Faculty of Architecture volume 7, 1986, pp. 143-170. 435 Akcan, Esra. Architecture in translation: Germany, Turkey, and the modern house. Duke University Press, 2012; Alexander, Gül Neşe Doğusan. “Caught between Aspiration and Actuality: The Etiler Housing Cooperative and the Production of Housing in Turkey.” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 76.3, 2017, pp. 349-366; Doğusan, Gül Neşe. Bir modernleşme pratiği olarak kooperatifçilik ve bahçeli konut yerleşimleri. Unpublished PhD Dissertation. İstanbul Teknik Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, 2013; Görgülü, Tülin. Türkiye’de Çok Katlı Konutların Değişimi (Apartmanın Öyküsü). Türkiye Alim Kitapları, 2016; Gürel, Meltem Ö. “Domestic Arrangements: The Maid's Room in the Ataköy Apartment Blocks, İstanbul, Turkey.” Journal of Architectural Education 66.1, 2012, pp. 115-126; Gürel, Meltem Ö. “Bathroom as a modern space.” The Journal of Architecture 13.3, 2008, pp. 215-233; Gürel, Meltem Ö. “Defining and living out the interior: the ‘modern’ apartment and the ‘urban’ housewife in Turkey during the 1950s and 1960s.” Gender, Place and Culture 16.6, 2009, pp. 703-722; Öncel, Ayşe Derin. Apartman: Galata'da yeni bir konut tipi. Vol. 55. Kitap Yayınevi, 2010.
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ve kentsel bağlam açısından tanımlamayı amaçlamaktadır. Bu çalışmaları kesin olarak kategorize etmek mümkün değildir çünkü bazıları farklı gruplarda değerlendirilebilir.436
Yukarıda da belirtildiği gibi literatür taramasının ikinci eksenini medya ve mimarlık ilişkisi oluşturmaktadır. Dergiler, gazeteler, filmler, televizyon ve sosyal medya platformları gibi çeşitli medya araçlarında yer alan mimarinin görsel temsilleri, toplumsal değerlerin ve algıların şekillenmesinde önemli bir rol oynamaktadır. Örneğin profesyonel süreli yayınlar, mimari ürünleri mimarlara, mühendislere ve alandaki profesyonellere tanıtacak şekilde sunmaktadır. Bu yayınlar, profesyonelleri sektördeki yeni trendler ve teknolojiler hakkında eğitmeyi, bilgilendirmeyi ve fikir ve görüşlerin paylaşılabileceği bir platform sağlamayı amaçlamaktadır. Bu görsel temsiller, doğası gereği daha teknik olabilir ve tasarım sürecine, malzemelerin kullanımına veya inşaatın teknik yönlerine odaklanabilir.
Öte yandan, popüler süreli yayınlar, mimariyi belirli bir yaşam biçimini veya belirli bir estetiği teşvik edecek şekilde sunabilir. Mimarinin çeşitli medya biçimlerindeki görsel temsilleri, estetik ve eğlence değerlerine ek olarak, dönemin sosyal, politik ve ekonomik gerçeklerine dair iç görü sağlayan tarihsel belgeler olarak da hizmet eder. Günümüz araştırmacıları açısından bu görsel temsiller, geçmişe bir pencere açtıkları için değerli bilgiler sunmaktadır. Bunlar göz önünde bulundurularak, öncelikle medyada konut temsiline odaklanan çalışmalar incelenmiştir.437
436 Detaylı bilgi için bakınız: Aslan, Şükrü. 1 Mayıs Mahallesi: 1980 Öncesi Toplumsal Mücadeleler ve Kent. İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2004; Bozdoğan, Sibel, and Esra Akcan. Turkey: Modern Architectures in History. London: Reaktion Books, 2012; Demirtaş, Neslihan. Social Spatialisation in a Turkish Squatter Settlement: The Dualism of Strategy and Tactics Reconsidered. Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 2009; Güney, Yasemin İnce. “Spatial types in Ankara apartments.” Proceedings of the 5th International Symposium on Space Syntax. Vol. 1. 2005, pp. 623-634; Hart, Charles. Zeytinburnu Gecekondu Bölgesi. Translated by Nephan Saran. İstanbul: İstanbul Ticaret Odası Yayınları, 1969; Tanyeli, Uğur. İstanbul 1900-2000: Konutu ve Modernleşmeyi Metropolden Okumak. Akın Nalça, 2004; Tekeli, İlhan. Konut Sorununu Konut Sunum Biçimleriyle Düşünmek. Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, 2009; Tekeli, İlhan. “Türkiye'nin konut tarihine konut sunum biçimleri kavramını kullanarak yaklaşmak.” Konut Araştırmaları Sempozyumu, 2011, pp. 283-297; Tekeli, İlhan. Türkiye'de yaşamda ve yazında konutun öyküsü (1923-1980). Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, 2012; Tekeli İlhan et al. Gecekondulu Dolmuşlu İşportalı Şehir. 2.basım ed. İdealkent Yayınları, 2020.
437 Ançel, Özge. Mimar/Arkitekt Dergisinde Konut Sorununun Ele Alınışı: 1931-1946. Unpublished PhD Dissertation. Gazi Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, Ankara, 2008; Dinçay, Demet Arslan. 1960-2010 Yılları Arasında İstanbul Kentli Konut İç Mekan Düzenlemelerini Türk Sineması Üzerinden Okumak. Unpublished PhD Dissertation. İstanbul Teknik Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, 2014; Toprak, Gizem Kuçak. 1930 Yılından Günümüze Yarışma Projeleri İçinde Konut Mimarisine Yönelik Projelerin Yeri ve Değerlendirilmesi. Unpublished Master’s Thesis. Gazi Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, Ankara, 2013; Uludüz, Çağrı. Türkiye’de 1931-1980 Dönemi Apartman Konutlarının Mimar/Arkitekt Dergisi Üzerinden İrdelenmesi. Unpublished Master’s Thesis. Karadeniz Teknik Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, 2014.
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Bunlara ek olarak, mimarlık ortamının ilk profesyonel mecrası olan Mimar/Arkitekt dergisine odaklanan birçok akademik çalışma bulunmaktadır. Bu çalışmalar profesyonel mecrayı kaynak olarak kullanırken farklı yaklaşımlara sahiptirler. Bazıları yazılı malzemeye odaklanırken, bazıları görsel verilere odaklanabilir veya hem yazılı hem de görsel veriler birlikte kullanmaktadırlar.438 Sadece yazılı basın değil, sinema da mimarlık ve medya ilişkisini tartışmak için verimli bir zemin sunmaktadır. Sinema toplumdaki siyasi ve sosyo-kültürel değişimleri yansıtan bir sanat dalıdır ve mimarlık ile çok yönlü bir ilişkisi vardır.439 Filmler gibi bazı popüler dergiler veya reklamlar da mimarlığın temsili açısından bazı araştırmacılar tarafından incelenmiştir.440
438 Bakht, Nazlı. Analysis of the Limits of Representation of Architectural Photographic Images in Periodicals. Unpublished Master’s Thesis. Middle East Technical University, The Graduate School of Natural and Applied Sciences, 2007; Bükülmez, Cüneyt. 1930’larda Arkitekt Dergisi’nde Mimari Metinler. Unpublished Master’s Thesis. İstanbul Teknik Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, 2000; Ercanlı, Çağla. Erken Cumhuriyet Dönemi’nde Mimarlık, İdeoloji ve Fotoğraf İlişkisi: Arkitekt Kapakları. Unpublished Master’s Thesis. Dokuz Eylül Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, 2015; Evirgen, Özge. Süreli Yayınlarda Mimarlık Eleştirisi: “Mimarlık” Dergisi Örneği. Unpublished Master’s Thesis. İstanbul Teknik Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, 2018; Göloğlu, Sabiha. Analysing the Mimarlık journal: a study on architecture in Turkey in the 1980s. Unpublished Master's Thesis. Middle East Technical University, The Graduate School of Natural and Applied Sciences, 2011; Sert, Gül Berrak. A Survey on Photographic Representation in Architectural Magazine Covers: Covers of Arredamento Mimarlık. Unpublished Master’s Thesis, Middle East Technical University, The Graduate School of Natural and Applied Sciences, 2006. Fotoğraf üzerine yapılan çalışmalar için bakınız: Özkaya Turan, 2006, p. 184. For further reading see: Ackerman, James S. “On the origins of architectural photography” In This is Not Architecture, Media Constructions, edited by Kester Rattenbury, Routledge, London, 2002; Rosa, Joseph. “Architectural photography and the construction of modern architecture.” History of Photography 22.2, 1998; Szeman Imre and Susie O'Brien. Popular Culture: A User's Guide. Wiley Blackwell, 2018.
439 Atacan, Aylin. Modern Mimarlıkta Yabancılaşma Sorunu; Jacques Tati Filmleri. Unpublished Master’s Thesis. Gazi Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, 2012; Özkaya Turan, Belgin. “Visuality and architectural history.” In Rethinking Architectural Historiography, edited by Dana Arnold, Elvan Altan, and Belgin Turan Özkaya, Routledge, 2006, pp. 183-199; Sözen, Gülçe. Stanley Kubrick ve Mimarlık Eleştirisi: Otomatik Portakal. Unpublished Master’s Thesis. Gazi Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, 2017; Şumnu, Umut. “Önemli Bir Mimarlık Belgeleme Aracı Olarak Sinema Filmleri: Sivri Akıllılar Filmi ve Nebioğlu Tatil Köyü”. Sanat Yazıları, 2017, pp. 349 – 360. Detaylı bir okuma için bakınız: Dimendberg, Edward. “In ordinary time: considerations on a video installation by Inigo Manglano Ovalle and the New National Gallery in Berlin by Mies van der Rohe.” In Rethinking Architectural Historiography edited by Dana Arnold, Elvan Altan, Belgin Turan Özkaya, Routledge, 2006, pp. 110-120; Koeck, Richard. Cine-Scapes: Cinematic Spaces in Architecture and Cities. Routledge 2013; Pallasmaa, Juhani. The Architecture of Image: Existential Space in Cinema. 2nd ed. Rakennustieto 2007; Penz, François et al. Cinema & Architecture: Méliès Mallet-Stevens Multimedia. British Film Institute 1997; Pınar, Ekin. “The Place of Women’s Filmmaking in an Interdisciplinary Architecture Course.” Open Screens, 5.2, 2023, pp. 1-15.
440 Kocaman, Enise. Türkiye’de Domestik Kültürün Değişimi: Yedigün Dergisi Üzerinden Bir İnceleme (1933-1940). Unpublished Master’s Thesis. İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, Lisansüstü Eğitimleri Enstitüsü, 2022; Özdemir, Emre. Modern Mimarlık Mitlerinin Üreticisi Olarak Reklam: ‘Mimarlık’ Dergisi Örneği. Unpublished Master’s Thesis. İstanbul Teknik Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, 2015; Theocharopoulou, Ioanna. “Architecture and Advertising: Terms of Exchange? Arts and Architecture 1944-1950.” Thresholds, 1999, pp. 6-11; Uz, Funda. Seksenler İstanbul’u Kentsel Söylemini Popüler Yazılı Medya Üzerinden Okumak. Unpublished PhD Dissertation. İstanbul Teknik Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, 2007.
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Tüm bu literatüre ek olarak mimarlık ve karikatür arasındaki ilişkiye odaklanan çalışmalar da literatür taramasının önemli bir kısmını oluşturmaktadır. Karikatürler genellikle odaklandıkları konuyla doğrudan ilgili bir çerçeve çizer. Seçtikleri konular kamuoyunun gözlemlediği ve tecrübe ettiği güncel sorunları veya eksiklikleri içerir. Temsil edilenlerin iki yüzü olduğu için halka neyin sunulduğunun gözlemlenmesi açısından önemli belgelerdir. Bunları iktidarın ortak bir düşünceyi ortaya koyma araçları olarak okumak mümkün olduğu kadar, kamusal reaksiyonun temsili olarak da kabul etmek mümkündür. Karikatürlerde mimari, mimari pratikler ve kentsel imgeler sıklıkla ana konu ya da arka plan imgesi olarak kullanılmıştır. Karikatürler genellikle siyaset bilimi, iletişim ve gazetecilik alanlarındaki akademik çalışmaların konusu olmuştur. Ancak mimarlık, mimarlık tarihi ve karikatürlerin ilişkisini ele alan pek çok yeni anlatı sunabilecek yeterli akademik çalışma bulunmamaktadır.
Mimarlık disiplininden, karikatürü temel araştırma kaynağı olarak ele alan ender çalışmalardan biri Yaprak Tütün'ün 2004 yılında yüksek lisans tezi olarak yazdığı “Kentsel Modernleşmeye Mizahi Yaklaşımlar”, ikincisi ise Deniz Dokgöz tarafından 2012 yılında doktora tezi olarak yazılan “Karikatürün Hedef Nesnesi Olarak Modern Mimarlığın 'Kübik Ev' Üzerinden Eleştirisi”, sonuncusu ise Hakan Keleş tarafından 2013 yılında yüksek lisans tezi olarak yazılan “Mizah Dergilerinde Erken Cumhuriyet Dönemi Kenti”dir.
Tütün, 1908'den 1922'ye kadar Osmanlı'nın son döneminde mizah dergilerinde yayınlanan, özellikle İstanbul'la ilgili karikatürlere odaklanmaktadır. Tütün, geç dönem Osmanlı karikatürlerinin otoriteyi eleştirme eğiliminde olduğunu, ancak dini konularda nispeten sessiz kaldığını ortaya koymaktadır.441 Dokgöz ise ağırlıklı olarak erken Cumhuriyet dönemi karikatürlerine odaklanıyor. Dokgöz'ün araştırmaları, “Kübik Ev” kavramının mizah dergilerinde yayınlanan karikatürlerdeki tasvirine odaklanarak, modern mimarinin biçimsel dilinin bu sanatsal ortam üzerinden nasıl yorumlandığına ışık tutmayı amaçlamaktadır.442 Son olarak Keleş, kentlerin dönüşümünün ve bu sürecin mizah dergilerinde nasıl algılandığını ve tartışıldığını ele almaktadır. Amaç, bu değişikliklerin şehrin toplum tarafından algılanmasını nasıl etkilediğini anlamaktır.443
441 Tütün, Yaprak. Kentsel Modernleşmeye Mizahi Yaklaşımlar (1908-1923). Unpublished Master’s Thesis. Yıldız Teknik Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, 2004. 442 Dokgöz, Deniz. Karikatürün Hedef Nesnesi Olarak Modern Mimarlığın “Kübik Ev” Üzerinden Eleştirisi. Unpublished PhD Dissertation, Dokuz Eylül Üniversitesi Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, 2012. 443 Keleş, Hakan. Mizah Dergilerinde Erken Cumhuriyet Dönemi Kenti. Unpublished Master’s Thesis. İstanbul Teknik Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, 2013.
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Mevcut literatür, karikatürleri mimarlık tarihine yeni bakış açıları kazandırmak için bir araç olarak kullanan sınırlı sayıda çalışma ortaya koymaktadır. Bu çalışmalar ya geç Osmanlı ya da Erken Cumhuriyet dönemlerine odaklanmıştır. Ancak 1950'lerden itibaren atmosfer değişmeye başlamıştır. Tek partiden çok partili hayata geçiş, İkinci Dünya Savaşı'nın etkisi, hızlı kentleşme ve bunun şehirlerde ve konut örüntüsündeki sonuçları gibi unsurlar karikatürlerin konularında da değişimleri beraberinde getirmiştir. Sonuç olarak, savaş sonrası dönemde karikatürler, eleştirel bakış açılarını ifade etme ve toplumsal sorunları tartışma konusunda daha büyük bir potansiyele sahiptir.
Mevcut literatürde genelde mizah dergilerinde yer alan karikatürleri inceleyen çalışmalara odaklanılmaktadır. Ancak bu çalışmada mizah dergilerinde yayınlanan karikatürlere ek olarak günlük gazetelerde yayınlanan karikatürler de incelenmiştir. Düzenli olarak yayınlanan günlük gazeteler, güncel olaylarla doğrudan bağlantılı karikatürler içermekte ve bu da onları mevcut kamuoyunun anlaşılması için değerli bir kaynak yapmaktadır. Buna karşılık mizah dergileri, genellikle dönemin hakim otoritesine karşı muhalif bir duruş sergilemektedirler.
Konut temsilini karikatür üzerinden incelemek tarihin tamamını elbette yakalayamaz, ancak karikatürün görsel iletişim ve eleştiri aracı olmak gibi iki farklı özelliğinden yararlanarak yeni bir bakış açısı sunar. Karikatürlerin temel farklarından biri, belirli yönleri vurgulamak için soyutlama ve abartma gibi yöntemleri kullanarak mesajlarını görsel olarak iletme yetenekleridir. Üstelik karikatürler, mimarlık disiplininden profesyoneller tarafından değil, eleştirilen sorunların bir parçası olan bireyler tarafından yaratılmaktadır. Bu yön, ikinci tanımlayıcı özellik olan eleştirel doğalarına da katkıda bulunur. Karikatür, her türlü idari makama ve güce muhalefetin simgesi olmuştur. Karikatür, simgesel kodlar aracılığıyla yarattığı imgelerle, gündelik yaşama yönelik eleştirisini okuyucuya ileterek görsel bir iletişim kurar. Bu kodlar ve simgeler, karikatüristin gözlemlerinden yola çıkarak yaptığı soyutlamaların sonucudur. Halk tarafından kabul gören bu semboller, diğer farklı karikatüristler tarafından da tekrarlandıkça görsel hafızaya yerleşir. Bu nedenle bazı terim ve kavramların karikatürlerde görsel karşılığı bulunmaktadır. Bu tür soyutlanmış imgeler ulusal veya uluslararası düzeyde olabilir. Örneğin bir güvercin ya da bir zeytin dalı tüm dünyada barışı simgelerken, siyasetçiler melon şapkalar ve smokinlerle temsil edilmektedir ve bu imgeler, yayınlanan coğrafyadan bağımsız olarak her yerde aynı şekilde anlaşılmaktadır. Benzer olarak zengin, fakir, modern, geleneksel, gecekondu ya da apartman kavramları da
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belirli imgelere indirgenmesiyle okuyucunun karikatürün konusunu kolayca ve hızlı bir şekilde algılaması ve bu yolla yapılan eleştirilerin kavranması sağlanmaktadır.444
Karikatürler, olaylara ve konulara hızlı ve spontane yanıt verme yetenekleriyle öne çıkar ve onları özgün bir yorum aracı haline getirir. Bu bakış açısıyla çalışma, soyutlamalarla oluşturulan görsel anlatımlı imgeler ve semboller aracılığıyla eleştirileri ortaya koyan karikatürlerin altında yatan anlamları keşfetmeyi amaçlamaktadır. Gazete ve dergilerden derlenen barınma konulu karikatürler tematik gruplandırma ile eleştirel mecra olarak incelenmektedir. Nihayetinde, yorum ve eleştiriyle dolu tarihi belgeler olarak karikatürlerin analizi ve değerlendirilmesi, bu tezin tematik çerçevesini oluşturmaktadır.
Karikatürlerin incelenmesinde ilk olarak görsel betimleme ele alınmaktadır, ardından karikatürün derin anlamı ve taşıdığı eleştiriler irdelenmektedir. Karikatürist, toplumda zaten tartışılan popüler konulara değinerek hızlı yanıtlar alınmasını sağlar. Özünde karikatürler, toplumun önemli bir kesimi tarafından güncel olarak gündemde olan ve çokça eleştirilen konuları gün ışığına çıkarır. Bu da karikatürlerin toplumda tartışılan ve karşı karşıya olunan en sorunlu konuları temsil ettiğini kanıtlamaktadır.
Bu tez, giriş ve sonuç dahil olmak üzere dört bölümden oluşmaktadır. 1. Bölüm genel olarak tezin amacı, kapsamı, metodolojisi ve literatür taramasına dair bilgiler içermektedir. 2. Bölüm, mimarlık tarihi için değerli bir kaynak olarak karikatürlerin potansiyelini inceleyerek çalışmanın teorik çerçevesine odaklanmaktadır. Bu bölüm, karikatürlerin önemini tartışarak, farklı tanımları ve genel tarihsel arka planı açıklayarak başlar. Ardından karikatürün görsel iletişim aracı ve eleştirel araç olmak üzere iki önemli rolünü vurgular. Bu özellikler, karikatürlerin akademik çalışma için değerli bir materyal olma potansiyelini vurgulamaktadır. 2. Bölümün son kısmı, Türkiye'deki karikatürlerin kısa bir tarihini sunarak, 1950'ler ile 1980'lerin ortalarına kadar konutla ilgili karikatürlerde ifade edilen ana argümanların anlamlandırılması için temel oluşturmaktadır. Böylece okuyucuyu, analizin ana odağını oluşturan 3. Bölüm için hazırlar.
Tezin özgün kısmını oluşturan 3. Bölüm ise üç ana alt başlığa ayrılmıştır. Birinci bölümde konut sorunu ana kavram olarak ele alınarak kentleşme ve konut üretimine odaklanılmıştır.
444 Detaylı bilgi için bakınız: Dokgöz, G. Deniz. "Erken Cumhuriyet dönemi konut mimarlığının dönüşümü." Betonart, no.36, 2013, pp. 46-51; Dokgöz, G. Deniz. "Görsel İmgeler ve Karikatürler Arakesitinde “Ankara Construit”," Art-e Sanat Dergisi, vol.15, no.30, 2022, pp. 1521-1549.
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Bu bölüm, konut sorununu çevreleyen tartışmaları incelemek için ana literatürü gözden geçirmektedir. Ardından konut konularıyla ilgili olarak Türkiye'nin sosyo-politik ve ekonomik bağlamı ile devam etmektedir. Daha sonra Türkiye'deki barınma sorununun dönemin karikatürlerinde nasıl temsil edildiği irdelenmektedir. Bu bölümün ikinci kısmında ise politikacı, ev sahibi, müteahhit, kiracı ve şehre yeni gelenler gibi konut ile ilişkili aktörlerin rollerinin karikatürlerdeki konut olgusu ile ilişkisi incelenmektedir. Aktörler üzerine yapılan tartışmanın ardından, bir sonraki bölümde 1950-1984 yılları arasında konut üretiminin yaygın biçimleri olan apartman ve gecekondu literatürü incelenmektedir. Araştırma sırasında, karikatürlerin, başlangıçta çalışmanın amaçlanan odak noktası olmayan apartman blokları ve gecekondular arasında tekrar eden bir ikiliği ortaya çıkardığı görülmektedir. Ardından, bu başlığın son bölümünde söz konusu ikili durum dikkate alınarak karikatürlerde temsil edilen ve dolayısıyla eleştirilen Türkiye'deki yirminci yüzyıl ortası konut üretiminin biçimsel/mimari, kentsel ve sosyal karşılaştırmalı analizleri yapılarak bu konut tiplerinin karikatürlerdeki temsilleri irdelenmektedir. Son olarak, 4. Bölümde, Türkiye'de yirminci yüzyıl ortalarını temsil eden karikatürlerin analizinin sonuçları ve yorumlarıyla bu tezi sonlandırmaktadır. Genel bir sonuca varmanın yanı sıra, konuyla ilgili daha fazla araştırma için öneriler içermektedir.
Karikatür, farklı disiplinlerdeki çeşitli araştırmacılar ve karikatüristler tarafından farklı özellikleri vurgulanarak tanımlanmıştır. Bir dizi tanım olmasına rağmen, bazı ortak noktaları paylaşırlar. Genel olarak karikatürler, karikatüristlerin çizimleri kullanarak okuyucularıyla etkileşime girdikleri bir görsel iletişim biçimi olarak kabul edilir. Bunun yanı sıra, karikatür salt mizahı aşarak bir eleştiri aracı olma özelliğine de sahiptir. Aslında, karikatürün birincil işlevinin yalnızca eğlenceli ve komik olmaktan öte eleştirel olduğu kabul edilir. Karikatürleri özelleştiren şey, biçimsel özelliklerinden yararlanarak kamuoyunu şekillendirme ve aynı zamanda hiciv sanatı aracılığıyla mevcut kamuoyu duyarlılığını yansıtma ve yankılama becerileridir.
Karikatür döneminin özünü yakalayan yansıtıcı bir ayna görevi görür. Bir karikatürün içeriği, sanatçının bakış açısının bir tezahürüdür ve dolayısıyla sanatçının içinde bulunduğu toplumun bir yansımasıdır. Sanatçı, karikatürlerini dergi veya gazetelerde yayınlayarak vermek istediği mesajı kamuoyu ile paylaşmaktadır. Karikatürün halk tarafından kabulü değişebilse de karikatürlerin genelde toplumu ilgilendiren konuları ele almaktadır. Karikatürler, erkin denetiminden bağımsız ve muhalif bir niteliğe sahip olduklarından, toplumdaki sivil mimarlık algısını ve bilişini ortaya koyma potansiyeline sahiptir.
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Bir karikatürü bir resimden, fotoğraftan ya da standart bir çizimden farklı kılan mizahi karakteridir. Mizahla birlikte verilen mesajlar daha geniş bir kitleye ulaşabilir ve etkili olabilir. Karikatür, mizahi yönünün yanı sıra, görsel iletişim ve eleştiri aracı olmak üzere iki önemli özelliğe sahiptir. Görsel iletişim açısından karikatür, imgeler aracılığıyla iletilen mizah dolu bir mesajdır. Karikatüristler, semboller oluşturmak için kişisel yansımalar, gözlemler, yazılı materyaller ve olaylar gibi çeşitli kaynakları kullanırlar. Bu semboller daha sonra çizgilere dönüştürülür ve bazen birkaç kelime eşlik ederek karikatürcünün mizahi yaklaşımını ve kişisel tarzını yansıtır. Tamamlanan karikatür daha sonra basına sunulur ve ardından okuyuculara iletilir.445
Karikatürler, mesajlarını hızlı ve güçlü bir şekilde iletme konusunda etkilidir. İletilmek istenilen mesajı diğer basılı iletişim araçlarına göre daha kolay anlaşılır kılar. Okuyucu baş sayfadaki bir karikatürün verdiği mesajı, köşe yazılarını okumaya kıyasla daha kolay ve hızlı şekilde anlayabilir. Karikatürler, yazılı medya araçlarıyla söylenemeyenleri ortaya koyan güçlü görsel araçlardır.446
Karikatürler yoluyla iletişimin yazılı medya yoluyla iletişimden farklı olmasının birkaç sebebi vardır. Birincisi, karikatürler, doğrusal olarak sunulan ve farklı bilişsel süreçler gerektiren yazılı veya sözlü metinlerin aksine, anlamları ve duyguları neredeyse anında iletir. Bu, siyasi karikatürlerin bir bakışta anlaşılmasını ve daha fazla kişiye ulaşmasını sağlar. Ayrıca karikatürler, sözel olarak ifade edilmesi zor olabilecek şeyleri, kişiler ve olaylar hakkında incelikli ve karmaşık mesajları çizim detayları sayesinde kolaylıkla iletme yeteneğine sahiptir. Mizahın politik karikatürlerde kullanılması, sanatçıların, köşe yazılarında uygunsuz olabilecek, aşırı veya tartışmalı bakış açılarını sunmalarına da olanak tanır.447
Karikatürün mesajını anlamak için okuyucunun arka plan bilgisine sahip olması gerekir. Karikatürü daha iyi anlayabilmek için okuyucu, karikatür ve güncel siyasi atmosfer arasında bir ilişki olmalıdır. Başka bir deyişle, karikatürün gücü, tarihsel ve sosyo-politik hafızayı tanıdık metaforlar ve semboller aracılığıyla ortaya koyabilmesinde yatmaktadır. Semboller
445 Topuz, Hıfzı. “Karikatür ve İletişim.” In Karikatür ve İletişim, 2. Uluslararası Karikatür Festivali Bildiriler Kitabı (10-14 Mayıs 1996), edited by Nezih Danyal et al. Karikatür Vakfı Yayınları, Ankara, 1996, p. 9. 446 Kemnitz, Thomas Milton. “The cartoon as a historical source.” The Journal of Interdisciplinary History 4.1, 1973, p. 84.
447 Gilmartin, Patricia, and Stanley D. Brunn. “The representation of women in political cartoons of the 1995 World Conference on Women.” Women's Studies International Forum. Vol. 21. No. 5, 1998, p. 536.
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evrensel kabul edilse bile karikatür belli bir gruba ya da millete ait kültürel unsurları kullanarak mesajını iletir.448 Karikatürler, dramatik etki için belirli unsurları abartarak mesajlarını iletmek için görsel anlatım kullanır. Bu teknik, karikatürü belirli bir konunun ana mesajını güçlendiren ve onu daha geniş bir kitleye etkili bir şekilde ileten güçlü bir araca dönüştürür. Sonuç olarak, karikatürler, karmaşık veya zorlayıcı fikirleri aktarmada genellikle diğer medya biçimlerinden daha etkilidir. Önemli mesajları iletirken eğlendirme yetenekleri, onları çok çeşitli konuları ele almak için değerli bir araç haline getirir.449
Karikatürler sadece mizah malzemesi değil aynı zamanda toplumsal güç ilişkilerinin eleştirel bir değerlendirmesidir. Karikatüristler, toplumun kusurlarına işaret ederek ve ortaya çıkan ihtiyaçlara cevap vererek, toplumsal sorunlara katkıda bulunan ve potansiyel çözümler sunan kuruluşlara dikkat çekerler.450 Karikatürler bireyleri, toplumu, toplumsal olayları ve olguları eleştirme aracıdır. Bu nedenle yasak ya da ayıp sayılan toplumsal normlara ve tabulara karşı sorgulayıcı bir tavır takınarak, içsel anlamsızlıklarını açığa vururlar. Bu nedenle karikatürler, onları bir kendini ifade etme aracı ve hatta bir isyan biçimi olarak kullanan toplumdaki ezilen ve ayrıcalıklardan yoksun gruplar tarafından sıklıkla desteklenmektedir.451
Karikatürler, kitlelere ses vererek ve ezilen veya marjinalize edilmiş bireylerle özdeşleşmeye izin vererek fikirleri demokratikleştirebilir. Böylece karikatürler, aksi takdirde görmezden gelinebilecek veya marjinalleştirilebilecek olanların sesini yükselterek sosyal adaleti ve eşitliği teşvik etmek için güçlü bir araç olarak hizmet eder.452 Karikatür, geçmişte, bugünde ve gelecekte var olan ve siyasetle iç içe geçmiş kültürel, ekonomik ve sosyal konuları aktarma yeteneğine sahiptir. Karikatür, doğası ve tanımı gereği, hiciv yoluyla kültürel, ekonomik, sosyal ve politik düzenleri manipüle eden politik bir varlık haline gelmiştir. Doğrudan bir muhatap olmaksızın hiciv, mizah ve mecazlarla sistemi ve siyasetçileri eleştirir. Karikatürün amacı, çeşitli biçimlerde eleştirilerinin yanı sıra geçmiş, şimdiki ve gelecekteki varoluşu
448 İnce, Gökçen Başaran. “The Free Republican Party in the political cartoons of the 1930s.” New Perspectives on Turkey 53, 2015, pp. 96-97.
449 Cantek & Gönenç̧, 2017, p. 64.
450 Topuz, 1986, p. 72.
451 Alsaç, 1994, p. 12.
452 Roberts Daniela. “The Thorn of Scorn: John Nash and His All Souls Church for a Transformed Regency London.” In Laughing at Architecture: Architectural Histories of Humour, Satire and Wit, edited by Michela Rosso. Bloomsbury Publishing, 2019, p. 66.
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vurgulamak ve insanları düşünmeye yöneltmektir. Karikatürün halk için bir sanat olarak görülmesinin nedeni budur.453
Karikatür, çelişkiler sonucunda ortaya çıkan sorunları tartışır ve bu çelişkileri kullanarak sorunu kendine özgü bir şekilde sorgular. Sorunla ilgili olay, kişi ve kurumları şakalaştırarak, alay ederek, hicvederek sorunun gerçek nedenlerini araştırır. Karikatür, sorunlara dünyayı ve insanlığın yaşam koşullarını iyileştirme hedefiyle yaklaşır ve bu bakış açısıyla eleştirir.454 Hem mizah dergileri hem de gazeteler karikatürleri güçlü bir iletişim aracı olarak kullanırlar. Gazeteler bağlamında, karikatürler genellikle ana haber ve makaleleri tamamlamak ve geliştirmek için yaratılır. Karikatürler, mesajı görselleştirerek ve mizahı kullanarak güncel olaylar hakkında eleştiri ve yorumları etkili bir şekilde iletebilir. Aslında karikatür, gazetecilik pratikleriyle yakından ilgilidir ve bir gazete sanatı olarak değerlendirilebilir. Özellikle siyasetle ilgili olarak toplumun nabzını, değerlerini ve önyargılarını takip etmek için vazgeçilmez bir görsel araçtır. Karikatürler, güncel olayların özünü yakalama ve karmaşık siyasi mesajları, geniş çapta anlaşılabilen, kolayca sindirilebilir görüntülere çevirme konusunda ve toplumun nabzını tutmak, özellikle siyasetle ilgili olarak değerlerini ve önyargılarını anlamak için hızlı ve etkili bir araçtır.455
Karikatürün hem kuvvetli bir görsel iletişim aracı olması hem de toplumun ve döneminin nabzını tutan bir eleştirel araç olması, 20. Yüzyıl ortalarında Türkiye’de konutun toplum tarafından nasıl tasvir edildiği, anlaşıldığı ve yorumlandığı konusunda oldukça verimli bir tartışma alanı sunmaktadır. Ekonomik ve siyasi sorunlar, 1950'li yıllardan itibaren Türkiye'nin büyük kentlerinde konut sorununa yol açan göç ve bunun sonucunda ortaya çıkan kentleşmenin getirdiği toplumsal dönüşümle doğrudan ilişkilidir. Pek çok araştırmacının da belirttiği gibi kentleşme, göç, gecekondular ve apartman blokları yirminci yüzyılın ortalarında Türkiye'nin konut dokusuna ilişkin yaygın olgulardır. Hızlı ve çarpık kentleşmenin bir sonucu olan gecekondulaşma, apartman yapımıyla birlikte değişen aile ve yaşam tarzı ve bunların kentin fiziki yapısına etkileri tartışılan konulardır. Bu fiziksel değişimler çeşitli aktörler
453 Porumbita, Mihaita. “Karikatürler ve Politika.” In Karikatür ve Siyaset, 7. Uluslararası Karikatür Festivali Bildiriler Kitabı (4-8 Mayıs 2001), edited by Özge Kayakutlu et al., Karikatür Vakfı Yayınları, Ankara, 2001, p. 47.
454 Danyal, Nezih. “Sorunu Sorun Yapmak.” In Karikatür ve Mizah, 10. Uluslararası Karikatür Festivali Bildiriler Kitabı (7-11 Mayıs 2004), edited by Resmiye Koç, Nezih Danyal, Sadi Sabur. Karikatür Vakfı Yayınları, Ankara, 2004, p. 9.
455 Cantek & Gönenç̧, 2017, p. 84.
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üzerinde toplumsal bir etkiye sahip olduğu gibi, farklı aktörler de fiziksel değişimlerin oluşumunda etkili olmaktadır.
20. yüzyılın ortalarında Türkiye'deki konut sorunu, ülkedeki konutun çağdaş durumunu görsel olarak temsil eden ve eleştiren dönemin karikatürleri aracılığıyla da analiz edildiğinde, konut sorununun toplumsal bir sorun olma niteliğine uygun olarak, konutların ödenebilirliği eleştirilerin ana eksenini oluşturmaktadır. Karikatürler genel olarak topluma yetecek kadar konut olduğunu ancak ihtiyacı olanlar için ödenebilir olmadığının altını çizmektedir. Dar gelirlilerin barınma sorunu, ağaç kovukları, ağaç dalları, bacalar, çatılar, banklar, köpek kulübeleri ve hatta harem gibi uygunsuz alanlarda yaşamanın temsili ile vurgulanmaktadır. Tüm bu tür karikatürler, konut sorununun temel kaynağının ödenebilir konut eksikliği olduğunun altını çizmekte ve bu gerçeği normal şartlarda yaşanamayacak yerlerde yaşayan vatandaşların temsilleriyle ifade etmektedirler.
Yeni konut üretim yöntemlerinin ortaya çıkardığı toplumsal ve ekonomik sınıfsal farklılıklar, apartman bloklarının pahalı tüketim malları olarak eleştirilmesiyle vurgulanmaktadır. Karikatürlerde konut sorununun yanı sıra konut ve konuta dair problemler iki ana aks üzerinden eleştirilmektedir. Bunlar konuta dair aktörler ve konut tipleri olarak iki genel başlıkta ifade edilebilir. Konut üretiminin aktörleri, konut ve kentleşme kararlarından sorumlu olanlar, üretim sürecinde yer alanlar, buradan gelir elde edenler, bunları kullananlar ve hatta barınma ihtiyaçlarını gidermek adına kendileri inşa edenler gibi geniş bir yelpazeyi kapsamaktadır.
Konut ve kentleşme kararlarından sorumlu olan erk ya genel olarak politikacı imgesi ile ya da dönemin bilinen politikacıların imgeleriyle temsil edilmektedir. Devletin konut sorununa yaklaşımı, kira düzenlemeleri, kredi sağlama gibi mali önlemler, sosyal ve uygun fiyatlı konut inşa etme çabaları, gecekondu yerleşimlerine yönelik tutumlar ve mevcut konut sorununu siyasi çıkarlar için kullanılan stratejiler dahil olmak üzere çeşitli yönleri kapsamaktadır. Barınma sosyal güvenliğin ayrılmaz bir parçası olduğu için barınma ihtiyacının devletin sağlaması önemlidir. Özellikle enflasyonun yüksek, alım gücünün düşük olduğu toplum ve dönemlerde dar gelirli kiracı ailelerin korunması daha da önem kazanmıştır. Öte yandan, kirası dondurulan veya sınırlandırılan konut sahibi, mülkiyet hakkının sağladığı avantajlardan yararlanma olanağından mahrum kalmaktadır.
Kiraların serbest bırakılması hem 1950'lerde hem de 1960'larda gündeme gelmiştir. Dönemin karikatürleri incelendiğinde her iki dönemde de bu konuya tepki verildiği görülmektedir.
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Devletin kiraları serbest bırakma kararı hem kiracıyı hem de mal sahibini ilgilendirse de dönemin karikatürleri genellikle mağduriyeti daha da fazla olan kiracı lehine olmuştur. Karikatürcüler genel olarak devleti, kiracıları düşünmemek ve bilerek hayatlarını zorlaştırmakla eleştirilmektedir.
Devlet ve kamu kuruluşların düşük gelirli ailelerin ve işçilerin konut sahibi olması için kredi verme planları bu dönemin gündemde olan konularındandı. Krediye hazırlık dönemi arsa fiyatlarının yükselmesine neden olurken, aylık taksitler dar gelir gruplarının bu kredilerden yararlanmasını zorlaştırmıştır. Bunun sonucunda sadece üst gelir grupları bu kredilerden yararlanırken, bir yandan gecekondular yaygınlaşırken, diğer yandan lüks konutlar artmaya başlamıştır. Yani temel hedef olan dar gelirlilere konut yoluyla destek olma fikri, yanlış planlama ve uygulamalar sebebiyle gün sonunda yalnızca yüksek gelirli grubun yararına olmuştur. Ancak karikatürler incelendiğinde bu konuya farklı bir bakış açısıyla yaklaştıkları görülmektedir. Genellikle dar gelirli kesimin bu kredileri ödeme güçlüğüne ve sosyal konutların standartlarına odaklanmaktadırlar.
Karikatürlerde bu konu, hükümetin konutların ebatları ve konumları açısından elverişsiz olan sosyal ve ucuz konutlar yapmayı planladığı argümanıyla eleştirilir. Yani karikatürler büyük apartman bloklarına para harcanmasını eleştirmemektedir ve dar gelirli kesim için küçük konut talebi de yok gibi görülmektedir; aksine genel olarak küçük metrekareli toplu konut projelerinin yaşam standartlarına uygun olmadığı vurgulanmaktadır.
Genel olarak bu eleştiriler sınıf ayrımına dayanmaktadır. Karikatürlerin genel yorumu, dar gelirli grupların küçük ve kalitesiz evlerde yaşamaya zorlandığı şeklindedir. Karikatürler, profesyonellerin çözüm odaklı rasyonel bakış açılarından farklılaşarak kullanıcının, dolayısıyla toplumun bakış açısıyla bakar. Karikatürlere göre devletin ve kamu kurumlarının yaklaşımı, sözde dar gelirli vatandaşlara yardım ederken, sınıf ayrımını derinleştirmektedir.
Dönemin karikatürleri, hükümetlerin gecekondu olgusuna yaklaşımını, bu konuda yaptıkları eylemleri ve bu eylemlerin sonuçlarını da eleştirmektedir. Devlet genellikle gecekondu sorununa çözüm bulmamak ya da buluyor gibi yapmakla eleştirilmektedir. Karikatüristler, devletin gecekonduları yıkıp yerine apartman blokları yapmanın ötesinde yeni çözümler önerme yeteneğinden yoksun olduğunu öne sürerek, devletin konut politikalarını eleştirmektedir. Gecekondu yerleşimleri ile seçimler arasında gözlemlenen korelasyon karikatürlerde de sıklıkla temsil edilmiştir. Seçim öncesi ve sonrasında birçok siyasetçi gecekondu bölgeleriyle ilgili farklı görüşler ortaya koymuştur ve farklı eylemlerde
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bulunmuştur. Gerek mevcut gecekondu sayılarının gerekse seçim döneminde sayılarının artması nedeniyle gecekonduların seçim sonuçlarının belirlenmesinde oldukça etkili olduğu da görülmektedir. Bu da karikatürlerde, politikacıların seçim dönemlerinde illegal gecekondu inşaatlarına oy toplamak uğruna göz yumdukları şeklinde temsil edilerek seçim dönemlerinde değişen çıkarcı tavırları eleştirilmiştir. Ancak seçim dönemlerinde hoşgörüden yararlanılarak yapılan gecekonduların çoğu seçimden sonra yıkılmıştır.
Yukarıdaki konulara ek olarak, farklı yıllara ait karikatürlerde sıkça karşılaşılan bir başka konu da konut politikası yürüten politikacıların veya kurumların konut sorununa çözüm olarak konut boyutunu küçültmeyi önermeleridir. Bu konu karikatürlerde evlere, odalara sığmayan insanların temsiliyle gösterilmektedir. Politikacıların konut problemine sunduğu çözüm önerileri de iki farklı şekilde karikatürlerde eleştirilmektedir. Birinci grupta politikacılar konut sorununu çözeceğine dair sözde vaatlerde bulunur şekilde temsil edilmektedir. İkinci grupta ise bilindik politikacıların konut sorununa karşı sunduğu somut önerilerin abartılarak işe yaramaz çözümler olarak temsili görülmektedir. Genel olarak, pek çok karikatürde siyasetçilerin barınma sorununu çözmek için gerçekçi ve somut çözümler üretmediği vurgulanmakta ve sadece vaatlerde bulunmakla hatta bu sorunu çözme olanağına bile sahip olmamakla eleştirilmektedir.
İkinci aktör grubunda konutların üretiminde ve kullanımında rol alan ev sahipleri, müteahhitler ve kiracılardır. Bu aktörlerin konut üretimi, tüketimi ve buna bağlı sorunlarda farklı avantaj ve dezavantajları bulunmaktadır. İkinci Dünya Savaşı'ndan sonra özel inşaatlar artmasına rağmen İstanbul'da inşa edilen binlerce konut, kiraları çok yüksek olduğu için kiralanamamaktadır. Bu gerçeklik karikatürlerde de eleştirilmektedir. Bu eleştiriye sahip karikatürler genel olarak, üzerinde çok sayıda kiralık tabelasıyla temsil edilen modern bir apartman ile sunulmaktadır. Modern bir apartman görüntüsünün temsili, evin yeni inşa edildiğini ifade eder. Bu tür karikatürler, ev sahibi, kiracı veya müteahhit arasındaki diyalogla da desteklenerek, yeni inşa edilen bu apartmanın barınma ihtiyacı olanlar tarafından kiralanamadığı vurgulanmaktadır.
İmar faaliyetleri nedeniyle artan kamulaştırmalardan yararlanmaya çalışan ev sahiplerinin hemen kiralarını artırmaları karikatürlerde sıklıkla tekrarlanmaktadır. Dolayısıyla serveti sürekli artan ev sahipleri daha çok kazandıkça daha çok apartman inşa ederek daha da zenginleşmektedirler. Bu koşullarda, kira artışlarını karşılayamayan kiracılar ya da konut arayan göçmenler çok daha küçük, kalitesiz evlerde yaşamak zorunda kalmışlardır. Karikatürler, bir evde bir odaya düşen insan sayısını vurgulayarak bu durumu eleştirmektedir.
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Bu durumu eleştiren karikatürler aslında bir kısır döngüye dikkat çekmektedir çünkü bu koşullar altında ne dar gelirliler barınacak bir ev bulabilmektedir ne de sınıfsal farklılıklar dengelenmektedir. Bu duruma ülke genelinde konut sorunu açısından bakıldığında karikatüristlerin eleştirileri söz konusu sorunun altında yatan sebepleri ve gerçekleri ortaya koymaktadır. Ev sahipleri ve kiracılara ek olarak, konutla ilgili bir diğer aktör de müteahhittir. Müteahhitler tipik olarak zengin ve iyi giyimli, ağızlarında bir sigara ile bir apartmanın inşasını denetleyen olarak tasvir edilmektedir. Sadece üretimden sorumlu olmalarına rağmen, genellikle bu durumdan en çok yararlanan kişiler olarak eleştirilmektedirler.
Son aktör grubu ise köylerden kentlere büyük umutlarla göç eden şehrin yeni sakinleridir. Bu grup karikatürlerde hem tekil olarak hem de yönetici güçlerle yaşadıkları çatışmalar ile temsil edilmektedir. Karikatürler, Türkiye'de yirminci yüzyılın ortalarında barınma sorunuyla sonuçlanan en önemli kentleşme süreci olan kırdan kente göçle ilgili çeşitli konuları ele almıştır. Bunlar arasında göçmenlerin kentte karşılaştıkları zorluklar, göçmenlerin yaşam koşulları ve mekânları ile kent sakinlerinin ve hükümetlerin onlara yönelik algıları yer almaktadır. Gecekondu sakinleri, gecekondu olgusunun tartışılmasında önemli aktörlerdir.
Devlet, kentlere sürekli göçü önlemek için bir kentleşme politikası geliştirmemiş ve bu konuda karikatürlerde de sıklıkla eleştirilmiştir. Aslında, sanayileşme süreci nedeniyle devlet, seçim zamanlarında ucuz işgücü kaynağı ve siyasi destek sağlamak için köylüleri şehirlere göç etmeye aktif olarak teşvik bile etmiştir. Köylüler için şehir bir umut ışığı ve çocukları için daha iyi bir gelecek vaadini temsil etmektedir. Bu anlayışla hareket eden birçok köylü, zamanla şehirlere akın etmiş ve kendi yaşam alanlarını kurmuştur, ardından genellikle aile üyeleri veya hemşerileri gelmiştir. Sanılanın aksine şehre göç eden köylülerin sabit gelirli işleri olmadığı, sokaklarda ekmek, süt, simit gibi şeyler sattıkları görülmektedir. Bu durumları temsil eden karikatürlerin amacı pek çok kişinin sandığı gibi, şehre göç etmenin mutlaka refahta bir artışı garanti etmediğini göstermektir. Göçmenlerin bereketli topraklarını büyük umutlarla terk etmelerine rağmen şehirde düşük ücretlerle sokaklarda çalışmak zorunda kaldıklarını vurgulanmaktadır. Genel olarak karikatürcünün amacı, şehir hayatının gerçeklerinin insanların algıladığından önemli ölçüde farklı olabileceğini ve şehirde herkesin başarı ve refaha ulaşamayacağını göstermektir.
Kırsal alanlardan şehre göç edenler, barınma, ulaşım, eğitim, sağlık, eğlence, ısınma, beslenme gibi temel ihtiyaçlarını şehirde karşılamakta zorlanmalarına rağmen, köyden kente göç sürekli artarak devam etmiştir. Bunun nedeni, şehir yaşamının faydalarının zorluklara ağır basması ve küçük köy veya kasabalardan daha fazla fırsat sunmasıdır. Bu bağlamda, “İstanbul'un Fethi”
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gibi temalar ile, yeni gelenleri işgalci olarak tasvir eden karikatürlerde göç konusu sıklıkla işlenmektedir. Benzer şekilde yeni gelenlerin yaşam alanı olan gecekonduların da şehri işgal ediyormuş gibi görüldüğü örnekler vardır. Bu karikatürlerde göçmenler genellikle fatih ya da işgalci olarak, şehir de tıpkı Osmanlı dönemindeki İstanbul gibi surlarla çevrili olarak temsil edilmiştir.
Şehre göç edenler konusunda devreye giren bir diğer kilit aktör de otoritedir. Siyasetçilerin ele alındığı bölümde, yeri geldiğinde göçmenler ile otorite arasındaki ilişkiye değinilmiştir. Ancak bu ilişki sadece siyasetçilerle sınırlı değildir. Bilindiği gibi yeni gelenlerin yaptığı gecekondular kaçaktır ve yıkılmaları her daim söz konusuydu. Gecekondu sakinleri, evlerinin her an yıkılacağı korkusuyla yaşıyordu. Bu konuyla ilgili karikatürler, göç edenlerin savunmasızlığını ve otorite baskısı karşısında konutlarını koruma mücadelelerini vurgulayarak, otorite ve gecekondu sakinleri arasında oynanan güç dinamiklerini etkili bir şekilde tasvir etmektedir.
Gecekondu yerleşimleriyle ilgili yetkililerin aldığı kararlar her zaman yıkımla ilgili değildir. Bazen bu yerleşim yerlerinde yaşayan insanların başka yerlere taşınması da gündeme gelmiştir. Bu durum karikatürlerde genellikle buldozerlerin evleri sakinleriyle birlikte taşıması şeklinde anlatılır. Bu karikatürlerde, gecekondu başka bir yere taşınıyor olsa da gecekondu sorununun devam ettiğini ileri sürerek daha derin bir anlam bulunmaktadır. Burada yapılan eleştiri, gecekondu yerleşimlerinin yeniden konumlandırılmasının mutlaka gecekondu sorununun çözüldüğü anlamına gelmediğidir. Aksine bu tip kararlar, gecekondu döngüsünü devam ettirerek, başka alanlarda yeni gecekondu yerleşimlerinin üretilmesiyle sonuçlanmaktadır. Karikatürlere yöneltilen eleştirilerden biri de politikacıların gecekondu kararlarını çoğu zaman evsiz kalabilecek olan konut sakinleri üzerindeki etkisini düşünmeden aldıklarıdır.
Genel olarak, bu karikatürler, geçici çözümler yerine konuya kapsamlı bir yaklaşıma duyulan ihtiyacın altını çizmektedir. Bu karikatürler, gecekondu sorununa yönelik çözümlerin genellikle yetersiz olduğunu ve sorunun temel nedenlerini ele almadığını vurgulamaktadır. Ayrıca, gecekondularla başa çıkma süreci, zaten savunmasız olanları daha da marjinalleştirirken, genellikle belirli gruplara fayda sağlamıştır. Sonuç olarak, karikatürler, gecekondu sorununu ele almak için, konut sakinlerinin ihtiyaç ve haklarını dikkate alan ve soruna katkıda bulunan sosyal ve ekonomik faktörleri ele alan daha kapsamlı ve etkili yaklaşımlara olan ihtiyacı hatırlatır.
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Karikatürlerdeki konut sorunu temsili ile ilgili bir diğer ana başlık ise konut tipleriyle ilgilidir. Daha önce de belirtildiği gibi, dönemin baskın konut türleri, modern ve resmi yaşam alanları olarak kabul edilen apartman blokları ve yakın zamanda şehirlere taşınan insanlar için gayri resmi barınak olan gecekondulardı. Artan kentsel nüfusu barındırmak için inşa edilen apartman blokları, modernliğin ve ilerlemenin simgesi olarak kabul edilmiştir. Öte yandan, hükümetlerin şehirlere taşınan insan akınına uygun fiyatlı konut sağlayamaması nedeniyle gecekondular ortaya çıkmıştır. Sonuç olarak, insanlar genellikle şehirlerin dış mahallelerinde kendi derme çatma barınaklarını inşa etmeye başlamıştır ve bu da gecekondu yerleşimlerinin oluşmasına yol açmıştır.
Konut üretiminin birincil türü olarak apartman bloklarının, enformel konut üretimi olarak da gecekonduların hakimiyeti, kentliler ve dolayısıyla bu değişimler üzerine çeşitli söylemler üreten karikatüristler tarafından sıklıkla konu edilmiştir. Bu tezin son kısmında apartman ve gecekondu tiplerinin karikatürlerdeki temsilleri biçimsel, kentsel ve toplumsal açılardan ele alınmaktadır. Bu iki tip konutun kentsel peyzaj üzerindeki etkisini anlamak önemlidir ve karikatürlerde nasıl tasvir edildiği, toplum tarafından nasıl algılandığına dair fikir verebilir. Genel olarak, karikatürlerdeki konut türlerinin temsili, sosyal ve kentsel değişimlerin bir yansıması olarak hizmet etmekte ve konut üretiminin kentsel gelişim üzerindeki etkisine ilişkin değerli yorumlar sağlayabilmektedir.
Apartman bloklarının karikatürlerdeki temsili, profesyonel dergilerdekilerle benzer özellikler taşır. Yerden yükseltilmiş, cepheleri yatay veya yuvarlak pencerelerle düzenlenmiş ve düz çatı ile tamamlanmışlardır. Tüm örneklerde apartman blokları, çok keskin hatlarla yatay veya dikey olarak düzenlenmiş dikdörtgen prizmalar olarak temsil edilmiştir. Geometrik formlara verilen önem sadece dönemin mimarisi ile ilgili değildir, karikatürlerde apartman kavramının neyi simgelediği ile de alakalıdır. Apartman bloklarının karikatürlerde dümdüz, dayanıklı ve sağlam yapılı olarak temsil edilmesi, ait oldukları sosyal sınıfın iktidar dinamiği ile doğrudan ilişkilidir. Üst gelir grubunun yaşam alanlarının bu şekilde tasvir edilmesi, bu sosyal sınıfın toplumdaki gücünü, dayanıklılığını ve kalıcılığını yansıtır. Buna karşılık, gecekonduların karikatürlerdeki temsili, çevreden toplanan malzemelerle kötü inşa edilmiş, eğri, dengesiz ve görünüşe göre yıkılmanın eşiğinde olarak tasvir edilir. Bu tasvir, bu evlerde yaşayan sınıfın geçici, zayıf ve güçsüz doğasını temsil etmektedir. Bu tasvirler, aynı zamanda, bu sosyal grubun zayıflıklarını ve güvencesizliğini ve yeterli barınma sağlamada karşılaştıkları zorlukları vurgulamaktadır.
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Apartman bloklarının yüksekliğini vurgulayan karikatürlere de sıkça rastlanmaktadır. Karikatürler, binaları gerçekçi bir şekilde temsil etmeyi amaçlamaz, bunun yerine tartışmayı veya eleştirmeyi amaçladıkları belirli konulara ve durumlara dikkat çekmek için belirli yönleri abartmayı tercih ederler. Dönemin apartman blokları o kadar yüksek olmasa da karikatürlerde genellikle bulutların ötesine uzanan, yerçekimine meydan okuyan ya da üst katlara asansörle bile ulaşması uzun süren yüksek yapılar olarak tasvir edilmiştir. Bunun nedeni, çok katlı apartman bloklarının hala alışılmadık bir konut türü olarak görülmesi olabilir. Ancak, apartman bloklarının yer aldığı tüm karikatürler, yüksekliklerini bu kadar vurgulamamıştır. Genellikle sadece çok katlı binalar olarak tasvir edilirler ki bu zaten apartman bloklarının ayırt edici bir özelliğidir. Apartmanlarda yaşamak arzu edilirken, topluma yeni bir yaşam tarzı getirdiği ve alışık olmadığı yaşam alanları olduğu için de eleştirilmiştir.
Karikatüristler, gecekonduların ortaya çıkışını mizahi bir şekilde tasvir ederek, konut eşitsizliğinin ve yasal konutlara erişim eksikliğinin altında yatan sorunlara dikkat çekmişlerdir. Daha önce de bahsedildiği gibi gecekondular, o dönemde kente yeni gelenlerin ya da kentte konut sahibi olamayanların inşa ettiği bir başka konut üretim biçimiydi. Karikatürlerin konusu farklı olsa da gecekondular karikatürlerde sıklıkla resmedilmiştir. Gecekonduların neredeyse bir gecede ve sıfırdan aniden ortaya çıkışı karikatürlerde popüler bir konuydu. Gecekondular, apartman bloklarından farklı olarak, eğri çizgiler, yamalı çatılar, geleneksel soba kullanımını gösteren bacalar ve taşlarla desteklenen cephelerden oluşan tek katlı, küçük ve salaş konutlar olarak temsil edilmektedir. Karikatürler sıklıkla gecekonduların geçici doğasını tasvir ederek, dayanıksızlıklarının altını çizmektedir. Bu yinelenen tema, evleri rüzgarın insafına kalmış, her an uçup gitmeye hazır olarak tasvir edilmektedir.
Karikatürler genellikle apartman blokları ve gecekonduları birlikte temsil ederek sosyal eleştiriyi öne çıkarır. Bu iki konut türü, toplum içindeki farklı gelir gruplarını ve yaşam tarzlarını temsil etmektedir. Bu tür karikatürler, gecekondularda yaşayan insanların apartmanlarda yaşayanlara göre genellikle daha düşük ekonomik statüye sahip olduklarını ve daha geleneksel yaşam tarzları sürdürdüklerini göstermektedir. Apartman bloğu ise modernliği, gelişmeyi ve zenginliği temsil eder. Gecekondu ve apartman bloklarının karikatürist tarafından temsil edilme biçimlerindeki farklılıklar, iki konut tipi arasındaki zıtlığı vurgulamayı amaçlamaktadır.
Karikatürler hem apartmanlara hem de gecekondulara yönelik birçok eleştiriyi kentsel ölçekte yansıtır. Bu tür karikatürler, yüksek apartman bloklarının kent siluetine ve kent yaşamına etkisini, ayrıca daha önce kent çeperlerinde bulunan ve artık toplumdan tepki ve yorum alan
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gecekonduların kente dahil edilmesini tartışmaktadır. Kent ölçeğinde birbirinden bağımsız düşünülemeyecek olan gecekondu ve apartmanların kentte bir ikilik olarak bir arada bulunması karikatürlerde sıklıkla vurgulanır. Bu konuların karikatürlerde betimlenmesi, kentleşmenin zorlukları ve sürdürülebilir kalkınma ihtiyacı üzerine tartışmak için bir araç sunmaktadır.
Gecekonduların kent ölçeğindeki etkisi, artan gecekondu mahallelerinin miktarına yapılan vurgu ile ifade edilmektedir. Bu konudaki karikatürler genellikle İstanbul’un gecekondular tarafından işgal edildiğini ya da İstanbul’un neredeyse gecekondular ile temsil edecek kadar çok sayıda gecekonduya ev sahipliği yaptığını vurgulamaktadır. Bazıları gecekondu yerleşimlerinin kente yeni gelenler için gerekli bir yaşam alanı sağladığını savunurken, diğerleri bu tür yerleşimlerin kentsel doku ve yaşam üzerindeki olumsuz etkilerine işaret etmektedir. Gecekonduları şehrin güzelliğini bozan nesneler olarak gören görüşler de vardır. Bu bakış açısı, onların gecekonduları inşa etmek ve bu evlerde yaşamak zorunda kaldıkları gerçeğini göz ardı etmektedir. Bu konuyu eleştiren karikatürler genelde sözde şehrin güzelliğini bozan gecekonduların bir şekilde maskelendiğini ya da gizlendiğini göstermektedir. Yani aslında bu yolla devletin bu konuya sunduğu çözümün geçici ve sadece şekilci olduğunu da eleştirmektedir.
Yüksek apartman blokları da kentsel siluet üzerindeki etkileri ve yeni kent surları olma potansiyelleri nedeniyle eleştirilmektedir. Bu tema, apartmanların şehir ile deniz arasında yükselen ve şehri çevreleyen sıra evler olarak tasvir edildiği karikatürlerde sıklıkla gündeme getirilmektedir. Bu karikatürler, bu apartman bloklarının sadece yüksek yapılarını vurgulamakla kalmaz, aynı zamanda şehir içindeki sayılarındaki önemli artışı da vurgulanmıştır. İlginçtir ki, konunun gecekondularla ilgili olduğu durumlarda, modern ve gelişmiş yaşam tarzını temsil eden apartman blokları bazı özellikleri nedeniyle eleştirilmektedir.
Gecekonduların dönüşümü, apartman ve gecekonduların kent ölçeğindeki ilişkilerine ilişkin bir başka temadır. Başlangıçta gecekondular, barınmaya ihtiyaç duyan ve içinde yaşayan yeni gelenler tarafından inşa edilirken zamanla bu evler ticari bir meta haline gelmiştir. Genellikle değerli araziler üzerinde yer alan gecekonduların yıkılması ve ardından apartman bloklarının inşa edilmesiyle değişen kentsel dokuyu anlatan karikatürler bulunmaktadır. Özellikle gecekondu alanlarında dönüşüm sonrası apartman bloklarının inşa edilmesi, kent dokusundaki gecekondu-apartman ikiliğini şiddetlendirmektedir. Bu karikatürlerin altında yatan en önemli eleştiri, fiziksel özellikleri ve sundukları yaşam biçimleri itibariyle farklılık gösteren bu iki
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konut tipinin birbirinin üretimini desteklemesidir. Karikatüristler, bu kısır döngüyü devam ettiren müteahhitleri olduğu kadar, bu durumu kontrol edemeyen, önleyemeyen ve çözüm bulamayan yetkilileri de eleştirmektedir.
Kentsel alanlarda konut gelişimini ve kullanımını şekillendiren karmaşık sosyal, ekonomik ve politik faktörleri anlamak önemlidir. Örneğin, gecekondu yerleşimleri genellikle yoksulluk, eşitsizlik ve yetersiz barınma politikalarının bir sonucu olarak ortaya çıkmıştır ve karikatürler de hükümetlerin herkes için karşılanabilir ve yeterli konut sağlama konusundaki başarısızlığının altını çizmektedir. Öte yandan apartman blokları daha gelişmiş bir barınma yöntemi olarak görülse de toplumun her kesimine uygun konut sağlama konusunda başarısız olmuştur. Yasadışı barınmanın bir sembolü olarak görülmesine rağmen, gecekondular genellikle apartman bloklarından daha erişilebilir bir seçenektir. Ancak, karikatürlerde de görüldüğü gibi, bazı apartman blokları da kaçak olarak inşa edilmiş, ancak yetkililer bunlara göz yumma eğiliminde olmuştur.
Bir apartmanda yaşamak, sosyal statülerinde bir değişikliği temsil ettiği için, genel halk için, özellikle düşük gelirliler için ortak bir istekti. Bir apartmanda yaşamanın arzu edilirliği ve statüsü, apartman bloklarında oturanlarla gecekondu evlerinde oturanlar arasındaki ekonomik ve sosyal eşitsizliklerin hem nedeni hem de sonucudur. Gecekondu sakinleri hem mekansal hem de ekonomik avantajlar açısından apartman bloklarında yaşayanların çok gerisinde kalmaktadır. Karikatürler genellikle gecekondularda yaşayan dar gelirli gruplar için hayatın adil olmadığını, apartmanlarda yaşayanların daha ayrıcalıklı olduğunu vurgulamıştır.
Sonuç olarak, 20. yüzyılın ortalarında seçilmiş gazete ve dergilerde yayınlanan konut konulu karikatürler incelendiğinde, çalışma boyunca vurgulanan karikatürlerin eleştirel niteliği, Türkiye'deki konut sorununun ortaya çıkarılmasına olanak sağlamıştır. Karikatürlerde apartman ve gecekondular dışında konut temsiline rastlanmamıştır. Karikatürlerdeki konut sorunu ve ilişkili konulardaki temsiller toplumsal sorunlara dikkat çekerken yetkilileri eleştirme aracı olarak işlev görmüştür.
Apartmanlar ve gecekondular gazetelerde ve mizah dergilerinde benzer şekillerde temsil edildiği görülmüştür. Bu konutların temsili, toplumun onları nasıl algıladığına dair önemli veriler barındırmaktadır. Karikatürler sadece kamuoyunu yansıtmakla kalmaz, aynı zamanda onları daha geniş bir kitleye yayar ve büyütür. Hem gazete karikatürleri hem de mizah dergisi karikatürleri, kamusal alanda yaygın olan konuların bir yansımasıdır. Haber karikatürlerinin gazetelerin ilk sayfalarında belirgin bir şekilde yer alması ve günlük olarak yayımlanması
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dikkate alındığında, güncel ve popüler konulara uyum sağlamanın önemine işaret etmektedir. Aynı şekilde, mizah dergileri de popülaritelerini korumak ve satışları artırmak için ilgili toplumsal meseleleri ele almışlardır. Bu çalışmada, halkın konutu nasıl algıladığına değil, konutla ilgili güncel konuların araştırılmasına ve devam eden tartışmaların kamusal bir bakış açısıyla tartışılmasına odaklanılmaktadır.
Çalışmanın başında özellikle gazete seçiminde sağ ve sol ideolojiye sahip yayınlar tercih edilmiş ve bunun sonucunda ne gibi farklılıklar ortaya çıkacağı merak konusu olmuştur. Ancak gazetenin ideolojisi ne olursa olsun karikatürlerin barınma sorununa yönelik tutumlarında benzerlikler olduğu tespit edilmiştir. Bu durum bazı karikatüristlerin farklı gazetelerde çalışmaları ile açıklanabileceği gibi karikatürün eleştirel yapısının bir sonucu olduğu da söylenebilir. Ancak bu konu, karikatür dışındaki gazetelerin materyallerinin de incelenerek karşılaştırmalı bir analiz yapılması açısından gelecekte yapılacak çalışmalarda önemli bir yere sahiptir. Bu çalışma, konut sorununun profesyonel medya tarafından ele alındığı yönleri ve eleştirdiği veya tartıştığı belirli konuları hariç tutmaktadır. Ayrıca bu tezde, profesyonel ve profesyonel olmayan medya arasında doğrudan bir karşılaştırma yapmasa da gelecekteki araştırmaların bu yönü keşfetme potansiyeli vardır.
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