425

 NORÐMENN INIR VIÐFÖRLU: MOTIVATIONS FOR
LONG- DISTANCE TRAVEL BY SCANDINAVIANS

August 2023
Embedded within Scandinavian history, the theme of extensive long-distance journey
stands as a defining motif. Predominantly embodied by the Viking Age, spanning
approximately two and a half centuries, this proclivity saw Scandinavians emerge as
conquerors, raiders and traders across Europe and the British Isles – effecting
considerable spatial traversals. As the Viking Age started to wane, the motif of longdistance
journey persisted, yet transformed in character. Evolving from roles as
marauders and settlers, a shift occured toward mercenary engagements under Russian
princes, Varangian Guards service, and pilgrimages signifying a nuanced
metamorphosis. This research focalises on three prominent elevent-century figures:
Yngvarr víðförli, Haraldr Sigurðarson, and Eiríkr inn góði. Each emblematic of
distinct categories of extensive peripatetic undertakings, their selection ensures a
comprehensive portrayal of medieval Scandinavia, culled from the Icelandic sagas
iv
about Sweden, Norway and Denmark. Scrutinizing these sags, this thesis aims to
excavate main motivations propelling these individuals on their remarkable journeys
across substantial geographic expanses.
v
ÖZET
NORÐMENN INIR VIÐFÖRLU: MOTIVATIONS FOR LONG-DISTANCE
TRAVEL BY SCANDINAVIANS c. 1000 – 1200

Uzun mesafeli yolculuk teması İskandinav tarihinde belirleyici bir motif olarak yer
almaktadır. Ağırlıklı olarak Viking Çağı ile somutlaşan ve yaklaşık iki buçuk yüzyıla
yayılan bu eğilim, İskandinavların Avrupa ve Britanya Adaları'nda fatihler, akıncılar
ve tüccarlar olarak ortaya çıktığını ve önemli mekânsal geçişler gerçekleştirdiğini
gördü. Viking Çağı sona ermeye başladığında, uzun mesafeli yolculuk motifi devam
etti, ancak karakteri değişti. Yağmacı ve yerleşimci rollerinden, Rus prensleri altında
paralı askerlik, Varangian Muhafızları hizmeti ve hac yolculuklarına doğru bir kayma
meydana gelerek incelikli bir metamorfoza işaret etmiştir. Bu araştırma, yüzyılın önde
gelen üç figürü etrafında şekillenmektedir: Yngvarr víðförli, Haraldr Sigurðarson ve
Eiríkr inn góði. Her biri farklı kategorilerde geniş kapsamlı peripatetik girişimlerin
simgesi olan bu kişilerin seçimi, İsveç, Norveç ve Danimarka hakkındaki İzlanda
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sagalarından derlenen Ortaçağ İskandinavya'sının kapsamlı bir tasvirini
sağlamaktadır. Bu destanları inceleyen bu tez, bu kişileri önemli coğrafi
genişliklerdeki olağanüstü yolculuklarına iten temel motivasyonları ortaya çıkarmayı
amaçlamaktadır.
vii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Primarily, I would like to thank my advisor David Thornton for bearing with me and
my countless emails throughout this project. His door was always open to me
regardless of the subject and give me the best advice when I needed it, even though it
was harsh. I also would like to thank Dr Paul Latimer. Thanks to his Latin skills and
always showing us the little tricks about Latin language, I was able to translate the
Latin texts for this project when needed. Additionally, I would like to thank Dr Luca
Zavagno for encouraging me and supporting me from the first day we met. I would not
be a historian without him.
I would like to my family who supported me mentally and financially
throughout these years. My mom, Selda, for always providing me food and studybreaks
when I needed it. I adore her strength and unbreakable soul. My dad, Fatin, for
enhancing my interest in history with his limitless knowledge on history and always
making me laugh on our phone calls. They both made me the person who I am today
and I am deeply grateful.
I wish to thank my dearest friends Birce and İzel who always accepted my
study dates throughout this process, even when they have nothing to study. I could not
have stay up all night for all those nights without them. To my dearest friend Ayşe,
who was with me literally from the day one, for being my colleague, my friend, my
critic and my support throughout these seven years. Also, I cannot describe how much
I am grateful to my precious friend Zeynep for providing me with the mental support
whenever and wherever I needed.
viii
I want to express my gratitude to Deniz Cem Gülen. I cannot describe how
much I would be lost without him and his knowledge. He was both my number one
supporter and harshest critic throughout this process. I believe, I could not complete
this thesis without his support and the knowledge I admire. Also, to Sarah Davis-
Secord, whose book Where Three Worlds Met inspired me hugely when I was deciding
on my thesis topic.
My favourite creatures on the planet earth, who were always with me in the
longest nights, Süt and Sucuk, gave me the biggest support. They stayed up with me
every night, especially in this last month when I was struggling to complete my thesis,
and gave me unnecessary biscuits for mental support. I could not do this without their
presence in my home.
Finally, I would like to thank my chosen family, my soul mates, my beloved
ones, Derinay and Serdar. I do not know how to express my love and gratitude for
them. They always picked up their phone regardless of the time, talked with me until
I feel comfortable; cheered me up even in the days I thought I can never be happy
again. They were my greatest fans and supporters but never abstained from criticising
me when necessary. I adore their souls and will always be grateful for the friendship
and love they have given me.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION ................................................................................. 1
1.1. Literature Review .................................................................................................. 2
1.2. Methodology ......................................................................................................... 5
1.3. Thesis plan ............................................................................................................ 8
CHAPTER II: THE FAR-TRAVELLER ................................................................... 11
2.1. Who is Yngvarr inn viðförli? — Yngvars saga and its errors ............................. 12
2.2. Genealogy of Yngvarr through Yngvarr Rune Stones ........................................ 18
2.3. Yngvarr’s Journey Overseas ............................................................................... 28
2.4. Russo-Scandinavian Relations in the Eleventh Century ..................................... 29
2.5. Analysis ............................................................................................................... 40
2.6. Conclusion ........................................................................................................... 42
CHAPTER III: THE COMMANDER OF THE VARANGIANS ............................. 44
3.1. Non-Romans in the Roman Army ....................................................................... 44
3.2. Norsemen in the Roman Army ........................................................................... 47
3.3. Establishment of the Varangians ......................................................................... 51
3.4. Haraldr Sigurðarson and the reason why he left Norway — Comparison of
Heimskringla, Morkinskinna and Fagrskinna ............................................................ 54
3.5. Haraldr Hardrada as the commander of Varangian Guard .................................. 57
3.6. Analysis ............................................................................................................... 61
3.7. Conclusion ........................................................................................................... 64
CHAPTER IV: THE PILGRIM ................................................................................. 66
4.1. Medieval Pilgrimage in Europe — Reasons ....................................................... 67
4.2. Scandinavian Pilgrims ......................................................................................... 70
4.3. Eiríkr inn góði in Knýtlinga saga ........................................................................ 71
4.4. Eiríkr inn góði as a Christian king in Knýtlinga saga ......................................... 74
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4.5. Eiríkr inn góði as a Christian king in Gesta Danorum ........................................ 77
4.6. Historia de profectione Danorum in Hierosolymam .......................................... 81
4.7. Leiðarvísir og Borgarskipan ............................................................................... 85
4.8. Analysis ............................................................................................................... 88
4.9. Conclusion ........................................................................................................... 91
CHAPTER V: CONCLUSION .................................................................................. 94
BIBLIOGRAPHY ...................................................................................................... 96
1
CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION
One of the most significant themes in Scandinavian history is the long-distance
journey; undertaking long distances was a so deeply established concept that in the
Icelandic saga tradition one can find various chieftains who bear the epithet “Far-
Traveller” (inn viðförli). The first and most prominent example of this far-travelling
tradition is the Viking Age. For almost two hundred and fifty years, they left their
marks as conquerors, raiders and traders throughout Europe and the British Isles by
travelling long distances. Towards the conclusion of the tenth and the commencement
of the eleventh century, a period concurrent with the termination of the Viking Age,
the pervasive motif of the “long-distance journey” retained its prominence. On the
other hand, it is possible to observe a change in the types of long-distance journeys in
the same period. From raiders, conquerors and settlers, they became mercenaries,
Varangian Guards, and pilgrims.
Despite the extensive corpus of secondary literature focused on the nature of
emerging modes of movement, potential routes, and intermediate rest points along
these pathways, there appears to be a noticeable gap in the scholarly discourse
concerning the underlying incentives behind the aforementioned new types of longdistance
journeys undertaken by medieval Scandinavians which is the primary concern
of this thesis.
This study will centre its attention on three prominent figures who lived in the
eleventh century and engaged in distinct categories of long-distance travel: Yngvarr
víðförli, Haraldr Sigurðarson, and Eiríkr inn góði. For the comprehensive
representation of the kingdoms within medieval Scandinavia, the selection of figures
was drawn from the historical narratives of Sweden, Norway and Denmark,
2
respectively. By primarily scrutinizing their sagas, this study will delve into the
underlying impetuses propelling these individuals to embark upon their respective
long-distance journeys.
Finally, for all the primary and secondary sources written in other than English,
Latin and Old Norse, a translation program named DeepL was used throughout this
thesis and for the translation of Historia de Profectiona Danorum in Hierosolymam, I
use my own knowledge in Latin.
1.1. Literature Review
Omeljan Pritsak’s book The Origin of the Rus’ offers extensive research on the Old
Scandinavian sources. Apart from an examination of the sources, the book includes a
comprehensive exposition covering the entirety of the work and an introductory
overview of both sections related to Scandinavia. The book is organised into six
significant parts; among those “Exploration of Runic Inscriptions” was substantially
used as a first step to explore Yngvarr and his expedition to east. Particularly, chapter
seventeen of the aforementioned part, entitled “Yngvarr hinn víðforli and His
Campaign in Særkland (1041)”, commences with a thorough research on Yngvarr’s
pedigree and expedition to the east through analysing Yngvars saga, Yngvarr rune
stones and Müneccimbaşı’s (d. 1702) Jāmiʿ al-duwal (Compendium of Nations). In
the following section, entitled “The Expedition to Khwārism” he analyses the rune
stone Vs 1 and explores the possible meanings of the word karusm carved on the Vs 1
to find more clues on the expedition of Yngvarr. In the last part of chapter seventeen,
he analyses the message of Yngvarr stones. However, since neither the Yngvarr stones
nor the Yngvars saga comprise information about the motivation of Yngvarr’s journey,
the book does not discuss the possible motivations for such a long journey. One could
argue that a discussion about Yngvarr’s motivation might have been initiated after the
3
sections concerning Jāmiʿ al-duwal and the rune stone Vs 1 and the word karusm since
it is possible to find a clue by examining the possible directions of the journey.
It would be unwise not to use Ferdinand Braun’s article “Hvem Var Yngvarr
Enn Vidförli? Ett Bidrag till Sveriges Historia under XI Århundradets Första Hälft”
published in Förvannen, Journal of Swedish Antiquarian Research. Due to his valuable
research and analysis, the reader gains insight into the extent of information rune
stones can offer regarding their proprietor. Swedish National Heritage Board’s
(Riksantikvarieämbetet) Digital Services have also been crucial for this research. Their
website’s very user-friendly interface for searching rune stones according to the text,
signum or place of the rune stones saved much time.
Regarding the archaeological evidence of Scandinavian presence on Russian
soil, Jonathan Shepard and Anne Stalsberg’s articles were particularly brief and to the
point.1 Both their narratives explain the archaeological findings and their significance
laconically. Stalsberg’s list in the appendix regarding the archaeological findings in
northwestern Russia is especially valuable. She puts everything in three groups,
Scandinavian-type graves, towns and hoards, enumerates all the finds and gives the
related corpus about the finds. Since Stalsberg’s article is entirely about the
archaeological findings in the modern-northwestern Russia, one should not expect a
discussion about Yngvarr and his expedition. In this regard, it can be said that her
article acts as a supplementary source for the main aim of this thesis – to find the
motivation behind undertaking such distances by Scandinavians. Shepard’s article, on
the other hand, apart from his non-negligible contribution to the Yngvarr’s enigma,
does not offer a possible motivation to the reader regarding Yngvarr’s expedition.
1 Shepard, “Yngvarr’s Expedition to the East” 222–92; Anne Stalsberg, “Scandinavian Relations with
Northwestern Russia during the Viking Age: The Archaeological Evidence,” Journal of Baltic Studies
13, no. 3 (September 1982): 267–95.
4
Henrik Birnbaum’s article briefly reexamines Yaroslav’s interpersonal
interactions and associations with Scandinavia. 2 He mainly, but by no means
exclusively, focuses on Sweden, the ancestral homeland, through the insights provided
by Norse, primarily Old Icelandic, references regarding the Russian ruler’s Varangian
connection. This study uses two of Samuel Hazzard Cross’s works: his and Olgerd
Sherbowitz-Wetzor’s collaborated translation of Russian Primary Chronicle and his
article “Scandinavian Infiltration into Early Russia”. The latter commences with the
period from 750 to 800, marked by pronounced organisation and conquest activity in
Scandinavia, particularly Sweden. Throughout the article, he refers to the trade and
conquest activities done mainly, though not exclusively, by the Swedish. The article,
on the other hand, almost entirely focuses on the Yaroslav’s perspective and thus offers
the nature of the relationship between the Rus’ and the Scandinavians only through
Yaroslav’s point of view. As a result, it lacks the perspective of Scandinavians and
therefore their motivations for directing their routes to Russia.
The Varangians of Byzantium, written by Sigfus Blöndal and translated by
Benedikt S. Benedikz, is a work that constitutes a translation, revision and partial
modernisation. The aim of the book is to compile and analyse the historical records
about the evidence of Norsemen or Varangians in the military service of the Byzantine
Emperor spanning the tenth to fourteenth centuries. Although the numerous gaps in
the sequence of evidence are perhaps compensated for quite frequently by applying
the hypothetical future perfect, the factual details are well and lucidly documented in
general. However, similar to Shepard’s article, the Scandinavians’ perspective appears
to be absent in his book.
2 Henrik Birnbaum, “Yaroslav’s Varangian Connection,” Scando-Slavica 24, no. 1 (January 1978): 5–
25.
5
In terms of medieval pilgrimage, Diana Webb’s book Medieval European
Pilgrimage offers a detailed account of pilgrimage types. It is quite an introductory
book for newcomers to the medieval European pilgrimage. The book’s clear
organisation is mirrored by an evenly uncomplicated method of addressing complex
matters. Overall, the book offers a comprehensive survey of the importance of
pilgrimage in medieval Europe and the kinds of sources that are used by scholars to
attain a better understanding of the pilgrimage phenomenon.
Finally, Tracing the Jerusalem Code, which has various chapters written by
significant scholars in Scandinavian studies, has an immeasurable impact on this
thesis. The primary object of the book is to show Christianity and hence Jerusalem
from the lens of medieval Scandinavians. It suggests that Jerusalem is perceived as a
code to Christian cultures in Scandinavia. It offers a great deal of knowledge
concerning the notion of pilgrimage and the place of Jerusalem within the Northern
world. On the other hand, since the book itself was dedicated to exploring the idea of
Jerusalem in the Northern world, it does not provide an insight to the other forms of
travel which were common among Scandinavians during the eleventh century.
1.2. Methodology
The Icelandic sagas and kings’ sagas constitute a significant part of the primary
sources concerning Scandinavian history. They are written in Old Norse, and it is
possible to find any prominent name of the Viking Age in them. On the other hand,
they were not written solely to record significant historical periods or figures; they
inherently aim to entertain people through mythical figures and events. Chapter six in
Yngvars saga, for example, forms an example of this feature: “After they had been
travelling for a long time they saw a house, with a giant outside so fearsome and ugly
6
they thought it must be the Devil himself”.3 They are closer to praising and glorifying
the main character rather than providing historical events. Furthermore, they are more
inclined to explain the circumstances favouring the Scandinavian side of the story.
The kings’ sagas, on the other hand, are more historically accurate than the
former. Apart from their early parts, which provide information about the origins of
their societies — such as Ynglinga saga in Heimskringla—they do not include mythical
figures or events. Nevertheless, it is essential to acknowledge that the kings’ sagas are
not devoid of historical inaccuracies. In the Icelandic literary tradition, if there is an
established tradition about a certain king, traditionally and usually, the other authors
continued this understanding. Furthermore, since they rely on the same sources, it is
improbable to observe substantial disparities regarding a king across different kings’
sagas. For example, as it will be shown in chapter two, Heimkringla, Morkinskinna,
and Fagrskinna provide almost the same narrative about Haraldr Sigurðarson, apart
from one notable difference in Morkinskinna regarding Haraldr ’s departure from
Russia.
Furthermore, it is possible to detect differences between the Icelandic sagas and
Latin sources. As demonstrated in chapter three, the reasons for Eiríkr’s decision to
undertake a pilgrimage are pretty different. This is most likely resulting from the
aforementioned Icelandic literary tradition. Eiríkr inn góði translates as Eiríkr the
Good, and it appears that being a good king was the general understanding for Eiríkr.
As a result, the author of the Knýtlinga saga does not attempt to give a reason for
Eiríkr’s pilgrimage, relying on the implied significance of Eiríkr’s epithet. In
comparison, Gesta Danorum offers a different story for Eiríkr’s decision to go on a
pilgrimage, where Eiríkr enters a state of delirium and kills some of his men trying to
3 Hermann Palsson and Paul Edwards, trans., Vikings in Russia: Yngvar’s Saga and Eymund’s Saga
(Polygon, 1989), 55.
7
hold him down. As a penance for his sins, he decides to go on a pilgrimage to
Jerusalem.
In this regard, one can argue that the historical inaccuracies within the kings’
sagas resulted from deliberate omissions or alterations of the facts to preserve the
victorious and rightful image of the North. On the other hand, establishing this
assertion as valid remains unattainable due to the absence of any reference to such
tradition within the corpus of the Icelandic saga tradition. Furthermore, the lack of
vernacular sources seems a more plausible reason for historical inaccuracies.
Nevertheless, dismissing the Icelandic sagas entirely on the basis of their
historical inaccuracies would entail an undue disregard for valuable insights along with
the perceived flaws. That is to say, apart from the historical inaccuracies, supernatural
details and lack of various primary source material, there lie historical facts in their
foundation.
The other type of source in Scandinavian history is rune stones. The tradition of
erecting or commissioning rune stones started in the fourth century and lasted until the
twelfth century. Although most of them are in Scandinavia, one can find them in the
locations Norse men visited in the Viking Age. They were often erected for the
memorial of deceased family members, friends or fellow soldiers. Even though they
act as subsidiaries of the Icelandic sagas, other than names, the place and reason of
death, they do not offer detailed information. Furthermore, the entirety of some of
them is lost, and the runic inscriptions on considerable number of them are partially or
entirely lost.
However, they serve as tangible manifestations of the occurrences delineated
within the Icelandic sagas, encompassing elements of the supernatural and
mythological nature. Yngvarr rune stones, for example, serve as material evidence of
8
the saga of Yngvarr, whose identity would have been forgotten or stayed as a semifictional
figure. No other event or main character of a saga is attested by such a large
number of extant stones.4 Additionally, with the help of both Yngvarr rune stones and
the other ones relevant to this thesis, significant information about Yngvarr’s identity
is revealed in chapter one.
1.3. Thesis plan
This thesis consists of three main chapters, excluding the introduction and the
conclusion chapters, which I intent to present the motivations behind the long-distance
journeys undertaken by the eleventh-century Scandinavians. This study is motivated
by a gap in research concerning their motivations for engaging in long-distance travel
during a period when their modes of movement could be categorised into distinct
groups, including embarking on pilgrimages, serving as Varangian Guards, and acting
as mercenaries under Kievan princes. The abundance of Latin sources and lack of
Scandinavian primary sources in general created a secondary literature in which the
studies concerning the nature of these movements, common routes, significant
historical figures known for their adventures while executing these journeys and etc.
are in abundance. On the other hand, this diverted the focus from their main
motivations for undertaking such long distances.
Three distinct historical figures have been positioned at the focal point of each
of the three principal sections; Yngvarr inn viðförli, Haraldr Sigurðarson and Eiríkr
inn góði respectively in this order. Given that the sagas serve as the primary sources
for these historical figures, I adhere to the principal narrative depicted within the sagas
of the each of these figures. However, as it was mentioned in the section 1.2., these
4 Jonathan Shepard, “Yngvarr’s Expedition to the East and a Russian Inscribed Stone Cross,” Saga-
Book 21 (1982): 222–92.
9
sagas do not reflect an entirely factual story line therefore, I’ve used other written and
material sources for strengthen the arguments I’ve discussed throughout the chapters.
Since neither any written record nor an archaeological evidence offer
information about Yngvarr, the first chapter commences with an investigation of
Yngvarr’s pedigree through an analysis of Yngvars saga and various rune stones that
allegedly have a connection with Yngvarr and his family. After eliminating certain
possibilities concerning his background, the Russo-Scandinavian relations during the
eleventh century are discussed. The aim is to establish a possible motivation for
Yngvarr’s journey through a combined analysis of both Yngvarr’s pedigree and the
Russo-Scandinavian relations.
The second chapter focuses of Haraldr Sigurðarson or his more common name
Harald Hardrada. In order to offer a more vivid description of the rooted presence of
Varangian Guards in the Roman Imperial Army, this chapter starts to present this
gradual process by first describing the place of non-Romans in the Army in the early
fourth century. Subsequently, the place of Norsemen in the Army is emphasised with
examples from Russian Primary Chronicle and Annales Bertiniani starting from early
ninth century. As the last step of this gradual process, the establishment of the
Varangian Guard within the Army and the events led to this outcome are discussed.
The focal figure of the second chapter is Haraldr Hardrada who, perhaps, is the
most known Varangian Guard both in Scandinavian and Byzantine history. For the
sake of achieving a more elaborate storyline regarding why he left Norway and his
subsequent activities in Russia and in Byzantine Empire, three kings’ sagas examined
in this chapter; Heimskringla, Fagrskinna and Morkinskinna.
The following chapter put Eiríkr inn góði in the centre of the chapter. Since the
most prominent feature of Eiríkr’s reign is his pilgrimage, the chapter starts with
10
elaborating on the idea and types of medieval pilgrimage. For the sake of establishing
a general picture before going into the details about his reign as a devoted king. Once
again, due to lack of primary sources, this chapter relies almost entirely upon
Knýtlinga saga’s narrative. As a complementary source, Gesta Danorum is used and
differences between two narratives are emphasised.
Fortunately, two other sources from late twelfth century, Historia de
profectione Danorum in Hierosolymam and Leiðarvísir og borgarskipan offers further
insight regarding the understanding of pilgrimage and Christian values among the
common Scandianvian people. In this regard, the motivations for undertaking a
pilgrimage to Jerusalem can be understood from the perspectives of common
Scandinavian people.
11
CHAPTER II: THE FAR-TRAVELLER
The first written record of Russo-Scandinavian relations can be found in Russian
Primary Chronicle.5 It dates the establishment of these relations back to 860/2. Even
though the date suggested by the archaeological evidence scattered in Northwestern
Russia is far earlier than the date given by the Russian Primary Chronicle, the
domination of Scandinavians over the inhabitants of the Russian lands is correct.6
Indeed, whenever the Slavic people established a petty state, known as volosti, centred
around a fortified city, the Norsemen would often come and gain eventual control and
take up residence.7 Over time, through various connections and intermingling, the
nature of the relationship between the native inhabitants of Russia and Scandinavians
started to alter. Even though some kind of change was inevitable as a result of the
interactions between the two parties that will be discussed below, I argue that this
change led to an alteration in the motivations of Norsemen regarding going eastwards.
In the Icelandic tradition, people who were interested in exploring the past were
given the nickname “the Learned” (hinn fróði); those who took off from Iceland,
however, were called “the Far-Travellers” (inn viðförli).8 One of the bearers of this
epithet is Yngvarr viðförli, whose travels, it is believed, were written by the Icelandic
Benedictine monk Oddr Snorrason.
In this chapter, by using Yngvar as a case study, I will explore the altered
motivation of Yngvarr. In this regard, I will first investigate who Yngvarr is since there
is no mention of him in sources other than the rune stones involving his name,
5 Samuel Hazzard Cross and Olgerd P. Sherbowitz-Wetzor, eds. and trans., The Russian Primary
Chronicle: Laurentian Text, (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Mediaeval Academy of America, 2020), 59.
6 In Russian Primary Chronicle, the native tribes of Russia, whom the Scandinavians receive tribute
from, go overseas to call the Northmen back when they could not maintain order by themselves.
7 Sigfus Blöndal, The Varangians of Byzantium, trans. Benedikt S. Benedikz (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2007), 2.
8 Odd Snorrason the Learned, Ari Thorgilsson the Learned, Styrmir the Learned; Pálsson Hermann and
Paul Edwards, trans., Vikings in Russia (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1989), 24.
12
expedition in 1041, and his saga about his travels eastwards.9 I will start with analysing
Yngvars saga and point out the errors that might lead to misguidance. I will then return
to the saga once more to pinpoint the facts about Yngvar’s story among the fictional
details in the saga. Finally, I will examine the Russo-Scandinavian relations to reveal
the nature of Yngvarr’s expedition and his motivation concerning his journey
eastwards.
2.1. Who is Yngvarr inn viðförli? — Yngvars saga and its errors
The first step of this roadmap is to clarify who Yngvarr is. Since there is no information
about who Yngvarr is on the extant rune stones, the first source to be called upon is
Yngvarrs saga viðförla since it is the main written source for Yngvarr. Even though
we do not know who actually wrote Yngvarrs saga, we know from the last chapter of
the saga itself that while writing it down, the anonymous compiler followed a book
composed by Oddr Snorrason, who was a twelfth-century Benedictine monk at the
Þingeyraklaustur monastery. For we cannot accept everything the writer of the Yngvars
saga said in the saga as a fact, we do not know whether Oddr Snorrason wrote the
book that guided the anonymous compiler. What we do have, however, is the strong
claim by D. Hoffman about the original text. He has provided evidence that the current
text is an Icelandic version of a Latin original, which is no longer available and that
the Latin original was written by the monk Oddr himself.10 Although seemingly vague,
these details will gain significance in the following paragraphs, where Yngvarr’s
pedigree will be analysed.
9 Since we do not have any information about Yngvarr and his expedition towards east, it is not possible
to offer a historical background concerning his life or his expedition.
10 Dietrich Hofmann, “Die Yngvars Saga Víðforla Und Oddr Munkr Inn Fróði.,” in Speculum
Norroenum: Norse Studies in Memory of Gabriel Turville-Petre, ed. Ursula Donke and Gabriel Turville-
Petre (Odense University Press, 1981): 182–222, 189-91, 194-5, 200-4, 221.
13
Yngvars saga commences with the story of Yngvarr’s father, Aki, who wants to
marry King Eirikr inn sigrsæli’s (r. c. 970-995) daughter. Since he is not a high-born,
King Eirikr finds Aki’s proposal unacceptable and gives his daughter's hand to a
provincial king from Russia in marriage. The saga continues by narrating how Aki
killed the Russian prince with the help of eight other chieftains who bore the hostility
of King Eirikr for a long time and took the king’s daughter back to Sweden, where Aki
and the princess became espoused. In the saga, King Eirikr’s passive reaction is
explained by the probable heavy loss that would occur on his side if he counteracted.11
King Eirikr eventually took revenge and killed Aki and the eight other chieftains
in the celebrations of his marriage with the daughter of Earl Hákon of Norway and laid
claim to all the possessions of Aki and others. On the other hand, Eymundr, son of Aki
and the princess grew up with King Eirikr in high honour. After King Eirikr’s death,
his successor King Óláfr skautkonungr (r. c.995–1022), treated Eymundr with the
same respect as King Eirikr did. As Eymundr grew older, he began to contemplate his
grievances as he witnessed possessions that were rightfully his but remained in the
hands of others. He felt that he had been unjustly deprived of his birthright, just as
King Eirikr, King Óláfrr, was receiving all the dues from his estates.12
Eymundr persevered in ruminating over his predicament. One day he stumbled
upon the intelligence that the king had dispatched twelve of his loyalists to gather
tribute from the lands previously under his father's ownership. Subsequently, Eymundr
assembled a group of twelve confidants and lay in wait for the king’s envoys in the
forest, where he ambushed them. On the same day, King Óláfr’s daughter, Ingigerd,
found Eymundr in a forest, took him and healed him secretly. Nevertheless, when King
11 Hermann Palsson and Paul Edwards, eds. and trans., Vikings in Russia: Yngvar’s Saga and Eymundr’s
Saga, (Polygon, 1989), 44-45.
12 Palsson and Edwards, trans., Vikings in Russia, 45-6.
14
Óláfr heard this, he declared Eymundr an outlaw. Ingigerd later provided Eymundr
with a ship for a Viking expedition where he gained amass wealth with a skilled crew.
The saga continues with the marriage of Ingigerd with King Jarisleif of Russia
and Eymundr’s visit to Russia to visit and congratulate them. During his visit,
Eymundr provided support to King Jarisleif, who was in a war with his brother,
Burislaf. Eymundr won five battles against Burislaf and captured him. Subsequently,
Ingigerd dispatched emissaries to her father, King Óláfr, requesting that he relinquish
the estates that belonged to Eymundr. She proposed that it was better for Óláfr to
reconcile with Eymundr rather than live in fear of an armed assault. King Óláfr
seemingly acquiesced to her request.
Eymundr fought numerous battles in Novgorod and successfully regained many
tributary territories for King Jarisleif. However, he grew homesick and desired to visit
his estates in Sweden. With a well-equipped force and ample resources, he departed
Russia with great respect and admiration from all. Returning to Sweden, he resumed
control of his estates and other possessions. He eventually married the daughter of a
landed man and had a son named Yngvarr.
Thus far, we understand from the Yngvarrs saga, Yngvarr’s grandfather, Aki,
indeed married the daughter of King Eirikr, which makes Yngvarr related to royal
blood. On the other hand, we do not have any primary source, other than the Yngvars
saga, that informs us about the genealogical tree of Yngvarr. In the scholarly literature,
however, there are three schools of thought concerning the origin of Yngvarr: (i) a
conservative school of thought supported by Otto von Friesen and Mel’nikova, (ii) a
school of thought which compares the Yngvarr stones with those mention the activities
15
of Knútr inn ríki (r. 1016-1035), (iii) an argument which based on specifically on the
runic inscriptions found on the several Yngvarr stones.13
The traditional viewpoint supports the idea of Yngvars saga being written
according to an oral tradition; thus, the genealogical information about Yngvarr
reflects the truth. Namely, Aki did marry King Eirikr’s daughter hence the blueblooded
Yngvarr.14 The second school of thought was emerged under the influence of
Elias Wessén’s re-evaluation of the Yngvarr stones through a comparison of pictorial
and structural elements of the Yngvarr stones with the ones mentioning the activities
of Knútr inn ríki in England. The structural and pictorial similarities between the
Yngvarr stones and the ones mentioning Knútr’s activities in England led Wessén push
the date of the stones twenty years earlier, the 1020s. As a result of this new theory,
Lindqvist moved the date even earlier, to 1010s, and argued that since Yngvarr died at
the age of twenty-five, then he might have been the son of another Eymundr, a son of
King Eirikr sigrsæli. 15 Furthermore, this theory is strengthened by the research
conducted by Lauritz Weibull and J. Svennung, in which it was proposed that a brother
of Óláfr skautkonungr ruled before him in Uppsala.16 Last but not least, the third
school of thought, which is based solely on the runic inscriptions found on several
stones (U 513, U 540; Sö 179; Sö 279), contends that Yngvarr was the grandson of
13 Omeljan Pritsak, The Origin of Rus’: Old Scandinavian Sources Other than the Sagas (Cambridge,
MA: Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute, 1981), 425.
14 See Otto von Friesen, “Runinskrifterna på En Koppardosa, Funnen i Sigtuna,” Fornvännen: Journal
of Swedish Antiquarian Research 7 (1912): 199–209 and Elena Aleksandrovna Mel’nikova,
“Èkspedicija Ingvara Putešestvennika Na Vostok I Poxod Russkix Na Vizantiju 1043g.,” Skandinavskij
Sbornik 21 (1976): 74–87, 78.
15 Sune Lindqvist, “Emund Slema Och Ingvar Vittfaren,” Saga Och Sed 1968 (1968): 74–98.
16 Lauritz Weibull, Kritiska undersökningar i Nordens Historia Omkring år 1000 (Generic, 2018); Josef
Svennung, “Gränsdragningen Mellan Sverige Och Danmark På 1000-Talet,” Fornvännen 61 (1966):
219-29.
16
Óláfr the Swede (d. ca. 1020/1022) and the son of Eymundr the Old (d. 1060), who
was a Swedish king who ruled from 1047/1050 to 1060.17
Omeljan Pristak, however, tries a different approach regarding the debates on
Yngvarr’s genealogy. He firstly examines nearly the last information our learned
compiler gives us: “We have heard this story told, but in writing it down, we have
followed a book composed by the learned monk Oddr, which he based on the authority
of well-informed people mentioned by him in his letter to Jon Loftsson and Gizurr
Hallson”.18 The first thing that Pritsak deduced from this sentence is that it is evident
in the story that Yngvarr had already attained a degree of reputation in Iceland by the
latter half of the twelfth century, or at the very least, within the intellectual centre of
the Þingeyrar monastery.19 Secondly, Pritsak draws attention to two names mentioned
in the sentence above: Jon Loftsson (b. 1124, d. 1197) and Gizur Hallson (b. 1126, d.
1206). They were the hereditary chieftains from the southern regions, renowned for
their expertise in matters of tradition and were consulted and requested to furnish their
revisions; furthermore, the former was the grandson of Iceland’s first historian,
Sæmundr inn fróði and foster father of Snorri Sturluson and the latter was the law
speaker (logsogumaðr) between 1181 and 1200.20 Mentioning these two influential
chieftains further proves that Yngvarr was known in Iceland by the latter half of the
twelfth century.
Last but not least, there is another statement by the compiler which is rather
interesting for the discussion of Yngvarr’s genealogy: “But we have heard that some
saga-men claim that Yngvarr was the son of Eymundr Óláfrsson, thinking it to have
17 Friedrich (Fjodor) A. Braun, “Kto Byl Ingvar-Putešestvennik,” Zapiski Neofilologiceskogo
Obscestva 4 (1910): 131–53.
18 Palsson and Edwards, trans., Vikings in Russia, 68.
19 Pritsak, The Origin of Rus’, 427.
20 Pritsak, The Origin of Rus’, 427.
17
been a greater honour for him to have been a king’s son. Onund would gladly have
given his whole kingdom to buy back Yngvar’s life, for all the chieftains in Sweden
wanted Yngvarr as their king. Now, some people may ask what it is that shows Yngvarr
was not the son of Eymundr Óláfrsson, and this is how we wish to reply: Eymundr,
son of Óláfr, had a son called Onund, and this Onund was very like Yngvarr in
character as well as in his travels far and wide, as is stated in a book called Gesta
Saxonum: ‘It is said that Eymundr, King of Swedes, sent his son Onund across the
Baltic Sea to most vicious Amazones and that he was killed by them.’”21 What is
interesting here is the direct dismissal of the claim about Eymundr the Old being the
father of Yngvarr, which was also the claim of F. Braun, as mentioned in the earlier
paragraphs.
Here, one should ask, “How?” How did the anonymous compiler come to that
decision? On which grounds did he ground his argument? The first possibility might
be that he uses Adam of Bremen’s Gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesiae pontificum and
finds that Eymundr has a son named Onund and not Yngvarr and comes to the
conclusion that Eymundr has one son — he actually had six.22 Secondly, Flateyjarbók,
which comprises an account of St. Óláfr's saga, served as an additional reference
source. It elucidated the existence of an individual named Eymundr Âkason, who
remains obscure in all other records but is portrayed as the foster sibling of the
venerated king. Based on this portrayal, the compiler postulated that this very Eymundr
was indeed the progenitor of Yngvarr.23 Under the influence of these sources, our
compiler, knowingly or unknowingly, dismissed the original Yngvarr story and
21 Palsson and Edwards, trans., Vikings in Russia, 67.
22 Pritsak, The Origin of Rus’, 428.
23 Pritsak, The Origin of Rus’, 428.
18
created one more in fashion at that time, for sagas also had the purpose of entertaining
the audience.
According to Pritsak, a family tree for Yngvarr was formulated due to these
efforts, posing his grandfather’s name as Aki.24 However, this lineage lacks any
substantiation in the primary sources and is merely the product of a conjecture by the
compiler of Yngvarr’s saga. The compiler penned this work in Iceland during the
fourteenth century when the unfavourable political circumstances necessitated the
inclusion of fanciful elements and extraordinary occurrences in literary
compositions.25 To achieve this objective, the writer introduced a daring chieftain
named Aki, who defied the Swedish king’s wishes by marrying his daughter after
killing his princely rival. Such a heroic figure would undoubtedly befit the role of a
grandfather for the intrepid protagonist, Yngvarr.
2.2. Genealogy of Yngvarr through Yngvarr Rune Stones
Concordantly, once again, we see why one should only rely partially upon the
Icelandic sagas as primary sources. Although essential, as the only written sources in
Scandinavian history, they include a conglomeration of fantastic historical figures and
places. In short, as Pritsak concludes, the version of Yngvarr’s pedigree that the
Yngvars saga gives us must be ignored. What, then, should we rely on to answer the
question of who Yngvarr was?
As previously stated, no other event or principal character of a saga is evidenced
by such a substantial collection of extant stones. In this regard, the answer to the last
question is quite obvious; a rather “concrete” path should be followed, namely the
24 Pritsak, The Origin of Rus’, 428.
25 Iceland suffered the consequences of Norway’s decline throughout the fourteenth century since it was
submitted to Norway in the thirteenth century. See Eiríkra Ruth Sigurdson, “The Church in Fourteenth-
Century Iceland: Ecclesiastical Administration, Literacy, and the Formation of an Elite Clerical
Identity” (2011), 21-23.
19
Yngvarr stones. Exactly twenty-six stones testify to Yngvarr’s expedition to the East
(Ög 145, 155; Sö 9, 105, 107, 108, 131, 173, 179, 254, 277, 281, 287, 320, 335; U 439,
513, 644, 654, 661, 778, 837,1143; U Fv1992; 157; Vs 19, M 4) however, apart from
Sö 179, none of them gives information either about Yngvarr nor his pedigree.26
Fortunately, our investigation does not end due to this obstacle. Besides the twentysix
Yngvarr stones, two different stones provide the information we need with the help
of the necessary examination: U 513 and U 540.
U 513
Transcription: Anundr ok Æirikʀ ok ok Ingvarr ræis[tu stæin] þenn[s]a æftiʀ
Ragnar, broður sinn. Guð hialpi and hans.
Translation: Ǫnundr and Eiríkr and Hákon and Ingvarr raised this stone in
memory of Ragnarr, their brother. May God help his spirit.
U 54027
Transcription: Æirikʀ ok Hakon ok Ingvarr ok Ragnhildr þau ... ... ... ... Hann
varð dauðr a Grikklandi. Guð hialpi hans salu ok Guðs moðiʀ.
Translation: Eirikr and Hakon and Ingvarr and Ragnhildr, they … … … … He
died in Greece. May God and God’s mother help his soul.
To reach the most accurate result, one should take baby steps, so to speak, and
carefully examine every detail that the stones U 513 and 540 give us. The first step is,
in this context, to analyse the names that are given both in the stones, as Braun did and
ask the right questions. As one can see, six different people’s name were carved on
these stones. In this context, the first question to ask is, “How common were these
names in eleventh-century Sweden?” The name Yngvarr/Ingvarr is recorded in twenty
26 Samnordic Runetext Database 2020, Department of Nordic Languages, Uppsala
University. http://www.nordiska.uu.se/forskn/samnord.htm
27 U 540 = inscription published in Elias Wessén and Sven B.F. Jansson, Sveriges Runinskrifter: VII.
Upplands Runinskrifter del 2 (Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademien), 1978.
20
Swedish inscriptions, apart from the twenty-six Yngvarr stones, suggesting that it was
an infrequent name used mainly by a select few distinguished families during the
eleventh century.28 As is commonly known, ancient Germanic and Scandinavian
lineages frequently followed a practice of passing down names across generations,
with the names of grandfathers being bestowed upon their grandsons and so forth.29
According to this criterion, it is possible to deduce certain groups that
unequivocally pertain to a single family from the number of Swedish inscriptions.
Frequently, the genealogical connections between such groups are so conspicuous that
one can establish the genealogy of a family from the eleventh century with great
precision, spanning over three generations.30 If the same criterion is applied to the
name Yngvarr/Ingvarr, the spread of the name is even more restricted. Of the twenty
inscriptions that bear the name Yngvarr/Ingvarr (Ög 30, 38; Sö 295, 362; U 101, 111,
143, 147, 266, 287, 307, 309, 310, 363, 423, 478, 972, 1032, 1068; U Fv1998; 241)
five belong to the Jarlabanke family (U 143, 147, 309, 310, 478).31 It appears that the
family in question was affluent and influential, possessing vast properties in the
regions of Danderyds skeppslag and Vallentuna härad. Our Yngvarr, however, should
be sought in this family since he is heavily linked with his expedition to the east, and
they would not be mentioned separately. For the same rationale, we must refute the
hypothesis of his identity with the namesakes referenced in U 1032, 266, 307 and Ög
30, despite the latter inscription indicating the death of a Yngvarr in the eastern
territories.32 Additionally, the discovery site of the stone Ög 30 (Täby parish in
28 F. Braun, “Hvem Var Yngvarr Enn Vidförli? Ett Bidrag till Sveriges Historia under XI Århundradets
Första Hälft,” Fornvännen: Journal of Swedish Antiquarian Research 5 (1910): 99-118, 102.
29 F. Braun, “Hvem Var Yngvarr Enn Vidförli?”, 102.
30 F. Braun, “Hvem Var Yngvarr Enn Vidförli?”, 102.
31 F. Braun, “Hvem Var Yngvarr Enn Vidförli?”, 102.
32 F. Braun, “Hvem Var Yngvarr Enn Vidförli?”, 102-03.
21
Östergötland) is excessively distant from the purported birthplace of Yngvarr in this
particular case.
There is no reason to look for a hint for our Yngvarr in the stones Ög 38; Sö 295,
Sö 362; U 111, 287, 363, 423, 478, 972, 1068 and U Fv1988; 241 since there is a lack
of relevance regarding our Yngvarr within the information that the given rune stones
give.
Braun argues that except Anund/Qnundr, the remaining male names referred to
in the stones U 513 and U 540 are uncommon in Swedish runic inscriptions. 33
However, it should be noted that he gives this data in an article dated 1910, and
therefore it would be naive to assume this number did not increase in the last hundred
years. According to the Swedish National Heritage Board’s (Riksantikvarieämbetet)
search service Runor, twenty-nine rune stones comprise the name Eiríkr (Vg 4, 119;
U 20, 29, 960, 1165; G 58, 100; DR 1, 17; N 79, 121, 416, 454, 497, 581, 583, 652,
679, 680, 681, 682, 683, 684; N A206, N A280; N B303, N B572, N B586), excluding
U 513 and U 540. Other than U 20, U 29, U 960, and U 1165, the remaining stones are
far from the birthplace of Yngvarr, like the rune stone Ög 30.
U 20 contains the name Eiríkr, but the runic inscription clearly shows it was a
commoner’s husband.34 In U 29, the Eiríkr that we come across probably refers to a
33 F. Braun, “Hvem Var Yngvarr Enn Vidförli?”, 103-04.
34 Rune text: … …k · bunta sin … auk -… …(u)þrik · faþur sin · gu… …-b… …n- ·
Translation: … Eiríkr(?) his/her husbandman … and … Guðríkr, his/her father. May God help (his)
spirit. The inscription was published in Elias Wessén and Sven B.F. Jansson, Sveriges Runinskrifter:
VII. Upplands Runinskrifter del 1 (Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademien).
22
son or a husband of a woman whose name is unknown.35 U 960’s Eiríkr is the son of
a Hakon and a Astriðr.36 Lastly, U 1165 refers to an Eiríkr who is a runecarver.37
When we search for the name Hákon in the same manner, we find twenty-seven
references excluding U 513 and 540: Ög 149, 162, ATA6225/65, Fv1970;310; Sö 18,
260; Sm 16, 76, 127; Vg 128; U 11, 16, 542, 617, 828, 879, 960, 1022; M 5, 6, 7; DR
281, N 110, 216, 291, B333 and OR Barnes28.38 U 617 and Sm 76 should be the first
in line to be examined since there are comparatively reliable clues to be traced.39
Firstly, both refer to a Jarl whose name was Hákon, but the similarity in the names
does not mean one should blindly assume they are the same person. Four Jarl Hákons
have been considered in this context: Hákon Sigurdarson (d. 995), his grandson Hákon
35 Rune text: raþ| |þu kaiʀmuntr -ik · kaiʀ[l]a[uk ·] (m)aytumi| |i þa · finku · þau sun · aþ han · truknaþi
· in sun to : siþan : þa + fi(k) (h)(u)- --þrik · ha- … (þ)(i)nsa · þa · finku þa(u) [bar](n) … (i)(n) maʀ ain
lifþi · [hu]n hit ' …g[a] ' h(a)… fik raknfastr · i · snutastaþum · þa uarþ han tauþr · auk · sun · siþan ·
in · moþir kuam + at sunar ' arfi ' þa ' fik hun ' airik ' þar ' uarþ hun tauþ ' þar kuam ' gaiʀlauk at arfi '
inku tutur sinar þurbiur(n) ' skalt ' risti runar
Translation: Interpret! Geirmundr got Geirlaug (to wife) in her maidenhood. Then they got a son, before
he (= Geirmundr) drowned. And then the son died. Then she got Guðríkr. He … this. Then they got
children. And one maid lived; she was called Inga. Ragnfastr of Snotastaðir got her (to wife). Then he
died, and thereafter the son. And the mother came to inherit from her son. Then she got Eiríkr. Then she
died. Then Geirlaug came to inherit from Inga, her daughter. Þorbjǫrn Skald carved the runes. The
inscription was published in Elias Wessén and Sven B.F. Jansson, Sveriges Runinskrifter: VII. Upplands
Runinskrifter del 1 (Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademien).
36 Rune text: + hakuno ⁑ auk ⁑ ostriþr ⁑ kirþu … ⁑ sun ⁑ snialan ⁑ saʀ × hit ×× iriks × kuþ × tr…
…Translation: Hákon and Ástríðr made … able son. He was called Eiríkr. Lord God ….
The inscription was published in Elias Wessén and Sven B.F. Jansson, Sveriges Runinskrifter: VII.
Upplands Runinskrifter del 4 (Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademien).
37 Rune text: hialmtis × (a)uk × þurstain × raistu × sta(i)na × -…-- -ftir × nuka + <airikr> + hiuk
Translation: Hjalmdís and Þorsteinn raised these stones in memory of Nokki. Eiríkr cut. The inscription
was published in Elias Wessén and Sven B.F. Jansson, Sveriges Runinskrifter: VII. Upplands
Runinskrifter del 4 (Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademien).
38 Samnordic Runetext Database 2020, Department of Nordic Languages, Uppsala
University. http://www.nordiska.uu.se/forskn/samnord.htm
39 Rune text: kinluk × hulmkis × tutiʀ × systiʀ × sukruþaʀ × auk × þaiʀa × kaus × aun × lit × keara ×
bru × þesi × auk × raisa × stain × þina × eftiʀ × asur × bunta · sin × sun × hakunaʀ × iarls × saʀ × uaʀ
× uikika × uaurþr × miþ × kaeti × kuþ × ialbi × ans × nu × aut × uk × salu
Translation: Ginnlaug, Holmgeirr's daughter, Sigrøðr and Gautr's/Gauss' sister, she had this bridge made
and this stone raised in memory of Ǫzurr, her husbandman, Jarl Hákon's son. He was the viking watch
with Geitir(?). May God now help his spirit and soul. The inscription was published in Elias Wessén
and Sven B.F. Jansson, Sveriges Runinskrifter: VII. Upplands Runinskrifter del 3 (Kungl. Vitterhets
Historie och Antikvitets Akademien); Rune text: [tufa : risti : stin : þina : eftiʀ : ura : faþur : sin : stalar]a
: hkunaʀ : [iarls]
Translation: Tófa raised this stone in memory of Vrái, his father, Earl Hákon's marshal. The inscription
was published Ragnar Kinander, Sveriges Runinskrifter: IV. Smålands runinskrifter (Kungl. Vitterhets
Historie och Antikvitets Akademien).
23
Eiriksson (d. 1029), Hákon ívarsson (d. 1062), and Hákon Pálsson (d. 1122) and the
prominent runology experts, including Brate, von Friesen, Wessén, Jansson, Kinander,
and Ruprecht, generally concur that the two Hákon Jarls mentioned in the inscriptions
are distinct persons, one from Sweden and the other from Norway.40
For the rune stone Sm 76, Jansson asserts that it is highly probable that Earl
Hákon, in this context, was a relative of Knútr inn ríki and his ally, as well as a member
of the renowned Jarls of Lade (ladejarler) dynasty of Norway. He drowned in the
Pentland Firth during his voyage from England to Norway in 1029. Tova, Hakon’s
marshal’s daughter from Sweden, erected the rune stone as a tribute to her father’s
memory, and she was proud to acknowledge that her father held a significant position
in the court of Earl Hákon.41 This popular identification was first suggested by Richard
von Friesen in 1922.42
U 617, on the other hand, refers to another Hákon, the Swedish Earl Hákon. He
was a landowner with a son called Assurr/Qzurr, who defended the Uppland
Södermanland coastline against Viking invasions.43 In light of this information, we are
left with twenty-five rune stones that include the name Hákon. Other than seven stones,
namely, U 11, 16, 542, 828, 879, 960 and 1022, the remaining sones are considerably
far from where Yngvarr was born; therefore, there is no point in analysing them. As
for the seven aforementioned stones, there are ongoing scholarly discussions about the
runic inscription on the U 11,44 whether it was commissioned by Hákon the Red or
40 Pritsak, The Origin of Rus’, 407.
41 Sven B. Jansson, Swedish Vikings in England (H.K. Lewis & Co. Ltd., 1966), 17.
42 See, Otto von Friesen, “Run-Grafstenen Från Södra Unnaryds Kyrka, Västbo Härad,” Meddelanden
Från Norra Smålands Fornminnesförening 5 (1919): 84–89.
43 Arndt Ruprecht, Die Ausgehende Wikingerzeit Im Lichte Der Runeninschriften. (Göttingen,
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1958), 163. Also, for more information on Swedish Earl Hakon, see the same
source by Ruprecht.
44 Rune text: raþ| |þu : runaʀ : ret : lit : rista : toliʀ : bry[t]i : i roþ : kunuki : toliʀ : a(u)k : gyla : litu :
ris… …- : þaun : hion : eftiʀ …k : merki srni… haku(n) · (b)aþ : rista
24
for another king. Nevertheless, regardless of the result, even though it was
commissioned by Hákon the Red, it does not provide critical information for our
research.
Similarly, U 16 45 has continuous scholarly discussions about its runic
inscriptions, but yet again, it does not provide any subsidiary information about our
search about Yngvarr.46 Unfortunately, extant inscriptions on U 54247 gives us hardly
anything. U 828,48 U 879,49 U 960,50 and U 102251 are family stones with which either
parents or children commemorate their deceased family members.
Translation: Interpret the runes! Tólir the steward of Roðr had them rightly carved for the King. Tólir
and Gylla had [the runes] carved … this married couple as a landmark in memory of themselves(?) …
Hákon ordered (it) be carved. The inscription was published in Elias Wessén and Sven B.F. Jansson,
Sveriges Runinskrifter: VII. Upplands Runinskrifter del 1 (Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets
Akademien).
45 Rune text (now lost): [kuni · auk : kari : raisþu · stin · efiʀ …r : han : uas : buta : bastr : i ruþi :
hakunar]
Translation: Gunni and Kári raised the stone in memory of … He was the best husbandman in Hákon's
dominion. The inscription was published in Elias Wessén and Sven B.F. Jansson, Sveriges
Runinskrifter: VII. Upplands Runinskrifter del 1 (Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets
Akademien).
46 Elias Wessén points out that "roði Hakonaʀ” refers to a group called leidang that was led by a man
Hákon, who could have been a jarl. However, Wessén believes it is more likely that the Hákon referred
to here is the Swedish king Hákon the Red. On the other hand, some people think that Hákon refers to
the Norwegian jarl Hákon Eiríksson, such as the rune stone Sm 76, while Omeljan Pritsak suggests that
the person the stone was dedicated to, was a member of the army of jarl Hákon Eiríksson during the
time in England. See, Pritsak Omeljan, The Origin of the Rus’ and Elias Wessén and Sven B.F. Jansson,
Sveriges Runinskrifter: VII. Upplands Runinskrifter del 1
47 Rune text (now lost): […- · at · akun · r…]
Translation: … in memory of Hákon(?) … The inscription was published in Elias Wessén and Sven
B.F. Jansson, Sveriges Runinskrifter: VII. Upplands Runinskrifter del 2 (Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och
Antikvitets Akademien).
48 Rune text: kakr × uk × a[k]un × litu × akua × sten × uk × br[u × kira × u]ftir × ernisl [× faþur + sin ×
kuþan × ku]þ × ialbi salo ans × t(i)[þk]umi [×] uk × sten × þino
Translation: Kagr(?)/Gagr(?) and Hákon had the stone cut and the bridge made in memory of Erngísl,
their good father. May God help his soul. Tíðkumi cut this stone. This inscription was published in Elias
Wessén and Sven B.F. Jansson, Sveriges Runinskrifter: VII. Upplands Runinskrifter del 3 (Kungl.
Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademien).
49 Rune text:inkiualtr uk suin litu rista stin þina · eftʀ hakun faþur sin
Translation: Ingivaldr and Sveinn had this stone carved in memory of Hákon, their father. This
inscription was published in Elias Wessén and Sven B.F. Jansson, Sveriges Runinskrifter: VII. Upplands
Runinskrifter del 3 (Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademien).
50 Rune text: + hakuno ⁑ auk ⁑ ostriþr ⁑ kirþu … ⁑ sun ⁑ snialan ⁑ saʀ × hit ×× iriks × kuþ × tr… …
Translation: Hákon and Ástríðr made … able son. He was called Eiríkr. Lord God …
This inscription was published in Elias Wessén and Sven B.F. Jansson, Sveriges Runinskrifter: VII.
Upplands Runinskrifter del 4 (Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademien).
51 Rune text: [ui]kn[i · a]uk · althrn · uk ailifr · akhun · runfriþ · litu · rita · stain · if(t)iʀ ilhu[tfa k]aþur
· sinub(i)(ʀ) [· r…st…] (r)(u)(a)[a]
25
Last but not least, there are seven rune stones with the name Ragnarr carved on
them apart from U 513: Vg 55, U 98, U 687, N 148, N 360, N 586, and N 722. The N
group can be ignored since they are considerably far from where both Yngvarr was
born and the Yngvarrr stones are currently at. However, to further prove the stones’
irrelevance with our research about Yngvarr, we should look into what the runic
inscriptions say. N 148 is a rune stone possibly ordered by a bishop name Ragnarr.52
N 360 gives only the name “Ragnarr the Stout”; thus, linking this Ragnarr to Yngvarr’s
Ragnarr or another family is problematic since we have no information other than the
name and cognomen.53 The runic inscription on N 586 suggests it was erected to put
Godly protection on someone whose father was Ragnarr.54 Lastly, N 722 refers to a
Ragnarr who owns a particular yarn. However, yet again, it does not have sufficient
information for our case, so it is almost impossible to deduct what it actually refers
to.55
Translation: Vígi(?) and Halfdan(?)/Eldjarn(?) and Eilífr (and) Hákon (and) Rúnfríðr had the stone
erected in memory of Illugi(?), their father. OEpir carved the runes. This inscription was published in
Elias Wessén and Sven B.F. Jansson, Sveriges Runinskrifter: VII. Upplands Runinskrifter del 4 (Kungl.
Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademien).
52 Rune text: ra^n^na^r : biskop : uigþi : kir:kiu : þessa : þa : fygþi : honom : fylgþi : þa : þorþr :
ka^palæin ¶ ok : æina^r : na^fr : o^k þro^ntr : mo^kr : ok : þorstæin : ra^uþi : ok þo^nt^r : kin : o^k han
: ræist : runa^r : þesarTranslation: Bishop Ragnarr dedicated this church. He was then assisted, then
assisted by Þórðr the Chaplain and Einarr Nave-borer/Auger and Þróndr the monk and Þorsteinn Red
and Þróndr Chin, and he carved these runes. This inscription was published in Kristel Zilmer, “Words
in Wood and Stone: Uses of Runic Writing in Medieval Norwegian Churches,” Viking and Medieval
Scandinavia 12 (January 2016): 199–227, 220.
53 Rune text: r<a>n t^r<yll>
Translation: Ragnarr(?) the Stout. This inscription was published in Kristel Zilmer, “Words in Wood
and Stone: Uses of Runic Writing in Medieval Norwegian Churches,” Viking and Medieval Scandinavia
12 (January 2016), 199-227, 220.
54 Rune text: (o) gu(þ) e^r alt m(a)(t)i : a(r)la kæt(e) · (r)-a-- r-n-rso-ar han^n ræis- ru^na^r
Translation: O God, who since the beginning has presided over all, protect … Ragnarr's son. He carved
runes. This inscription was published in Kristel Zilmer, “Words in Wood and Stone: Uses of Runic
Writing in Medieval Norwegian Churches,” Viking and Medieval Scandinavia 12 (January 2016): 199–
227.
55 Rune text: rannr a : ka^rn : þætta
Translation: Ragnarr owns this yarn. This inscription was published in James E. Knirk, “Documentation
of Runic Inscriptions,” Runrön: Runologiska Bidrag 24 (2021), 15-42, 21.
26
Regarding other stones about Ragnarr, Vg 55 commemorates a father, Fari, and
was erected by two brothers named Ulfr and Ragnarr.56 Similar to Vg 55, in U 98, we
can understand that this Ragnarr is unrelated to ours because it also commemorates a
father, Sigtryggr and the person who commissioned the stone; surprisingly, a woman,
Ingiþóra, commemorates her father, adds her brother’s name to the rune stone.57
Finally, according to the runic text in U 687,58 a woman named Runa, along with the
widow of her eldest son Sigrid, commissioned the rune stone to commemorate Runa’s
husband and her four sons passed away.
Thus far, all the information above about the rune stones containing the names
Yngvarr, Hákon, Eirikr, and Ragnar deserves to be noticed. Even though Braun’s
argument about the names being uncommon among the rune stones is considerably
challenging to support due to the archaeological findings in the last seven decades, we
can still partially hold on to his argument for the names in question, Yngvarr, Eirikr,
Ragnarr, since they are found less in rune stones in number in comparison to the other
names such as Svein (204), Halfdan (51), Stein (360), and so on. His other argument,
on the other hand, is still valid. He argues that those names, combined as family
56 Rune text: ulfʀ : auk : þiʀ : ra(k)nar : risþu : stin : þansi : iftiʀ : fara : faþur sin : … …ristin : man :
saʀ : hafþi : kuþa : tru : til : kus :
Translation: Ulfr and Ragnarr, they raised this stone in memory of Fari, their father … Christian man.
He had good belief in God. This inscription was published in Hugo Jungner and Elisabeth Svärdström,
Sveriges runinskrifter: V. Västergötlands runinskrifter (Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets
Akademien).
57 Rune text: [igiþur- : lit : raisa : stain : þina : eftiʀ : faþur : sin : syktrykʀ : auk : ragnfastr : sun : henaʀ
: ragnar : hit : bruþiʀ : henaʀ :]
Translation: Ingiþóra had this stone raised in memory of her father Sigtryggr, and (so did) Ragnfastr,
her son. Her brother was called Ragnarr. This inscription was published in Elias Wessén and Sven B.F.
Jansson, Sveriges Runinskrifter: VII. Upplands Runinskrifter del 1 (Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och
Antikvitets Akademien).
58 Rune text: runa ' lit kiara ' mirki at ' sbialbuþa ' uk ' at ' suain ' uk ' at · antuit ' uk at ' raknaʀ ' suni ' sin
' uk ' ekla ' uk ' siri(þ) ' at ' sbialbuþa ' bonta sin an uaʀ ' tauþr ' i hulmkarþi ' i olafs · kriki ' ubiʀ · risti '
ru
Translation: Rúna had the landmark made in memory of Spjallboði and in memory of Sveinn and in
memory of Andvéttr and in memory of Ragnarr, sons of her and Helgi/Egli/Engli; and Sigríðr in
memory of Spjallboði, her husbandman. He died in Holmgarðr in Ólafr's church. OEpir carved the runes.
This inscription was published in Elias Wessén and Sven B.F. Jansson, Sveriges Runinskrifter: VII.
Upplands Runinskrifter del 3 (Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademien).
27
members, are highly characteristic of Sweden’s noblest family, who ruled Sweden at
least since the ninth century.59 The existence of several resemblances in the names
associated with this particular dynasty strongly suggests a genealogical descent from
the Ynglings.
In Ynglingasaga, we found the name Eiríkr three times — in chapters twenty,
twenty-three and forty-six.60 One of these Eiríkrs is King Agni’s son, who, in turn, is
the son of the mythological king Dag the Wise (Dagr spaki).61 The other Eiríkr is the
grandson of King Agni and the son of King Yngvi, who was also a mythological
king.62 The last Eiríkr in the Yngling family is King Eiríkr Agnarsson, the king in
Vestfold.63 As for the name Ǫnundr, in the Ynglingasaga, we found one Ǫnundr who
is King Ǫnundr/Anundr (Brøt-Anundr), who was the son of Yngvarr Harra (d. early
7th century).64 Last but not least, we have one, Yngvarr/Ingvarr, the father of King
Ǫnundr/Anundr (Brøt-Anundr)65. In fact, about the same time period, there was a
regional king in Uppland who shared the same name and was very likely a member of
the same royal family.66
In addition, although there is no record of a Swedish king named Ragnar, there
is a mention of a king with this name in the writings of Saxo Grammaticus.67 This may
have led to confusion and caused Ragnar Loðbrók, a Dane, to be later depicted as the
King of Sweden. This confusion was further exacerbated by his son being named Björn
(Bjørn), a common name among Swedish royalty. The name Hákon/Håkan appears in
59 F. Braun, “Hvem Var Yngvarr Enn Vidförli?”, 103-4.
60 Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla Volume I, trans. Alison Finlay and Anthony Faulkes (University
College London, 2011).
61 Finlay and Faulkes, trans., Heimskringla I, 22-23.
62 Finlay and Faulkes, trans., Heimskringla I, 25.
63 Finlay and Faulkes, trans., Heimskringla I, 43.
64 Finlay and Faulkes, trans., Heimskringla I, chapter 33-4-5.
65 Finlay and Faulkes, trans., Heimskringla I, 35-6-7.
66 F. Braun, “Hvem Var Yngvarr Enn Vidförli?”, 103-4.
67 Saxo Grammaticus, Gesta Danorum: The History of the Danes. Volume II, ed. Karsten Friis-Jensen,
trans. Peter Fisher (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015), 801-802.
28
both inscriptions but was not included in the official royal lists until the eleventh
century. However, its appearance in the sixth decade of the same century is significant
and provides important clues to the question of Yngvarr’s pedigree.
On the other hand, we should refrain from diving into this bottomless well since
this differs from the question we are trying to answer: What was Yngvarr’s
motivation? What we should remember instead is the fact that we have the figure of
Yngvarr, which is highly problematic and enigmatic on the one hand and nonnegligible
reasons to suggest that Yngvarr and his brothers mentioned in the rune stone
U 513 were a part of the Swedish royal family on the other. For there are strong
inducements to assume the latter is correct, I will continue, from now on, to explore
Yngvarr’s journey and his motivation for this journey with acknowledging the
assumption that Yngvarr and his brothers mentioned in the U 513 were a part of
Swedish royal family.68
2.3. Yngvarr’s Journey Overseas
Given what has been said, as I have demonstrated so far, it is best to ignore the
genealogical tree data Yngvars saga provides. On the other hand, this does not mean
that all the information given in the saga should be ignored altogether. In this respect,
we should once more go back to the saga itself and try to find the possible motivations
for Yngvarr’s journey towards the East within the side stories produced inside the
range of the fertile imagination of the author of the Yngvars saga.
At the end of the fourth chapter in Yngvar’s saga, we see Yngvarr winning a
battle against Semgalls, who refuse to pay tribute to King Óláfr, with his cousin
Onund/Anund(r)/Ǫnundr. The saga depicts him upset for Yngvarr wants King Óláfr
to give him “the title of the king and the honours go with it.”69 The king rejects
68 See F. Braun, “Hvem Var Yngvarr Enn Vidförli?”, 109-11.
69 Palsson and Edwards, trans., Vikings in Russia, 50.
29
Yngvarr’s wish but offers to grant him anything else he wants.70 As expected, both
parties stood firm, creating tension between King Óláfr and Yngvarr.71
The saga commences in chapter five: "Then Yngvarr prepared for a journey
overseas, for he wanted to find a kingdom in some foreign land.”72 In other words, we
are not given any explanation for his journey other than the tension between him and
King Óláfr. Even though this alone seems plausible to a twelfth-century saga
audience, it would be fallacious since the primary focus of the saga writers was on the
portrayal of individual characters, including their personalities, destinies, and
achievements in the narrative.73 That is to say, the author of the Yngvars saga might
have wanted to subtly emphasise the “destiny” element of Yngvarr’s journey by
presenting the tension between Yngvarr and King Óláfr as the only reason for his
journey to the East. Alternatively, the other details about Yngvarr’s motivation seemed
unnecessary for a twelfth-century saga author, for the relations with the king were the
foremost important thing in a twelfth-century chieftain’s life. Another possibility is
that he did not think those were necessary for the “entertaining” flow of the saga.
2.4. Russo-Scandinavian Relations in the Eleventh Century
Luckily, our area of research here, geographically, stretches out to the Caspian Sea and
allows us to search for Yngvarr’s motivation for the journey in the sources of the
civilisations of Central Asia. At the end of the tenth century, what we see in the reign
of Vladimir I (d. 1015) is the construction of steppe frontiers to make the journey to
70 Palsson and Edwards, trans., Vikings in Russia, 50.
71 The examples of Scandinavian pretenders or jarls who asserted their right to the throne or a specific
jarldom, subsequently necessitating their self-imposed exile due to the prevailing superiority of
opposing forces or their defeat within the context of conflicts can be found in the narrative of the sagas
and other medieval texts. See Laura Napran and Elisabeth Van Houts, eds., Exile in the Middle Ages
(Brepols, 2004); Palsson and Edwards, trans., Vikings in Russia, 50.
72 Palsson and Edwards, trans., Vikings in Russia, 50.
73 Palsson and Edwards, trans., Vikings in Russia, 23.
30
Byzantium safer and more convenient than before.74 This naturally paved the way for
an increase in the travellers between Scandinavia, Russia and Byzantium. Hence, we
see a substantial rise in travelling between Scandinavia, Russia and Byzantium in the
eleventh century.
Here, it is essential to emphasise that Russo-Scandinavian relations were
established centuries before Vladimir I. Both archaeological and literary evidence can
be found regarding the infiltration of Scandinavians, mostly Swedes, into Russian soil.
Archaeological finds in the regions Leningrad, Pskov, Novgorod and western parts of
the Vologda oblasts, for instance, can be categorised as Scandinavian-type graves,
hoards and dwelling sites.75 Archaeological discoveries from northwestern Russia,
specifically in five towns —Pskov, Novgorod, the Riurik fortified site, Old Ladoga,
and Beloozero — have revealed Scandinavian connections. Among these discoveries
are various objects with both males and females, along with children’s wooden toy
swords found in Pskov and Old Ladoga. Certain findings strongly indicate the presence
of Scandinavians, including runic inscriptions in Old Ladoga and Novgorod.
74 Following Russia’s conversion, Byzantine-Russo trade grew in both volume and value, which was
much greater than the trade that occurred during the middle years of the tenth century. However, as
beneficial as it was, the journey between Kiev and Constantinople remained arduous and highly unsafe.
As one might expect, this was partly a result of the raging nature of Dnieper. Nomads along the Dnieper
River constituted the other part of the threat and, without a doubt, more dangerous than the wild stream
of Dnieper. The nomads in question were principally Pechenegs, semi-nomadic Oghuz Turkic people
from Central Asia. As the trade activity between the Empire and the Rus’ heightened, it provoked
Pechenegs, who were only one day’s journey from the Rus’, according to Constantine VII’s De
Administrando Imperio, into launching more frequent and aggressive ambushes and raids. On top of
that, Pechenegs were focused on not only raiding and pillaging but also competitors to the Empire in
trade. They transported goods from the forested areas to the cities along the northern coast of the Black
Sea, particularly Cherson. The trade conditions between the Empire and the Rus’, then, were insecure
and harsh. It was Prince Vladimir Svyatoslavich (Vladimir I) who significantly altered the
circumstances by making his territory the primary supporter of the Byzantine Empire north of the Black
Sea, thus replacing the Pechenegs in that position. He was also the one who formulated a strategy to
guard Kiev from the south by creating a steppe frontier. This plan involved constructing forts (also
known as gorody in the Russian Primary Chronicle) along the Dnieper’s tributaries from the Desna to
the Sula, as well as on the right bank of the Dnieper River along the Stugna. Although the first function
of this steppe frontier was to protect the apple of Vladimir’s eye, Kiev; it also had a secondary but still
significant function which was the protection of the traffic on the Dnieper. For more detail on the subject
see, Jonathan Shepard, “The Russian Steppe-Frontier and the Black Sea Zone,” Archeion Pontou 35
(1979), 218-37, 225.
75 Stalsberg, “Scandinavian Relations with Northwestern Russia”, 272.
31
Additionally, a miniature iron Thor’s hammer was found in Old Ladoga, attached to a
neck ring, and two incomplete discarded ornaments — a pendant from Pskov and a
needle from the Ruirik fortified site.
The discoveries found within the towns predominantly belong to the tenth and
eleventh centuries.76 However, in Pskov, there is a likelihood that these findings
originate from the ninth century. In the case of Old Ladoga, the findings can be traced
back even further to the time before the Viking age, specifically the eighth century.
This implies that Scandinavian artefacts have been present in these towns since their
earliest stages.
In northwestern Russia, only two collections of Scandinavian items in the form
of hoards can be identified: a pendant found in Skadino and an annular brooch
discovered in Demshina.77 Both collections primarily consisted of coins from Western
Europe, and they were concealed around 1075 and during the eleventh century,
respectively. Fourteen mounds were found in Northwestern Russia and seventy more
in the Southeastern Ladoga area with artefacts of Scandinavian type.
We found the literary evidence in the Russian Primary Chronicle, where it is
told that in 859, Varangians from the Baltic region came to Russia and forced northern
Slavic tribes and Finnish neighbours to pay tribute.78 These tributaries rebelled and
76 Stalsberg, “Scandinavian Relations with Northwestern Russia”, 272.
77 Stalsberg, “Scandinavian Relations with Northwestern Russia”, 273.
78 According to the Russian Primary Chronicle “(859) The Varangians from beyond sea imposed tribute
upon the Chuds, the Slavs, the Merians, the Ves’ and the Krivichians. (…) 6368-6370 (860-862) The
tributaries of Varangians drove them back beyond the sea and, refusing them further tribute, set out to
govern themselves. There was no law among them, but tribe rose against tribe. Discord thus ensued
among them, and they began to war one against another. They said to themselves, ‘Let us seek a prince
who may rule over us and judge us according to the Law.’ They accordingly went overseas to the
Varangian Russes: these particular Varangians were known as Russes, just as some called Swedes, and
others Normans, English, and Gotlanders, for they were thus named. The Chuds, the Slavs, the
Krivichians, and the Ves’ then said to the people of Rus’ ‘Our land is great and rich, but there is no
order in it. Come to rule and reign over us.’ They thus selected three brothers, with their kinsfolk, who
took with them all the Russes and migrated. The oldest, Rurik, located himself in Novgorod; the second,
Sineus at Beloozero; and the third, Truvor, in Izborsk.” See, Cross and Sherbowitz-Wetzor, trans., The
Russian Primary Chronicle, 59.
32
expelled the Varangians, but they soon realised they could not maintain stability and
invited them back to restrain the order. Three Varangian brothers, Rurik, Sineus and
Truvor (the equivalent of Hroerkr, Signiutr, and Þorvaldr in Old Norse), and their
kinsfolk migrated to Russia. However, according to Arabic sources, the Scandinavian
immigration was not sudden but gradual. Scandinavian traders had established
themselves in Northern Russia well before the proposed date of 859 and before the
Dnieper trade route gained its significance which happened in the following two
centuries.79
The Arabic sources also provide significant evidence of the Scandinavian
infiltrators' commercial activities. In his work, Kitāb al-A‘lāq al-Nafīsa, geographer
Ahmad ibn Rusta writes that they made frequent incursions into neighbouring Slavic
territories and sold Slavic captives as slaves to the Bulgars and Khazars. The Rus80
people were regular traders at the Bulgar metropolis at the junction of the Kama River
and the Volga, near modern-day Kazan.81 In addition to the enslaved people, the Rus
traded in furs such as sable, ermine, and squirrel, and this commerce was mainly
79 S. H. Cross, “The Scandinavian Infiltration into Early Russia,” Speculum 21, no. 4 (October 1946):
505–14, 507. For more details on the Scandinavians in the Arabic sources, see Ibn Khordadbeh, Kitāb
Al-Masālik Wa-Al-Mamālik, ed. M. J. de Goeje (Brill, 1189), 115; Ahmad Ibn Rustah, The Book of
Precious Records: An English Translation from Russian, trans. Nathan Sokolovsky (Independently
Published, 2022).
80 The people of Scandinavia have been drawn to Russia for trade ventures from the earliest of time.
This trade predominantly originated from Sweden, which possessed the most direct route to Russia,
specifically from areas such as Uppland, East Gotland, and the island of Gotland. The maritime regions
of Uppland and East Gotland were initially known as Roþer or Roþin, later referred to as Roslagen in
Old Norse. The inhabitants of these regions were initially called Róðskarlar, Róðsmen and lastly,
Roðspiggar. These people constituted the majority of Russian traders and eventually began establishing
settlements in the East. As a result, the Finnish coastline closest to Sweden was initially settled by them,
and this area still comprises the Swedish-speaking segment of Finland, referred to as Ruotsalaiset in
Finnish and Ruotsi in Swedish. Over time, their presence grew significantly in Russia proper to the
extent that Norse writings denoted the northern and central regions of Russia as Svíþjóð en mikla (Great
Sweden) or Svíþjóð en kalda (Cold Sweden), distinguishing them from the core of Sweden.
Subsequently, the Slavic populations in Russia adopted this term for the Norse individuals through the
Finns and labelled them Rus. This term ten transformed into Rhos in Medieval Greek and found its
equivalent as Rus in Arabic. See, Vilhelm Thomsen and Hans Hildebrand, Ryska Rikets Grundläggning
Genom Skandinaverna (Samson & Wallin, 1882), 80-89.
81 Daniel Abramovich Chwolson, “Izvyestiya o Khazarakh," St. Petersburg, 1869 (notes on the Chazars,
Burtars, Madjars, Slavs, and Russians from the Arabic of Ibn Dasta), 23, 34-35, quoted in S. H. Cross,
“The Scandinavian Infiltration into Early Russia,” Speculum 21, no. 4 (October 1946), 507.
33
conducted through money transactions. Frequent discoveries of Arabic coins in
Northern Russia, with dates ranging from 745 to 900, support this claim.82 The fact
that the Rus’ had gained mastery over certain Slavic territories and had learned the
Slavic language through their close interactions with the Slavs is further evidence of
their non-Slavic origin, as noted by the Jew Ibrahim ibn Ya’qub around 965.83
Luckily, the Scandinavian interlopers left other traces behind during the first
steps of the aforementioned gradual infiltration period. We see Ibn Rusta uses the
khakan title while describing the Rus' chieftain. The same title can also be seen in the
Annales Bertiniani report when a group of men, whom the Byzantines called Rhos,84
came to the court of Loius the Pious along with a Greek embassy. The reason behind
this crowded visit was a request from his Greek contemporary, Theophilus, regarding
the journey of the Rhos to their prince (chacanus).85 The original route of the Rhos is
abundant in threatening barbarians, and Theophilus is requesting Louis to speed them
on their way. The Carolingian emperor ordered an investigation into these men called
82 Chwolson, “Izvyestiya”, 507.
83 J. Marquart, Osteuropaische und Ostasiatische Streifzüge:Ethnologische und Historisch-
Topographische Studien zur Geschicte des 9. Und 10. Jahrhunderts (ca. 840-940) (Leipzig, 1903), xxxi,
24-25, 160-206,
84 The majority of the original inhabitants of Russia were of Slavonic origin, along with other tribes
residing in the North-West regions. Swedes mostly arrived as merchants in these territories; however,
due to the need for protection, these trading journeys often turned into piratical expeditions. Naturally,
as time passed, the eastern lands’ social and political organisation became more settled, and Norse trade
voyages became more regular and economically significant. This led to the establishment of fortified
trading posts to safeguard principal trading points, especially when Swedes started settling permanently
in these areas. Eventually, the Swedes built their fortified trading posts called “garths” (known as
goroda in Russian). Frequently, the Slavs had already formed small states centred around fortified cities
before the Norsemen arrived and settled there, eventually gaining control. The Slavonic chieftains often
sought the Norsemen’s assistance as allies or mercenaries, especially for guarding merchants against
robbers or supporting them in civil conflicts. Although the Norse states in Russia are typically associated
with the arrival of Rurik and his brothers in Novgorod in 862, historical evidence indicates the existence
of Norse-ruled petty states along the major rivers long before that time. In this regard, I argue that the
Russians were an amalgamation of Scandinavian — mainly Swedish — settlers and Slavic and Finno-
Ugrarian nomads therefore, from now on, I will use the term “Rus” as an umbrella term which describes
the people of both Slavic and Scandinavian origin. On the other hand, since this thesis is fundamentally
about Scandinavians, the emphasis will be on Scandinavian origin.
For more on the debate concerning the origin of Rus, see Sigfús Blöndal, The Varangians of Byzantium,
trans. Benedikt S. Benedikz (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007).
85 Janet L. Nelson, The Annals of St-Bertin Ninth-Century Histories, Volume I (Manchester University
Press, 1991), 44.
34
Rhos and discovered that they belonged to the people of Swedes. It is possible that the
adventurers referenced were part of the earliest scouting parties to descend the Dnieper
River and reach the Black Sea.86 In light of what has been said, it is very definite that
the infiltration of Scandinavians down the Dnieper began toward the middle of the
ninth century, even though Genozdovo is considered the first permanent Scandinavian
settlement in the Dnieper Valley.
Just as importantly, we see Scandinavians as mercenaries for the princes of the
Rus’.87 Therefore, one can assume that the number of Scandinavian adventurers who
had travelled southwards along the Dnieper on June 18, 860, for example, in the Rus
expedition to Constantinople, was high. 88 Vikings were well-known for their
threatening behaviour in the Euxine region by this date. Furthermore, this period
overlaps with the Russian Primary Chronicle's date regarding the foundation of a
Scandinavian community in Kiev.
So, by the tenth century, Russo-Scandinavian relations must have been wellestablished.
In other words, by the time Russo-Scandinavian-Byzantine relations
peaked in the eleventh century by order of Vladimir to construct forts along the
Dnieper’s tributaries from the Desna to the Sula together and on the right bank of the
Dnieper along the Stugna river, both parties were familiar with each other’s
appearance and presence. As mentioned earlier, this made the journey on the Dnieper
far safer and more convenient, and hence the number of people who travelled back and
forth from Scandinavian kingdoms to the land of the Rus’ increased vastly. This
incessant and relatively safe toing and froing directly affected trade. In the second half
of the tenth century, a town called Olesh’e arose in the Dnieper estuary, and according
86 Cross, “The Scandinavian Infiltration”, 508.
87 Birnbaum, “Yaroslav’s Varangian Connection”.
88 Cross, “The Scandinavian Infiltration”, 508.
35
to the preliminary excavations, the commercial life climaxed in the twelfth and
thirteenth centuries. 89 During the five trial excavations, a significant number of
fragments of Byzantine or Crimean amphorae, glazed pottery and glass bracelets were
discovered.90
Additionally, archaeologists have found a miniature version of the viking boat
burning excavated at the Christian cemetery at Belgorod, which was founded by
Vladimir shortly after the conversion of Russia; the boat was simply a tree trunk that
had been hallowed out, and it was set on fire in a hole. The “miniature” size of the boat
and where it was excavated suggest that it might have been done in such a “secretive”
manner, for the excavated area belongs to the aforementioned Christian cemetery.91
They also found ornaments, a cross bearing on it a representation of the Crucifixion, a
bronze cross-pendant of Scandinavian type —a bronze figurine of a man and another
bronze figurine of a rider clinging to a rearing horse — in cemeteries located in rural
settlements near the Upper Dnieper in the Mogilev region; these ornaments were
described by the same archaeologists as made in Scandinavia.92 Furthermore, a remote
area surrounded by bogs near the Rive Derazhin was discovered and dated to the
eleventh century at the cemeteries at Ludchitsy, situated half a kilometre from the right
bank of the Dnieper, and at Kolodezskaya.93 Last but not least, a bronze cast figurine
of a man found at a female burial at Ludchitsy was confidently argued to be
Scandinavian-made by Y. G. Rier.94
89 Shepard, “Yngvarr’s Expedition to the East”, 225.
90 A. L. Sokul’sky, “K Lokalizatsii Letopisnogo Olesh’e,” Sovetskaya Arkheologiya 1 (1980),64-73, 66-
9, 71, 73.
91 Shepard, “Yngvarr’s Expedition to the East”, 226. See also G. G. Mezentseva and Y. P. Prilipko,
“Novye Otkrytiya Na Raskopkakh Belgoroda Kievskogo,” Arkheologicheskie Otkrytiya 1976 goda,
1977, 339–40.
92 Shepard, “Yngvarr’s Expedition to the East”, 226.
93 Shepard, “Yngvarr’s Expedition to the East”, 226.
94 Y. G. Rier, “Izuchenie Kurganov v Mogilevskom Podneprov’e,” Sovetskaya Arkheologiya 2 (1976):
179-91, 190.
36
The number of examples, or more precisely, material proofs of the marks of trade
between the Rus’ and Scandinavians, can be increased. In this regard, it is apparent
that the available literary and archaeological proof suggests that Scandinavians traded
in Russia during the eleventh century, adds to the more widely known evidence of
them serving as mercenaries for Russian rulers.95 We have shortly referred to the
Scandinavian mercenaries in the service of the Rus princes above, and even if we date
the beginning of this tradition to the mid-800s, it can still be argued that there would
be enough time for this tradition to become a common practice in the eleventh century.
Furthermore, the number of Scandinavian mercenaries under the service of the Russian
princes increased significantly in the eleven years following Vladimir I’s death in
1015.96
Before proceeding any further, we should remember our primary question: What
was the motivation behind Yngvarr’s expedition, or more specifically, what was the
motivation behind Yngvarr’s movement towards the east? Could it be the growing
trend of being a mercenary for a Russian prince? An answer can be given with the
wide range of sources attesting to the activities of Scandinavians in the service of
Russian princes.
First, we have Yaroslav the Wise (d. 1054), whose relationship with
Scandinavians can be grouped into three kinds of occurrences and situations according
to Birnbaum: (i) “matrimonial connections”; (ii) “hosting of prominent Scandinavian
political figures, frequently while on the run from their own country”; (iii) “calling-in
and maintaining of mercenaries.”97 While the first two are as important as the third
95 Shepard, “Yngvarr’s Expedition to the East”, 227.
96Shepard, “Yngvarr’s Expedition to the East”, 228.
97 Birnbaum, “Yaroslav’s Varangian Connection”, 7. This is mentioned in Russian Primary Chronicle
as well “6523 (1015). While Vladimir was desirous of attacking Yaroslav, the latter sent overseas and
imported Varangian reinforcements since he feared his father’s advance.” Cross and Sherbowitz-
Wetzor, trans., The Russian Primary Chronicle, 124.
37
one for establishing relations, we should focus on the third to find an answer to our
question.
At least four occasions are known when Yaroslav recruited Scandinavians to
handle political-military emergencies. He first sought the help of Scandinavian
mercenaries, especially Swedes and probably Norwegians, when organising to openly
oppose his father, Great Prince Vladimir (d. 1015). 98 Although this scheme became
unnecessary when Vladimir the Great died, he needed the help of Scandinavian
mercenaries once again in 1018, when he claimed his right to the grand-princely throne
of Keiv against his half-brother Sviatopolk I (d. 1019). 99 The third and fourth
occurrences of Scandinavian recruitment happened in 1025 and 1036. In the former,
Yaroslav marched against his brother Mstislav I of Kiev, who advanced from his
principality of Tmutarakan’ to Chernihiv with the support of Turkic nomads of the
steppe.100 The latter recruitment in 1036 was to retake Kiev from the hands of a
nomadic Turkic tribe, the Pechenegs, due to their siege of the capital when Yaroslav
was in Novgorod.101 Given what has been said, it appears that Yaroslav made use of
Scandinavian mercenaries in various types of conflicts he faced throughout his reign.
98 Birnbaum, “Yaroslav’s Varangian Connection”, 18.
99 Birnbaum, “Yaroslav’s Varangian Connection”, 19. Also mentioned in Russian Primary Chronicle
“While Yaroslav had not yet heard of his father’s death, he had many Varangians under his command,
and they offered violence to the inhabitants of Novgorod and to their wives. The men of Novgorod then
rose and killed the Varangians in their market place. (…) On the morrow, he collected the remnant of
the men of Novgorod and (…) Then the men of Novgorod said, ‘We can still fight for you, oh Prince,
even though our brethren are slain.’ So Yaroslav collected one thousand Varangians and forty thousand
other soldiers and marched against Svyatopolk. (…) When the latter went out upon the ice, it broke
under them, and Yaroslav began to win the upper hand. Svyatopolk then fled among the Lyakhs, while
Yaroslav established himself in Kiev…” Cross and Sherbowitz-Wetzor, trans., The Russian Primary
Chronicle, 131-2.
100 Birnbaum, “Yaroslav’s Varangian Connection”, 20. Also mentioned in Russian Primary Chronicle
“Then Yaroslav returned and came again to Novgorod, whence he sent overseas after Varangians. Thus
Hakon came over with his Varangian followers.”Cross and Sherbowitz-Wetzor, trans., The Russian
Primary Chronicle, 135.
101 Birnbaum, “Yaroslav’s Varangian Connection”, 21. Also mentioned in Russian Primary Chronicle,
“While Yaroslav was still at Novgorod, news came to him that the Pechenegs were besieging Kiev. He
then collected a large army of Varangians and Slavs, returned to Kiev, and entered his city.” Cross and
Sherbowitz-Wetzor, trans., The Russian Primary Chronicle, 136.
38
Unless we assume Yaroslav recruited randomly for such crucial military campaigns,
it can be argued that recruiting mercenaries from Scandinavia was almost a habit for
Yaroslav. So, it is highly possible that Yaroslav was quite content with the service of
Scandinavians. In this regard, Yaroslav’s contentedness, on the one hand, and the lack
of negative records of any sort about Scandinavian mercenaries, on the other, it can be
said that this was a common and preferred way of recruiting.
Second, we have Þorsteinn, a commander in a Rus’ retinue, inscribed on a rune
stone Sö 338.102 Considering the size of the stone, 2,09 metres tall and 1,19 meters
wide, one can assume he acquired a sizeable fortune during his service to a Russian
prince.103 This can be further proved with another rune stone discovered in Veda. The
rune stone U 209 reads, “Þorsteinn made (the stone) in memory of Erinmundr, his son,
and bought this estate and earned (wealth) in the east in Garðar (Russia)”.104 Regarding
these two rune stones, we can suggest that they are the same Þorsteinn, and he bought
this land in Veda with the wealth he earned in Russia and later gave it to his son.105
One can interpret that Sö 338 represents the two-sidedness of the Russo-Scandinavian
relations. The Russian princes were resolving the conflicts they faced with the service
of Scandinavian mercenaries, and the latter were paid enough — for commissioning
an enormous rune stone —to stay loyal.
102 Rune text: §A · ketil : auk + biorn + þaiʀ + raistu + stain + þin[a] + at + þourstain : faþur + sin +
anuntr + at + bruþur + sin + auk : hu[skar]laʀ + hifiʀ + iafna + ketilau at + buanta sin · ¶ bruþr uaʀu þaʀ
bistra mana : a : lanti auk : i liþi : uti : h(i)(l)(t)u sini huska(r)la : ui- + §B han + fial + i + urustu + austr
+ i + garþum + lis + furugi + lanmana + bestr
Translation: §A Ketill and Bjǫrn, they raised this stone in memory of Þorsteinn, their father; Ǫnundr in
memory of his brother and the housecarls in memory of the just(?) (and) Ketiley in memory of her
husbandman. These brothers were the best of men in the land and abroad in the retinue, held their
housecarls well. §B He fell in battle in the east in Garðar (Russia), commander of the retinue, the best
of landholders.
103 Pritsak, The Origin of Rus’, 396.
104 Rune text: þurtsain × kiarþi| |if×tiʀ irinmunt × sun sin auk| |kaubti þinsa bu × auk × aflaþi × austr i
karþum
105 Pritsak, The Origin of Rus’, 396.
39
Another example that must be mentioned in this regard is Eymundr Hringsson,
son of Hring, who descended from Haraldr Fine-Hair’s blood.106 In Eymunds saga
(Eymundar þáttr hrings), after an expedition to England, Eymundr and Ragnar — the
son of Agnar, the son of Ragnar Rykkil, who was the son of Haraldr Fine-Hair, or his
cousin — arrive in Norway with their large fleet.107 Subsequently, they were given the
news of the conquest of Norway and the elimination of all the provincial kings in
Norway.108 Eymundr then calls his countrymen for a meeting and explains why he
cannot bear arms against Saint Óláfr (King Óláfr II of Norway, d. 1030), for he thinks
the country is in good hands and swore oaths of allegiance that he was duty-bound to
keep them.109 When asked about his next plan, Eymundr offered to go to Russia and
visit the three Russian princes who were, at the time, in a power struggle following the
death of Vladimir the Great.110 His plan was to “… visit these kings, and stay with one
of them, preferably one who intends to hold on to his realm but is satisfied with the
way their father divided the country”, for he was sure to “win fame and fortune
there.”111 Unsurprisingly, this plan seemed like the best option to most of them since
they all wanted to make money and walk away from the ill-treatment they faced in
Norway.112 The saga continues with Eymundr’s arrival in Russia and meeting with
Jarisleif/Yaroslav. Indeed, it can be said that recruitment from Scandinavia was so
frequent and usual that in Eymunds saga, Eymundr seems notably sure about his career
106 Palsson and Edwards, trans., Vikings in Russia, 69. Also see Robert Cook, “Russian History,
Icelandic Story, and Byzantine Strategy in Eymundar Páttr Hringssonar,” Viator 17 (January 1986): 65–
90 for more on Eymundr’s Saga.
107 There are two versions of Eymundar þáttr hrings; one of them appears as Eymundar þáttr hrings in
Flateyjarbók and the other one is an introductory chapter in Yngvars saga viðförla. Since I have access
to none of the versions of Flateyjarbók, I used the one in the introductory chapter form.
108 Palsson and Edwards, trans., Vikings in Russia, 70.
109 Palsson and Edwards, trans., Vikings in Russia, 70. In addition to Eymundr’s trust in King Óláfr,
being blood brothers must have affected the former’s decision regarding taking arms against the latter.
110 Jarisleif, who is the Yaroslav above the Wise; Vartilaf, also known as Izyaslav of Polotsk; and
Burislaf, who is likely Syvatopolk, Vladimir’s illegitimate son according to the Russian Primary
Chronicle, 93.
111 Palsson and Edwards, trans., Vikings in Russia, 71.
112 Palsson and Edwards, trans., Vikings in Russia, 71.
40
path after fleeing Norway. Given what has been said until now, his words on visiting
one of the Russian princes and winning fame and fortune most likely refer to his plans
to be a mercenary.
Last but by no means not least, Jakun, the Varangian king, further proves the
Scandinavian recruitment culture within the retinues of the Rus. We find the reference
to him under the year 1024; the following account talks about Jakun’s involvement in
the conflict between half-brothers Yaroslav the Wise and Mstislav.113 In this regard, it
could be said that the possibility that Hákon was the aforementioned brother of
Yngvarr, who was mentioned in the rune stone U 617.114
2.5. Analysis
When the Russo-Scandinavian relations are examined, all the written and material
evidence suggest a power balance in which the latter dominated the former to a certain
extent. This is indeed observable in both Russian and Arabic sources. In Russian
Primary Chronicle, it is stated that prior to the arrival of three Scandinavian men,
Rurik, Sineus and Truvor (ON Hroerkr, Signiutr, and Þorvaldr), the “The Varangians
from beyond the sea imposed tributes on Chuds, the Slavs, the Merians, the Ves’, and
the Krivichians”.115 Since the party that imposes tributes is Scandinavians, it is evident
on whose side the power lies. Likewise, the statement that the Scandinavian people
made incursions and enslaved Slavic people in the Kitāb al-A‘lāq al-Nafīsa supports
the aforementioned power balance.
This balance seems to change gradually when we compare Ahmad ibn Rustah’s
statements with the nature of the relationship between the Kievan princes and
Scandinavians. As mentioned earlier, both literary and material evidence show that
113 Cross and Sherbowitz-Wetzor, trans., The Russian Primary Chronicle, 135.
114 See page 22.
115 Cross and Sherbowitz-Wetzor, trans., The Russian Primary Chronicle, 59.
41
recruiting mercenaries from Norse men can be considered a custom due to its
frequency in terms of time and types of military expeditions. In this regard, we can
conclude that there had been a shift in the balance of power. Even though we cannot
be sure about the causes of this power shift, what we can be sure of is the fact that, as
a consequence of this shift, there occurred a recruiter-recruit relationship between
them. Moreover, it seems that Scandinavians found this new power balance logical
and profitable enough, for even among our scarce sources, four examples of
mercenaries under Russian princes can be found.
So, what did Yngvarr go east for? According to the saga, Yngvarr died in 1041
from a sickness that broke out during the expedition.116 The Grand Prince of Kiev in
the year 1041 was Yaroslav the Wise. In this regard, Yngvarr must have gone
eastwards during the reign of Yaroslav, and earlier, I mentioned that Yaroslav’s
relationship with Scandinavians can be grouped into three kinds of occurrences,
according to Birnbaum.117 Since we do not have any evidence of a matrimonial
connection concerning Yngvarr, it is best to eliminate the first occurrence. Although
we have established that Yngvarr was a descendant of the Swedish royal family, we
still do not have any clue concerning his part in the Swedish royal family due to the
lack of sources. Additionally, if he had been an important political figure whom
Yaroslav hosted, this would have been mentioned in Yngvars saga. This left us with
the third option, which is calling in and maintaining of mercenaries and along with his
military success frequently mentioned in the saga, I argue that he was a mercenary
under the service of Yaroslav.
Finally, in order to find Yngvarr’s motivation for going eastwards, we must
return to the saga once again. In the saga, Yngvarr leaves Sweden because King Óláfr
116 Palsson and Edwards, trans., Vikings in Russia, 60.
117 See page 36.
42
rejects to give “the title of the king and the honours go with it”.118 As mentioned
before, even though sagas are inherently fictional for the most part, one should not
neglect them altogether. Additionally, since there is no further information about
Yngvar’s leave in literary and material sources, we only have the tension between
Óláfr and Yngvarr as a clue. If we accept this as a fact, then I argue that Yngvarr’s
desire to be the king can be boiled down to his desire to be wealthy and powerful. In
other words, I argue that it is very likely that Ygnvarr’s motivation for going eastwards
was to be as wealthy and powerful as the king.
2.6. Conclusion
Both archaeological and literary evidence suggests that the contact between the
Scandinavians and the inhabitants of Russian soil started long before 860, the date
Russian Primary Chronicle gives. The power dynamics, on the other hand, appear to
be overlapping in both Arabic and Russian sources. We find Scandinavians in a more
dominant status than their neighbours during the first couple of centuries of their
contact. It appears that by the start of the tenth century, the nature of Russo-
Scandinavian relations started to change. That is to say, we started to encounter them
as the mercenaries of the Kievan princes. Although no specific reason was given
regarding this shift, its effects on both the reasons and the motivations of the
Scandinavians can be seen.
Once the tributaries of Scandinavians, by the turn of the eleventh century, they
were the mercenaries of the Grand Princes. However, it should be emphasised that this
power shift does not necessarily signify a new relationship in which Scandinavians are
forced to enter the service of the princes. This was simply a medieval recruiter-recruit
relationship.
118 Palsson and Edwards, trans., Vikings in Russia, 50.
43
As a result of this change, Scandinavians, particularly but not exclusively
Swedes, started to benefit from this new relationship. Inevitably, this also affected their
motivations for going eastwards, in this case, Russia. That is to say, they were no
longer motivated by the possible Slav slaves and the loot that they could forcibly
extract from native inhabitants. They were motivated by fame and, most importantly,
payment.
44
CHAPTER III: THE COMMANDER OF THE VARANGIANS
Medieval Scandinavians stood out as remarkable seafarers and intrepid travellers,
leaving an indelible mark on medieval Europe and the Middle East to a certain extent
through their voyages across vast distances. On the other hand, Christianity,
expectedly, influenced Scandinavian society to a great extent, and thus Viking raids
subsided at some point, albeit not immediately. While they were not the axe-bearing
pagan warriors of the North anymore, they now had the opportunity to travel through
those empires/kingdoms where their ancestors had raided a couple of decades earlier.
As we will see in the following paragraphs, this led to a permanent presence which
eventually gave rise to the establishment of Varangians in the Byzantine Army. I argue
that, along with the alteration in their routes, their motivation for travel also changed.
In this chapter, by comparing three different saga compilations — Heimskringla,
Fargskinna and Morkinskinna —I will explore Haraldr Sigurðarson’s (r. 1046-1066)
motivation for going eastwards and entering the service of the Byzantine Emperor. In
this regard, I will first mention the non-Roman presence in the Roman Imperial Army
to visualise the beginning of the path that began to be paved in the fourth century by
the Germans and ultimately came to a point which resulted in a hundred-yeard-long
presence of Scandinavians in the Byzantine Army. I will then continue with the
presence of Norse men in the Byzantine Army, the establishment of the Varangian
Guard and Harald’s journey from Norway to Constantinople, respectively.
3.1. Non-Romans in the Roman Army
One could be baffled by how, once warlike and militarised to an exceptional degree
Roman Empire came to depend very largely on troops of non-Roman, particularly
Germanic, origin. Indeed, the recruitment of non-Roman people can be traced to the
45
early fourth century.119 However, it could be said that the occurrence of Germans and
other non-Roman officers as a striking force in the Roman imperial army started with
Constantine I’s (r. 306-337) initiatives to muster a mobile army to attack Maxentius
(r. 305-312) to win the Empire for himself. 120 Constantine's army was mainly
constituted of barbarians and “partly from among the prisoners of war settled by the
tetrarchs in Gaul, partly from the captives taken by himself, partly from volunteers
across from the volunteer”.121 By doing this, it appears that he created a new auxilia
to judge by their name, consisting largely of Germans.122 Furthermore, Constantine
seems to establish a type of guard unit, Scholae Palatinae, in the place of the praetorian
guard, which was recruited and mainly commanded, but not exclusively, by Germans.
In light of what has been said, Germans of various tribal origins had a significant role
in the Roman armies. During the middle years of the fourth century, the Alamanni held
a significant presence, while the Franks occupied essential roles for the majority of the
century.
The extant part of the Ammiannus Marcellinus’ Rerum Gestarum Libri provides
detailed information about the Late Roman officer class starting from 353/4.123 It
seems that by the second half of the fourth century, German officers were numerous
and in influential positions. One can even find German officers who Latinized their
119 M. P. Speidel, “The Rise of Ethnic Units in the Roman Imperial Army,” in Aufstieg Und Niedergang
Der Römischen Welt II, ed. Wolfgang Haase and Hildegard Temporini-Gräfin Vitzthum (De Gruyter,
1975), 202-31.
120 D. Hoffmann, “Die Spätromischen Soldatengrabinschriften von Concordia,” Epigraphische Studien
7, no. 1-2 (1969), 130-41, 169-73, 199-201.
121 J. H. W. G. Liebeschuetz, Barbarians and Bishops: Army, Church, and State in the Age of Arcadius
and Chrysostom (Clarendon Press, 1990), 7.
122 D. Hoffmann, “Die Spätromischen”, 200-300.
123 Liebeschuetz, Barbarians and Bishops, 8.
46
names.124 In this regard, it is possible that the number of officers of Germanic origin
was significantly higher in practice.125
The influential role that German officers held in the middle of the fourth century
can also be traced by the large number of them who rose to the highest rank of magister
militum.126 Agilo under Constantinus, Victor under Julian, Jovian and Valens and
Arinthaeus under Valens were the prominent members of magister militum.127 Indeed,
these men were influential in the succession to the Empire. In fact, Nevitta was
evidently one of the prominent officers in Julian’s reign. He succeeded Gemoarius,
perhaps an Alaman, in 361, as magister equitum per Gallias.128 The following year,
he displaced Agilo, another Alaman, as magister equitum praesentalis.129 Moreover,
following Julian’s death on the Persian campaign, the expeditionary force, which
included both Eastern and Western field armies, Nevitta and Dagalaifus were the
spokesmen on behalf of the Western army and Arintheus, and Victor represented the
Eastern army in the meeting where they had to choose a new emperor.130
During the last years of Emperor Valentinian I (r. 364-375), the rank of magister
militum131 was also on the list of possible ranks Germans could hold.132 For example,
Merobaudes, as magister preditum praesentalis, played a significant role in the
declaration of Valentinian II as joint emperor at the death of Valentinian I.133 Later,
124 References in the A. H. M. Jones, J. R. Martindale, and J. Morris, The Prosopography of the Later
Roman Empire I, A.D.260- 395 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971), 163, 957, 532 —
Bonitus 2 of Frank descendent, Victor 4 who is Sarmatian, Magnus Magnentius of German origin.
125 Liebeschuetz, Barbarians and Bishops, 8.
126 Liebeschuetz, Barbarians and Bishops, 8.
127 Jones, Martindale and Morris, The Prosopography I, 28, 957, 462-3, 930-1, 104 (in the order of the
names).
128Ammianus Marcellinus, The Roman History of Ammianus Marcellinus, trans. Charles Duke Yonge,
1862, xxi. 8.1.
129 Marcellinus, The Roman History, xiv. 10. 8.
130 Marcellinus, The Roman History, xxv. 5. 2.
131 Magister militum consisted of two posts: magister peditum as the head of the infantry and master
equitum as the head of the more prestigious cavalry.
132 Liebeschuetz, Barbarians and Bishops, 9.
133 Jones, Martindale and Morris, The Prosopography I, 598-89 (Merobaudes 2).
47
with his influence, a substantial portion of the army, initially intended for
reinforcement against the Goths in the Eastern Empire, was redirected to Gaul to
defend the Empire against the possible attacks of Germans.134
3.2. Norsemen in the Roman Army
Given what has been said in the previous section, the Romans were used to the
presence of foreigners in the Army starting from the fourth century and vice versa. In
this regard, it ought not to be a matter of astonishment that individuals identifying
themselves as Rhos were part of the Greek embassy sent by Theophilus (r. 829-842)
to the court of Louis the Pious in 839.135 The writer of Annales Bertini mentions that
they had visited Theophilus on behalf and on request of their king, Chacanos, to
establish friendly relations with the Greeks and on their way back home, they desired
to use the territories of Louis for the road they had come was impassable due to
depredations of hostile tribes. Having had a bad experience with the Norsemen, Louis
investigated their origin and found out that the men were of Swede origin;136 therefore,
emissaries were detained until he was satisfied.
In Russian Primary Chronicle, we encounter two chieftains, Askold and Dir
(corruptions of the Norse names Höskuldr and Dýri),137 who attacked the districts
around the Bosphorus by a fleet of Rhosi in the absence of Micheal III (r. 842-867)
who was an expedition against the Arabs during the attack.138 Most of the Russian fleet
was destroyed by the great storm that appeared during their attack, and the Imperial
troops defeated the remnants. Subsequently, Russians sent messengers to establish a
134 Marcellinus, The Roman History, xxxi. 7. 4.
135 Georg Waitz, ed., Annales Bertiniani (Hannoverae, Impensis Bibliopolii Hahniani, 1883), 20.
136 “… eos gentis esse Sueonum” verbatim “their nation is Sveoni”.
137 Blöndal, The Varangians of Byzantium, 33.
138 Cross and Sherbowitz-Wetzor, trans., The Russian Primary Chronicle, 60.
48
truce. A new treaty with a clause that the Russians should send troops into the
Emperor’s service was prepared.139 One can argue that these were the baby steps of a
long process that ended with the significant presence of the Scandinavians in the
Roman Army.
Constantine’s De Ceremoniis, while mentioning the preparations for the naval
expedition to Crete in 902, refers to 700 Rhosi who were paid between them 7200
nomismata in roga due to their participation in the operation.140 Five years later, in
907, Prince Oleg141 (Helgi) attacked Constantinople by sea.142 Although the Russian
Primary Chronicle refers to it as a success, there is no mention whatsoever in the
Byzantine accounts.143 Eventually, a new treaty for peace and a new trade pack was
concluded in 911.144 In the new treaty, the Russians declared,
Whenever you (the Byzantine Emperor) find it necessary to declare war, or when
you are conducting a campaign, providing any Russes desirous of honouring
your Emperor come at any time and wish to remain in his service, they shall be
permitted in this respect to act according to their desire.145
It appears that they had a desire to make the conditions for entering into the Emperor’s
service more flexible. They might have wanted to pave the way for their fellow
Northmen since it was an undeniably suitable career for them. The names at the end
of the contract are all of Norse origin: Karl, Ingjald, Farulf, Vermund, Hrollaf, Gunnar,
Harald, Karni, Frithleif, Hroarr, Angantyr, Throand, Leithulf, Fast and Steinvith.146
139 Cross and Sherbowitz-Wetzor, trans., The Russian Primary Chronicle, 225.
140 Constantine VII, De Ceremoniis, 654.
141 There are ongoing discussions about the exact dates of Prince Oleg’s reign. See Donald Ostrowski,
“Was There a Riurikid Dynasty in Early Rus’?,” Canadian-American Slavic Studies 52, no. 1 (2018),
30-49.
142 Cross and Sherbowitz-Wetzor, trans., The Russian Primary Chronicle, 64.
143 Cross and Sherbowitz-Wetzor, trans., The Russian Primary Chronicle, 36.
144 Cross and Sherbowitz-Wetzor, trans., The Russian Primary Chronicle, 64-5.
145 Cross and Sherbowitz-Wetzor, trans., The Russian Primary Chronicle, 68.
146 Cross and Sherbowitz-Wetzor, trans., The Russian Primary Chronicle, 65.
49
Another attack was made in 941 by Igor (Ingvar) on Constantinople. This attack
was likely due to the failure to pay the agreed-upon retainers in the treaty with Oleg.147
In 945, the initial agreement with Oleg was reestablished, undergoing slight
adjustments. Consequently, the Empire and the princedom of Kiev entered into an
eternal alliance, vowing to protect each other from the encroachments of external
forces.148
In 949, we find Russians as the coastguards upon the ships at Dyrrhachium and
along the Dalmatian coast, while 629 Russi were sent to Crede to participate in the
expedition.149 Through the court poet of Sayf al-Dawla, poet Mutanabbi, we learn that
there was a Russian troop in the force led by Bardas Phokas in his Syrian campaign of
954-55.150 If we consider this a fact, then it is most likely that Russian troops were
with him as well on the previous campaigns, such as the Syriac one of 947.151
After the death of Romanos II (r. 959-963), Joseph Bringas, an important eunuch
in the Byzantine court, tried to manoeuvre power into his own hands and attempted a
rebellion. It was put down by Basil the Chamberlain (illegitimate son of the
emperor Romanos I Lekapenos), who commanded the Grand Hetairia152 during the
reign of Constantine. It appears, in this context, it is also most likely that the troops
that put down Eunuch Bringas’ rebellion included Russian mercenaries as well.153
During the reign of Nicephorus II Phokas (r.963-969), the Rus were noted as
being the troops dispatched to Sicily led by Manuel and Nicetas Phokas, who were the
sons of the Emperor’s brother. Furthermore, it is highly possible that in the expedition
147 Blöndal, The Varangians of Byzantium, 37.
148 Cross and Sherbowitz-Wetzor, trans., The Russian Primary Chronicle, 73-77.
149 Constantine VII, De Ceremoniis, 664.
150 The translation of Mutanabbi’s poem is in J. Derek Latham, “Towards a Better Understanding of Al-
Mutanabb’īs Poem on the Battle of Al-Hadath,” Journal of Arabic Literature 10 (1959).
151 Blöndal, The Varangians of Byzantium, 37.
152 Hetairia is the overall name for the foreign mercenaries in the service of the Emperor.
153 Blöndal, The Varangians of Byzantium, 38.
50
to Cyprus during his reign, the troops included many Russians since the naval troops
who participated were selected from those who had accompanied the future Emperor
during his successful military expedition to Crete in 960.154 In 967, Nicephorus
campaigned against the Bulgars but had to return home for urgent matters. He left
Prince Svyatoslav of Kiev (r. 945-972) to continue the fight, and Svyatoslav made
considerable progress. However, a subsequent attack on Svyatoslav's lands caused him
to return to his kingdom. As a result of this alliance, a division emerged during the
subsequent reign, leading to a situation where Russians were pitted against each other
in conflict.
After Nicephorus’ request, Svyatoslav intervened in a conflict regarding a peace
subsidy owed to Tsar Simeon I by Romanos I.155 While Svyatoslav was away dealing
with the Emperor’s request, the news of a Pecheneg attack reached him and caused
him to return to Kiev to defend his kingdom. He later resumed his campaign in
Bulgaria and conquered a large part of the country from Tsar Peter's successor.
However, he felt betrayed by his Byzantine allies, leading him to invade the Byzantine
Empire. In 970, Svyatoslav's forces attacked and looted Philippopolis. In response,
John I Tzimiskes, who was crowned in December 969, personally took charge and in
the following two years, he not only reclaimed the territories lost to the Russian
invaders156. The siege of Silistria forced the Russians to seek peace. As a result, a new
treaty was established between the two parties. Considering the Byzantine Empire's
conservative nature and reliance on past precedents, it is reasonable to assume that this
treaty might have included provisions for incorporating Norse Russians into the
154 Blöndal, The Varangians of Byzantium, 39.
155 Blöndal, The Varangians of Byzantium, 40-41.
156 Blöndal, The Varangians of Byzantium, 40-41.
51
Byzantine armed forces. However, it's crucial to note that there is no surviving
documentary evidence to support this assumption.
3.3. Establishment of the Varangians
The organisational change regarding the Northmen in the Imperial Army came under
Basil II (r. 976-1025). Before elaborating on the establishment of the Varangian Guard
itself, we should ask under what circumstances Basil decided to establish an army
composed of non-Roman mercenaries, which would be responsible for protecting the
Roman Emperor and his interest. It is highly possible that he heard of the rumours of
John Tzimisces killing Nicephoras by the time he reached twenty and became old
enough to rule the Empire.157 The killing of a father figure by the other one would have
triggered his safety concerns deeply. Moreover, the suspicious death of John Tzimisces
in a distant corner of the Empire from a disease with symptoms too similar to poisoning
and his mother’s involvement in Nicephorus’ murder should have been a cherry on top
for Basil.
The distrustful young man must have realised that to survive, he ne needed loyal
servants who were not driven by personal agendas that could harm his interests and
would remain devoted as long as they received generous and regular payment.158
Additionally, these servants needed to possess military skills that surpassed the
average capabilities of even the formidable Roman Army. Observing Nicephorus, who
had effectively utilised powerful warriors from the Russian steppes in various
successful missions and whose excellent military skills and less endeavouring
character had rubbed off on to his stepson, Basil would have been prone to think
favourably of the Norsemen for the potential candidates for this role. Indeed, at the
157 Diaconos Leo, The History of Leo the Deacon: Byzantine Military Expansion in the Tenth Century,
trans. Denis F. Sullivan and Alice-Mary Maffry Talbot (Washington, D.C: Dumbarton Oaks Research
Library and Collection, 2005), 139.
158 Blöndal, The Varangians of Byzantium, 41.
52
end of his reign, we find them definitely established in the Byzantine records, leaving
no room for uncertainty regarding their roles or positions.159
In 986, Tsar Samuel II (r. 997-1014) invaded Greece, and in return, Basil invaded
Bulgaria and besieged Serdica.160 Due to “the incompetence of the commanders”, the
army failed to accomplish and was forced to raise the siege. What is more, when he
returned home, he faced two revolts consecutively, the former by Bardas Skleros (d.
991) and the latter by Bardas Phokas the Younger (d. 989).161 At this point, Basil
sought aid from Prince Vladimir of Kiev (r. 978-1015), and his eternal ally sent him
the contingent of Varangians on condition that Basil gave him his sister Anna in
marriage.162 On his part, Basil conditioned Vladimir to be baptised into the Christian
faith. When both parties fulfilled their part of the agreement, in the winter of 988, 6000
men arrived to enter the service of the Emperor.163 This arrangement between Basil
and Vladimir is well documented in Byzantine sources and is referred to Greek,
Armenian and Arabic sources as well.164
On the other hand, Vladimir was not casting his bread upon the waters just for
his ally. The Norsemen, whose assistance Vladimir used to overcome his brother,
Jaropolk I’s (r. 972-978) rebellion in the year 980, were now declaring Kiev as their
own: “This city belongs to us, and we took it; hence we desire tribute from it…”.165
Vladimir told them to wait a month and then dismissed them to Greece.166 In this
159 Blöndal, The Varangians of Byzantium, 42.
160 Diaconos Leo, The History of Leo the Deacon, 213-14.
161 Diaconos Leo, The History of Leo the Deacon, 215-16.
162 Michael Psellus, Fourteen Byzantine Rulers: The Chronographia of Michael Psellus, trans. E.R.A.
Sewter (London, England: Penguin Books, 2011), 35.
163 Elmacen, Historia Saracenorum, ed. T. Erpenius (Leiden, 1625), 313 quoted in Blöndal, The
Varangians of Byzantium, 42.
164 Blöndal, The Varangians of Byzantium, 43.
165 Cross and Sherbowitz-Wetzor, trans., The Russian Primary Chronicle, 93.
166 Cross and Sherbowitz-Wetzor, trans., The Russian Primary Chronicle, 93.
53
regard, it appears that it was such a fortunate coincidence for Basil, who greatly needed
mighty soldiers.
The dispatch of Norse soldiers is referred into Chronographia as follows:
The Emperor Basil was well aware of disloyalty among the Romans, but not
long before this a picked band of Scythians had come to help him from the
Taurus. These men, fine fighters, he had trained in a separate corps, combined
with them another mercenary force, divided by companies, and sent them out to
fight the rebels.167
Basil quickly realised the invaluable asset he had acquired in these formidable warriors
from the North. They proved their worth by leading him to triumph against Delphinas,
Bardas Phokas’ lieutenant at Scutari, in 989. Moreover, their assistance led him to
triumph over Phocas at the Battle of Abydos in 989.168
From this time onward, neither an internal nor an external hostile power dared
to raise his hand against Basil. Unquestionably, he took great pleasure in this sense of
security he could now find at home and ensured it by establishing a highly-capable,
disciplined and utterly reliable lifeguard. This new regiment assumed the role of
personal safety of the Emperor, relieving the Excubitores 169 of this duty. 170
Throughout Basil’s numerous campaigns, they consistently accompanied him and
played a crucial role in many of his successful ventures. Over time, this Varangian
regiment became the core of the guards, and they likely required a substantial entry
fee, given their significantly higher regular pay and additional bonuses compared to
the rest of the army, which is an essential detail for us that I will discuss later. These
select Varangians were known as the “Varangians of the City” in contrast to other
Varangian units called “Varangians outside the City”, which served in various military
167 Psellus, Fourteen Byzantine Rulers: The Chronographia of Michael Psellus, 35.
168 Psellus, Fourteen Byzantine Rulers: The Chronographia of Michael Psellus, 45-6.
169 An imperial guard unit that was founded in c. 460.
170 Blöndal, The Varangians of Byzantium, 45.
54
roles as needed across the Empire.171 The guardsmen never left the capital unless the
Emperor himself was present, which was infrequent since Basil was not feeling in his
safest place within the capital’s environment and often avoided it as much as possible
until his death.
3.4. Haraldr Sigurðarson and the reason why he left Norway — Comparison of
Heimskringla, Morkinskinna and Fagrskinna
Three saga collections will be used in this section to optimise the information that can
be learned about Haraldr Hardrada’s departure from Norway since they are the most
common primary sources about Harald: Heimskringla, Morkinskinna and Fagrskinna.
The first of these, Heimskringla, perhaps the best-known of the Old Norse kings’
sagas, was ascribed to Snorri Sturluson (b. 1179, d. 1241), the Icelandic historian. On
the other hand, there is little clear evidence that Snorri wrote Heimskringla. In fact, no
documents explicitly state that Snorri wrote the work, and the details about how this
attribution came to be are especially unclear. 172 Regarding its context, it is a
compilation of sagas about Swedish and Norwegian kings beginning with the
legendary saga of the Swedish dynasty of Ynglings and ending with the death of
pretender Eystein Meyla in 1177.
Morkinskinna is also in the category of kings’ sagas but covers only Norwegian
kings from approximately 1030 to 1157. There is no mention of a writer or a compiler
within the work; however, in the introduction of the translated version, Andersson and
Gade argue that the author was a northern Icelander.173 They also argue that it must
171 Blöndal, The Varangians of Byzantium 45.
172 Patricia Pires Boulhosa, Icelanders and the Kings of Norway (Brill, 2005), 8-9.
173 Theodore M. Anderson and Kari Ellen Gade, trans., Morkinskinna: The Earliest Icelandic Chronicle
of the Norwegian Kings (1030-1157) (Cornell University Press, 2012), 82.
55
have been written earlier than Heimskringla, which was written between 1225-1235,174
since the former was a primary source for the latter.
Finally, Fagrskinna is considered to be the saga that was read to Hakon IV on
his deathbed.175 Although we do not have information about his author, it is usually
regarded as having associations with the court of King Hakon. It ends with the
beginning of Hakon’s grandfather King Sverrir in 1177.176
In all three saga compilations, we can see that Haraldr leaves Norway after
getting wounded and the death of Óláfr in the Battle of Stiklarstaðir177 in 1030. Both
in Heimskringla and Morkinskinna Rǫgnvaldr Brúsason removes him from the
battlefield and takes him to a farmhouse to heal.178 In Fagrskinna, the farmhouse detail
is not given: “When Óláfrr the blessed king had fallen at Stiklarstadir, his brother
Haraldr and Rognvaldr Brusason and many men with them left the country”.179
Minor details differ on his experience during his time at the farmhouse and how
he found his company of men, but eventually, he and his men reach Russia and are
welcomed by the Grand Prince of Kiev, Yaroslav the Wise (r. 1019-1054). Although
the author did not explicitly state it, Harald's leaving Norway, one might even say
fleeing to a certain extent, represents that he is going into a political exile because,
with the death of Óláfrr, there was no one to claim the Norwegian throne. Also, there
was already a lost battle on Harald’s scoreboard; therefore, he must have thought that
a second attack under that circumstances would be doomed to failure.
174 Anderson and Gade, Morkinskinna, 66.
175 Alison Finlay, trans., Fagrskinna, a Catalogue of the Kings of Norway (Brill, 2004), 1.
176 Finlay, trans., Fagrskinna, 1.
177 Belligerents were Óláfrr II Haraldsson (r. 1015-1028) and his companions and allies versus King
Knútr (r. 1016-1035) and the peasant army under his influence.
178 Alison Finlay and Anthony Faulkes, trans., Heimskringla Volume III (University College London,
2011), 41; Anderson and Gade, Morkinskinna, 130.
179 Finlay, trans., Fagrskinna, 182.
56
Without giving further details, all three saga compilers provide us, after
mentioning Harald’s arrival, with the information that Haraldr becomes the
commander of the King’s national defence: “King Jarizleifr welcomed Haraldr and his
companions. Haraldr then became leader over the king’s national defence force,
together with Jarl Rognvaldr’s son Eilifr”180, “Haraldr soon became the commander
of King Yaroslav’s defence forces”181, “ King Jarizleifr appointed Haraldr as second
in command over his army and paid a wage to all his men”182.
The amount of time that Haraldr spent under Yaroslav is unclear. Heimskringla
suggests that he “stayed Garðaríki for some winters…”;183 Fagrskinna describes it as
“a long time”.184 In Morkinskinna, however, it is said that Haraldr asks Yaroslav’s
daughter, Elisabeth’s (ON Ellisif) hand in marriage, but Yaroslav conditionally rejects
his proposal:
This is a good proposal, and in many ways it seems to me an even match. It is
quite likely that your deeds will continue to grow in the way they have begun,
but just now you have not the means for such a distinguished marriage, and for
the moment you are a landless man. But because your success may turn out as I
expect, I will not reject you indefinitely.185
Subsequently, Haraldr prepares to go abroad. Even though this gives us nothing
regarding the amount of time he stayed in Russia, the author appears to present his
desire to be worthy of marriage with Kievan Princess Elisabeth as a reason for his
departure from Russia. However, we need to bear in mind that these sagas were written
down two hundred years later or more after the events; also the fact that they are
inherently partly factual and exaggerated for the audience’s entertainment.
180 Finlay and Faulkes, trans., Heimskringla III, 41-2.
181Anderson and Gade, Morkinskinna, 131.
182 Finlay, trans., Fagrskinna,182.
183 Finlay and Faulkes, trans., Heimskringla III, 42.
184 Finlay, trans., Fagrskinna,183.
185 Anderson and Gade, Morkinskinna, 131.
57
Additionally, in Russian Primary Chronicle, under the year 1031, it is said that
Yaroslav went on a campaign against Poland and recaptured the cities of Cherven.186
Haraldar saga in Flateyjarbók mentions that Haraldr thereupon asked for the princess’s
hand in marriage.187 However, Elisabeth could hardly have been six years old at that
point.188 In this regard, if we stick to the scarce information in our hands, this exchange
must have happened later in his life, most likely after his return from Byzantium, since
there are no records of them communicating in between.
3.5. Haraldr Hardrada as the commander of Varangian Guard
When he arrives in Constantinople, according to Heimskringla, he goes to see Empress
Zoë in ríka (the Great) (b. 978, d. 1050) and Michael IV (r. 1034-1041) to become a
mercenary.189 More or less, the same storyline is given in Fagrskinna, “Then Haraldr
made a request of the emperor and the queen, saying he wanted to take paid service
there with all his men, and this was granted to him…”. 190 The compiler of
Morkinskinna, along with giving the pitstops he makes, gives more details than the
other sagas:
Here it is said that he sailed with warship and great company to Constantinople
in order to meet with the Byzantine Emperor, whose name was Michael
Catalactus. At that time the queen in Constantinople was Zoe en ríka (the
Powerful). The Norwegians were welcomed there. Haraldr immediately
entered the emperor’s service and called himself Norðbrikt. On the contrary,
he urged everyone to conceal the fact because foreigners are shunned when
they are the progeny of kings.191
186 Cross and Sherbowitz-Wetzor, trans., The Russian Primary Chronicle, 136.
187 C. R. Unger and Gudbrand Vigfusson, Flateyjarbok (Christiania, P.T. Malling, 1860), 290.
188 Per Sveaas Andersen, “Ellisiv – Norsk Dronning,” Store norske leksikon, March 8, 2023,
https://snl.no/Ellisiv_-_norsk_dronning; For detailed discussion see, Peter A. Munch, Samlede
Afhandlinger I (Gustav Storm, 1876), 534.
189 Finlay and Faulkes, trans., Heimskringla III, 42.
190 Finlay, trans., Fagrskinna, 183.
191 Anderson and Gade, Morkinskinna, 132.
58
Unlike the other two saga compilations, Morkinskinna does not mention an immediate
departure.
In all three saga compilations, Haraldr becomes the commander of the Væringjar
in the same narrative. When Haraldr and his men entered the Army, the Greek king’s
fleet was commanded by a general named Gyrgir (Georgios Maniaces, d. 1043), also
a kinsman of the Empress.192 During an expedition, possibly in the Aegean Sea, they
quarrel over whose troop should pitch their tent where. Georgios claims the Greek
troops should pitch their tents to the better ground since this was the law. Even though
this conflict did not become a serious fight, according to Heimskringla, “there were
other things that led to disagreements between them, and it always turned out that
Haraldr got his way”.193 It is possible that this continuing tension between them started
to make people in the Army choose sides. This peaked when soldiers noticed that the
army was almost always victorious with Harald's command. They tell Georgios that
Haraldr should be the sole leader of the army for the sake of fulfilling the army’s
purpose. The former defends himself by asserting that the Væringjar never give him
any help and does not listen to his commands. Ultimately, the army divides into two
parties; Væringjar and the Normans depart with Harald, and the Greek army returns to
Constantinople with Georgios, except for the young men who want to earn money and
fame.
Afterwards, Haraldr and the rest who sided with him sail to Africa and win eighty
towns.194 Heimskringla, Fargskinna and Morkinskinna do not forget to emphasise that
all the gold, valuable possessions and precious stones that he had acquired during his
192 Finlay and Faulkes, trans., Heimskringla III, 43; Finlay, trans., Fagrskinna, 183; Anderson and Gade,
Morkinskinna, 134.
193 Finlay and Faulkes, trans., Heimskringla III, 44.
194 Finlay and Faulkes, trans., Heimskringla III, 44; Finlay, trans., Fagrskinna,184; Anderson and Gade,
Morkinskinna, 135.
59
time in Africa, he would send them north into Hólmgarðr into the care and keeping of
King Yaroslav, apart from the expenses of the army. Even though this is only
mentioned during his time in Africa, it is most likely that he did this often, namely in
every valuable thing he possessed.
From Africa, he sails to Sicily. Haraldr takes at least four cities in Sicily and a
considerable wealth from them.195 From Sicily, he returns to Constantinople. All three
saga compilations provide different accounts for this part of the storyline. In
Heimskringla, it is said that he “left behind the gold for the salaries of the king of the
Greeks’ army and all the Væringjar that had joined up with him for this expedition”
and stays there “a little while” before he sails to Jerusalem.196 There is no mention of
a specific event during his time at Constantinople, and “soon afterwards”, he “made
his way with an army from Mikligarðr to Jerusalem” in Fagrskinna.197 Finally, once
again, Morkinskinna gives a whole different account than Heimskringla and
Fargskinna; Haraldr wants the most precious items from the wealth they amassed from
the captured cities in Sicily. Georgios objects to his claim and says he wants to present
them to the Emperor. Haraldr subsequently points out to Georgios that his military
skills are the reason behind that accumulated wealth. When Georgios returns to the
court of the Emperor, he slanders Haraldr and tells him that “he wanted to appropriate
all the money and leave very little for the emperor”.198
Regarding Harald’s journey to Jerusalem, the author of Morkinskinna states that
Haraldr then “made his way with his whole army from Sicily to Jerusalem, desiring to
195 Finlay and Faulkes, trans., Heimskringla III, 45-9; Finlay, trans., Fagrskinna, 186-7; Anderson and
Gade, Morkinskinna, 136-44. However, in Morkinskinna, Haraldr and the Varangians go to Sicily with
commander Georgios.
196 Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla Volume III, trans. Alison Finlay and Anthony Faulkes (University
College London, 2011), 49.
197 Finlay, trans., Fagrskinna,187.
198 Anderson and Gade, Morkinskinna, 143.
60
atone for his transgressions against God”. 199 In Heimskringla and Fagrskinna,
however, there is no mention of such a desire. Yet, reference to performing the rituals
that a pilgrim would perform proves that one of the purposes of this expedition was
spiritual satisfaction: “Then he went out to the Jórðan and washed himself there, as the
custom is among other pilgrims to the Holy Land”.200 All three accounts agree on the
other details about his time in Jerusalem. The land comes into his possession without
being wasted or harried; he contributed a vast amount of gold to the Holy Sepulchre,
the Holy Cross and the other holy relics in Jerusalem. He then secures the road all the
way out to Jordan from robbers and other plunderers.
When he returns to Constantinople, Empress Zoë begins to be displeased due to
his intimacy with Maria — Empress Zoë’s son’s daughter in Fagrskinna; her brother’s
daughter in Heimskringla; maiden Maria in Morkinskinna — and the allegations about
him keeping the gold that belonged to Byzantine Emperor.201 As a result of these
accusations, Haraldr (and two other men, Halldórr Snorrason and Úlfr in Fagrskinna)
is taken as a prisoner and put in a dungeon. In all accounts, his deceased brother Óláfrr
appears to him and helps him to get out of the dungeon. He then blinds the Emperor,
escapes from Constantinople with his men and sails to Russia, King Yaroslav.
All three sagas, apart from the minor differences in the narratives, present the
same storyline concerning Haraldr’s succession to the Norwegian throne. He sails first
to Sigtuna where he meets Sveinn Úlfsson, who had fled from King Magnus in
Denmark, and became friends due most likely to their kinship.202 They got themselves
199 Anderson and Gade, Morkinskinna, 144.
200 Finlay and Faulkes, trans., Heimskringla III, 50.
201Finlay and Faulkes, trans., Heimskringla III, 50; Finlay, trans., Fagrskinna, 188; Anderson and Gade,
Morkinskinna,145.
202 King Óláfr skautkonung (Olaf the Swede, r. 995-1022) was the father of Haraldr’s wife Ellisif’s
mother and Sveinn’s mother was King Óláfr’s sister according to Heimskringla. Finlay and Faulkes,
trans., Heimskringla III, 54; Finlay, trans., Fagrskinna, 192; Anderson and Gade, Morkinskinna,150.
61
ships in Sigtuna and sail for Norway, to take the throne back from King Magnus
Magnús Óláfsson (Magnus the Good, r. 1035-1047). In all three sagas, King Haraldr
recovers the Norwegian throne after a meeting with King Magnus but yet again, all
three subtly emphasises the power of both Haraldr and his army against King Magnus.
3.6. Analysis
Harald’s decision to go to Kiev and then to Constantinople after the defeat in the Battle
of Stiklarstaðir may seem insignificant at first glance since the ties with Kievan Rus
and Constantinople have long been established during Harald’s time, but what makes
his decision interesting is the fact that almost a hundred years ago in Norway, political
exiles directed their routes towards the west rather than the east. In Íslendingabók, for
example, it is stated that people who were upset with Haraldr Fairhair’s (r., putatively,
872-930) assertion of taxing rights on the lands that had seemingly been owned
outright by their previous possessors went to Iceland.203 Moreover, it is also noted that
Harald’s adversaries sought refuge in Iceland, most probably, positioning themselves
as political exiles. In this regard, the smart question here is “why”. Why did Haraldr
Hardrada choose the opposite way of his ancestors? What was his motivation while
going towards the East? To answer, one must go step by step.
As mentioned before, we see Haraldr escape from Norway after the defeat and,
most importantly, the death of Óláfrr in the Battle of Stiklarstaðir. Given what has been
said, the reasons for Harald’s departure from Norway can be summarised as follows:
it is highly possible that he was aware of the fact that Óláfrr’s death had left both
Haraldr and the army Óláfrr had mustered without a purpose. To put it simply, there
was no other claimant to the Norwegian throne other than King Knútr the Great (r.
1016-1035). Additionally, all three saga compilations above, Heimskringla,
203 Hugh Chisholm, ed., “Harald vs. Harald I,” in Encyclopædia Britannica (Cambridge University
Press, 1911).
62
Fagrskinna and Morkinskinna, state that Haraldr was taken out of the battlefield and
taken to a farmhouse to heal. This suggests that Haraldr was far too wounded to leave
the battlefield on his own and unable to defend himself. In this regard, it is likely that
he soon realised that neither he nor his men had the strength for a subsequent second
attack.
On the other hand, his escape from Norway also indicates that he was not ready
to surrender and accept Knútr’s victory. Therefore, rather than die for what he
advocates, he chooses to escape and seek the right time which, as we have seen above,
appears to be the right choice to make. For there to be any point in seeking the right
time, he first had to have money to raise enough troops. Since he was of noble blood,
one should not expect him to find a commoner’s job and to be able to save a sufficient
amount from this job for mustering an army. In these circumstances, raiding was his
best and only available option. In this regard, Iceland, which was the choice of his
forefathers, would not serve his purposes due to its remoteness to the places where he
could plunder. Given what has been said, the first part of our answer is Iceland’s or
other possible lands situated westwards remoteness compared to the lands abundant in
various sources situated eastwards.
Unsurprisingly, money constitutes the second part of our question. Although it
is pretty difficult to estimate the necessary wealth for mustering an army which should
be qualified enough to defeat King Knútr in the eleventh century, and his army, there
is no need to take a wild guess. In other words, one can easily interpret that a large
amount of money was required if we consider the provisions of that army. What were,
then, Harald’s options? As mentioned above, Iceland or any place situated in the far
west would be impractical for him. Additionally, since he was a Christian, it would
not be moral for a man of royal blood to go raiding and plunder every piece of land his
63
ship and army could anchor.204 It can also be said that this would not be suitable for
his status as a young future Christian king whose older brother had a name for
advocating Christianity in Norway.205
What he did have, however, was a membership that his ancestors had acquired a
couple of decades earlier: He belonged to Christendom. This meant he had the
opportunity to go eastwards, or more specifically, towards the part of the world where
wealthy Christian kingdoms were located, without facing any hardships or conflicts.
Since he was now part of the “club”, he was not considered the pagan beast his
ancestors once were and thus was not marginalised because of his non-Chistian beliefs.
This, then, constitutes the third part of our question: he chose to move eastwards to
benefit from his involvement in Christendom since plundering wherever his ship could
reach was not an option for him. In this manner, he hit two birds with one stone: he
both earned the money he needed to make a comeback and contributed to his military
curriculum vitae, so to speak, by including numerous towns into the Byzantine
domination.
So, if Harald’s motivation for going eastwards was to acquire wealth to muster
an army and make a claim to the throne, what was the motivation of a Scandinavian
commoner? Even though the presence of the Norsemen in the Byzantine Army can be
traced back to the mid-tenth century, establishing the Varangian Guard within the
military structure resulted in a peak in Norse membership in the Byzantine Army
during the eleventh century.206 It is highly possible that their motivation was similar to
204 Palsson and Edwards, Knytlinga saga, 64-5; Finlay and Faulkes, trans., Heimskringla, 201-3.
205 From the middle of the tenth century, Christianity had already made significant progress in Norway,
particularly in the western regions. Óláfrr focused his activities in the Opplands and other areas where
the traditional beliefs still held sway, and there were instances of violence to some extent. Niels Lund,
“Scandinavia, c. 700–1066,” in The New Cambridge Medieval History II, ed. Rosamond McKitterick
(Cambridge University Press, 1995), 224.
206 Rue Taylor, “The Long Road Home: Veteran Identity and the Varangian Guard,” (paper presented
at International Saga Conference: Sagas and the Circum-Baltic Arena, Helsinki and Tallinn, 2022), 1.
64
Harald’s: monetary and military gain. As mentioned above, Varangian Guard’s salary
and bonuses were higher than the rest of the Army. Most often, this generous amount
of salary brought military success with it. Undoubtedly, these two elements, monetary
and military gain, can be considered two of the ultimate goals of a medieval
Scandinavian man whose people were known for their raids throughout Europe. In this
regard, it is highly possible that monetary and military gains motivated them in their
journeys towards the East.
3.7. Conclusion
The infiltration of the different ethnicities into the Roman Imperial Army started early
in the fourth century as Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire and Rerum
Gestarum state.207 Both medieval texts attest to the German people’s presence, some
even holding considerably prestigious ranks within the Army. So, when Northmen
started to be included in the Byzantine expeditions in the early tenth century, the
Romans were already accustomed to the presence of non-Romans within the army for
almost six hundred years. Eventually, an organisational change came during Basil II’s
reign when this custom of recruiting non-Romans overlapped with Basil’s distrust
towards Romans and the increasing incompetence of Romans in the Roman Army
compared to the Rus colleagues. At the end of his reign, Varangian Guard was the core
regiment of the Byzantine Army.
This organisational change influenced the Scandinavian society as much as it did
the Romans. In other words, establishing such a regiment and recruiting specifically
from Northmen directly opened a new route for the Scandinavians. Going eastwards
and entering the Emperor’s service as a Varangian was now an option, in fact, a
beneficial option for them. In this regard, I argue that Haraldr Hardrada was most likely
207 See sections 3.1. and 3.2.
65
aware of the convenience and the benefits of being a Varangian and thus, his
motivation for going eastwards rather than west was his gain monetary and military
gain. I also argue that Christianisation opened the Varangian way for Haraldr as well
as for the other Scandinavians and thus played an essential role in the alteration of
motivations regarding long-distance journeys.
66
CHAPTER IV: THE PILGRIM
Starting from the eighth century, Scandinavians had come into contact with Christian
customs, and at times, they were inclined to adopt them. Initial efforts to introduce
Christianity to the northern regions occurred during the early eighth century; however,
these endeavours were predominantly met with hostility.208 Therefore, in comparison
to the kingdoms of Western Europe, Scandinavians were relatively late in embracing
Christendom. Likewise, the integration of Christianity and Christian values into the
state systems of Scandinavian kingdoms occurred later than in other Western European
empires. In this regard, one could say that a latecomer to Christianity situated on the
periphery of Christendom, Scandinavian kingdoms might have felt the urge to include
themselves further in the league of flourishing Christian kingdoms.
Among all the other kings in Knýtlinga saga, only Eiríkr inn góði earns the
epithet of “pilgrim” from the translators of it;209 this word choice, however, could
suggest much more than a simple cognomination to a pious king but rather a
channelisation from the saga writer,210 who most likely, wished to attract attention to
Eiríkr and, therefore, to his pious character as a devout king who abdicated and went
on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem.211 In other words, there is a strong possibility that the
element of religion and piety, which was made dominant by the saga writer in the
chapters about Eiríkr. This is further attested by the detailed description of Eiríkr in
the saga. Despite his short reign (1095-1103), more chapters focus on Eiríkr than the
other Danish kings who ruled longer than him, such as Nikulás Sveinsson.
208 Kristin B. Aavitsland and Line M. Bonde, eds., Tracing the Jerusalem Code: Volume 1: The Holy
City Christian Cultures in Medieval Scandinavia (ca. 1100-1536) (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2021), 15-16.
209 Hermann Pálsson and Paul Edwards, trans., Knýtlinga Saga (Odense University Press (Denmark),
1986, 121.
210 Although traditionally, Óláfr has been considered the author of Knýtlinga saga, there are studies
arguing otherwise. However, recent studies show that Óláfr might have been the compiler of the saga,
rather than the sole author. For more information, see Gulen, Deniz Cem. Understanding Knytling saga,
unpublished PhD dissertation, University of Aberdeen, 30-64.
211 Pálsson and Edwards, trans., Knýtlinga Saga,119.
67
Additionally, on average, each chapter about Eiríkr is considerably longer than the rest
of the chapters in Knýtlinga saga. On this basis, I believe King Eiríkr is the most
suitable example for exploring the motivation behind a northerner’s movement from
the edges of northern Europe to the Levant's coasts. In this chapter, I will discuss the
motives behind the pilgrimage that the Scandinavians made by first exploring the
themes in the chapters focusing on Eiríkr in Knýtlinga saga; then compare those
themes with the ones in Gesta Danorum. Subsequently, I will further analyse and
discuss the motivational themes for pilgrimage in De Profectione and a better
apprehension of the motive behind the movement toward Jerusalem.
4.1. Medieval Pilgrimage in Europe — Reasons
Going on a pilgrimage was not a concept that medieval people were unfamiliar with.
It was a kind of travel where they could have the opportunity to break free from the
daily and domestic setting in which they were considerably limited due to various
factors such as wealth, class, gender and religious status.212 At the same time, despite
the hundreds of centuries in between, a medieval individual should not be too different
from a modern person; therefore, a wish for a change of scenery once in a while might
have stayed the same.
On the other hand, undertaking such a dangerous and long journey requires more
than just a wish for a change in scenery. Diana Webb lists the most common
motivations for going on a pilgrimage as follows: (i) penance (peregrinatio), (ii) cure
and devotion, (iii) vows and miracles, and (iv) indulgences.213 Peregrinatio emerges
as the pursuit of a monastic perfection in the early middle ages. A common reason
among Irish and English monks, peregrinatio represented a path in which the
212 Diana Webb, Medieval European Pilgrimage, C.700–C.1500 (London Macmillan Education, 2002),
45.
213 Webb, Medieval European Pilgrimage, 46-102.
68
individual detaches himself from the familiar and the comfortable to attain an
otherwise unattainable perfection. The detaching of the self meant renouncing worldly
pursuits to devote oneself entirely to spiritual work; in other words, it is the rejection
of the riches consequent to his birth and even the home and kin themselves.214 The
practice bore formal similarity to exile since both require an abandonment of the
homeland and the benefits that come with it. By the year 1000, with the change in both
comprehension and implementation of peregrinatio, pilgrimages were already
imposed as penance for certain offences.215 In the later middle ages, ecclesiastical and
secular courts used a bureaucratic penitential procedure in which penitents had to bring
back a certificate from their assigned shrine. 216 Pilgrimages were imposed as
punishment for various offences, including non-religious ones, from slander to
homicide.
The popes promoted their unique authority to forgive grave sins to strengthen
their hold over the people of Christendom, especially newly converted communities,
and align them with Rome.217 In 1171, Pope Alexander III (1159-1181) recommended
that the archbishop of Uppsala and his suffragants send individuals who committed
serious crimes like parricide, infanticide, incest, and bestiality to visit the shrines of
apostles Peter and Paul.218 Through hard work and the journey itself, this pilgrimage
was seen as a way for these individuals to avoid divine judgment and seek forgiveness.
However, later popes realised that the “stubborn” Scandinavians were not inclined to
undertake penitential pilgrimages. As a result, they proposed alternative measures,
214 Webb, Medieval European Pilgrimage, 46.
215 Webb, Medieval European Pilgrimage, 49.
216 Webb, Medieval European Pilgrimage, 50.
217 Webb, Medieval European Pilgrimage, 56.
218 Webb, Medieval European Pilgrimage, 56.
69
such as organising crusades against Lithuanians, to address their spiritual needs and
seek absolution.
Local and regional shrines provided people with their needs for both devotion
and healing since the route to the Holy Land was neither safe nor comfortable. Clearly,
it was safer for a pregnant woman from Western Europe to go to a local shrine than
the Holy Land. In this regard, other shrines catered more conveniently to the needs of
the sick and disabled.219 Holy Land, on the other hand, remained the central destination
for devotional pilgrimage, for there could be no better place for prayer and receiving
spiritual enlightenment.
Regarding vows, in cases where a vow was made in silence and kept secret, it
was left to the individual’s discretion whether it held moral significance, and they
could choose whether or not to reveal it publicly.220 So, one can say that a vow itself
was not always a heavy obligation. As Hugh Latimer, the reforming bishop of
Worcester, likely suspected, some individuals seeking a day off or a break from their
usual routine could claim to have made a pilgrimage vow that now required fulfilment.
If someone failed to fulfil their pilgrimage to Rome, Jerusalem, or Santiago de
Compostela, they had to seek permission or an alternative arrangement directly from
the Pope. However, for vows to latter destinations, the Pope was not involved.
Lastly, by the tenth century, the strictness of early medieval penitential systems,
where penance had to be completed before receiving absolution and readmission to
communion, had largely been replaced by a more lenient approach that considered
human frailty and the brevity of life.221 This paved the way for indulgences in which
the amount of punishment that one has to undergo for his/her sins was reduced by an
219 Webb, Medieval European Pilgrimage, 55.
220 Webb, Medieval European Pilgrimage, 57.
221 Webb, Medieval European Pilgrimage, 21.
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ecclesiastical authority.222 On the other hand, since indulgences were available in
various places other than the Holy Land herself, people most likely preferred to
undertake pilgrimages to closer shrines or pilgrimage sites. In this regard, one cannot
say that indulgences represented the sole aim of a pilgrimage towards the Holy
Land.223
4.2. Scandinavian Pilgrims
Historical records mention several pilgrimages to Jerusalem from Scandinavian
territories during the century preceding the First Crusade.224 Some of these accounts,
like the one attributed to Óláfrr I Tryggvason (r. 995-1000) after his disappearance
during the sea battle of Svoldr (999/1000), are considered purely legendary. However,
there are other pilgrimages that are better supported by reliable documentation.
In 1098, Eiríkr I of Denmark (b. 1060 d.1103) travelled to Rome and Bari, and
while on his way to Jerusalem, he passed away in Cyprus.225 About two and a half
centuries later, in 1347, Valdemar IV Atterdag (b. 1320 d. 1375) also went on a
pilgrimage to Jerusalem.226 Magnus Eiríkrsson of Sweden had plans to do the same
around the same time, but it appears he did not carry them out.227
In 1423-25, Eiríkr of Pomerania (b. 1381/2 d. 1459), who ruled over all three
Scandinavian kingdoms in name, made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, entrusting the
capable management of his territories to his wife during his absence.228 Following him,
his nephew and successor, Christopher of Bavaria (b. 1416 d. 1448), was among
several Scandinavian monarchs who made pilgrimages to Wisnack during the fifteenth
222 Edward N. Peters, A Modern Guide to Indulgences: Rediscovering This Often Misinterpreted
Teaching (Chicago: Hillenbrand Books, 2008), 13.
223 Webb, Medieval European Pilgrimage, 67-68.
224 Aavitsland and Bonde, eds., Tracing the Jerusalem Code, 199-200.
225 Webb, Medieval European Pilgrimage, 102; Pálsson and Edwards, trans., Knýtlinga Saga, 122.
226 Rikke Agnete Olsen, Sjællandske Krønike (Lindhardt og Ringhof, 2021), 34-35.
227 Webb, Medieval European Pilgrimage, 102.
228 Felix Fabri, Fratris Felicis Fabri Evagatorium in Terrae Sanctae, Arabiae et Egypti
Peregrinationem (Nabu Press, 2013).
71
century.229 Later, in 1448, the Danish Queen Dorothea embarked on a journey to both
Rome and the Holy Land.230
As mentioned before, going on a pilgrimage was not a far-fetched idea for
medieval people despite the long and arduous journey. Therefore, besides the
documented visits by kings and queens of Scandinavia, though scarce, there are also
records of common Scandinavians embarking on pilgrimages. One of them is the
Historia de Profectione Danorum in Hierosolymam which will be discussed in the
following paragraphs. The anonymous work is about a group of Danish-Norwegian
people who planned to join the Third Crusade, but the war was already over when they
arrived at Acre, and they visited the holy sites instead.
The other pilgrimage account is named Leiðarvísir og Borgarskipan. It was
written in c. 1157 by Abbot Nikulas, the abbot of the monastery of Munkaþverá.231 It
is an itinerary with a detailed guideline for future pilgrims and visitors to Jerusalem.
4.3. Eiríkr inn góði in Knýtlinga saga
Eiríkr is first introduced to the narrative in chapter twenty-three when the saga writer
mentions the children of Sveinn Ástríðarson, and nothing particular was stated about
him.232 In chapter thirty, Eiríkr is appointed as the Jarl of Sjáland.233 In the following
pages, in chapter forty-three, Eiríkr is presented in an intermediary role in the conflict
between King Knútr - inn ríki (r. 1080–1086) and his troops, and thus, his balancing
nature, as a characteristic of a king, is uncoiled:234 “The earl (Eiríkr) spoke long and
229 Webb, Medieval European Pilgrimage, 102.
230 Webb, Medieval European Pilgrimage, 102.
231 Luana Giampiccolo, “Leiðarvísir, an Old Norse Itinerarium: A Proposal for a New Partial
Translation and Some Notes about the Place-Names,” Nordicum-Mediterraneum 8, no. 1 (2013).
232 Pálsson and Edwards, trans., Knýtlinga Saga, 47.
233 Pálsson and Edwards, trans., Knýtlinga Saga57.
234 Pálsson and Edwards, trans., Knýtlinga Saga, 74. In chapter forty-one, King Knútr (r. 1080-1086)
and Óláfr III of Norway (Haraldsson) (r. 1067-1093) arrange a meeting at the Göta River to hold talks
and assemblies. King Knútr then proposes a joint expedition to Óláfr to England. This proposal seems
promising to Óláfr and gets his consent. King Knútr dispatches orders for military service across his
72
boldly on behalf of the farmers”.235 Later on, in chapter fifty-four, Eiríkr advises his
brother, King Knútr, to run away from the uprising of the farmers whom Knútr found
guilty of treason “‘My advice, sir’ said his brother Earl Eirik, ‘is that you get astride a
horse and ride away. Things may still turn out for the best if God wills, and all’s well
if you are’”.236 Here, Eiríkr’s advice can easily be interpreted as an unkingly feature
by the audience of the Kings’ saga, for he is simply advising him to escape, which
would be ignoble. If we juxtapose this with his decision to run away while others,
particularly his little brother, Benedikt, chose to stay and continue to fight against the
farmers’ army, Eiríkr himself could be interpreted as behaving cowardly and thus not
worthy of the throne, as kings should not possess timidity.237
These drawbacks above must have caught the eye of the saga writer since he did
not forget to add at the end of the chapter:
Earl Eirik escaped along with several other men. For one thing, little attention
was paid to this small group, but also, though there were some who recognised
him, Earl Eirik was so well-liked by most people that no-one wished to harm
him.238
entire realm, specifying the prescribed number of troops to be contributed by each district and proclaims
a comprehensive conscription of men and ships in the forthcoming spring. Throughout the winter
season, substantial preparations are undertaken throughout the land. Accordingly, troops are assembled
at Limfjord in the early spring. However, Knútr is absent on the day of departure because he has received
the information about the Wends ’planned attack on Denmark during the upcoming winter. Without
knowing what Knútr is dealing with, the Danes start to become bad-tempered due to waiting aimlessly
and their leader's absence. Ultimately, they choose to dispatch messengers to the king, requesting the
assistance of his brother, Óláfr (r. 1086-1095), to undertake this mission. Although reluctant, Óláfr
agrees to go and talk with his brother about this issue. Knútr reads this as treachery, seizes Óláfr, and
sends him to Flanders to be kept safe in prison under the responsibility of his father-in-law, Duke
Baldvin; he gives the farmers a severe reprimand for how they dishonoured him. Pálsson and Edwards,
trans., Knýtlinga Saga, 70-1-2-3.
235 Pálsson and Edwards, trans., Knýtlinga Saga, 74.
236 Pálsson and Edwards, trans., Knýtlinga Saga, 88.
237 In chapter fifty-eight, Knútr is killed by Eyvind Bifra at the church, and there starts a muttering
among the king’s men. They soon decided it was for the best if they escaped since they were
outnumbered and exhausted by the first two attacks. Eiríkr, who was thinking the same thing, called out
to his brother: “It would be no compensation for anyone’s suffering if all the good men here were to be
killed” but Benedikt refused him and replied: “Everyone has to do as he thinks best. Those who wish to
escape must to do so, but let them fight on who think it more fitting. Hail and farewell, brother, until
we meet in Heaven”. Pálsson and Edwards, trans., Knýtlinga Saga, 94.
238 Pálsson and Edwards, trans., Knýtlinga Saga, 94.
73
By indicating that the farmers’ army spared Eiríkr’s life because he was wellliked
by most of them, Óláfr reminds his audience that Eiríkr’s decision was neither
unkingly nor cowardly but rather a wise and cautious one since surviving and being
well enough physically when it is his time to rule the kingdom of Danes was also a
feature of a great king.
After the death of Knútr, his brother, whom Knútr sent to be kept in prison in
Flanders, Óláfr becomes the king of the Danes. 239 After four considerably short
chapters about his ruthless and unpopular reign, he dies in his bed, leaving only a bad
memory among his people.240 In chapter seventy-one, Eiríkr
was made king over the whole Danish empire in accordance with the law, since
he was the eldest living son of King Svein (Sveinn Ástríðarson), and with the
complete approval of the nobility and the common people of Denmark.241
The complete approval of Eiríkr should not come as a surprise since, until now,
we have not seen a description of Eiríkr where he did not act as if he was not from
kingly stock in the chapters focused on him. Additionally, one chapter before Eiríkr
was made king, the saga writer reminds us that Eiríkr “was a strong and popular
chieftain, always having with him a large company of retainers”.242 The saga writer
continues to praise Eiríkr by referring to his viking expeditions to the Baltic regions
and how he fought against the heathens but let all the Christians and merchants go in
peace on those expeditions.243 For that matter, he also says that this treatment made
him renowned and famous throughout the Baltic.
239 Pálsson and Edwards, trans., Knýtlinga Saga, 100.
240 Pálsson and Edwards, trans., Knýtlinga Saga, 105.
241 Pálsson and Edwards, trans., Knýtlinga Saga, 106.
242 Pálsson and Edwards, trans., Knýtlinga Saga, 105.
243 Pálsson and Edwards, trans., Knýtlinga Saga, 105.
74
4.4. Eiríkr inn góði as a Christian king in Knýtlinga saga
Chapter seventy-three is reserved for King Eiríkr’s rule and for summing up how he
turned out to be an excellent king:
King Eiríkr turned out to be a strong and impressive ruler, and the most popular
of kings. He imposed harsh punishments on bad conduct, exterminated vikings
and villains, had thieves and robbers put to death or else mutilated their hands
or feet or inflicted other severe punishments, so that no evil-doer in the land
could prosper. He was a fair judge and observed the laws of God strictly.244
Here, this can be read as Óláfr’s successful attempt to describe Eiríkr as a pious king.
References to Christianity and the Christian values that are observable in the examples
of Óláfr, such as annihilating heathens (vikings) and securing justice for God since an
armed attack upon God’s enemy (and hence the enemy of Christianity) can only be
God’s will, also attest to this.245
Eiríkr’s religious commitments and actions in this respect are repeated
throughout the saga narrative. In chapter seventy-four, Eiríkr goes on a pilgrimage to
Rome; although neither the pilgrimage route nor the holy sites he visited are
mentioned, his personal efforts for trying to include Danes and Norse-speakingpilgrims
into Christendom further accentuate the elements of Christianity within his
reign. He was granted an archbishopric by the approval of Pope Paschal II (1099-1118)
owing to their good company, which developed during his pilgrimage.246 Since there
244 Pálsson and Edwards, trans., Knýtlinga Saga, 108.
245 We can see the same motives in Pope Urban II’s speech at the Council of Clermont in 1095. As he
was addressing the call for aid coming from Alexios I Komnenos (r. 1081-1118), for the latter had lost
nearly all the Asia Minor to Seljuk Turks by then, he used the same reasoning while urging the crowd
to aid their religious fellows and recover Palestine from heathens’ hands: “Most beloved brethren, today
is manifest in you what the Lord says in the Gospel, ‘Where two or three are gathered together in
my name there am I in the midst of them.’ Unless the Lord God had been present in your spirits, all of
you would not have uttered the same cry. For, although the cry issued from numerous mouths, yet the
origin of the cry was one. Therefore I say to you that God, who implanted this in your breasts, has drawn
it forth from you. Let his then be your war-cry in combats, because this world is given to you by God.
When an armed attack is made upon the enemy, let this one cry be raised by all the soldiers of God: It
is the will of God! It is the will of God!” See, Edward Peters, The First Crusade “the Chronicle of
Fulcher of Chartres” and Other Source Materials (University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998), 28-29.
246 Pálsson and Edwards, trans., Knýtlinga Saga, 110.
75
were no archbishopric seats in the north other than of Bremen in Saxony, one can say
that it was an excellent score for the Danes. On his way back home, Eiríkr also spends
a generous amount for the comfort of Norse-speaking pilgrims, so to speak:
Then the Pope and King Eirik parted company in friendship and affection, and
Eirik turned his path towards home. When he came to a town called Piacenza he
founded hospice nearby and when he reached the town of Lucca further north he
donated money to provide all Norse-speaking pilgrims with a generous helping
of free wine: also they were entitled to a free night’s lodging at the hospice
founded by him, of which we spoke.247
The saga writer also adds to the end of the chapter: “After that Eirik completed
his journey home to his kingdom in Denmark, a journey which made him a famous
man.”248
While Eiríkr is in Rome, Heinrek,249 the emperor of Saxony at that time, leads
an army to Wendland taking advantage of Eiríkr’s absence, conquers the whole
territory and appoints his brother-in-law, Björn, to rule the region.250 While giving
details about the conquering process, the saga writer consequently gives two essential
details about the Wends: “He (Heinrek) conquered the entire province and all the
inhabitants granted him their allegiance. At that time the whole population of
Wendland was heathen.”251 Giving these sentences consecutively can be interpreted as
the saga writer’s attempt to provide an excuse, or maybe a reason, for Wends’ decision
to give their allegiance to a non-Christian ruler, for in the saga, Heinrek appears to
have appointed chieftains among the Wend chieftains who were, as mentioned,
heathen at that time.252
247 Pálsson and Edwards, trans., Knýtlinga Saga, 110-11.
248 Pálsson and Edwards, trans., Knýtlinga Saga, 110-11.
249 Henry IV, Holy Roman Emperor (r. 1084-1105)
250 Pálsson and Edwards, trans., Knýtlinga Saga, 111.
251 Pálsson and Edwards, trans., Knýtlinga Saga, 111.
252 Pálsson and Edwards, trans., Knýtlinga Saga, 111.
76
It can also be read as a justification for the upcoming slaughter in the following
chapters, in which Eiríkr finds out about the invasion of heathen Wends and muster a
great army to reconquer the territory long ruled by the Danish kings.253 Once, again,
we can see similar references to Christianity and Christian values through the epithet
“heathen” since the opposite party, in this case, is our Eiríkr, who is deeply devoted to
Christianity.254
After the victorious reconquest of Wendland, Eiríkr returns home. In the
following chapter, Eiríkr gathers all the wisest men, laymen and clergy in his kingdom
to win their consent for digging out Knútr’s grave and examining his body.255 Nobody
opposes the king, and they cross over to Fyn to dig out the coffin. When the coffin is
opened, they see Knútr’s uncorrupted body, and people at the church where it was
taken claim it should be tested. Eiríkr approves this request and puts his linen roll upon
Knútr’s body. Then he sets the linen fire with a consecrated flame, which entirely
consumes in flames, but Knútr’s body remains unburnt and complete. In fact,
according to the saga writer,
… the body was shone more radiantly than ever.”256 At the end of the chapter, it
is said that the miracles did not cease to happen in the church where Knútr’s
body was kept as a relic: “There the blind regain their sight, the lame their power
to walk, lepers are cleansed and devils flee from the demented.257
This is yet, another reference to Christian values in which praising a God’s martyr, the
holy King Knútr, was God’s will.
253 Pálsson and Edwards, trans., Knýtlinga Saga, 112-13-14-15.
254 The negative connotations of heathens are also observable in the Eiríksdrápa, written by Markus
Skeggjason, who was the son of Skeggi Bjarnason and the lawspeaker in Iceland from 1084 to his death
in 1107: “The Wends had not dared to retain control of the realm which the ruler possessed; error turned
to misery for them; then came (news of) the truce-breaking of the treacherous men from the south.” See
Kari Ellen Gade, Poetry from the Kings ’Sagas 2: Poetry by Named Skalds C.1035-1105 (Brepols
Publishers, 2009), 444.
255 While at a feast, a priest tells Eiríkr that he has seen signs indicating Knútr is a saint and asks him if
they make this news public. Pálsson and Edwards, trans., Knýtlinga Saga, 116.
256 Pálsson and Edwards, trans., Knýtlinga Saga, 116.
257 Pálsson and Edwards, trans., Knýtlinga Saga, 117.
77
Finally, in chapter seventy-nine, Eiríkr holds a large assembly and announces
his plans to go on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. When he reaches modern-day Cyprus,
“which the Norsemen call Kipr”, he contracts a disease that soon causes his death.258
Unsurprisingly, “it caused great grief to all his men, and to people wide, wherever the
news spread.”259
4.5. Eiríkr inn góði as a Christian king in Gesta Danorum
A more detailed description of Eiríkr and his reign can be found in Saxo’s Gesta; Eiríkr
is the central figure of Book XII. In every detailed account about Eiríkr, one can see
the divine hand upon his shoulders; for he is a just king and a servant to God, God
loves him. In the passage where Saxo begins to narrate Eiríkr’s reign, he writes,
His reign brought new relief to the endangered people’s dwindling harvests,
and the crops, visited by timely and welcome showers, gained strength once
more. While Eiríkr occupied the throne, the condition of the fields advanced to
such a high state of fertility that pecks of any kind of grain would be sold for a
penny each. And as every successive year of his sovereignty went by, so this
fruitfulness of the lands progressed.260
One can read this as the embodiment of God’s love towards Eiríkr for being a just and
devoted king. Because God loves him, his people and lands are relieved from famine
and prosper.261
Saxo's account displays the references to Christianity and Christian values
differently in comparison to the saga narrative. Saxo creates nearly his whole narrative
through Eiríkr’s characteristics and attitudes; therefore, we see those references
through his features as a king. Saxo describes Eiríkr as a “gentle soul”, meaning that
258 Pálsson and Edwards, trans., Knýtlinga Saga, 122.
259 Pálsson and Edwards, trans., Knýtlinga Saga, 122.
260 “Huius etas periclitanti populo labentis annone subsidia reparauit, segesque tempestiui imbris
beneficio uisitata conualuit. Nam regnante eo agrorum habitus ad tantam ubertatem excessit, ut singuli
cuiuslibet annone modii totidem denariis permu tarentur. Sed et continuis regni ipsius annis eadem agris
ubertas incessit”, Saxo Grammaticus, Gesta Danorum II, 870; Saxo Grammaticus, Gesta Danorum II,
871.
261 Saxo Grammaticus, Gesta Danorum II, 863.
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“he was as much a stranger to cruelty as he was free from idleness”.262 Although at
first glance, it looks like an ordinary praise of a beloved king, his wordage says
otherwise. With his words, he creates an image of Eiríkr as a king who has a
personality free from two of the capital sins in Christianity: sloth and anger. In this
regard, this can be seen as Saxo’s endeavour to further connect Eiríkr and his popular
image to Christianity.
On the following page, Saxo says Eiríkr’s “gentle soul” is actually picky, and
this gentleness is only to the humble folk. He emphasises that Eiríkr treated the lower
class with fatherly tenderness and the upper class with royal severity.263 The critical
question here is why he treated the upper class differently. According to Saxo,
To prevent the lords ’greed weakening the ties of justice and their insolence
taking the edge off the law, he blocked their arrogance with his firmness and, the
farther away he was from those evildoers, the more he exerted his authority to
inflict injury on them.264
Yet again, it is the word choice we must look at: “greedy”. For Eiríkr, the upper
classes were greedy and were not worthy of gentleness. Apart from the word’s own
negative meaning, greed is also one of the seven capital sins in the Book of Proverbs.
So, it is not surprising that Eiríkr treated the upper class differently than the lower.
Additionally, the greedy upper class was also a threat to him and, therefore, to a
just and faithful king. His kingdom would not prosper if not for God’s will, so he does
not have a problem with murdering them,
When his absence diminished the fear that he used to strike into the oppressors
of the populace, he had them seized abruptly by a band of his retainers, and made
262 Saxo Grammaticus, Gesta Danorum II, 872-73.
263Saxo Grammaticus, Gesta Danorum II, 875.
264 “Ne enim potentum auaritia equitatis uinculum labefactaret petulantiaque iuris hebetudinem pareret,
insolentie rigorem opposuit et, quo plus a peruersis loco distitit, hoc magis per imperium nocuit.”, Saxo
Grammaticus, Gesta Danorum II, 874; Saxo Grammaticus, Gesta Danorum II, 875.
79
sure they were hanged. How else could he have outweighed their offence but by
using the gallows to tip the scales in his own favour?265
Like Óláfr, Saxo mentions how Eiríkr was ruthless against heathens. Though, it
was, again, not groundless. While Danes and Wends are at war, two Scanian men
attack and plunder a town266 on the southern coast of the Baltic Sea, which the Danes
then inhabited.267 The Danish soldiers soon come to establish control and exhaust the
citizens with a siege. They offer a truce in return for handing the pirates they hold
inside the walls and money. Once the Scanians are handed, they are atrociously killed
by the Danes.268 They were killed in such a way that it became a warning for future
assaulters, Wends, who were consistently raiding the Danish coasts. 269 Multiple
factors must have affected Eiríkr’s attitude towards Wends, but clearly, religion was
one of them. As mentioned before, in Knýtlinga saga, Wends were still pagans during
the reign of Eiríkr, and he annihilated the heathens as it befits a just king following
God’s orders.
265 “Quippe cum a popularium oppressoribus parum per absentiam timeretur, eosdem subita satellitum
manu interceptos suspendio consumendos curauit. Quo facto quid aliud quam iniurie pondus arborea
lance pensauit?”, Saxo Grammaticus, Gesta Danorum II, 874; Saxo Grammaticus, Gesta Danorum:
875.
266 Saxo calls the town Julin, a medieval settlement often considered legendary. It is believed to
correspond to Jomsborg, Vineta and the modern town of Wolin in northwest Poland. For detailed
information about Julin and its references in primary sources, see Roderich Schmidt, Das Historische
Pommern : Personen - Orte - Ereignisse, Veröffentlichungen Der Historischen Kommission Für
Pommern (Böhlau Köln, 2007), 70-72.
267 Whether it was Danish territory or a settlement with a considerable Danish population is unclear.
Translators preferred to say it was “an assured heaven for Danes”; however, Saxo prefers to say
“certissimum Danorum profugium”. See Saxo Grammaticus, Gesta Danorum II, 876-877.
268 “Nam quo uiolentiore eos morte consumerent, reuinctis post terga manibus palis primum affigendos
curabant, deinde uentrium caua cultro rimati nudatis extis primaque uiscerum parte protracta cetera
stipitibus explicabant, nec ante supplicium remiserunt, quam tortos extis funditus aluo egestis horride
rapacitatis spiritum profundere coegis sent” “In order to bring them to a more savage end, the Danes
bound their hands behind their backs and had them first tied to posts; they then probed the hollow of
their bellies with a knife and, when their bowels were laid bare and the front end drawn out, they wound
the remaining intestines on stakes; the torture did not cease till the entire cavity had been emptied of its
entrails, and the tormented creatures had been forced to shed the breath of their wicked and greedy
lives”. See Saxo Grammaticus, Gesta Danorum II, 878-9.
269 Saxo Grammaticus, Gesta Danorum II, 879.
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In the following paragraph, Saxo tells us that Eiríkr demands an archbishopric
after being wrongly excommunicated by the archbishop of Hamburg.270 Although the
events that escalated to being granted an archbishopric differ between Gesta and
Knýtlinga saga, Eiríkr’s efforts to include northern lands into Christendom cannot be
neglected. In Saxo’s account, Eiríkr goes to Rome twice; first, to defend himself
against the wrong accusations, and second, to demand an archbishopric for the
northern lands.271 Whilst Saxo’s account that Eiríkr travelled to Rome for the second
time is unlikely to be correct, one can say that Saxo might have found this plausible
since this was the image that Eiríkr had tried to create: a devoted king who does not
shy away from the challenges for his faith.
Upon his return, Eiríkr attends a royal banquet where a teacher of the arts272 of
music claims that certain musical modes could drive people to madness. The teacher,
skilled in this technique, was compelled by the king to demonstrate its effect. When
the musician begins to play his harp, the king loses his reason and starts to lash out.
While in this overwhelming seizure of madness, he slaughters four soldiers who tried
to subdue him.273 After recovering his right mind, he provides appropriate restitution,
but to “proclaim his repentance in a more active form of atonement”,274 he decides to
go on a pilgrimage. Although different from what Óláfrr says regarding the decision
270Saxo Grammaticus, Gesta Danorum II, 879.
271 “Nec contentus efficacissimum cause dictionis sue propugna torem egisse, aduersarie partis odio
penetralium sacrorum decus externo sacerdotio subiectum* habere passus non est. Quamobrem Romam
regressus tum se, tum etiam patriam ac domestica sacra Saxonica prelatione liberari petiuit, ne religionis
ratione exteris admodum obsequi cogeretur aut eius disciplinam ab alienigenis petere necesse haberet”
“Not content with having been a most able champion in delivering his own claims, through his dislike
of the opposing faction he could not bear the idea that the dignity of this holy sanctuary should remain
subordinate to an outside priesthood. Accordingly he made the journey back to Rome to entreat that he,
his homeland, and its national worship should be freed from that Saxon prelacy, so that in the sphere of
religion they should not submit to the necessity of being entirely subservient to foreigners or be bound
to seek their doctrinal teaching from strangers.” See Saxo Grammaticus, Gesta Danorum II, 880-81.
272 musice rationis professorem, see Gesta Danorum, 880.
273 Saxo Grammaticus, Gesta Danorum II, 882-883.
274Saxo Grammaticus, Gesta Danorum II, 883.
81
process of Eiríkr’s pilgrimage, an emphasis on a similar theme is apparent in both
accounts: Eiríkr’s eagerness to be a good servant to God.
4.6. Historia de profectione Danorum in Hierosolymam
Kings were not the only ones undertaking a pilgrimage among Scandinavians. Since
the action in itself makes the individual closer to Christ and hence to God,
Scandinavian nobles were also profoundly enthusiastic about going on a pilgrimage to
Rome or Holy Land. To understand that pilgrimage was not only performed solely by
kings, it is essential that we take a look at other primary sources that offer further
information about pilgrimage and, thus, the motivation behind it.
Historia de profectione Danorum in Hierosolymam recounts the expedition
undertaken by a cohort of Danish and Norwegian individuals who sought to partake in
the Third Crusade by travelling to the Holy Land. However, their arrival occurred
belatedly, precluding their involvement in the decisive battles of the campaign. The
work's author is unknown, but he calls himself “frater X canonicus” in the epistola
auctoris.275 In chapter nine, he reveals that he has lived in Tønsberg, south-eastern
Norway, for some time.276 The work itself was most likely written in the late 1190s,
about a decade after the loss of Jerusalem by Christians in 1187.277 The work consists
of twenty-seven chapters, preceded by a dedicatory letter and a prologue. The majority
of the narrative focuses on the early stages of the journey, encompassing preparations
and diversions, while a mere two chapters, twenty-four and twenty-five, are allocated
to the group’s time in the Holy Land.278
275 Martin Clarentius Gertz, Scriptores Minores Historiæ Danicæ Medii Ævi Ex Codicibus Denuo
(København, I. Kommission hos G. E. C. Gad, 1917), 457.
276 Martin Clarentius Gertz, Historiæ Danicæ, 473.
277 Karen Skovgaard-Petersen, A Journey to the Promised Land: Crusading Theology in the “Historia
de Profectione Danorum in Hierosolymam” (C. 1200) (Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, Univ,
2001), 9.
278 Aavitsland and Bonde, eds., Tracing the Jerusalem Code, 134.
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Chapters one and two establish the theological and historical background of the
Third Crusade. The narrative highlights the sinful state of the world, resulting in the
pagan occupation of Jerusalem. 279 Jerusalem’s significance as the birthplace of
Christianity and the Holy Land where the Son of God resided is emphasised,
contrasting with its current defilement by pagan inhabitation and persecution of
Christians. In the narrative, Pope Gregory VIII (c. 1100/1105-1187) responds to this
catastrophe by composing a lamentabile carmento, calling for a new crusade and
urging faithful believers worldwide to take action.280
The parts concerning this present chapter begin after Pope Gregory’s bull,
namely in chapter four. The chapter commences with the arrival of messengers to the
court of Danish king, Knútr VI, from the apostolic see. As mentioned above, the
message was from Pope Gregory VIII and urging Christians worldwide to defend and
fight for the Holy Land where Christ had worked the salvation for men:
Let all the earth, its inhabitants and all the earth-born and the children of men
together, the rich and the poor; let them hear and mourn the death of Christ and
let them remember that they owe him for their redemption and let not the insult
of Christ remain unavenged. And he who, in order to redeem us, gave himself
unhesitatingly to death, and the death of the cross, let us in turn set the same
example, let us not hesitate to give our lives for Christ; because he who makes
his soul more precious to Christ does not deserve Christ.281
Hearing Pope’s words, people in the court burst into tears. For a better
apprehension of the kings and the audience’s emotions, the author gives great detail
about the energy of the room:
279 Martin Clarentius Gertz, Historiæ Danicæ, 460-62.
280 Aavitsland and Bonde, eds., Tracing the Jerusalem Code I, 134; a paraphrased version of the letter
is in Chapter three in Martin Clarentius Gertz, Historiæ Danicæ.
281 “Audiat siquidem orbit terrarum et universi, qui habitant in eo, quique terrigene et filii hominum
simul in unum, diues et pauper, audiant et vicem Christi doleant et meminerint se debitores redemptionis
sue, nec patiantur iniuriam Christi fore diutus inultam. Et qui se pro nobis redimendis incunctanter dedit
in mortem, mortem autem crucis, nos versa vice ipsum ponamus exemplum, pro Christo animam dare
non dubitemus; quia qui preciosiorem facit animam suam Christo, Christum non meretur”, Martin
Clarentius Gertz, Historiæ Danicæ, 464.
83
…they were all completely speechless, and no one dared to give an answer to
those who were telling them, the great sadness absorbing their hearts. At length,
they came to themselves and, resuming their breath, broke the silence; because
it often happens in this way when the unusual news of great things is heard. But
which of them should have replied to these so great and so sad tidings, it was
scarcely discovered until they encouraged each other.282
It can be seen that the emotions that were given are incredibly intense; the crowd in
the court feel such a connection to Holy Land that they feel attacked and, perhaps,
even robbed. In other words, the emphasis is on the “sense of belonging” to
Christianity.
After the meeting, fifteen men in the audience who were quite touched by the
Pope’s letter decided to take the matter into their own hands. Upon disseminating the
Pope’s words to the broadest extent possible and securing the requisite sources, for
they could not have an impact by themselves, these fifteen men opt to construct Viking
vessels, which they call “snecks”, capable of enduring the arduous voyage. They have
one thing both in their minds and hearts: to render aid in the emancipation of the Holy
Land from the grip of heretical Muslims.283 Only five out of fifteen remain true to their
word. As the honourable men they are, the author does not hesitate to glorify the
remaining five men:
These are the strong and glorious men, whom the Lord chose in unfaithful
charity; whose names, perpetual praise, deserved eternal rewards, because, not
only hearers of the divine teachers but doers, they did not hesitate to go out with
Abraham from the land of the Chaldeans, that they might deserve to see the land
of promise, flowing with milk and honey.284
282“ Quod rex audiens et universi considentes in profusionem lachrymarum et suspiria resoluuntur, ut
penitus omnes obmutescerent, nec waleret quispiam responsum dare narrantibus, tristitie magnitudine
cunclos absorbente. Tandem in se reversi, resumpto spiritu, ruperunt silentium; quia sic fieri frequenter
assolet, audita insolita rerum magnarum novitate. Quis autem illorum his tam magnificis tamque
tristibus nunciis respondere debuisset, uix inventum est, donec se invicem confortantes animarent”,
Martin Clarentius Gertz, Historiæ Danicæ, 464-65.
283Martin Clarentius Gertz, Historiæ Danicæ, 468.
284“ Isti sunt viri fortes et gloriosi, quos elegit dominus in charitate non ficta; quorum nomina, perpetua
laude ictura, meruerunt premia eterna, quia, divinorum preceptorum non auditores tantum sed factores,
non hesitabant cum Abraham exire de Vr Chaldeorum, ut videre mererentur terram promissionis,
fluentem lacte et melle” , Martin Clarentius Gertz, Historiæ Danicæ, 469.
84
As mentioned, they do not get the chance to fight for their Lord in the Holy Land,
but the writer makes it very clear that the hardships and deaths they face during their
journey are just as worthy of spiritual merit. Although cautiously, he even calls them
martyrs for the hardships they had to endure: “Who will ever be able to recommend
the death of martyrs, so to speak, worthy of preaching?”.285 Again, the emphasis on
the sense of belonging can be seen here. Attributing the “martyr” epithet can be
regarded as a way to include these pious men in Christianity further. They were not
the Christian northerners living on the periphery of Christendom in the eyes of the
author; they were the men willing to sacrifice their lives for their Lord.
Upon reaching the Holy Land, the travellers’ initial response is overwhelming
joy as they shed tears of elation, fulfilling their long-held desire to explore its sacred
sites.286 However, their joy turns to sorrow upon seeing the holy city under pagan
occupation. Nevertheless, they are granted access to the Holy Sepulchre and the River
Jordan due to the truce.287 The sense of being “robbed” of where their beloved Lord
embellished with his passion and resurrection is, again, as clear as day. It is the land
of their Lord, and thus the sense of “being at home” must have been quite strong in
285 “Quis unquam hominum horum, ut ita dixerim, martyrum mortem digno poterit commendare
preconio?”, Martin Clarentius Gertz, Historiæ Danicæ, 485.
286 Martin Clarentius Gertz, Historiæ Danicæ, 488.
287 Martin Clarentius Gertz, Historiæ Danicæ, 489; Richard the Lionheart (r. 1189-1199) and his army
retreated to the coast before their final march to Jerusalem in 1192. During the winter, they repaired
conquered fortress. In spring, Richard managed to restore the unity among Christian forces in Palestine
and under his command, they proceeded towards Jerusalem. However, at some point in the march,
Richard decided to direct the army to Jaffa with the consent and encouragement of his council, which
consisted of selected barons of Palestine and chiefs of the military Orders (Knights Templar). He then
sailed off to Jaffa with a small squadron. While approaching the shore, he plunged into the sea. With
this small squadron, he gains a victory against the Turkish cavalry situated on the shores of Jaffa. Saladin
(sultan of Egypt and Syria, r. 1174-1193) was so convinced of his inability to overcome Richard and
his army that he abandoned the siege of Jaffa without any further attempts. This victory marked the
pinnacle of King Richard’s accomplishments in Palestine and effectively concluded the Third Crusade.
The two monarchs, Richard and Saladin, negotiated a truce between their respective faiths based on
specific terms. See George Proctor, History of the Crusades (The Keystone Publishing, 1889), 112-3-
4.
85
our travellers’ hearts. Since nobody wants strangers in their home, one can say that
their tears of sorrow are for losing their homes to “pagans and idolaters”.288
In chapter twenty-five, the same chapter where our travellers’ joyful tears
become tears of despair, a poem expressing grief for the state of Jerusalem was initially
included. However, this poem has not been passed down in the preserved copies of the
text.289 Nonetheless, even in the absence of the poem, this section of the narrative
effectively addresses and expands upon the theme of sorrow surrounding the city’s
loss:
From the inmost affection of the heart they undergo tears and sighs, especially
from those who had before seen her sublimated in glory and honor: nevertheless,
because of peace, they enter the excellent dignity. They are led to the sacred
places of the Sepulchre; but the trenches, which once excited the feeling of
devotion, were turned to an increase of merit.290
4.7. Leiðarvísir og Borgarskipan
Based on what has been said above, de Profectione demonstrates the Danish attitude
towards pilgrimage and, consequently, Christianity itself by grounding the narrative
on emotions. On the other hand, although scarce, it is also possible to see the
importance of pilgrimage among medieval Scandinavian societies through other
medieval narratives. One such example is Leiðarvísir og Borgarskipan (itinerary and
the list of cities)291. Although it does not narrate any emotions like de Profectione, with
the detailed description of the road from Iceland to Rome and Jerusalem, one can
interpret that the pilgrimages were not isolated instances and rarely took place.
288 paganis et idolatria, Martin Clarentius Gertz, Historiæ Danicæ, 489.
289 See the note in Martin Clarentius Gertz, Historiæ Danicæ, 489.
290 “Ex intimo cordis affectu fletus subeunt el suspiria, precipue a his, qui eam prius viderant gloria et
honore sublimatam: attamen propter pacis excellentem dignitatem intrant. Ducuntur ad sacrosancta loca
Sepulchri; sed cunela, que quondam devotionis excitabant affectum, ad meroris uerluntur augmentum”,
Martin Clarentius Gertz, Historiæ Danicæ, 489.
291 Tommaso Marani, “Leiðarvísir. Its Genre and Sources, with Particular Reference to the Description
of Rome” (2012), 9.
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Leiðarvísir is an Icelandic itinerary of the mid-twelfth century. Its authorship is
usually attributed to Nikulás Bergsson, the first abbot of the Benedictine abbey of
Munkaþverá in northern Iceland, for the explicit of Manuscript 194 8vo of the
Arnamagnæan Collection292 mentions that the itinerary was written by an Abbot
Nikulas.293 Regarding its date and place, we have the information that the work was
completed in 1387 on the farm of Geirrøðareyri (now Narfeyri) on the peninsula of
Snæfellsnes in western Iceland.294
Scholars generally agree that Nikulas was abroad in the early 1150s, as supported
by limited but convincing textual evidence. The itinerary’s concluding sentence
identifies Nikulas as an abbot. During the mid-twelfth century, Iceland had two
Benedictine monasteries in the northern diocese of Holar. Þingeyrar, founded in 1121,
had an abbot named Nikulas Saemundarson, who passed away in 1158. The other
monastery Munkathvera was established in 1155, and records mention Hoskuldr as the
first abbot. However, Hoskuldr’s time as abbot was short-lived, as Nikulas Bergsson
succeeded him, assisting the two Icelandic bishops at the consecration of the new
cathedral at Skalholt. This latter abbot, Nikulas Bergsson, passed away in 1159 or
1060. In this regard, although early scholars295 attributed the authorship of the itinerary
to Nikulas Seamundarson, the dating and the evidence now point more convincingly
to Nikulas Bergsson as the likely writer, which is currently widely accepted among
scholars.296
292 The full text of Leiðarvísir is preserved within the folios 11r-16r of the parchment Manuscript 194
8vo, which is preserved in the Arnamagnæan Collection in Copenhagen. Tommaso Marani,
“Leiðarvísir. Its Genre and Sources, with Particular Reference to the Description of Rome” (2012), 4-
5.
293 Marani, “Leiðarvísir. Its Genre and Sources”, 42.
294 “Enn þa er þetta var skrifat, var lidith fra hingat-burdinum M. CCC. LXXXVII vetr,” “But when this
work was written, 1387 years had passed since the birth of Christ”. Quoted in Marani, “Leiðarvísir. Its
Genre and Sources”, 5.
295 Paul Riant, Expéditions et Pèlerinages des Scandinaves en Terre Sainte au Temps des Croisades,
1865, 80-81.
296 Gabriel Turville-Petre, Origins of Icelandic Literature (Clarendon Press, 1953), 160.
87
The period when Nikulas undertook his pilgrimage was when the conditions
were as favourable as they can be in the twelfth century.297 It was after the Second
Crusade that Greek and Italian merchants enjoyed relatively unrestricted voyages
between Italy, the Byzantine Empire and the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem. This
peaceful atmosphere also benefitted pilgrims from all over the world, like Nikulas. In
fact, unlike Seawulf,298 who faced perilous situations from pirates in the eastern
Mediterranean and was ambushed by Saracens in the Holy Land, Nikulas’ travel
account mentions no such dangers.
In the narrative, including Norway, we see ten different pitstops which
correspond to six different modern-day countries: From Iceland to Norway, Norway
to Ålborg, Denmark, from Ålborg to Stade, from Stade to Mainz, from Mainz to Lake
Geneva, from Lake Geneva to Rome, from Rome to Bari then Brindisi, and finally
from there to Acre and then to Jerusalem.299 The indications of the distance between
these pitstops and the detailed description of the facets of these cities are what Nikulas
tells in between these cities. Apart from providing detailed religious, geographical and
anthropological information, Abbot Nikulas also includes references to mythological
and pagan elements from Nordic cultures.300
These references, which often relate to Germanic/Nordic culture, contrast
sharply with the prevailing Christian belief of the era.301 Nikulas strategically places
these references whenever he encounters specific locations, serving as reminders of
297 Joyce Hill, “From Rome to Jerusalem: An Icelandic Itinerary of the Mid-Twelfth Century,” Harvard
Theological Review 76, no. 2 (April 1983): 175–203, 201.
298 Hill, “From Rome to Jerusalem, 201.
299 Luana Giampiccolo, “Leiðarvísir, an Old Norse Itinerarium: A Proposal for a New Partial
Translation and Some Notes about the Place-Names,” Nordicum-Mediterraneum 8, no. 1 (2013): 1–26.
300 R. Raschellà‘,“ Devozione Cristiana E Leggenda Germanica Ne“l’l Itinerarium” Dell’abate Nicola
Di Munkaþverá,’” in L’immaginario Nelle Letterature Germaniche del Medioevo, ed. Adelle Cipolla
(FrancoAngeli, 1995), 257–73, 258-59; Lars Lönnroth,“ A Road Paved with Legends. The Pilgrim
Itinerary of Nikolas Bergsson”, in Atti delconvegno: I rapporti tra Italia e Europa delnord nella
letteratura e nell’arte, Giornate Scandinave (1989), 35-47, 37.
301 Giampiccolo, “Leiðarvísir, an Old Norse Itinerarium”.
88
the mythological figures known from ancient times: “Then you travel for four days to
reach Mainz, in between there is a village called Horhausen, another one called
Kiliandr, and there is Gnita-heiðr, where Sigurðr killed Fáfnir”.302 As a result, Nikulas’
guide, imbued with deep devotion, not only imparts geographical and religious insights
into Medieval Scandinavia but also offers a glimpse into the literary traditions of these
ancient peoples.
The urge to be included and a part of Christendom can be seen through Nikulas’
narrative. By giving such a detailed account and reminding his audience of the ancient
Germanic/Nordic events, Nikulas tries to connect his ancient ties with his “new home”.
One can say that during his journey, he occasionally reminds himself and his audience
of his and their Nordic roots to tie them with the new ones they have. Moreover, the
extent of details he gives while in Jerusalem shows how he wants his fellow Northmen
to know everything about their “new home”: “On the banks of the Jordan, if a man lies
on his back on the ground and raises his knee and his fist then pulls his thumb up, over
these he can see the North Star, so high that nothing is higher”.303 In other words, it
can be said that he wants to make sure that when other Scandinavians plan to undertake
a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, they will know where to go and what to do like a local
Christian.
4.8. Analysis
Up until this point, we’ve seen how Christianity and Christian values are treated
through different narratives. Although this strong emphasis on Christianity can be
302 According to the Nordic version of Nibelungenlied, Gnita-heiðr is the place where the Dragon Fafnir
builds his palace to hide dwarf Andvari’s gold. We also encounter this legend in heroic poems of the
Edda, Reginsmál and Fáfnismál, in which Sigurd and Regin kill the dragon in Gnita-heiðr and steal his
treasure. Giampiccolo, “Leiðarvísir, an Old Norse Itinerarium”.
303 Giampiccolo, “Leiðarvísir, an Old Norse Itinerarium”.
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found in most medieval texts, encountering it in works about medieval Scandinavians
can be interpreted as deliberate attempts to strengthen the Scandinavians’ ties with
Christendom. Compared to the rest of continental Europe, the Scandinavian kingdoms
converted to Christianity at a late stage.304 As a result, the eleventh and twelfth-century
Scandinavians struggled to familiarise themselves with Christendom, which was
already a thousand years old at the time of their conversion. 305 Additionally,
converting to a religion centred on another continent made the northern territories the
periphery of Christendom. That is to say, before conversion, they were in the heart of
their own religion and therefore were the subject of their faith. After the conversion,
since Jerusalem was the centre of Christianity, they became the people in the periphery
who lived thousands of kilometres away from the lands where Christ, who was now
their Lord, lived. In this regard, it seems like people of the North, consciously or
unconsciously, were trying to find a place for themselves in Christendom.
Given what has been said, this may well be applied to our pursuit of finding their
motivation for undertaking such a long journey towards the Mediterranean. Besides
the spiritual satisfaction and the fame it brings, it can be interpreted as a quest to find
a conceptual place in the world they have entered. To proceed with examples, Eiríkr
in Knýtlinga saga was represented as a pious and just king at the very beginning.
Among the first information we get about his reign is his actions against heathens; he
exterminates them and lets no evildoer prosper in his kingdom. This shows itself in his
attitude towards the heathen Wends as well. He shows no mercy to them in every
304 The definitive change came when the ruling dynasties underwent a conversion. King Haraldr
Blátǫnn Gormsson (Bluetooth) of Denmark (r. 958-986) was baptised in the 960s. In Norway, King
Óláfr Tryggvason (r. 995-1000) announced the adoption of Christianity in the 990s, and he was followed
by King Óláfr Haraldsson (r. 1015-1028), who introduced Christian laws in the early eleventh century.
In Iceland, chieftains gathered at the Alþingi in 999/1000 and decided to embrace Christianity. See
Aavitsland and Bonde, eds., Tracing the Jerusalem Code I, 15-16.
305 Aavitsland and Bonde, eds., Tracing the Jerusalem Code I, 15.
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conflict they have in the saga. Even though this was most probably due to his deep
devotion to Christianity as a king who grew up with Christian beliefs, one cannot deny
the possibility of his awareness of the situation that both his kingdom and his fellow
northerners were in. Their kingdoms were situated on the periphery of the Christian
realm, and the only way to better include Scandinavians was to distinguish himself as
a Christian king.
This argument further strengthens by his efforts to secure an independent
archbishopric for the people of the North. He wants his lands and the Norse-speaking
world to be acknowledged by the authorities of the Christian world. Additionally, his
efforts to canonise his brother Knútr set another example for his longing to be included.
After all, if miracles could take place in other Christian territories, they could as well
take place in his kingdom. In this regard, his desire to be acknowledged and included
might have also affected his decision to go on a pilgrimage, or, in other words, his
movement towards the Mediterranean.
In Gesta Danorum, other than the aforementioned differences in the narrative
and the storyline, we see a somewhat similar Eiríkr. However, this time, the emphasis
is displayed through Eiríkr’s characteristics and attitudes towards critical subjects. He
orders a brutal end for the two Scanians who disturbed and plundered the Danish
frontiers, and yet again, the brutality of how they were killed might also indicate his
desire to be included in Christendom. He was proactive against future assaults from
pirates and Wends, in other words, heathens. He is as brutal as a Christian king should
be against heathens.
As described previously, the story of Eiríkr’s securing an archbishopric differs
from the one in Knýtlinga saga. In Gesta, we see a much more zealous Eiríkr. He goes
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all the way to Rome, for the second time, to demand an independent archbishopric
since he thinks,
his homeland, and its national worship should be freed from that Saxon prelacy,
so that in the sphere of religion they should not submit to the necessity of being
entirely subservient to foreigners or be bound to seek their doctrinal teaching
from strangers.306
He wants to be a part of Christendom, not subjugated to it.
De Profectione helps us analyse the zeal for inclusion among Scandinavian
noble people. We encounter a group of men deeply touched by Pope Gregory’s letter
and organise an expedition to Jerusalem from scratch. When the preparations for the
pilgrimage of kings are considered, for they spare no expense, these men's ardour and
desire seem self-explanatory for the reader. Infidels capture their so-called “home”
they never saw, and they wish to have their finger in the pie, so to speak. In other
words, they want a sense of belonging and think it can be found by actually being in
there. They planned to find that sense of belonging through a change of space by
moving towards the heart of their religion, Jerusalem. Lastly, with Leiðarvísir, we see
the desire of Scandinavians to be included in Christendom. The writer, Nikulas
Bergsson, provides every detail about both the road and the significant pitstops along
the road to prevent any unfamiliarity that could occur in the hearts of his fellow
Northmen. In this regard, Nikulas’ efforts — undertaking a pilgrimage and writing an
incredibly detailed itinerary — symbolise the desire for inclusion that overgrew in the
hearts of medieval Icelanders/Scandinavians.
4.9. Conclusion
Christianisation brought about a profound change in Scandinavia. Indeed, this change
has manifested itself in different areas over the centuries. Among them are the religious
306 Saxo Grammaticus, Gesta Danorum II, 879-80.
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customs, particularly the custom of going on pilgrimage, which I discuss throughout
this chapter. Since the heart of Christianity lies in the Middle East, conversion mentally
and physically tied them to a continent utterly distant from them. Whilst they were
known for travelling long distances, surpassing such distances could not have been
just to visit the holy lands of the religion they had converted belatedly.
In the first two sources analysed in this chapter, I emphasised how important
Christianity was to a Scandinavian king, beloved by his people, King Eiríkr, who
trusted his kingdom to his son and made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. In Knýtlinga saga
and Gesta Danorum, the reasons for his pilgrimage differ from each other, however,
the emphasis on Eiríkrbeing a devoted king and the decisions that he deliberately made
are significantly noticeable in both sources. Furthermore, in the other two narratives,
Historia de profectione Danorum in Hierosolymam and Leiðarvísir og Borgarskipan.
, the vigour and the desire to go and visit the Holy Land are emphasised to a great
extent. In the former, the narrative revolves around five men who decide to sail to the
Holy Land to assist in liberating Jerusalem after its fall in 1187. The fighting was over
by their arrival, so they decided to visit the Holy Sepulchre and River Jordan. So, de
Profectione symbolises the fire burning inside noble Scandinavians for seeing the
lands where their Lord was born. In that case, the former, Leiðarvísir, symbolises the
same fire within the common Scandinavian people. As an itinerary covering how to
go on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, in this respect, it shows that the custom of going on
a pilgrimage to Jerusalem was not uncommon.
I argue that one of the significant motives for undertaking such a long journey is
their desire to be included in the realm of the religion that they converted later in
comparison to the other Western kingdoms. Throughout the chapter, I strengthen this
claim by mentioning the overly-emphasised Christian elements presented through
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Eiríkr’s life and character in both Knýtlinga saga and Gesta Danorum. Lastly, in order
to expand the scope of my argument to the common people of medieval Scandinavia,
I analysed de Profectione and Leiðarvísir and presented the theme of “desire for
inclusion to Christendom” by describing both the journey and the emotions of the
characters during the journey.
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CHAPTER V: CONCLUSION
A significant and enduring element into the fabric of Scandinavian history centres on
the idea of long-distance journeys. The Viking Age activities vividly depicted in the
medieval chronicles — such as the raid of 793 to Lindisfarne described in Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle — offer an example of this phenomenon. Indeed, during the Viking Age,
the Vikings left an indelible mark as conquerors, marauders, and traders, traversing
vast expanses to establish their presence across Europe and the British Isles. In this
regard, one can say that the Viking Age stands as evidence of their remarkable
mobility.
By the turn of the millennium, the panorama of long-distance travel in this
transformative period reveals a remarkable evolution. While the Vikings once emerged
as formidable raiders and conquerors, this era has witnessed a noticeable
transformation in their quest. They have shed their former roles, taking on an eclectic
array of roles as mercenaries for Kievan princes, sworn members of the Varangian
Guard, and even pilgrims. Reflecting the changing socio-political landscape and the
coming together of different motivations, this metamorphosis gives rise to an alteration
in the motivations for undertaking such long distances.
There is a vast corpus of the Viking Age and its possible reasons. On the other
hand, once they involve in the outer world with accepted titles, such as Varangian,
pilgrim and mercenary, the literature tends to ignore the motivation behind their
movements and take the title as the sole reason for their long-distance journeys. One
could argue that it is a plausible inclination since Icelandic sagas are challenging to
work with due to their historical inaccuracies. However, as it was mentioned in the
introduction, in terms of the broad narrative of events, sagas are accurate. In this
95
regard, the clues of the motivation of the kings can be traced through sagas with, of
course, the help of other literary and material evidence.
While the reasons for their long-distance travels seem explanatory enough —
entering the service of a Kievan prince as a mercenary, becoming a Varangian, going
on a pilgrimage — they do not reflect the main motivations behind them. That is to
say, when Yngvar was leaving Sweden because King Óláfr did not let him have the
throne, his driving force was fame and wealth. Since he and his people were not the
raider Vikings anymore, he could not obtain this goal by going on raids and plundering
wherever his ship dropped anchor.
The motivation of Haraldr is more or less the same as Yngvarr. When his brother,
Óláfr, was defeated and he got deeply wounded at the Battle of Stiklarstaðir, he flees
from Norway to Russia. Other than Morkinskinna, the other two sagas, Heimskringla
and Fagrskinna, do not offer a reason for his departure from Russia. On the other hand,
all three narrate that he sent the wealth he acquired in the expedition in Africa as a
Varangian to Yaroslav to keep them safe. After a long career as a Varangian, he returns
to Norway and reclaims the throne. It seems highly possible that Haraldr used that
money to muster an army to take the throne. In this regard, it can be said that even
though he left his kingdom because he was a political exile, his primary motivation for
going to Constantinople was not to become a Varangian. It was indeed to gather
enough wealth to muster an army to support him.
Finally, even though Knýtlinga saga represents Erik as a devoted king who chose
to go on a pilgrimage during a very successful reign, I argue that his desire to be
included in Christendom was his driving motivation. The same eagerness for inclusion
can be seen through an analysis of Historia de profectione Danorum in Hierosolymam
and Leiðarvísir og Borgarskipan
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