460

 THE INFLUENCE OF THE VAJRAPANI
ON JAPANESE MARTIAL IDEOLOGIES

The Influence of the Vajrapāṇi on Japanese Martial Ideologies
This study follows the relationship between the iconic warrior figure Vajrapāṇi, and
two of its derived characters: Fudō Myō-ō and the Niō, as they influence the
development of martial ideology in Japan, following the symbolic representations
developed in India and the patterns of royal interactions developed in China,
culminating in an analysis of modern martial relevance. Origin theories and
symbolism are first addressed, to which I will add two observations pertaining to the
Bharhut yavana the iconic warrior figure dating to the first century BCE and the
cross-chest belt channavīra, as a symbol of warrior qualities. The integration of
Fudō into the imperial and political spheres via Shingon Buddhist priest
Amoghavajra in China, and the manner in which it was carried forward into Japan by
Kūkai are examined. Vajrapāṇi extended from the imperial house within Japan and
entwined with the several groups including the developing warrior class (bushi) and
fighting monks, commonly known as Sōhei, as well as means of popular culture. This thesis demonstrates how the Vajrapāṇi and its derivative characters, have played a foundational role in the development of martial ideology in Japan, which was guided through features that were evident from the Vajrapāṇi’s origin, including imperial connection, liminality, bellicosity, transitional or liminal status, association with ‘necessary evil’ and popular appeal. It is the aim of this thesis to aid the depth of the bridging of ancient Buddhist symbolism and mythological meaning and current martial philosophy.
v
ÖZET
Japon Savaş Sanatı Anlayısında Vajrapani’nin Etkisi
Bu çalışma ikonik savaşçı figürü Vajrapāṇi ile onun türevleri olup Japonya’da savaş
sanatı ideolojisinin gelişiminde etkin olan Fudō Myō-ō ve Niō karakterlerinin ilişkisi
üzerine odaklanmaktadır. Araştırma, Hindistan’da ortaya çıkan simgesel Vajrapāṇi
temsillerini, Çin’de soylu sınıflarla etkileşim vasıtasıyla gelişmesini takip ederek
Doğu Asya modern savaş sanatı anlayışı üzerindeki etkilerinin bir analizini
yapacaktır. Öncelikle köken teorileri ve sembolizm ele alınacak, ardından da M.Ö. 1.
yüzyıla tarihlenen Bharhut yavana savaşçı ikonografisi ve savaşçı nitelikleri temsil
eden çapraz göğüs kemeri channavīra gibi örneklere ait gözlemler üzerinde
durulacaktır. Çalışmanın devamında Fudō figürünün Çin’de Amoghavajra
görünümünde imparatorluk ve buna bağlı siyasi çevrelerde nasıl entegre edildiğinden
bahisle ünlü Budist rahip Kūkai tarafından Japonya’ya nasıl getirildiği ele
alınacaktır. Vajrapāṇi simgesi Japon imparatorluk sarayından başlayarak savaşçı
sınıf (bushi) , savaşçı rahipler (Sōhei) gibi toplum katmanlarına yayılmış ve nihayet
popüler halk kültürüne nüfuz etmiştir. Bu tez, Vajrapāṇi ve türevlerinin, simgenin
kökenlerinden taşınan özelliklerine uygun olarak, Japon savaş sanatı ideolojisinin
gelişiminde üstlendiği kurucu rolü göstermektedir. Bunu yaparken imparatorluk
bağlantıları, sosyal eşikler, şiddet eğilimleri, statü geçiş ve dönüşümleri,
“kaçınılamaz kötülük” gibi kavramlar ve bu kavramların geniş halk kitleleri
üzerindeki etkileri üzerinde durulacaktır. Bu tezin temel amacı kadim Budist
sembolojisi ve taşıdığı mitolojik anlamlar ile günümüz savaş sanatı düşüncesi
arasında bir köprü oluşturma gayretlerine katkıda bulunmaktır.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would first like to thank Professor Erdal Küçükyalçın, PhD. of the Boğaziçi University Department of History for his insight to inspire a particular line of study that strongly matched my disposition and interest, and for his dedication, assistance and assurance in each step along the way. He has helped me to stay on track through the process and move towards a higher level of conceptual organization.
I would also like to thank Professor Selçuk Esenbel, PhD of Columbia University and Boğaziçi University Department of History for helping to advise and direct the nature of the research centered in Japan. I’m very thankful for her instruction surrounding research on Fudō and suggestions to improve the depth of the research.
I would also like to thank the committee members who took the time to sit through the defense and evaluate my thesis, Professor Arzu Öztürkmen, PhD, of the Boğaziçi University Department of History, Professor Selda Altan, PhD, of the Department of History at Randolph College, and Professor Hale Eroğlu, PhD from the Boğaziçi University Department of History. Without their participation and input, the thesis could not have been successfully completed and I’m incredibly grateful for their help throughout the process.
Lastly, I would like to thank Ma, Poca, Hue, Hachi, Hope, Lauren and Tengu for putting up with my distraction and seclusion through the process of researching and writing this thesis. This accomplishment would not have been possible without them.
Thank you.

vii
DEDICATION
This paper is dedicated to Dante, an absolute.
viii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ................................................................................ 1
CHAPTER 2: VAJRAPANI SYMBOLISM AND ORIGIN....................................... 12
2.1 Who is Vajrapāṇi? ...................................................................................... 12
2.2 Symbolism of the Vajrapāṇi ....................................................................... 12
2.3 The Origin Dispute ..................................................................................... 30
2.4 The Symbolic Traditions of the Vajrapāṇi Derivative Entities .................. 38
CHAPTER 3: EARLY INTEGRATION OF THE VAJAPANI AND DERIVATIVE
ENTITIES IN CHINA AND JAPAN ........................................................................ 60
3.1 Background ................................................................................................. 60
3.2 The Literary and Philosophical Inclusions of Vajrapāṇi ............................ 62
3.3 Political and Social Mechanisms of Integration ......................................... 75
3.4 Kukai’s Role on Entering Japan ................................................................. 83
CHAPTER 4: THE EXPANSION AND MARTIAL INTEGRATION OF THE VAJRAPANI IN JAPAN ............................................................................................. 90
4.1 Background ................................................................................................. 90
4.2 Pre-Japan Martial Integration of the Vajrapāṇi .......................................... 91
4.3 Expansion of the Vajrapāṇi outside the Imperial Court ............................ 98
4.4 The Emergence of the Sōhei, or Warrior Monks ...................................... 101
4.5 Fudō among Warriors of the Feudal Era... ............................................... 110
4.6 Martial Treatises of the 17th Century . ..................................................... 114
4.7 Wartime Nationalism and Bushido ........................................................... 118
4.8 Separation of Martial Arts from Religion ................................................. 123
4.9 Vajrapāṇi in the Popular Culture .............................................................. 126
CHAPTER 5: CONCLUSION ................................................................................. 134
5.1 Summary ................................................................................................... 134
5.2 Discussion ................................................................................................. 136
5.3 Future Research ........................................................................................ 139
APPENDIX A CHANNAVIRA EVOLUTION OF NIO .......................................... 142
REFERENCES ......................................................................................................... 144
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LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1. Ungyo (left) and Agyo (right) Hand Gestures of Forbearance and Attack.
Edited .....................................................................................................................16
Figure 2. Herakles Kallinikos Dvarapala in Kermanshah .....................................20
Figure 3. Kizil Cave Vajrapāṇi, Edited...................................................................22
Figure 4. Ajanta Cave Vajrapāṇi, Edited.................................................................23
Figure 5. Bharhut yavana, Triple Vajra/Sankosho, Triratna. Edited.......................25
Figure 6. Abhiraka and Nahapana Coin with Nike goddess and 3 Pronged Vajra.
Edited .....................................................................................................................28
Figure 7. The Five Wisdom Kings with Fudo in the Center...................................40
Figure 8. Fudō Myō-ō (Achala Vidyaraja) .............................................................42
Figure 9. Kongo Rikishi Agyo and Ungyo, Edited .................................................44
Figure 10. Hokke Sesso Bronze Plaque Hasedera. Edited......................................46
Figure 11. Ajanta Caves 26-30: Temptation of Mārā Panel -Top left of the Panel -
Cave-26 ..................................................................................................................51
Figure 12. Frieze fragment depicting a scene from the legend of the Temptation of
Mara ........................................................................................................................52
Figure 13. Māra's Army Om and Hand Gestures at Sanchi Stupa 1, Edited......... 56
Figure 14. Temptation of the Buddha ....................................................................57
Figure 15. Les Assauts De Mara ............................................................................58
Figure 16. Womb and Diamond Realm Mandala ...................................................66
Figure 19. Layout of the Womb Realm Mandala....................................................68
Figure 20. Shaolin Stele of Nârâyaÿa (Vajrapāṇi) .................................................95
Figure 21. Staff-Bearing Vajrapāṇi ........................................................................97
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Figure 22. Breastplate with Fudo of Ashikaga Takauji ........................................111
xi
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
Ch. Chinese
Jp. Japanese
Py. Pinyin
Rj. Rōmaji
Sk. Sanskri
xii
GLOSSARY OF NONENGLISH TERMS
Aramushagoto: A wild and rough style of acting utilized in warrior roles
Bakufu: The term used for the Shogun government in Japan
Budo: Martial way or philosophy in Japan
Bujutsu: Martial craft in Japan
Bushi: Samurai
Channavīra: A cross-body chain thought to symbolize sexual vitality
Chuan Fa: A Chinese Fighting form
Dvārapāla: Door guardians
Fudō Myō-ō: The core deity of the Five Wisdom Kings
Fudoshin: Condition of adamantine spirit and awareness
Godai Myō-ō: A group of five wisdom kings, of which Fudō is central
Homa: A fire ritual often involving Fudō in Japan’s Vajrayāna tradition
Kaicho: Temporary public exhibitions
Kaihōgyō: Circumambulatory monks
Kenpō: A Japanese fighting form
Kerounos: Zeus’ lightning bolt weapon
Kokutai: Japanese national essence
Kurikara: The snake-entwined sword associated with Fudō
xviii
Lokapāla: Directional guardians
Mahavairocana: The cosmic Buddha
Maheśvara: One of the challengers of the Buddha
Māra: The challenger of the Buddha Shakyamuni
xiii
Mushin: Condition of no mind
Nagas: Snakes in Buddhism, at times oppositional or supportive
Nata: Early Indian fighting forms
Nihon Shugi: Japanism, referring to Japanese militarism and nationalism
Ninno-kyo: The Humane Kings Sutra
Niō: The door guardian entities Agyo and Ungyo found at temple entrances
Ryobu Mandaras: A pair of mandalas representing the Vajrayāna Buddhist faith.
Sankosho: Three pointed vajra
Sanrinjin: A theory suggesting that there are three forms of the Buddha coexisting
Sashimono: Japanese military banner used in battle
Shukongōshin: The merged form of the Niō
Sōhei: The fighting monks of Japan
Sunya: The ultimate cause of the universe in Buddhist mythology
Tantra: A doctrinal text within Buddhism
Triratna: An ancient symbol of Buddhism’s three jewels
Vajra: The ancient adamantine weapon that characterizes the Vajrapāṇi
Vajradhara: A category of entity bearing the vajra (literally meaning “vajra in
hand”)
Vajramukti: An Indian fighting form
Vajrapāṇi: The vajra bearing servant to the Buddha
Varna: A precursor to the caste system in India
Yaksha: A mischievous spirit, often represented animalistically or demonically
Yavana: A word meaning ‘foreigner’ used to reference a statue in Bharhut
1
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
This thesis seeks to demonstrate the influence of the Vajrapāṇi (Ch., Jp. 金剛手菩薩, Rj. Kongōshu Bosatsu, ‘Vajra in Hand’), along with its derivative Fudō Myō-ō (Sk. Acalanātha, Jp. 不動明王) and Niō (Jp. Kongō Rikishi, 金剛力士) (En. Benevolent Kings) on Japanese martial thought through their emergence and initial symbolism in India, formalized imperial involvement in Tang China (which influenced adoption in Japan), and expanding influence past the imperial family and into emerging bands of warrior monks and warriors until codified by premodern military philosophers. The last facet examined in this thesis will be the modern expansion of particularly the Fudō Myō- ō character into modern martial thought (surrounding the turn of the century and with relevance in the period of imperial expansion) and into popular cultural understandings of martial arts through literature and theater. While seemingly not directly relating to martial activity, both the theater and literature each had an impact on wider social understandings of martial philosophy and what it means to be a warrior in the Japanese imagination, in ways overpowering the direct understanding of historical facts or practices, to influence the culminating martial understanding in Japan. The Vajrapāṇi originated as a protective figure of the Buddha Shakyamuni who, despite having a rather mysterious path, is seen to emerge time to time throughout history connected to warrior clans. This martial connection is yet to be examined thoroughly, and this thesis seeks to begin that process, and to demonstrate the Vajrapāṇi as a Buddhist figure who helped shape imperial identity within Japan.
2
This thesis begins with a close analysis of the symbolic attributes of the figures, to develop a foundation by which we can understand which features are transcendent and begin to postulate a reason. It is important to distinguish here that there are two forms that will be used of the term ‘Vajrapāṇi’ in this context. The first is the capitalized form, ‘Vajrapāṇi’, referring to the narrative character who is the protector of the Buddha Shakyamuni, who later became a prominent god in Tibetan Esoteric Buddhism, and who was tied to esoteric (mikkyō) practices in China and East Asia, and later was identified as Shukongōshin in Japan.1 Secondly, there is the lower-case Vajrapāṇi, which refers to vajra2 wielding characters, of which there are now many in Mahāyāna and Vajrayāna Buddhism. When referencing one of the Vajrapāṇi -derivative characters, such as Fudō or Niō, I use the specific name of that character. It should also be noted that not all of the Vajrapāṇi-derivative characters are addressed here. Mañjuśrī, Sk. मञ्जुश्री,Ch. 文殊) another figure derived from the Vajrapāṇi, would be a topic for further study.
In compiling an understanding of the figure and its implications, this thesis has tried to avoid the pitfalls of looking solely at scriptures, which can be written persuasively or in an ahistorical manner, looking strictly to aesthetic renderings (though these can be quite informative), and looking solely to any one branch of historical study, be it political, cultural, or religious history of an area. Rather, I have tried to craft a three-dimensional awareness of the figure over time by looking at visual and literary creations as well as ritual, within the historical context that
1 Ironically, Shukongōshin (Jp. 執金剛神) is not a focal point of this thesis as, according to my studies, the figure did not become prominent or influential in his Japanese manifestation, likely due to his lack of imperial integration of Fudō and positional prominence in the temple that the Niō had, and the importance of the other characters who had assumed the primary roles of the Vajrapāṇi.
2 The Vajra is an ancient weapon that is revered as a symbol of spiritual power within Hinduism and Buddhist faiths. It will be explained in greater detail in this chapter.
3
entwined with political, social and economic realities. Certainly, as the Vajrapāṇi moves across lands and language barriers, through religious and nonreligious circles, initiated and uninitiated adherents, the scriptures, stories and aesthetic renditions (paintings, sculptures, etc…) of the character will wax and wane in prominence among different groups. In this first chapter, I seek to explain the basic aesthetic and symbolism of the three main figures we will delve into today. While they have branched off, often in similar ways, their core symbolism remains intact. The second chapter addresses the integration of the figure into political spheres, predominantly occurring in China, which acted as a template for its introduction later into Japanese society. The third chapter focuses on the transformation and adoption of the figure in Japan. Finally, the fifth chapter takes on the means by which the figure influenced martial circles through popular culture means.
While facets of the Vajrapāṇi and derivative characters, as well as connections to particular martial arts, such as Shahar’s3 coverage of the Vajrapāṇi influence on Shaolin monks, or Braverman’s4 research on Suzuki Shōsan have been addressed, a more comprehensive analysis of the historic and symbolic mechanisms by which the figure gained impact is a topic which stands to be substantiated further. The particular significance of early symbolism in relation to its later martial applications and adoption is another are what this thesis seeks to fortify. Particular features of interest include the imperial connection, which I seek to establish as a motive from the earliest Heraklean depictions, the liminality5 as represented through the guardian and dvarapala, or door guardian roles, and the philosophical symbolism
3 Shahar, M. The Shaolin Monastery: History, Religion, and the Chinese Martial Arts.
4 Braverman, A. Warrior of Zen: The Diamond-Hard Wisdom Mind of Suzuki Shōsan
5 Liminality herein refers to the condition of being of a transitional condition, which, when mythologically represented, suggests both development and bridging divergent realms, be they mundane and spiritual or living and dead, as with the chthonic connection.
4
of the vajra itself, which, while certainly expanding past the Vajrapāṇi and derivative characters, was not comprehensively representative of other figures in the way that it became representative of these. In later years, the vajra itself becomes abstracted, but the ‘adamantine’ principle, from its founding symbolism, bolstered by the other symbolically rendered attributes of the narrative Vajrapāṇi, remains poignant for martial arts practitioners and those studying the warrior’s mind. The adamantine nature, now often lacking a strictly religious connotation, but desired nonetheless in martial practitioners, has also absorbed many of the other traits that the figures once bore.
Of the relevance of the vajra, research into its origins conducted by Falk6, Das Gupta7, and Kuznetsov8 revealed its existence in ancient society and posit a warrior affiliation from its earliest known appearances. Whitaker expounded on the early symbiotic relationship fostered within the caste system by use of the vajra as a symbol. Zin9 and Guiliano10 have analyzed the vajra alterations and depictions over time and drawn conclusions about the meaning of differing hand positions and their narrative connections. Analyses of the transformations of the Vajrapāṇi itself have been conducted by Lamotte.11 The majority of research on the Vajrapāṇi character itself has centered around his depictions within Gandharan sculptures, particularly due to the initial Greek-influenced representations in which the character was depicted as Herakles, Pan, Dionysus, or other Greek deities or demigods.
6 Falk, H (1993) “Copper Hoard Weapons and the Vedic vajra”.
7 Das Gupta, T. “Die Anthropomorphen Figuren der Kupferhortfunde aus Indien”, Jahrbuch des Römisch- Germanischen Zentralmuseums
8 Kuznetsov, P. “An Indo-Iranian Symbol of Power in the Earliest Steppe Kurgans”.
9 9 Zin, M. “Vajrapāṇi in the Narrative Reliefs, in: Migration”.
10 Giuliano, L. “Some Considerations of a Particular Vajra Iconography: The Skambha, the Yupa, the Bones of Dadhica and Related Themes”.
11 Lamotte, E. “Vajrapāṇi in India”
5
While originally, it was assumed that the Vajrapāṇi derived from yaksha, or bestial creatures for which a more detailed description will be provided in the first chapter, there have been many recent challenges that more precisely look at the figure’s origins. Origin theories have been provided by Tanabe12, Filigenzi13 and Homrighausen14. These theories are viewed in comparison here. They, in combination, overturn the Yaksha hypothesis (Tanabe) and suggest novel traits that support the choice of Herakles (Filigenzi). Both use comparisons of different narrative depictions and textual characterizations to substantiate their hypotheses, and provide compelling arguments. We will examine the different origin theories, all of which date back to the Gandharan period (from the 3rd century BCE) and possibly earlier, by looking at the relevance of the early selection of Herakles (En. Hercules, Gr. Ἡρακλῆς) as a representation of the Gandharan Vajrapāṇi, and subsequent representational choices.
For the association of the Bharhut yavana, I rely on the symbolic interpretations of Boardman15 and Banerjea.16 For an understanding of the ancient northern Indian role of Herakles, I rely on Arrian17, Narain18 and Tarn19 for early accounts and sources and the research of Mairs20, Marshall21, Brancaccio22 and
12 Tanabe, K. “Why is the Buddha Sakyamuni Accompanied by Hercules/Vajrapāṇi? Farewell to the Yaksha Theory”.
13 Filigenzi, A, et al. “Ānanda and Vajrapāṇi: An Inexplicable Absence and a Mysterious Presence in Gandharan Art”.
14 Homrighausen, J. “When Herakles Followed the Buddha: Power, Protection, and Patronage in Gandharan art”.
15 Boardman, J. The Diffusion of Classical Art in Antiquity.
16 Banerjea, J. et al. "A Bharhut Railing Sculpture."
17 Arrian, translated by Hamilton, J.R. “The Campaigns of Alexander”. Indika of Arrian.
18 Narain, A. The Indo-Greeks.
19 Tarn, W. et al. The Greeks in Bactria and India.3rd Edition.
20 R. Mairs, The Archaeology of the Hellenistic Far East. A Survey. Bactria, Central Asia and the Indo- Iranian Borderlands, c.300 BC–AD 100.
21 Marshall, J. The Buddhist Art of Gandhara. The Story of the Early School, Its Birth, Growth, and Decline.
22 Brancaccio, P., et al. Gandharan Buddhism: Archaeology, Art, Texts.
6
Behrendt23 for more modern analyses. In part, to substantiate the imperial association of Herakles within the Greek- influenced northern Indian region, I relied on symbolic depictions on coinage of the era, which images and descriptions provided by Coin India.24
After establishing the symbolic attributes, the first chapter will delve into the individual characters of Fudō Myō-ō and Niō. Particular attention is paid to the concept introduced in this thesis of the evolving channavira and the connection to depictions of Mara’s army on Sanchi stupa. The rationale for the attention paid to these two facets is that they highlight characteristics as yet overlooked that feed into the symbolic import of the figure. The channavira remains a mystery as far as its relevance and provides questions for further research whereas the connection to Mara’s army may provide an additional challenge to the yaksha origin argument. The deeper understanding of the historic symbolism of the Niō dvarapala (door guardian) also adds dimension to the character that aids our understanding of how it might come to be the central focus of a philosopher’s life work, as in the case of Suzuki Shōsan.
The social and political configuration of the Vajrapāṇi-derivative characters, particularly Fudō Myō-ō, who is explained to be a “wrathful manifestation of the Vajrapāṇi25, was established prior to entering Japan and was predominantly impacted by the translations of Amoghavajra that cast certain rituals. Much of the research in the second chapter of the thesis is informed by the extensive work on political integration of Vajrayāna Buddhism done by Charles Orzech. Particular attention is
23 Behrendt, K. The Art of Gandhara in the Metropolitan Museum of Art.
24 Coin India. “The Coin Galleries: Western Kshatrapas: Kshaharata Dynasty”. https://coinindia.com/
25 Sorensen, H. “Central Divinities in the Esoteric Buddhist Pantheon in China”. 102.
7
paid to the Scripture of the Humane Kings and the Ryobu Mandaras (Twin Mandalas) in the method by which Fudō and the vajra began to gain prominence and to move from a narrative role to an iconic role worthy of direct worship, even equating with some of the major deities of the era. This is understood through temple construction, which as a carefully considered symbolic act. Tajima, in Twin Mandalas of Vairocana in Japanese Iconography, provides an extensive and in-depth overview of the Ryobu Mandalas and their symbolism. Ritual integration of the new religion was addressed by Orzech through several texts. Translated scriptures, the Vairocanabhisambodhi Sutra, and the Mahesvara Subjugation myth, are used to directly understand the narrative role being emphasized of Fudō in this period. Biswas, Mack, and Orzech covered ritual integrations of Fudō with the imperial household.
Upon entering Japan, Shingon founder Kūkai was the most prominent figure in advancing the adoption of esoteric Buddhism and thus the prominence of Vajrapāṇi and derivative figures, so this thesis will trace his involvement in the spread of esoteric Buddhism as it related to these figures. Bond26 had provided research on the means by which Kūkai utilized the adapted the Sanrinjin theory to highlight the status of Fudō. Mack has assessed the design of Tō-ji Temple to demonstrate an architectural equation of Fudō to previously higher deity Mahāvairocanaand also addressed the implication of the Latter Seven Days Ritual for Fudō worship in Japan.27 Kūkai’s elevation of the Vajrapāṇi-derivative characters seems to imitate his Shingon predecessors, and the mechanisms by which the figure was integrated in Japan were patterned after the mechanisms in place in China,
26 Bond, K. Ritual and Iconography in the Japanese Esoteric Buddhist Tradition: The Nineteen Visualizations of Fudō Myo-o.
27 Mack, K. “The Function and Context of Fudō Imagery From the 9th to 14th Century in Japan”.
8
therefore, the second chapter draws many parallels between the two, also illustrating that the rise in prominence was by design rather than an isolated interpretation in Japan, though Vajrapāṇi and derivative characters did gain greater popularity in Japan than elsewhere. One of the important subsequent effects of these mechanisms was to alter the purpose of ritual exchange from its earlier purpose of heightening the spirituality of the adherent to affecting real world change. This illustrates the bridge of the Vajrapāṇi to real world action, which would propel his appeal and his later extension outside of religious circles, and further characterize the figure as a liminal beast.
The third chapter addressed the expansion of the Vajrapāṇi outside of religious and imperial circles. This expansion also was not isolated in Japan, and its trajectory outward prior to arriving in Japan is covered by Dukes (substantiating the idea that it might result from facets of the character rather than region that facilitate expansion and martial affiliation), even going so far as to interpret the mudras or Buddhist hand positions as martial arts maneuvers.28 Shahar also provided the most comprehensive research on the Vajrapāṇi impact on the Shaolin monks, which touched on the association of the figure with justified rule breaking, another theme that we see follow the entity.29 Adolphson addressed the power dynamic shifting in the Heian Era that led bolstered the growth, and funding of Vajrayāna temples as well as the financial circumstances that incentivized a growing independence and militarization of temple complexes.30 Wakabayashi examined the association of abbot Ryο̄gen and Fudō, and the embodiment process of Fudō rituals that had
28 Dukes, T. Bodhisattva Warriors.
29 Shahar, M. The Shaolin Monastery: History, Religion, and the Chinese Martial Arts.
30 Adolphson. “Monks, Courtiers and Warriors in Premodern Japan: The Secular Power of Enryakuji in the Heian and Kamakura Eras”.
9
popularized for diverse and increasingly secular reasons.31 Mack’s research also substantiated the variety of Fudō rituals used at the time, and their secularization.32 Miyake33, Hitoshi34, and Stevens35 took a close look at the relationship between the Shugendō sect and Fudō , involving austerity rituals that continue to this day.
Stevens and Draeger provide a background on the integration of Fudō into warrior circles of bushi, or samurai warriors. LaRocca36 and Turnbull37 provide research into military symbolism. Conlan38 and Adolphson39 traced the evolution of these warrior groups. The emergent martial philosophies of the seventeenth century are then examined herein predominantly using first-hand texts by Suzuki Shōsan and Takuan Sōhō to understand the divergent philosophies surrounding Vajrapāṇi and Vajrapāṇi-derivative characters that emerged from this time period. Braverman40 is also relied upon for an understanding of Shōsan. Victoria provides a study into the emergence of ‘soldier Zen’ and ‘imperial state Zen’.41 Suzuki, who influenced Japanese imperial wartime philosophy, extended the ideas of earlier martial philosophers, particularly Sōhō, while not referencing Fudō as specifically as Sōhō, illustrating the transfer of the adamantine principle of the vajra to greater abstraction from the religious and symbolic origin into a more commonly accepted principle. His
31 Wakabayashi, H. “From Conqueror of Evil to Devil King: Ryο̄gen and Notions of Ma in Medieval Japanese Buddhism”.
32 Mack, K. “The Function and Context of Fudo Imagery From the 9th to 14th Century in Japan”.
33 Miyake H. Religious Rituals in Shugendō: a Summary”.
34 Hitoshi, M. “Religious Rituals in Shugendō”.
35 Stevens, J. The Marathon Monks of Mount Hiei.
36 LaRocca, D. The Gods of War: Sacred Images and the Decoration of Arms and Armor.
37 Turnbull, S. Samurai Heraldry.
38 Conlan, T. The Culture of Force and Farce: Fourteenth-Century Japanese Warfare.
39 Adolphson, M. “The Teeth and Claws of the Buddha: Monastic Warriors and Sōhei in Japanese History”.
40 Braverman, A. Warrior of Zen: The Diamond-Hard Wisdom Mind of Suzuki Shosan.
41 Victoria, B. Zen at War: Second Edition.
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life-giving sword principle mirrors the justification of violence that the Vajrapāṇi brought to Vajrayāna Buddhism in his guardian role, particularly during conversions.
Lastly, this thesis takes a look at the modern influences on martial arts perceptions that shape the relevance of Vajrapāṇi and derivative characters. These include the integration into theatrical portrayals of Fudō by the Danjūrō Troupe. Bond provides the bulk of research on this integration42 and Ketelaar examines specific narrative depictions of Fudō.43 A brief examination of the influence of Fudō through literature is made, because this topic has been covered elsewhere by Payne.44 Conlan is relied upon for the martial relevance of this literary inclusion.45
This thesis follows the Vajrapāṇi through its emergence in northern India and its politicization and move to iconic status predominantly taking place in China, both of which are examined in terms of their effect on the eventual outcomes and understandings of the figure in Japan. The process of dissemination of the figures beyond formal religious and imperial settings is relevant to our understanding of how the figures came to impact groups like martial artists today, as well as other facets of society. The process also shapes the reception of information about the character and the means to which ritual or worship are employed. For non-religious purposes, it impacts the narratives evolving around the character and the impressions of martial philosophy for those who gain exposure through popular cultural expressions of the deity’s martial expressions. The Vajrapāṇi is revealed to have played a more
42 Bond, K. Ritual and Iconography in the Japanese Esoteric Buddhist Tradition: The Nineteen Visualizations of Fudo Myo-o.
43 Ketelaar, J. Of Heretics and Martyrs in Meiji Japan: Buddhism and Its Persecution
44 Payne, R. “Standing Fast, Fudo Myoo in Japanese Literature”
45 Conlan, T. “The Culture of Force and Farce: Fourteenth-Century Japanese Warfare”.
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important and multi- faceted role than previously imagined in shaping the outcomes of modern martial thought in Japan.
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CHAPTER 2
VAJRAPANI SYMBOLISM AND ORIGIN
2.1 Who is the Vajrapāṇi?
To better understand the Vajrapāṇi and derivative characters, an understanding of the shared symbolism should first be addressed. While outwardly, the figures of Vajrapāṇi, Fudō Myō-ō and the Niō have their own unique iconic and narrative depictions and correlations, there are certain threads that connect the three figures, that are, at the same time, prominent in defining the longevity and appeal of the character. This chapter will delineate and address these, as well as add two observations may prove relevant. These include the similarities between the Gandharan Vajrapāṇi and the Bharhut Stupa, which would substantiate an imperial importance for the association of Vajrapāṇi with Herakles early on, and the observation of the retained channavira chain, that seems to have morphed into musculature in later renditions of the Niō. Of the Niō, as well, this chapter adds the observations of strikingly similar symbolism when compared to one of the Sanchi stupa reliefs depicting Mara’s Army. These observations help to inform the makeup of the entity, and its important characteristic integrations that facilitated its adoption in later years by both imperial authorities and rebelling groups.
2.2 Symbolism of the Vajrapāṇi
While the Vajrapāṇi manifests with different qualities across different terrains and time periods, there are some factors which remain throughout the depictions, these include the bearing of the vajra, the guardian position, and imperial connection. Therefore, it is best understood through its strongest and more enduring attributes,
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and which will be explained herein. The vajra is the characteristic weapon from which he derives his name and which grows to be equated with the character and his derivatives. In certain manifestations, his role as a guardian (symbolically as a guardian of transitional adherents in the Vajrapāṇi and of the Buddha Shakyamuni himself, and as an actual door guardian in the Niō. Lastly, the imperial connection, which was thoroughly substantiated by Amoghavajra, seems to have been apparent from earlier times, albeit not delineated in such clear roles as during the Tang Dynasty. While the role of Amoghavajra and imperial association will be approached in Chapter II, the earliest symbolic indicators will be examined here, with the addition of an imperial understanding of Herakles and a new look at the Bharhut Stupa. These three facets examined herein enveloped much of the lesser symbolism, and bridged the Vajrapāṇi and derivative characters.
2.2.1 The Divine Weapon, the Vajra
The vajra is a symbol common to all evolutions of the Vajrapāṇi, perhaps stemming from the name itself, which, translated into English, means ‘Vajra in Hand’. The vajra, identified in the Rigveda as “his heavenly bolt of thunder Tvastar fashioned”46, in other cases, designed from the diamond bones of the sage Dadhichi47 and used it to decapitate the serpentine Vritra, a demigod who was blocking the waters.48 The vajra played an important role in establishment of a symbiotic relationship between the two groups of the varna system49, Kshatriya and Brahmin, as these classifications
46 Trans. Griffith, R. The Rig Veda. https://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/rigveda/index.htm
47 Zenith Infonet Contributor. “The Great Sage Dadhichi.”
48 Thus, was Indra, by wielding the vajra against his enemy “giving life to the Sun and Dawn and Heavens” in Book I, Hymn XXII of the Rigveda. Tr. Griffith. The Rigveda. 30/ 2-4.
49 The varna system was an early caste system present in India consisting of four divisions.
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began to take shape within the pre-caste systems of India.50 Jarrod Whitaker theorizes that the vajra, known as the dorje in Tibet, “functions as a key tool to naturalize specific metaphysical truths, while enforcing certain sociopolitical relationships” and that the religious function of the tool in ancient times was partly to subjugate the Kshatriya warrior caste to the priestly Brahminic caste, bonding and solidifying the symbiotic relationship between emperor and warrior and empowering both. This process initiated in the Vedic varna system (Sk. वर्ण) long before the occurrence of our subjects of study, though similar templates of interaction hold and may prove active in later evolutions of vajra-bearers. This relationship between Kshatriya (warrior) and Brahmin (priest) of the varna will manifest between warrior kings and monks, and later kings, monks and warriors, (as will be explained in the subsequent chapters of this thesis), and the role of the vajra will be supplanted by the Vajrapāṇi entities, and later by their principles, becoming more and more abstracted from the original weapon, yet maintaining the connections to kingship and war.
Some have connected the vajra to the copper bar celt of the Indo-Aryan southward migration, and others to Yamnaya groups who share linguistic features with the Indo-Aryans. Falk, Das Gupta and Kuznetsov separately linked semi-psychological, semi-functional weapons found in the Copper Hoard Culture to the vajra, including copper bar celts (Falk, 1993)51, anthropomorphic figures (Das Gupta, 2009)52 and cudgels found in burial mounds that were “by far the largest metal object found in a Yamnaya grave”, held by the status-holding male, figure prominently featured in the mounds, dating approximately 3000-2900 BCE (Kuznetsov, 2005).53
50 Whitaker, J. “I Boldly Took the Mace (Vájra) for Might: Ritually Weaponizing a Warrior’s Body in Ancient India”. 51-94
51 Falk, H (1993) “Copper Hoard Weapons and the Vedic vajra”. 193-206
52 Das Gupta, T. “Die Anthropomorphen Figuren der Kupferhortfunde aus Indien”, Jahrbuch des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums. 39-80
53 Kuznetsov, P. “An Indo-Iranian Symbol of Power in the Earliest Steppe Kurgans”. 10-11.
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The latter claim indicates that the symbolic object of the Vajrapāṇi may trace nearly 5000 years back to primitive Indo-Aryan warriors. Notably, both the copper bar celts and the tomb cudgels were weapons designed to be thrown or swung, in accord with Vedic descriptions of the vajra. The shape of the vajra is transformed over time. After analyzing representations of the vajra across time, Monika Zin suggests that extant representations of the vajra are more closely modeled on the Greek kerounos, or lightning bolt, which, interestingly enough, was also used by Zeus to slay a giant serpentine being, indicating a possible narrative mythological overlap.54
Zin demonstrates a further connection with Vedic literature, in her study of Vajrapāṇi reliefs, determining that the positioning of the vajra in the hands indicates the Vajrapāṇi’s role in a given narrative. There are two main positions, as can be seen in Agyo (Sk. Guhyapāda) (Jp., Ch. 密迹金剛) (Rj. Misshaku Kongō), the open-mouthed Niō typically to the right of the Niōmon (仁王門) temple doorway, and his counterpart, typically to the left of the gateway and with a closed mouth, the Ungyo (Nārāyaṇa) (那羅延金剛) (Naraen Kongō), along with their Chinese, Korean and Central Asian counterparts. According to Zin, in narratives where the vajra is held in the left hand, the character is standing by, much like Ungyo, and observing with a readiness to action that hasn’t yet been activated. Aloft, in the right hand indicates a readiness to fight, as demonstrated by Agyo, and connected to Indra’s vajradaksina position55 in the battle against the giant serpent Vritra (Sk. वृत्र), Vṛtrá), in which the deity is likewise compelled to take the vajra in the hand, indicating battle action.56 We can see these echoes in the hand positioning of Agyo and Ungyo, in which the
54 Zin, M. “Vajrapāṇi in the Narrative Reliefs, in: Migration”. 73-83
55 This is translated from Sanskrit as ‘holding a thunderbolt in the right hand’.
56 Zin, M., “Vajrapāṇi in the Narrative Reliefs, in: Migration” 73-83
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active Agyo indicates attack, and the down-facing palms of Ungyo indicate forbearance (see Figure 1).
The vajra,57 an often-present symbol of late Mahāyāna and Vajrayāna Buddhism, is associated with its list of historic victories, not in the least with its use by Indra to destroy the world snake Vritra in the Vedas, but also is associated with conversion58 and protection, and may be considered a transitional vessel and representation of liminality. Its symbolism includes adamantine moveability and impenetrability, a fact which has endeared vajra bearers to martial communities and warriors over time, from its actual use as a weapon, to its ritual uses, to its later equation with the impermeable condition of the mind, as extolled by warrior turned monk, Suzuki Shōsan (Ch. Jp. 鈴木正三) (1579-1655).59
57 The vajra is a hand-held supernatural tool or weapon typically with a narrower grip center and expanding on both ends to form spheres points, or otherwise shaped caps. It was first found in the Rig Veda as a weapon of Indra, and incorporated into Buddhism through the Gandharan Vajrapāṇi attendant to the Śākyamuni Buddha, later found extensively among deities, with a special connection with wrathful or benevolent kings and Lokapāla guardians.
58 Lamotte, E. “Vajrapāṇi in India.” 19-26.
59 Shosan, S. Selected Writings of Suzuki Shosan. 60
Figure 1 Ungyo (left) and Agyo (right) Hand Gestures of Forbearance and Attack. Edited. More Glimpses of Unfamiliar Japan”. Source: https://www.ojisanjake.com/2010/07/nio-at-chokoku-ji.html. 2010
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The shape of the symbol itself represents the “separation of the spheres… and the and the center from which the universe comes into existence”, a “gateway” and “joins heaven and earth and is a sign of the descent of a divine power”.60 It is also understood as an evolution into symbol of the abstract concept of sunya, or “the Ultimate Cause of the Universe… from which everything originates and into which everything merges”61 that came about as a result of the natural shifting of religious thought towards concrete representations from abstracted concepts, a process that is likewise reflected in the Mahāyāna development of multiple focal deities and in the emergence of Mahāyāna and eventually esoteric rituals,62 which progressively developed after the core Hinayana63 philosophies. The tool in itself is understood to be the most powerful of weapons.
Through a study of Vedic texts, Whitaker concludes that between 1000- 600 BCE, with the development of class divisions between Brahmin priests and Kshatriya warriors, the vajra became increasingly symbolic of the Kshatriya warrior class. As the Kshatriya class was thought capable of rule, kings (of the Kshatriya class) were ceremoniously handed vajras during coronations, symbolically dedicating their service to the Brahmin priests, and the relationship between Brahmin and Kshatriya was reinforced by symbolic splitting of the vajra into four pieces, two held by each side, during the slaying of Vritra.64 Yet, we can begin to establish that the
60 Giuliano, L. “Some Considerations of a Particular Vajra Iconography: The Skambha, the Yupa, the Bones of Dadhica and Related Themes”. 113-114
61 Biswas. S. Fudō Myō-ō. 7.
62 The distinction between rituals of the Mahayana and Vajrayana or Mantrayana strains of Buddhism is a matter of dispute. Mahayana did involve certain esoteric rituals and a proliferation of entities, Vajrayana would not have appeared entirely distinct, while in their developed phases they can be differentiated, there is much overlap in the ritual and symbolic field.
63 Hinayana was an earlier form of Buddhism to spread from northern India.
64 According to Whitaker, “…two pieces become the sacrificial post and wooden sword of priests, and two become the chariot and bow and arrows of Kshatriyas”. This symbolized the symbiotic nature of the relationship between the religious authority of the Brahmins, and the warrior king role of the Kshatriya, which later will experience a shift as the role of king migrates from necessitating a warrior status.
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relationship of the Vajrapāṇi with the king, perhaps more closely than other deities to the king, continued past Vedic times and was in fact part of the social understanding and ongoing role of the figure.65 The vajra remains the core symbolic element divulging the power of the characters and the potential power transmittable66 to adherents, or leveraged against challengers.
2.2.2 Guardian Roles
The Vajrapāṇi in its earliest narratives is a guardian of the Buddha Shakyamuni who interferes and assists with tricky and difficult converts on behalf of the Buddha, often violently. He meets prospective adherents prior to their envelopment into Buddhism, and therefore in a liminal space. He meets them with ferocity, much like the expressions we come to see on the later door guardian, or dvārapāla, Niō.
In the character of Vajrapāṇi and dvārapāla, are unique characters in that they not only stylistically adapt to host cultures across geographical expanses and time, an adaptation that takes place across the Buddhist pantheon, but they also appear, at least until reaching China, to uniquely integrate local ruler symbolism, and in some cases the rulers themselves, assuming deified protector-warrior roles. In both mythological symbolism and practical usage, then, the vajra and vajradhara67 represent and facilitate coalescence of the perceived spiritual and mundane world, along with a variety of players and perspectives. This category of vajradhara
However, the leverage of the tool to form a somewhat controlling, somewhat empowering relationship, in its core premise, stays the same. Whitaker, J. “I Boldly Took the Mace (Vájra) for Might: Ritually Weaponizing a Warrior’s Body in Ancient India”. 54.
65 A more extensive study might be conducted on the symbiotic relationship between the religious and warrior classes, and the role of consecrated weapons in maintaining relationships, as well as study in the symbolism of the features of the vajra, as it clearly doesn’t attempt to appear to be a deadly weapon in the way that a more functional blade or projectile might.
66 In Vajrayana esoteric rituals, the power desired by the adherent was often not considered transmitted, but rather inhabited by the practitioner.
67 Vajradhara is a vajra carrying entity.
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includes the Niō along with a host of other deities, though many other factors influence their particular roles. It is important to look at how the weapons make the warrior (as well as vice versa), contribute to the perception of what the ideal warrior is, and even help define what the aspiring warrior becomes, from being shaped by philosophies that drive their actions to influencing decisions about mechanical or psychological martial responses themselves (that is, development of martial arts systems, values and psychological strategies).
The door guardian feature of many Vajrapāṇi imbues in it a sense of liminality that relates to the value of a heroic chthonic, liminal nature, or the heroic ability to transverse the worlds of living and dead or any two opposing parallel worlds, which can be, for the martial artist, that of the novice and that of the experienced practitioner. Paralleling the fearsome gargoyles of gothic Christianity, they are meant to signify the breaking point from reality, the entryway to the temple, and to bestow the proper attitude of fear and respect necessary for spiritual entry. This liminality is taken as a further indicator, as we will see in the later 17th century interpretations, of being unfixed to any facet of life, a theme that developed with the maturation of bushido or warrior philosophy. In addition, the dvārapāla often acts as the first figure an adherent sees upon entering worship, as they stand at the gate. In their often humane or monstrous characteristics, their level can seem more attainable to new adherents. They are both threatening and compelling, relatable and demanding. They interact through judgement of the adherent. Their severity fortifies the barriers of the sacred world symbolically.
2.2.3 The Symbolic Imperial Connection
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It is not enough to point to the flowing, crown-like ribbons or fiery hair that often protrude from the Niō’s mostly bald scalp, or to reference that they are referred to in China as 仁王 or ‘benevolent kings’; it isn’t enough to indicate Fudō Myō-ō ’s status as the central figure among the Five Wisdom Kings (Sk. ववद्याराज, Vidyārāja, Ch., Jp. 五大明王, Rj. Godai Myō-ō), there are other factors that link them with historical kings.
Artists were first thought to shift from aniconic depictions of the Buddha to iconic renderings during the Kushan Empire (30-375 CE), with initial renderings generally thought to blend Greek, Iranian (Zoroastrian) and Indian (Hindu) influences to formulate representations that would later replicate throughout Asia
with the transmission of Mahāyāna Buddhism68. According to Lamotte, the popular Vajrapāṇi, “iconographical type derives from Hellenistic models far more than Indian motifs”,69 due to initial representations enveloping many of the Greek
68 Foltz, R. Religions of the Silk Road: Premodern Patterns of Globalization. 46.
69 Lamotte, E. “Vajrapāṇi in India”. 142
Figure 2: Herakles Kallinikos Dvarapala in Kermanshah. “Bistoon Kermanshah.” Marmoulak. Source: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:BistoonKermans hah.jpg. 2006
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pantheon, including Eros, Pan, Hermes, Dionysus and others, of which Herakles emerged dominant (as one might expect of Herakles).70
At Kizil71 in the Cave of the Statues, the royalty connection continues with a wall painting the Vajrapāṇi, dating around the 5th century CE, that suggests an Indo-Iranian influence, which we will look into shortly. This depiction has been associated with the Sasanian god Verethragna (Bahram). Verethragna was sculpted as a cave temple guardian Herakles around the same time as the emergence of the Heraklean Vajrapāṇi (148 B.C.), in Kermanshah, Iran (see figure).72 This sculpture is known as the Herakles Kallinikos (Gr. Ἡρακλῆν Καλλίνικον, En. Hercules Glorious in Victory). Much like the Heraklean casting, Verethragna had a close historic connection with royalty as well, with generations of Sasanian kings taking his name. Another figure of Vajrapāṇi can be found in Kizil Caves (Ch. 克孜爾千佛洞) a massive Buddhist cave complex in Xinjiang, China, dating from the 4th to 6th century. Of the Kizil Vajrapāṇi (Figure 3), bearing Iranian aesthetic influence and thought to have been created in the 5th century, it is stated:
His divinity is indicated by a halo. On his head is a diadem decorated with beads and disks, with a white and hanging from either side; rising from it
are plumes of feathers at the sides and in the center a large ornamented disk. Similar diadems appear in Sasanian art- for example, on a stone relief of the third century A.D. from Sar Meshed that depicts King Bahram II as a lion slayer (Ghirshman 1962, figs. 215, 216). Roman Ghirshman has pointed out that a royal crown decorated with eagle feathers was originally the symbol of the Avestian God of victory, Verethragna. Verethragna had the same function as Indra, the Vedic god of war, who was included in the Buddhist pantheon.73
70 Tanabe, K. “Why is the Buddha Sakyamuni Accompanied by Hercules/Vajrapāṇi? Farewell to the Yaksha Theory”. 364
71 Kizil Caves is the largest ancient cave complex of the Tochan Kingdom in Xinjiang, China dating from the 3rd to 8th centuries CE.
72 Department of Ancient Near Eastern Art. “List of Rulers of the Sasanian Empire.” https://www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/saru/hd_saru.htm
73 Berlin State Museum. The Ancient Silk Routes: Central Asian Art from the West Berlin State Museums. 68.
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This seems to indicate that the Vajrapāṇi was indeed a king, and that the royal root of the earlier Heraklean depictions may have been intentional. Harkening now to an amalgamate of ancient gods, Verethragna, Indra, and Herakles, and now adopting the form of a temporal ruler, the musculature of the Gandharan figure has turned into a lean form, and the figure is seated with one leg poised for movement, the right hand raised and holding a flywhisk with which he attends to the Buddha, the right hand is grasping the vajra with a fist shaped in a mudra. This transformation is one of many that would follow, as the Vajrapāṇi adapts to the cultures it enters. While the headgear in the dvārapāla Vajrapāṇi of Ajanta caves74 is damaged and rather difficult to make out, it appears to be a form of royal headgear as well. The
74 Ajanta Caves are Buddhist cave structures dating back to the 2nd century BCE, located in Aurangabad, India.
Figure 3: Kizil Cave Vajrapāṇi, Edited User: Daderot. “Vajrapani, Kizil, Caves of the Statues (Cave 77), 406-425 AD, wall painting - Ethnological Museum, Berlin”. Edited. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Vajrapani,Kizil,_Caves_of_the_Statues_(Ca ve_77),_406-425_AD,_wall_painting_-11 November 2014.
_Ethnological_Museum,_Berlin_-
_DSC01780.JPG
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Ajanta Vajrapāṇi, along with its corresponding dvārapāla Avalokitesvara wear elaborate ornamental crown headgear and regal adornments (Figure 4).
It seems that from its earliest depictions, the narrative Vajrapāṇi was often related to mythical and actual representations of existing kings, perhaps indicating a continuation of the ancient Vedic symbiotic relationship between Kshatriya and Brahmin, perhaps in recognition of existing relationships or to facilitate the development of new ones. This is echoed in the Gandharan representations of the figure as Herakles, to the Kizil and Ajanta, Central Asian and Indian representations, and even possibly tracing back to the role of the Bharhut yavana, as we will propose herein.
Figure 4: Ajanta Cave Vajrapāṇi, Edited. Pisani. “The Ajanta Cave Paintings”. Source: http://www.theglobaldispatches.com/artic les/the-ajanta-cave-paintings. 2013.
In later iconic manifestations of the Vajrapāṇi, the king association remains, as Fudō Myō-ō is one of the Five Wisdom Kings (Ch., Jp. 五大明王) (Rj. Godai Myō-ō), and the Niō (Rj. Kongō Rikishi) are known as Benevolent Kings (Ch., Jp. 仁王) (Rj. Renwang). Further study into the purpose of this rendering may be conducted, and with the relative dissolution of the narrative Vajrapāṇi on entry into
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China, it is left to see how this significance carries on to the increasingly significant dvārapāla and iconic Vajrapāṇi.
2.2.3.1 The Bharhut Dvārapāla
I suggest that the earliest connection may date back to a figure that has not yet been related with the Vajrapāṇi , the Bharhut yavana75 (figure 5), a dvarapala of about 100 BCE, styled after an Indo-Greek warrior whom some allege to be King Menander.76 Menander, of the Greco-Bactrian and Indo-Greek kings, is the one historical figure of the time to remain in local literature, to have earned the title of Chakravartin (a religiously affiliated, Buddhist version of ‘King of Kings’), and even to have had even some comparable stories to the Buddha transposed in his history in Indian accounts.77 Menander was reportedly converted to Buddhist to campaign against enemy Pushyamitra, and was also the inspiration for the carving of the Emerald Buddha (though both these claims are contested by Narain); yet the existence of these tales emphasize Menander’s popularity through his inclusion in Buddhist tales, and even Narain, critical of the authenticity of the conversion of Menander, concedes that the distribution of Menander’s ashes in a manner reminiscent of that of the Buddha is a historic peculiarity, even among kings.
75 Yavana means ‘foreigner’.
76 Banerjea, J. et al. "A Bharhut Railing Sculpture." 65-68
77 Ibid. 260-265.
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The Bharhut Yavana is a dvarapala as are the Niō, giving protection to the temple at Bharhut78, whose initial construction took place during the Mauryan reign of the famed Buddhist convert king Ashoka (Sk. Aśoka) (268-232 BCE). Ashoka was known for vast and varied constructions to support the spread of Buddhism throughout his land. Interestingly, through the Gandharan period, the guardian figure outside of temples would continue to often be foreigners and often Greek. The Bharhut yavana (Figure 5), dating back to the 1st or 2nd century BCE, is robed in what appears to be a sleeved tunic with the belly button exposed. There is only one figure, with no counterpart and it is crowned with a Greek king’s headband,79 the likes of which we can see in other renderings of yavana (foreigners) at both Bharhut and Sanchi stupa sites.
78 The Bharhut Stupa contains some of the earliest Indian Buddhist art, generally thought to date from the third century BC, though the origin date is disputed.
79 Boardman, J. The Diffusion of Classical Art in Antiquity. 112
Figure 5 Bharhut Yavana, Triple Vajra/Sankosho, Triratna. Edited. पाटववपुत्र. “Bharhut Stupa Yavana symbolism”.Source:https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Bharhut_Stupa_Yavana_symbolism.jpg#filelinks /Copyright Frederic, Louis. (1995). “Three- Pointed Vajra”. Source: Flammarion Iconographic Guide. Buddhism. Bussier Arts Fabrique. Paris, France. p64. (2017).
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Absent of a vajra, the yavana’s weapon is a sword with wraps crossing over a triratna, heading what appears to be a staff or stick. This triratna (Figure 3) is symbolic of Buddhism’s three jewels: the Buddha, the Dharma and the Sangha, a symbol reflective of the meaning of the vajra as the Dharma, borne by the protector of the Buddha. Structurally, the stick and three prongs are comparable to trident vajra, albeit one-sided. The later vajras come in a variety of shapes, outlined by Louis Frederic, who identifies the three-pointed vajras, known in Japan as sankosho; in the material and spiritual universe, these three points represent the triratna, the ‘three jewels’ of Buddhism (the Buddha, the Dharma and the Sangha), the three mysteries of word, thought and action.”80
This seems to be the earliest extant example of delegation of the Dharma-bearing symbolism to a foreigner (as we see becomes popular in the Gandharan period) and exclusive to the dvarapala, rather than a more central figure. It may be that, much in the way that the nagas (snake worshipping converts of the Buddha Shakyamuni, often depicted as snakes) and other opponents of the empires of Buddhism, (like the Greek rulers left behind by Alexander who were driven out by the Mauryan Empire), the Bharhut yavana, and possible by connection, the Vajrapāṇi were appropriated into Buddhism as foes overtaken who were now repurposed to serve the Buddha.
2.2.3.2 The Gandharan Herakles
Representations of Herakles and other Greek mythological figures in non-Buddhist arts of the region have been traced to the 327 BCE invasions of the Bactrian and Gandharan regions by Alexander the Great, (a figure known to have identified
80 Frederic, Louis. Transl. by Nissim Marshall. Flammarion Iconographic Guide: Buddhism. 65.
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himself with Herakles, modeling his representations and occasionally his life after the trials of the demigod),81 the influence of subsequent Greco-Bactrian rulers, the Indo-Greek Kingdom, and development of overland and sea trade in the following centuries. Lieut- Colonel W.H. Sykes found that only Clemens and Arrian refer to worship of the Hercules figure in India prior to Buddhist integration of the figure; Clemens refers to a Brahminical worship of Herakles that Sykes finds unlikely82 and Arrian, relying on accounts by Megasthenes and Eratosthenes, described Heracles as having been integrated into local Indian myths, in stories of the founding of sea-pearls as adornments, and fathering the incestuous albeit praised reign of his alleged daughter, Pandaia, and establishing a legal system there,83 from which we might posit an early association with rulership. If we are to believe their accounts, it would seem Herakles had an existing mythic presence locally, that parallels existing Greek allegory and depiction, distinct from local deities.
The Gandharan period of the Vajrapāṇi has perhaps received the most attention because of the unique cultural crossover that occurred. Features of the Greek hero Herakles are incorporated in the spreading of Gandharan Indo-Greek influence include the loincloth, lion or tiger skin84, a wind scarf, asymmetrical lower-body stance, unarmored musculature, often bearded face, presence of a lion skin helmet and uneven, knotted club. These aspects derived from Gandharan art have
81 Arrian, translated by Hamilton, J.R. The Campaigns of Alexander. 33
82 Sykes, W.H. “Notes on the Religious, Moral and Political State of India before the Mahomedan Invasion, chiefly founded on the Travels of the Chinese Buddhist Priest, Fa Hian, in India, A.D. 399, and on the Commentaries of Messrs. Remusat, Klaproth, Burnouf and Landresse.” 385
83 Arrian. Indika of Arrian. 201-203.
84 While the tiger-skin was theorized to have developed locally from Chinese tribes, Crowell and Hsing provided substantial evidence otherwise. Crowell, William and Hsing, I-Tien. “Heracles in the East: The Diffusion and Transformation of His Image in the Arts of Central Asia, India, and Medieval China”. 103- 154.
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been covered extensively by Behrendt85, Brancaccio and Behrendt86, and Mairs87.The association of the Vajrapāṇi with Herakles during the period of flourishing of Gandharan art has been well-documented, so we won’t go into detail of that aesthetic transformation except to say that the protective figure of Herakles gained dominance among visual renderings of certain events of the Buddha’s life, particularly during resistant conversions and was used as the aesthetic for the Vajrapāṇi.
Figure 6: Abhiraka and Nahapana coin with Nike goddess and 3 pronged vajra. Edited. Coin India. “Nahapana, silver drachm c. middle of 1st century CE”. The Coin Galleries: Western Kshatrapas: Kshaharata Dynasty. Source: http://coinindia.com/galleries-kshaharatas.html
If we are to analyze the figure from the proposed vantage point of a connection with kings, the choice of Herakles is not far off the mark. It must be remembered that the Indo-Greek kings since Alexander the Great frequently represented themselves as Herakles in coinage,88 and primitive portraits would incorporate parts of the Heraklean iconography into their own, predominantly the
85 Behrendt, K. The Art of Gandhara in the Metropolitan Museum of Art.
86 Brancaccio, P., et al. Gandharan Buddhism: Archaeology, Art, Texts.
87 R. Mairs, The Archaeology of the Hellenistic Far East. A Survey. Bactria, Central Asia and the Indo- Iranian Borderlands, c.300 BC–AD 100.
88 Vasishtha Dev Mohan, M. The Indo-Greek Coins.
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lionskin headdress and the club as outlined by Tarn89 and Narain.90 Abhiraka and Nahapana, of the 1-2nd century Kshaharata dynasty of northern India, were influenced by earlier Greek civilizations, and inscribed at times the vajra ‘three jewels’ symbol on coins, along with and depictions of Greek gods like Nike (Figure 6),91 indicating that even non-Greek rulers would use the Greek gods as a sign of authority.
Current research on Vajrapāṇi ’s emergence in Gandhara as a protective figure of the Buddha focus on early Gandharan depictions rather than Mathuran, later Gandharan or South Indian depictions, and thus center origin research in the aesthetic productions of the figure within the Gandhara region in the first century CE. The
Vajrapāṇi character was documented by Sir John Marshall in Gandharan art between 60 -320 CE,92 appearing frequently, as demonstrated by Lamotte93 and evidence has substantiated its northern origin for its emergence, a fact which supports the temporal and geographical selection of turn of the century Gandharan material for study, as well as a prioritization of these depictions over later written accounts and translations. While there are extant depictions of the character before Heraklean incorporation, it was with the developments of this incorporation that the figure became an individual character worth recognition by adherents, and therefore from this point of incorporation we will begin examination.
The question of why Herakles was successful while the other foreign deities, who might seem more suitable for Vajrapāṇi, (due to, for example, Zeus’ extant association with the thunderbolt, posited presence of Dionysian Cults, local Yakshas
89 Tarn, W. et al. The Greeks in Bactria and India.3rd Edition.
90 Narain, A. The Indo-Greeks.
91 Coin India. “The Coin Galleries: Western Kshatrapas: Kshaharata Dynasty”. https://coinindia.com/
92 Marshall, J. The Buddhist Art of Gandhara. The Story of the Early School, Its Birth, Growth, and Decline.
93 Lamotte, E. “Vajrapāṇi in India”. Pp 18.
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already affiliated with the religion) were addressed by Tanabe, who suggested a greater importance on the traveler role of Herakles (in the life of the traveling Siddhartha Gautama) than was previously supposed (Yakshas do not embody this traveler role), and further suggests that, given the travels of Shakyamuni Buddha, Herakles’ conquer of “ferocious animals or monsters such as the Nemean Lion, Hydra, Wild Boar, Cerberos, and so forth symbolize Herakles’ role of eliminating evils and dangers from highways”, revealing a powerful traveling companion.94 Another option exists in an association of the liminal, bipolar elements of Herakles which parallel the figure of Ānanda, a theory proposed by Anna Filigenzi.95 In the end, the important characters of Herakles that were incorporated into or identified with the Vajrapāṇi are those of strength, traveling, conquest of evils, his chthonic nature, and, as I posit herein, the royal connection.
2.3 The Origin Dispute
It is as yet undetermined the exact origin of the figure, and whether the commonly repeated idea that Vajrapāṇi derived from yakshas (devilish creatures), from Indra, or from other figures in the Buddha Shakyamuni’s realm. Here we will examine the origin theories, and point out their strengths and weaknesses.
2.3.1 Yaksha Affiliation
One of the most popular theories regarding the origin of the Vajrapāṇi is that it derived from yaksha. Yaksha are rather variously defined, but can be said to be benevolent or trickster deities acting as helper figures in Buddhist narratives.
94 Tanabe, K. “Why is the Buddha Sakyamuni Accompanied by Hercules/Vajrapāṇi? Farewell to the Yaksha Theory”. 372.
95 Filigenzi, A, et al. “Ānanda and Vajrapāṇi: An Inexplicable Absence and a Mysterious Presence in Gandharan Art”.
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According to some definitions (Lamotte, 1966), this may be broadened to include manifestations of higher beings as well, including bodhisattvas and Buddha himself.96 Broadly, they are often thought to be mischievous spirits that can be helpful or malevolent. With such a broad definition it might be hard to contest an origin in Yaksha on the premise of divergent characteristics apparent in Vajrapāṇi depictions, unless, as is the condition in Katsumi Tanabe’s study, the Yaksha figure that would otherwise be present, and is missing in the scenes into which the Vajrapāṇi has been interjected, as Tanabe did (described below).97 One can also note that the Vajrapāṇi is not labeled as a yaksha, but as a “great sage” as early as the 4th century in the Mahāmāyūrīvidyārājñī Sūtra (Ch., Jp. 佛母大孔雀明王經), in literature that clearly defines other yaksha: “The great Yaksha Bhadra resides in Saila. The great deity Manava resides in Uttara. The great sage Vajrapāṇi though lives in Rajagrha”.98 Clearly, in this excerpt, it is differentiated from yaksha.
Tanabe, in his 2005 study of the Yaksha origin hypothesis, relies on comparisons in primitive visual depictions of Yaksha and of Vajrapāṇi in pertinent relief scenes of the Buddha’s life, to suggest a direct transition of the role previously held by Hindu and Vedic god Indra to Herakles, rather than a merging of Yaksha characteristics, Indra weaponry (vajra) and Hellenic aesthetics, as some have supposed. This is due to the idiosyncrasies in Yaksha depictions, dates of stylistic emergence, and an evident lack of early textual integration of the Vajrapāṇi in many stories with which he was later affiliated.99
96 Lamotte, E ‘Vajrapāṇi en Inde’. 113
97 Tanabe, K. “Why is the Buddha Sakyamuni Accompanied by Hercules/Vajrapāṇi? Farewell to the Yaksha Theory”. 369.
98 Amoghavajra. “The Mahamayuri Vidyarajni Sutra 佛母大孔雀明王經.” https://mahamayurividyarajni.wordpress.com/2012/06/10/mahamayuri/
99 Tanabe, K. “Why is the Buddha Sakyamuni Accompanied by Hercules/Vajrapāṇi? Farewell to the Yaksha Theory. 369.
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It is thus unlikely that the Vajrapāṇi has developed from an extant active Yaksha figure, and rather more likely to have been a foreign imported figure either a) integrated into Yaksha or b) an original character given additional roles. Tanabe’s research challenges the first option, citing the meager role and degraded early depictions of yaksha, who are made to bear the hooves of a horse (a low-status labor), depicted as smaller statured, and often detested, suggesting that these do not suit the emergent depictions of the Herculean Vajrapāṇi. Even if the Yaksha origin might be accepted, the depiction as a curly bearded figure in Greek clothing amongst other figures in Indian clothes seems significant and even intentional.
Tanabe criticizes existing hypotheses which attributes the Heraklean depiction to a preexisting role in kinship protection for mistaking the critical factor of Herakles adoption for his “bellicose and quasi-martial character” and instead highlights a travel- wise, psychopompos and chthonic nature.100 Where Filigenzi emphasizes the deviant and liminal nature and a possible association with Ānanda, she established her premise based on parallels in mythological characteristics. Homrighausen affirms Filigenzi’s characterization and extends the analysis of Herakles’ character to the hero’s connection with prosperity and royalty, introducing a hypothesis of the inclusion of Herakles as a primitive marketing effort by the sangha, or priests, directed at Kushan rulers to elicit support of the religion, concluding “The Herakles-Vajrapāṇi connection, then, tells a tale not only of interchange between East and West, but of a dialogue in art between sacred and secular cultural realms”.101
100 Ibid 364.
101 Homrighausen, J. “When Herakles Followed the Buddha: Power, Protection, and Patronage in Gandharan art”. 33.
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While the latter statement, I believe, points us in the right direction, Homrighausen’s argument is undercut by his revelation of the focus of Kushan rulers on Iranian deities, in spite of his alleged choice by the sangha of Greek deities to draw their support. It would seem more persuasive towards the rulership were the active deities valued by the target population to be included rather than royalty-affiliated deities of past rulers who were conquered by the Kushans. The Kushans were not of Greek origin, nor were they strictly Hellenized, fusing a variety of different cultures, Chinese, Persian, Greek and more. This doesn’t completely rule out the possibility of an economic incentive, but it begins to look less favorable. Importantly though, we can understand that a secular incentive might have existed, and attitudes towards the separation of secular and religious cultures at this time in history may have been quite different than they are today.
It further stands to reason that if the figure were to be integrated solely for economic gain, a motive which might at most bear a partial consideration when integrating a substantial deity, a lesser role might be offered, and one that doesn’t supplant other important figures such as Indra and Ānanda. If there is such willingness to bend the scripture in advocacy of the religion, a new character could have been added rather than replacing important extant characters. Pre-Kushan integration of Greek figures into Buddhist art, including Dionysus and Indra mythological integration, led to speculation regarding the Dionysian cult influence on Buddhist conceptions of heaven and reincarnation, the presence of which indicates a willingness to fuse elements of the diverse religions.102 Figures of Dionysus has been found in Buddhist stupa embellishments of the turn of the first
102 Behrendt, K. The Art of Gandhara in the Metropolitan Museum of Art. 30.
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century AD, predating the Kushan empire, demonstrating not just a merging but an addition of foreign figures.103
Vajrapāṇi -themed Heraclean representations in the Begram archaeological and iconographically similar coins from Tillya Tepe, were found “which symbolizes the power of the Buddhist doctrine and tuition in Gandharan art;” both sites are suspected to pre-date the Kushan Empire in the early first century AD.104 These factors mitigate the likelihood of a purely economic motive appealing to Kushan authorities, though they don’t quite rule out a pre-Kushan appeal for funding in the integration of Greek figures, the aforementioned factors make it seem less likely. Rather, it would seem that there was a more purposeful integration and transformation in the Vajrapāṇi character, specifically pertaining to Hellenistic influence or persons, prior to the Kushans.
Another mystery of the figure is the presence of multiple Vajrapāṇi in certain scenes simultaneously without the presence of barriers considered customary in temporal panoramics105, suggesting a duality or multiplicity of the figure within a scene in time. We will look at Filigenzi’s response to this later on. Lamotte’s studies of the literature draw similar conclusions to Tanabe, linking the Vajrapāṇi to Indra, despite widespread descriptions of the Vajrapāṇi as the ‘yaksha-general’, and suggests integration of the Vajrapāṇi into critical episodes of the Buddha’s life over time.106 Yet, Lamotte describes Vajrapāṇi early interactions in which Indra (here, Sakya) is still otherwise present as a separate figure, in which Vajrapāṇi mysteriously appear to address those hesitating to answer the Buddha’s questions by
103 Ibid. 26
104 Mehendale, S. et al. Belgram Catalog. 161
105 Temporal panoramics are Buddhist depictions of different time frames on one surface, separated by drawn barriers in the image.
106 Lamotte, E. “Vajrapāṇi in India”. 18
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threatening “I will instantly cause his head to shatter into seven fragments”107, accord with Tanabe’s descriptions of yaksha, relying on Foucher, as “ferocious savages undeserving of any kind of veneration”.108 In further instances, the pre-Indra-integration Vajrapāṇi seem to act as selectively visible enforcers for the Buddha, threatening and punishing erroneous behaviors encountered in the Buddhists quests, though, according to Tanabe, this role doesn’t appear in literature predating the artistic representations.
Lamotte further substantiates the tie between Vajrapāṇi and Indra in stating that the vajra bearers “form a privileged class of yakshas removed from the authority of Vaisravana and directly attached to the Buddhist Indra whose attribute, the thunderbolt (vajra), they share”.109 Even where Lamotte seems to accept the derivation of Vajrapāṇi from yaksha and association with Indra (distinguished from a derivation from Indra), this is complicated by the simultaneous presence of Indra and Vajrapāṇi. The question stands as to why the yaksha-Vajrapāṇi figure over time seems to have integrated both the Herculean figure and the role of Indra, and what import the yaksha affiliation offers, as it has remained a dominant theme in the understanding of the Vajrapāṇi, whether correct or incorrect. Both the Indra and yaksha theories, therefore, have unresolved issues.
2.3.2 Ānanda Theory
The narrative inclusion of Herakles-Vajrapāṇi might be partially explained not by derivation from Indra or a yaksha, but from Ānanda (Sk. आनन्द), a central Buddhist figure who is notably absent from Gandharan Buddhist sculpture, and who is in many
107 Ibid. 5
108 Tanabe, K. “Why is the Buddha Sakyamuni Accompanied by Hercules/Vajrapāṇi? Farewell to the Yaksha Theory”. 368
109 Lamotte, E. “Vajrapāṇi in India”. 2
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ways characteristically similar to Herakles (as outlined by Filigenzi), possibly providing solutions for the mysteries of the concurrent depiction of yaksha-Vajrapāṇi and Herakles-Vajrapāṇi as well as drunken depiction that have complicated the Herakles figure in its Gandharan representations110. Ānanda, is one of the Buddha’s closest disciples who, among other traits, symbolized corporeality (a somewhat counterbalance or entry-point to the goal of enlightenment and thus metaphorically acting as a dvarapala), about which Filigenzi states Ānanda “illustrates an ideological attitude of Buddhism towards human nature that stigmatizes it as weak and imperfect and yet reveres it as a substratum of the conscience” 111 and characterizes the deep symbolism of Ānanda’s relationship with the Buddha as “in a sense, his double, his earthly and opaque counterpart, the servant who carries the weight of the eternal and dynamic prakrti”112, thus enabling the distancing and elevation of the Buddha from the corporeal while himself struggling with its temptations.
In this description we can begin to see ties to the mythological associations of Herakles with both the excesses and providences of corporeality. This fallible human nature is represented by Ānandas proclivities towards women, material attachment to the Buddha incarnate and general fallibility, highlighting as well the bipolarity of Ānanda’s characterization which might suggest a dual nature,113 Ānanda’s liminal nature might be comparable to the chthonic trait Herakles, and Ānanda’s service of
110 Filigenzi, A, et al. “Ānanda and Vajrapāṇi: An Inexplicable Absence and a Mysterious Presence in Gandharan Art”. 270
111 Ibid. 272
112 Prakrti is defined in Merriam Webster concisely as “the phenomenal world”. https://www.merriam- webster.com/dictionary/prakriti
113 Similar in characterization to the vajra symbolism itself and possibly accounting for concurrent representations of the character in the same relief, and possibly implicate later divergence into a dual character as seen in the Niō guardian figure
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corporeal protection for Shakyamuni relates to the protective pure physicality of the Herculean figure.
The Ānanda hypothesis proposed by Filigenzi seems a more likely premise than the yaksha evolution, given the substantial mythic overlap and conspicuous absence of Ānanda in depictions including the Vajrapāṇi. For example, both Ānanda and Vajrapāṇi are said to have been emotive during the death of Buddha, in which Vajrapāṇi is in some cases said to have dropped the vajra and rolled in the earth in mourning,114 the extreme emotion in contrast to the arhats parallel to that of Ānanda.
Ānanda is said to have mourned due to the aforementioned connection with the physical master, attributed to an excessive physicality of his nature, in which “the supreme composure of the monks finds a pathetic contrast in Ānanda’s desperation.”115 The Vajrapāṇi rolling in the dirt during the parinirvana, or death of the Buddha, is quite a similar condition. Regarding the selection of Herakles based on degenerative traits, Filigenzi supports the similarities of characterizations of Vajrapāṇi as Greek Gods associated with degeneration, lust and physical temptations such as Silenus, Pan, and Herakles,116 to which we can add Eros and Dionysus from Tanabe’s listing117 and simultaneously ties in the suffering and redemption in conquest of the human existence (after all, Herakles’ trials are his journey towards redemption) that reveal a flawed character. However, where seemingly fitting representations like Dionysus or Pan might both embody the liminal and transgressive nature, they also glorify it, while Herakles more closely submits his degeneration to a ‘higher purpose’. This parallels the struggle of the adherent, and
114 Getty, A. The Gods of Northern Buddhism. 48
115 Filigenzi, A. et al. “Ānanda and Vajrapāṇi: An Inexplicable Absence and a Mysterious Presence in Gandharan Art”. 271
116 Ibid
117 Ibid
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enhances the relatability of the character, which is something that has enhanced the appeal of Vajrapāṇi -derived characters like Fudō Myō-ō as well.
Homrighausen substantiates this association of Filigenzi’s with an analysis of Gandharan reliefs depicting an inebriated Herakles, at times surrounded by women, stating “Herakles connects the powerful image of kingship with the drinking and revelry that can take place because of the peace won with Heraklean strength and protection”.118 As early as the first century BC, Herakles was depicted on Gandharan plates, drunken with women on each arm, so his image as a debauch was regionally known.119 Yet these figures are not uniformly represented, and, are we to accept this association, the specific relation and attributes of the vajra-bearer (depicted respectable, as a protector and often beside the Buddha) to the yaksha-Vajrapāṇi (often diminutively portrayed and engaged in debased or terrorizing activity), if such a relation exists (and it seems to be substantiated by narrative overlap in the cases in which they both appear), it demands further elucidation.
2.4 The Symbolic Traditions of the Vajrapāṇi-Derivative Entities
Vajrapāṇi and Vajrapāṇi- derivative characters have a layered and mysterious history developed through the interactions of Mahāyāna Buddhism that emerged from northern India, with ancient Indo-Greek, Central Asian and Chinese and Hindu cultural influences, as well as the wider mix of culture and commerce that interacted along the silk road trade routes where Buddhism first spread eastward. Their ancient history lies in this mixture and is most readily traceable through a study of the
118 Homrighausen, J. “When Herakles Followed the Buddha: Power, Protection, and Patronage in Gandharan art”. 30.
119 Behrendt, K. The Art of Gandhara in the Metropolitan Museum of Art. 9-10
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symbolic attributes in the remnants of ancient sites marking the religion’s spread. Here we will examine two of the central, martially-connected derivative characters.
2.4.1 Fudō Myō-ō
Now that we have delved into the background of the prototypical figure of the Vajrapāṇi and before we go into extended theories, we should turn our attention to Fudō Myō-ō, a Vajrapāṇi-derived character who was particularly beloved in Japan and can, most prominently of all Vajrapāṇi-derived characters, be seen to affect popular culture and the martial arts. He is the “wrathful manifestation of Vajrapāṇi”120, though not the only one. Fudō Myō-ō specifically, the wisdom king, traces back along a lineage of diverse cultures from Hermes and Acalanatha (Vaisravana) and then merged in South India with Shiva (Rudra)121 due to their shared symbolism and ithyphallic nature, represented by the serpent and sword of Fudō Myō-ō.122 Payne123 and others connect the immovability of Fudō with the archaic ithyphallic nature of Shiva and Hermes, and with ideas of male sources of life, a trait which would carry forward and be evident even in dualistic mandala representations on entry into Japan, specifically the Ryōbu Mandalas (Ch., Jp. 両界曼荼羅, Rj. Ryōkai mandara), or the Diamond World and Womb Mandalas outlined in the second chapter of this thesis. The original figure of Fudō Myō-ō is thought to have originated in Southern India.124
120 Sorensen, H. “Central Divinities in the Esoteric Buddhist Pantheon in China”. 102
121 According to O’Flaherty “The raised linga is the plastic expression of the belief that love and death, ecstasy and asceticism, are basically related”, and represents “the power to spill [semes] and to retain”, a condition that parallels the immovability aspect of Fudō Myō-ō. Doniger-O’Flaherty, W. Asceticism and Eroticism in the Mythology of Siva. 10, 277
122 Ibid. 7.
123 Payne, R. “Firmly Rooted: On Fudō Myō-ō’s Origins”. 10
124 Warder, A.K. Indian Buddhism. 487.
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Figure 7 The Five Wisdom Kings with Fudo in the Center. Unknown author, public domain. Source: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:The_Five_Wi sdom_Kings.jpg
Fudō Myō-ō was known as Acala (Sk. Acalanātha, Jp. 不動明王) in India, and was the central figure (and eventual syncretic figure) of the five Wisdom Kings (Sk. Vidyārāja, Rj. Godai Myōō, Jp. 五大明王) which included Vajrayaksha (Rj. Kongōyasha Myō-ō, Jp. 金剛夜叉明王), Trailokyavijaya (Rj. Gozanze Myō-ō, Jp. 降三世明王), Kundalin (Rj. Gundari Myō-ō, Jp. 軍荼利明王) and Yamantaka (Rj. Daiitoku Myō-ō, Jp. 大威德明) (See Figure 7), which are in turn manifestations of the primordial buddha, Mahāvairocana, when dealing with difficult conversions.125 While the origins of Fudō Myō-ō are contested, the most likely candidate to have derived from, as demonstrated by Bernard Faure, is the Vajrapāṇi.126 The narrative of the Vajrapāṇi and of the Fudō Myō-ō involves transitions from subjugation or servitude to empowerment and control, both within the mythological realm and
125 It should be noted that this was the exact same role that the narrative Vajrapāṇi played for the Buddha Śākyamuni.
126 Faure, B. The Fluid Pantheon: Gods of Medieval Japan. 116.
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within the historic contextual adoption of the figure, whose continuous characteristic is, as Faure points out, a tension between the servile and superior.127 According to Sawa, it is likely that initially, Fudō Myō-ō , and his often-conflated counterpart in India, Trailokitesvara, were incorporated into Buddhism as subduers of Shiva, possibly with an eye, conscious or not, to reducing conversions to Hinduism.128 It is also thought that the monstrous form of Fudō, along with his exalted state, are a result of events in China, including the commentary on the Mahāvairocana by Yixing (683-727)129 which will be addressed in detail in the next chapter.
Esoteric Buddhism, and particularly the Shingon (Jp. 真言宗, Rj. Shingon-shū) sect, believed in the transmissibility of truth via images as supreme to transmissibility of truth via language when expressing eternal truths. The particular symbolism, therefore, combined with transmitted understandings of symbolic relevance, played a strong part in developing the Fudō Myō-ō as accepted into the Japanese imagination. The visual imagery of Fudō Myō-ō was predominantly set by the Tang Dynasty and didn’t change much on entry into Japan. The figure retained much of its core symbolism. The characteristic of contradiction is in the forefront of Fudō Myō-ō ’s symbolism. The figure has one upward fang and one downward, gesturing to the heavenly and earth realms. It is a wrathful figure whose hair locks are said to denote compassion. It is a figure who historically is poised in an active and ready stance, yet is named the ‘immovable’ (See Figure 8). The fearful aspects and weapons are put to positive use. The fire consuming the figures head “are the
127 Ibid.
128 Ibid.
129 Astley-Kristensen, I. “An Annotated Translation of Amoghavajra’s Commentary on the Liqujing (Rishukyo)—Part 1.”. 27—53
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flames of Acalanatha’s fire of knowledge, which burns away the hindrance of the black obscurity of ignorance in all beings”.130
Figure 8: Fudō Myōō (Achala Vidyaraja), The Immovable Wisdom King. Kaikei. MET.
Source: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:% E4%B8%8D%E5%8B%95%E6%98%8E% E7%8E%8B%E5%9D%90%E5%83%8F- Fud%C5%8D_My%C5%8D%C5%8D_ME T_DP356182.jpg. 2015.
The sword of Fudō Myō-ō, rather than being a simple military weapon, represents the conquest by the dharma over ignorance and illusion, and therefore ties physical action into spiritual goals. It is notable for later uses of the figure that its violence and weaponry are all excused for their purposes for the dharma, a Machiavellian valuation of the figure.
Fudō Myō-ō is encapsulated by enlightening fires, yet his adherents, in a painful ritual of passage, immerse themselves in the outpour of cold waterfalls. He carries both the sword and the lasso, and thus embodies a fending off or attack, along with a drawing in or containment. He exudes ferocity and yet is a patron and protector. He is a king bearing esoteric wisdom who yet bears bestial fangs of the
130 Snodgrass, A. The Matrix and Diamond World Mandalas in Shingon Buddhism. 275.
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yaksha. The myriad contradictions and polarities of the figure have shown to increase in popularity in turbulent political times (wartime), and among populations engaged in turbulent professions (warriors, martial artists, gangsters).
In Fudō Myō-ō, the vajra extends into the sword called Kurikara131 (Rj. kurikara-ken, Jp. 倶利迦羅剣) which he holds upright, in his right hand, traditionally the active hand of the Vajrapāṇi, representing attack and action, rather than the forbearance of the left. The particular upright holding of the sword, as it is often depicted as held in seated postures, may be associated with the linga132 and the sexual energies of the figure, a point which again merges the corporeal with the ethereal to further substantiate Fudō Myō-ō ’s liminality. As we will see with Fudō Myō-ō, this embrace and interplay of opposites is an integral feature to his meaning and symbolism. The embrace of opposites puts the figure in a relatable place for soldiers, warriors and those form whom an understanding of one’s noble acts involve an extension beyond the immediacy of visceral experience. The soldier may be fighting for the ‘greater good’, or ‘freedom’, but in the moment engaging in gruesome acts which require an ideological bridging to complete in conscience. The competing martial artist, along with the soldier, must bridge the intensity of facing an opponent and responding to split second movement with improvisation and appropriate strategy, at physical peril, bridging a fierce concentration with awareness and planning. Thus, the fearsomeness of the Fudō Myō-ō is conjoined with compassion, motion with immobility, secrecy with awareness, on an ideological level, and fire with water, swords with wisdom, beasts with kings on a basic symbolic level. The Fudō Myō-ō is the figure which most engenders the essential,
131 Schumacher, M. “Fudō Myō-ō, 不動明王”. https://www.onmarkproductions.com/html/fudo.html
132 The linga is a stone phallic representation deriving from pre-Buddhist Indian traditions, but found in many other cultures, representing male energies, creation and reproduction.
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omnipresent, yet necessarily rarely manifested ‘shadow’ or bestial aspects of humankind.
Figure 9: Kongo Rikishi Agyo and Ungyo, Edited. Taiwankengo, Source: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Dadaocheng_Cisheng_Templ e2018%E5%93%BC%E5%B0%87%E8%BB%8D.jpg
2.4.2 Niō
The Niō duo that menacingly greets entrants to ancient Buddhist temples of Japan, or Niōmon. While an amateur might mistake them as a uniquely Japanese phenomena, the Niō retains much of the aesthetic material of much earlier dvarapalas, or temple gatekeepers, found millennia ago in central India, and reoccurring throughout archaic figures found across modern day Afghanistan, China, and Korea prior to its appearance in Japan.
After explaining the basic aesthetic of the Niō, we will then analyze elements of the iconographic symbolism of the Niō as a Vajrapāṇi to begin to unravel the character that has been prominent in certain traditional Asian martial arts, with a particular focus on the relationship to the king as demonstrated through ornamentation, and the significance of the channavīra chain, (a torso ornamentation
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of divergent symbolic relevance present on diverse iterations of the Vajrapāṇi, including possible ties to the army of the primary tempter and opponent of Buddha Shakyamuni, Māra, the ‘devil’ figure of Mahāyāna Buddhism), and the embodiment of the channavīra feature in the greater scheme of the Niō’s essential physicality. The integration of these features can tell us about how the character was viewed, and reflexively, what important facets of the Vajrapāṇi are that may have been overlooked.
Subsequent to its adoption in Buddhism, the figure winds a multifaceted path, undergoing enormous aesthetic transformation, particularly during the early years of Mahāyāna expansion, coinciding with early integration in Central Asia and China, approximately from the 1st century BCE through the 7th century CE. By the time the Vajrapāṇi -derived characters Niō entered Japan on the Hokke Sesso plaque (Jp. 銅板法華説相図, En. Bronze Plaque of the Lotus Sutra) in the 7th century, they were fully developed figures, with little alteration from their renderings in earlier Chinese cave temples in either stature or positioning (Figure 10). To this day, those characters remain essentially the same as those found in the 7th century. So, while we will examine the figure as it stands in the exterior gates of some Japanese Buddhist temples, we also have to take a look back to its transitions elsewhere before its seeming final manifestation present today.
While the Vajrapāṇi became central in the Vajrayāna strain of Buddhism that picked up speed in the 6-8th century CE, particularly in Tibet, the character Shukongōshin, the single, armored deity form of the Niō, did not become as popular in Japan as the Niō, or as Fudō Myō-ō, another derivative character, did. So, we will look to the connections between these popular deities, the divided Shukongōshin, or the Niō, and their original forms.
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Figure 10: Hokke Sesso Bronze Plaque Hasedera. Edited. Amanuma Shunichi. Public Domain.
Source: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Hokke_Sesso_Bronze_ Plaque_Hasedera.JPG. 1931.
The Minneapolis Institute of Art provides the origin story of the Niō in Japan as follows:
According to a Japanese story, there once was a king who had two wives. His first wife bore a thousand children who all decided to become monks and follow the Buddha's law. His second wife had only two sons. The youngest was named Non-o and helped his monk brothers with their worship. The eldest, Kongō Rikishi 金剛力士, however, had a much more aggressive personality. He vowed to protect the Buddha and his worshipers by fighting against evil and ignorance. Kongō Rikishi was the first of the heavenly kings, called Niō (or Kongō). The second is called Shukongōshin 執金剛神. Within the generally pacifist traditions of Buddhism, stories of Niō guardians like Kongōrikishi justified the use of physical force to protect cherished values and beliefs against evil.133
Much like the role of Fudō Myō-ō and the original Vajrapāṇi, the Niō act as a justification of physical force and violence in the name of the religion. The duality
133 Schumacher, M “Nio.” https://www.onmarkproductions.com/html/nio.shtml
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likewise reflects the concept of nurturing force and destructive force that would accompany the figure throughout its transitions.
2.4.2.1 The Embodied Channavīra
The Vajrapāṇi, like many other bodhisattvas, yakshi’s, yakshinis and other mythological Buddhist and Hindu beings have uniquely patterned adornments which can identify or reveal aspects of the character, history or lineage. One common adornment that can be seen draped across the shoulder onto the opposite hip of figures is the sacred thread (Sk. यज्ञोपवीतम्, En. yajñopavītam), an adornment that was increasingly represented in Buddhist images after the 5th century134. While most of yajñopavītam extend to just past the waist, there are some examples of extended yajñopavītam found on Avalokitesvara and Mañjuśrī as early as the 6th century.135 The double chain that is evident on the dvārapāla Vajrapāṇi looks very similar to the single-stranded yajñopavītamin its style of beading and can be found in the attendants of diverse bodhisattvas as well as a host of other figures throughout the 8th and 9th century. Yet the double chain seems to have particular significance for the Vajrapāṇi. It is found in Longmen Guyangdong Cave during the Binyang Period of the late Northern Wei between 500 - 523 AD (Appendix A: 4)136, and in the Tang-era completed between 672 – 675, Feng Xian Temple137 (Appendix A: 5), long before its widespread use.
The chain is a Channavīra (छन्नवीर), and can be found in relatively rare instances when compared to the yajñopavītam. The chain seems entirely absent from
134 LaPlante, J. "A Pre-Pāla Sculpture and Its Significance for the International Bodhisattva Style in Asia.” 247-84.
135 Ibid.
136 Refer to Appendix A.
137 Schumaker, M. “Nio”. https://www.onmarkproductions.com/html/nio.shtml
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the Vajrapāṇi narrative assistant to Buddha Shakyamuni role in its renderings through northern India and Central Asia. Some of the earliest extant representations of the Channavīra in Buddhist art can be found at Sanchi Stupa I, dating the first century BCE, where one of the Lokapāla (directional guardian) figures, of the pillars upheld by four different Lokapāla, facing and representing protection of different directions, wears a channavīra with a rectangular clasp (Appendix A: 1). The gateway of Sanchi Stupa III, dating to the first century CE, has four yakshas that quite resemble the lokapāla entwined among decorative lintel. Notably only one Yaksha of each pair of four wears the channavīra and notably, it has a similar clasp to the lokapālas of Sanchi I (Appendix A: 2). It is evident that the characters are distinguished by their ornamentation, suggesting this is a specific figure that may aid us in understanding the symbolic genealogy of the Niō. These yakshas have been labeled genies by Marshall138 and kumbhanda, or dwarf-like spirits, by Agrawala.139 The non-Yaksha dvarapala of Sanchi do not wear channavīra, but have outwardly splayed feet and exposed navels like the Bharhut yavana.
Kongwang Mountain (Ch. 孔望山) reliefs of the late Han era (206 BCE- 200 CE) in China also reveal figures wearing the channavīra though it is rare. About one particular figure, Marilyn Martin Rhie recounts:
Portrayed in a posture of activity or squatting with both elbows akimbo and fists on his thighs, he wears a large hat on his head and X-crossed straps cross his bare chest. Such crossed straps (channavīra) occur frequently in male figures in Kushana period art Ist-3rd century A.D… and this suggests that, despite the channavīra not having a history in Chinese native art, it has traveled as a symbol, and stayed with a figure holding a squat posture, bare chested, and with limbs extended. are common in Greek and Roman art, especially on warrior figures.140
138 Marshall, J. The Monuments of Sanchi.
139 Agrawala, P. "The Kumbhāṇḍa Figures in Sanchi Sculpture." 179-89.
140 Rhie, M. “Early Buddhist Art of China and Central Asia: Later Han, Three Kingdoms and Western Chin in China and Bactria to Shan-shan in Central Asia.”. 39
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We have already described that Niō-like figures wearing the chain can be found at Longmen Caves. In one other Tang era example from Longmen, we can see a dvārapāla figure much like the Niō who doesn’t wear the chain but instead has the puckered or crisscrossed belly button and the unusual, ball like upwardly curving musculature in the abdomen. This musculature can be seen in the earliest Niō statues in Japan of Hōryū-ji (Jp. 法隆寺, En. Temple of the Flourishing Dharma), among others. The puckered navel can be seen in a 9th century Vajrapāṇi. That is not to say that the new musculature replaced the ornamental cross, for there are later versions of the Niō in which the ornamentation is again used, especially in versions of Heng and Ha (Ch. 哼哈二將) (Appendix A: 9), characters that emerged in China much later during the Ming Dynasty between 1368-1644. Yet even when the chains are reintroduced, as we can see in Heng and Ha the navel is uncrossed, the abdomen returns to a realistic contour.
The presence of these two means of dealing with the rendering of the belly of the figure suggests some import to the positioning of the chain, covering of the navel and nipples, that wasn’t present in the earliest examples of the chain in Sanchi Stupa I. Though the import of covering the navel seems more consistent, in works like the Todai- ji (Jp. 東大寺, En. Eastern Great Temple) Niō, flowers that cover the nipples, where in previous iterations the chains covered them or they were bare, and in later iterations clothing would take the place, but the covering of the nipples is not as frequent as that of the navel. Even in the kingly depictions of the narrative Vajrapāṇi in Ajanta and Kizil caves, the navel is covered (Ajanta, see Figure 4) and crossed (Kizil, see Figure 3). We can see in the depictions of Heng and Ha, post-12th century Chinese versions of the Vajrapāṇi, who are relatively clothed, the cross patten is still replicated in some circumstances, and in fully clothed Niō, the crossed pattern is
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achieved with the outfit (Appendix A: 12). The Kiyumizu-dera (Jp. 清水寺) Niō (Figure 14.7), with tense, bulging musculature extending up the center of the sternum as well, might suggest the musculature to be indicative of the channavīra . Lastly, in newer versions of the Vajrapāṇi stemming from the Tibetan tantric traditions, the crossed chain has again been introduced with popularity (Appendix A: 13).
One must note that the channavīra is not exclusively found on yakshas, nor on warriors, despite its relatively rare presence before the 6th century, and seems to have other connotations. In fact, it is often found on women, including the female Chulakoka Devata141 found at Sanchi. It is also worn by some of the members of Māra’s army in the Sanchi Stupa I, which we will look into later at length. Notably, other renditions of the attack by Māra’s army also include both male and female figures sporting the crossed channavīra, including a relief in Ajanta caves where two male figures to the left of the Buddha appear to wear it (Figure 13), as well as multiple temptress female figures on the right. in addition to female figures. Interestingly, as in Sanchi, not all the army figures bear the chain, they are distinguished by their features and some bear the chain. In another instance from Ajanta, Māra is himself wearing the channavīra and poised next to the Vajrapāṇi (Figure 12). Also, the channavīra is found in Begram ruins (modern-day Afghanistan) from the 1st-2nd century CE, worn by a woman thought to be a river goddess.142
It is also seen on two female figures retrieved from Sirkap, in modern-day Pakistan, dating to the same time, who are identified as fertility goddess because of the presence of the channavīra, indicating an association with fertility.143
141 Mankodi, K. “The Case for Devata Mahakoka from Bharhut”
142 Ollivier, T. Musee Guimet.
143 Dobbins, K. "Gandharan Art from Stratified Excavations." 279-94
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Figure 11: “Ajanta Caves 26-30: Temptation of Mārā Panel -Top left of the Panel -Cave-26”. Edited. Source: https://www.speakingtree.in/blog/ajanta--- cave-26---30. 2014.
Benjamin Rowland, in the understanding that all human representation in Buddhist art is symbolic, also identifies the channavīra as a symbol of fertility often used in Yaksha and yakshini (female yaksha) and goes on to elaborate on the role of such adornments in terms of the demonstrating Buddhist religious concepts:
Certain attributes of fertility already recognized in the prehistoric figurines are still present in the shape of the beaded apron and the crossed scarves or channavīra... the very sharpness and precision with which these jeweled ornaments are carved connote by contrast the softness of the flesh parts that are rendered in smooth, unbroken convex planes. As in the free-standing statues of the Maurya Period, the conception of the body in terms of a collection of interlocking rounded surfaces is the sculptor's device to suggest the expanding inner breath or prana, as well as the quality of flesh in stone.144
144 Rowland, B. The Art and Architecture of India. 49
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Figure 12: “Frieze fragment depicting a scene from the legend of the Temptation of Mara”. Edited Source: https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news- photo/frieze-fragment-depicting-a-scene-from-the- legend-of-the-news- photo/152194889?adppopup=true
This interpretation suggests the fertility connotation of the channavīra visually connects with demonstrations of prana. Might this interpretation then relate to the rounded musculature found in the later Niō? It is possible that the fertility significance is relevant to the Vajrapāṇi figure, particularly considering the forthcoming argument regarding the relationship of Māra (associated with Eros),145 to Vajrapāṇi, though the characterization of fertility would seem far from the protective understanding of the figure. It is possible that the Niō only tangentially related to the notion of fertility through an association with Māra’s army. The philosophical and religious linkage between fertility, prana and the Kshatriya or warrior status might also be a point of entry into further understanding of this potential.
145 Grunwedel, A. Buddhist Art in India. 95
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2.4.2.2 Māra’s Ōṃ and Some Curious Stances
Many believe the popularized Gandharan Vajrapāṇi to derive from yaksha, as discussed earlier, and this perception certainly influenced later stories developed about the character. In Tang era (Ch. 唐朝) (618-907 CE) China, stories were passed around in which the Vajrapāṇi convinced monks to break religious taboos such as flesh consumption, even human flesh, in order to gain physical strength. Though, rather than being seen as going against the dharma, this rule-breaking, monstrous personage was highlighted as core to the character’s power and uniquely imitated by his Shaolin adherents. It was even the case that monks would mimic this behavior in hopes to attain his power, according to Shaolin researcher Meir Shahar.146 The belief that the Vajrapāṇi derived from a Yaksha seems to have impacted its monstrous aesthetic, the Niō bears significant yaksha-like features: a disproportionate head, distended belly, wrathful expression, threatening posture, in some cases fangs and encasing in fire to name a few. Yet while many of the versions of the Niō dvārapāla Vajrapāṇi are monstrous, their branching lineage includes rather lifelike renditions, and it can’t be assumed that the figures that developed did so in a linear fashion, with clear-cut or singular influences. It may be that the Niō derived from the narrative Vajrapāṇi figure, as seems to be the conclusion drawn by the tracing of the Gandharan iconography across Central Asia and China, but in the way that no human can claim to be the offspring of just one grandparent, the Niō may source from various figures. One possibility I propose here is that of Māra’s Army, based on the renderings at Sanchi Stupa I.
According to Mankodi, in his study of Bharhut, “during the second century BCE, Indian iconography had not yet developed the concept of associating attributes
146 Shahar, M. The Shaolin Monastery: History, Religion, and the Chinese Martial Arts.
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with divinities”.147 So, were there but one relation between the Sanchi depictions of Māra’s army and the Niō that developed as dvarapala, we might discount it as the misfires of an undeveloped symbolic system, particularly when we see other figures bearing a similar ornamentation to seemingly indicate fertility. Yet there is another important feature that ties the Sanchi Māra’s army to the Niō, that of the Ōṃ (Sk. ॐ). It has been well documented that mouth position of the Niō guardians in which Agyo, baring his open mouth, complements Ungyo, with a closed mouth. Of the significance and usage of these sounds, Mark Schumaker states:
Each is named after a particular cosmic sound. The open-mouth figure is called ‘’Agyō,” who is uttering the sound “ah,” meaning birth. His close-mouth partner is called “Ungyō,” who sounds “un” or “om,” meaning death… Western audiences are most familiar with the sacred term “OM” or “ON.” In Chinese, this term is sometimes written 唵. It is rendered in Chinese as ǎn, in Korean as 옴 (or) OM (or) AM, and in Japanese as オン (or) ON. These versions of the sacred term from India remain faithful to the initial logic behind them -- the term begins with open vowel and ends with closed consonant, thus representing all possible outcomes (from alpha to omega, open to closed, birth to death). 148
Sanchi Stupa contains the earliest dated representations of Māra’s Army, with much attention paid by the sculptors to create animated and expressive figures, described as “a group of grimacing, thick-featured men, whose grotesque physiognomies contrast with their elaborate head-dresses and ornament” (Figure 14).149 In many of the later depictions of Māra, the most outstanding features are of the tempting daughters being offered to the Buddha, or of the animal-headed monsters armed and attacking. As Malandra points out, this earliest relief focuses almost entirely on the human figures rather than weapons, or animalistic features.150 The figures, facing we can
147 Mankodi, K. “The Case for Devata Mahakoka from Bharhut”. 7
148 Schumaker, M. “Nio”. https://www.onmarkproductions.com/html/nio.shtml
149 Malandra, G. “Māra's Army: Text and Image in Early Indian Art”. 122
150 Ibid. 123
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note the figures on the left have closed mouths while the figures on the right have open mouths.
The majority of the left-side figures with closed mouths are facing rightward, much like Ungyo, and the majority of the right-side figures with open mouths are facing leftwards, much like Agyo. There are two figures whose posture we can particularly focus on, the two whose hands are emphasized. The largest figure on the left with the closed mouth has a palm-facing outward with fingers pressed together gesture (circled in red). The standing figure, third from the right on the top row, with an open mouth and bared teeth, has a palm facing to the side and the right arm raised (circled in yellow). While not every figure wears a channavīra, these two do, as well as the two figures facing backwards whose positioning reveals that the back of the chain has an identical floral clasp to the front. The two seated figures likewise have a closed mouth on the left and an open mouth on the right and seem to be complimentary of each other.
The mudra with the outward facing palm and first digit touching the thumb, held by the large figure on the left corresponds to a mudra held by a closed mouth dvarapala figure in Maijishan, and again can be seen in the Todai-ji Temple Ungyo, indicating that the particular mudra has been associated with Vajrapāṇi figures along the route of transmission. The positioning of the standing figure on the right’s hands will be recognizable to anyone familiar with the Niō or similar deities like Shukongōshin in Japan. The association of the Vajrapāṇi to Māra through its role of Indra has been suggested by Grunwedel on the basis of the figures Māra and Vajrapāṇi uniquely doubling in certain narrative panels and due to the presence of a Gandharan relief of Lahore presumed to depict Māra’s army in which “The clubs
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and peculiar fold of the sleeve are purely Greek; indeed, were it not for the fangs and the demoniacal features, one would be reminded of a Hercules.” (Figure 14)151
Figure 13 Figure 14 “Māra's Army Om and Hand Gestures at Sanchi Stupa 1, Edited”.
Figure 14.1: “Temptation of the Buddha”. Source: The Guide to Sanchi. Calcutta. 1918
Figure 14.2: “Ungyō 吽形H = 842.3 cm Kongō Rikishi 金剛力士(Kongou, Kongo) Wood with Paint (Saishiki 彩色). Tōdaiji Temple 東大寺, Nara.” Schumaker, M https://www.onmarkproductions.com/html/nio.shtml. 2015
Figure 14.3: “Agyō 阿形 H = 378 cm Kongō Rikishi 金剛力士 (Kongou, Kongo) Clay (sozō 塑像) with paint (saishiki 彩色) Nara Era, 711 AD (Wadō Period Year 4) Hōryūji Temple 法隆寺 in Nara”. Schumaker, M. https://www.onmarkproductions.com/html/nio.shtml. 2015
Figure 14.4: “Agyō 阿形 H = 378 cm Kongō Rikishi 金剛力士 (Kongou, Kongo) Clay (sozō 塑像) with paint (saishiki 彩色) Nara Era, 711 AD (Wadō Period Year 4) Hōryūji Temple 法隆寺 in Nara”. Schumaker, M . https://www.onmarkproductions.com/html/nio.shtml. 2015
Figure 14.5: “Agyō 阿形 Also known as Kongō Rikishi 金剛力士(Kongou, Kongo) Wood, with paint applied. H = 154 cm. Kamakura Era. Kōfukuji Temple 興福寺. Scanned from Temple Brochure”. Schumaker, M. https://www.onmarkproductions.com/html/nio.shtml. 2015.
151 Grunwedel, A. Buddhist Art in India. 93-95
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Figure 14“Temptation of the Buddha”. Edited. Marshall, Sir John.
Source: The Guide to Sanchi. Calcutta. 1918
Another relief of Gandhara reveals Māra’s army to have weapons such as the trident, full beards and clothing clearly echoing Herculean Greek figures (Figure 15). In his analysis, Grunwedel continues to suggest that the Vajrapāṇi split into two figures, one, a bodhisattva, and another, the remnant of Indra, a yaksha that fell in stature.152 This doesn’t seem consistent with the continued evolution of the dvārapāla Vajrapāṇi, who increased in significance over time, nor does the Vajrapāṇi aesthetic seem to emerge from Māra multiple examples, Māra and Vajrapāṇi are pictured in the same relief, indicating they must be separate entities.
152 Ibid. 99-100
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Channavīra can be found in multiple depictions of the assault on Māra from the 8th century Burobudor Stupa in Indonesia where Māra as an archer sports a Channavīra.153
Figure 15: “Les Assauts De Mara”. Arca Drouot Source: http://www.castor- hara.com/lot/8821/1691016?npp=50&
The similarities between Niō and specific outlined members of the earliest Māra’s army at Sanchi outlined herein include the Om mouth positing, the symbolic presence of the channavīra chain, the body positioning of the army group that seemingly corresponds with their mouth position, the individual body positioning and mudras of the two standout figures and the overall stylistic congruity of monstrous human figures. These complement Grunwedel’s findings regarding the relief of Lahore. Given that the Vajrapāṇi does seem to split into two types of figures that I have roughly categorized here as ‘narrative’ and ‘dvārapāla’, there seems to be
153 Fraser, S. “Borobudur. Stupa, second terrace, scenes from the life of Buddha: Temptation of Mara. Java, Indonesia, ca. 775-850 CE”.
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enough evidence to suggest further investigation of a connection or possible derivation of the dvārapāla Vajrapāṇi from Māra’s army.
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CHAPTER 3
EARLY INTEGRATION OF THE VAJAPANI AND DERIVATIVE ENTITIES IN CHINA AND JAPAN
3.1 Background
According to historian Charles Orzech, “all forms of Buddhism which stand in the full light of history are already linked to the imperial state and are permeated with the terminology of kingship and preoccupied by its aims, its discourses, and its iconography”.154 He goes on to make the case that “it was in East Asian Esoteric Buddhism and Tibetan Vajrayāna that the full political implications of the Mahāyāna insistence upon the identity of this world and nirvana were developed and deployed in a comprehensive rhetoric and practice of ‘National Protection’ (hu-kuo).”155 This association was partially achieved through rewriting and reinterpretation of scripture to fit the particular imperial political needs of the time. In this chapter, the formal integration of Vajrapāṇi will be analyzed to understand how the features that were evident early on, remained and facilitated imperial association through China, creating a template that was utilized again in Japan.
Vajrayāna Buddhist156 mantras, mandalas, and sutras began to develop around the third century and didn’t manifest in a comprehensive form until about the eighth century, which brought forth an expansion of the belief system through the works and travels of core religious figures in the Shingon (Ch. Jp. 真言宗) tradition, known as the Eight Great Lineage Patriarchs (Rj. Fuho-Hasso) and the Eight Great
154 Orzech, C. Politics and Transcendent Wisdom: The Scripture for Humane Kings in the Creation of Chinese Buddhism. 6.
155 Ibid, 8.
156 Vajrayāna Buddhism, and “Thunderbolt Vehicle” was the third wave of Buddhism after Theravada and Mahayana.
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Doctrine- Expounding Patriarchs (Rj. Denji- Hasso). It was through the efforts of these patriarchs that Vajrayāna Buddhism became integrated into the imperial authority in both China and later, in Japan, the focus of this study. Of the Vajrapāṇi, it is understood that he began as a subservient figure prior to his introduction in Vajrayāna Buddhism and, through Vajrayāna, began to take on central and iconic roles. As stated in the first chapter, Acala (Fudō Myō-ō ), who is understood as “wrathful manifestation of Vajrapāṇi”157, also rose to prominence during the Tang Dynasty (Ch. Jp. 唐朝) (681- 907) in China. He became the central figure of the Myō-ō or Wisdom Kings with the rise of Shingon Buddhism. Vajrapāṇi played a central role in core Shingon texts, and the methods by which Yi Xing (Ch., Jp. 一行, Rj. Ichigyō-Zenji) (683-727) and Amoghavajra (Rj. Fukūkongō-Sanzō) (705–774) translated key texts and the incorporation of the two core esoteric mandalas into architecture and geography led to the embrace and empowerment of Vajrapāṇi and Vajrapāṇi-derivative characters.
Vajrayāna Buddhist sutras first were introduced by Śubhakarasiṃha (637-735) (Ch., Jp.善無畏), who promoted the MahāvairocanaScripture (Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi Sūtra, Sk. वैरोचनाववसंबोवव सूत, Ch., Jp. 大毘盧遮那成佛神變加持經). They were translated by Yi Xing. Subsequent to this was the Vajraśekhara Sūtra, Sarvatathagata-tattvasamgraha, (Sk. तत्त्वसंग्रह). These two sutras are expressed within the two core mandalas of Shingon Buddhism, the Womb Realm Mandala (Garbhadhātu Maṇḍala, Rj. Taizōkai Mandara, Ch., Jp. 胎蔵界曼荼羅), and the Diamond Realm Mandala (Vajradhātu Mandara, Sk. ववरात, Ch., Jp. 金剛界, Rj. Kongōkai). Through these works, the Vajrapāṇi figure strengthened,
157 Sorensen, H. “Central Divinities in the Esoteric Buddhist Pantheon in China”. 102.
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took his role within the imperial house and among warriors, and paved the way for its effect on Japan.
It should be understood that, while there was a distinct effort by the early Shingon patriarchs to ingratiate the Tang dynasty emperors with their new religion, this was not a unilateral effort. According to Orzech:
On arrival at the court, they were placed under house arrest as "guests" in a government monastery where they could be watched and interrogated. Once accepted they were put to work in the service of the state with teams of translators, rendering texts and performing rituals to augment state policy, to ensure seasonable rain, to repel invasion and put down uprisings, and to help promote the well-being of the imperial family and its ancestors. Effectively to transplant Esoteric Buddhism to China meant combining religious ideology and political expediency.158
Esoteric Buddhist sutra, symbolism and ritual, thus, cannot be viewed as fully distinct from imperial concerns. In the first chapter of this thesis, the royal connection to Vajrapāṇi characters was introduced, in which the character itself represents as a king, and may have been integrated into the pantheon due to some primitive political circumstance. The royal connection takes a turn here, to a seemingly active rewriting and coopting of the scriptures in order to ingratiate the Tang Dynasty royals with esoteric Buddhism. We will trace these intentional-seeming machinations as well as other scriptural, aesthetic and ritual factors that furthered the Vajrapāṇi connection to imperial society into Japan.
3.2 The Literary and Philosophical Inclusions of Vajrapāṇi
The core tradition of Vajrayāna Buddhism, from which the figure of Fudō Myō-ō , in particular, popularized and spread, derived from a series of visual and literary works thought to have officially originated around 800 CE with the establishment of the
158 Orzech, C. “Mandalas on the Move: Reflections from Chinese Esoteric Buddhism Circa 800 C. E.” 212-3
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University of Vikramashila (Sk. বিক্রমবিলা)159 by Dharmapala, yet was condoned and spread by the Pala Empire of the late 8th century CE throughout northern India, Central Asia and beyond similar to how Ashoka had spread Mahāyāna Buddhism nearly a millennium prior. We will examine how a few of these core works, including the Ryobu Mandalas, the Scripture of Humane Kings and a few contributory lesser-known scriptures.
Before Vajrayāna ’s official spread and acceptance, it was practiced among several minorities, evidenced from the blossoming statue production of early eras,160 and even has a series of originating stories that trace back to oral traditions of Siddhartha, or the Buddha Śākyamuni, called the Guhyasamāja (Tantra of the Secret Community) Tantra,161 which were said to be finally written around the 4th century CE after having been transmitted orally for around 800 years. The historical accuracy of such claims rightly elicit doubt, particularly when there has been historic pressure to validate new branches of Buddhism by tracing lineage back to the original Hinayana emergence.162 Yet, we can understand that, though Vajrayāna is associated with its spread and official embrace that began around the 8th century, it has existed for centuries prior.
We will look at several changes that indicated a more important role of the Vajrapāṇi and derivative characters, particularly Fudō Myō-ō. First, we’ll examine the established interpretation of the vajra as an aspirational spiritual condition that manifested at least partially in the mundane world. Then, we can look at the
159 Vikramashila was a massive ancient monastery complex containing a university that was developed under the Pala Empire that functioned as a Buddhist center of learning.
160 Sutton, D. “Fudō Myō-ō ‘s Independent Cult in Japan: An Analysis of its Evolution and Value”.
161 Sengupta, S. Buddhism in the Classical Age. 126.
162 Hinayana was the original form of Buddhism that branched off into Mahayana, and was given the title Hinayana ‘lesser vehicle’ derogatorily by Mahayana Buddhists to distinguish from the philosophy that focused on internal Buddhism and that which extended Buddhism practices to a systematized world view that could include widespread social participation.
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appearances of the Vajrapāṇi and derivative characters in the core Vajrayāna texts of the Shingon lineage, and finally, we can examine the accompanying rituals and political maneuvering of the Shingon Patriarchs, that gained entry to imperial circles.
3.2.1 Vajra as Vehicle: from Assistant to Icon
Despite doubts about the veracity of the aforementioned primitive origin claims, there is evidence of Tantric practices prior to the Guyyasamaja text production period, including the use of yoga (physical postures), mudras (hand gestures), mantras (chants), and mandalas (representative pictures). It is in this text that the function and appearance of demonic deities is first explained. Under Kūkai’s (774-835) philosophy of “The Six Elements”, which included the five traditional elements of earth, fire, wind, water, ether, which are included in Mahāyāna Buddhism as well. To these he added conscience or citta. Vajra-citta became an ideal. According to Sengupta, within the Guhyasamāja text, when the bodhisattvas develop the awareness of the unity of the dualities, they become ‘citta-vajra’ or bodhicitta and impermeable or unaffected (adamantine like the vajra itself); and when then reach the highest phase of meditation, they experience innumerable visions of deities, including violent ones like Fudō Myō-ō.163 In envisioning these deities, the bodhicitta is, according to the text, uniting with them and acquiring their spiritual powers.
The term vajra was also used in contrast to the term garbha at the time, the former signifying “active knowledge” and the latter signifying “passive or latent knowledge”.164 From the Mahāvairocanasutra commentary, Tajima quotes:
We compare with vajra, the perfect knowledge [of the Buddha] because it goes beyond all the ways of utterance and of thought. … It has neither beginning nor end; it is inexhaustible and indestructible. IT removes all sins, it cannot be changed, it cannot be broken. Hence, it is given the epithet vajra.
163 Sengupta, S. Buddhism in the Classical Age. 126
164 Tajima, R, et al. Twin Mandalas of Vairocana in Japanese Iconography. 171
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Like the material gem (vajra), it excels in three ways: the first, that it cannot be broken; the second, that it is most precious of all precious things; the third, that it is the best of weapons.165
With this description, we can understand the vajra is being cast as an aspirational state, of which weaponry is a core aspect.
The Vajrapāṇi was the first to hold the vajra and used it to bring about difficult converts, even if it meant destroying them. As a servant, he exudes power and terrifies the enemies of the master Shakyamuni. As a servant he yet exhibits uncouth behaviors and an at times monstrous aesthetic that would seem to diminish his spiritual connection. Over time, we begin to see the Vajrapāṇi, along with the derivative character Fudō or Acalanatha (Acala) increasingly depicted as iconic character sin their own right, rather than servile figures peripheral to a Buddha. The symbolic path from 1identify and seek to embody or be embodied by these entities and the vehicle for this change is vajra nature.
3.2.2 Mandalas
The design of the mandalas was meant to convey a microcosm of the spiritual dimensions of the world, and relationships within the Vajrayāna cosmology. We will take a look at certain facets of the mandalas to understand how they bolstered the position of Vajrapāṇi and Vajrapāṇi derivative deities like Fudō and Niō, how the
Vajrayāna cosmology contributed to the importance of their roles, and how the Mandala was used to fortify local sects. The two mandalas introduced are the Womb Realm Mandala (Garbhadhātu Maṇḍala, Taizōkai Mandara, Jp. 胎蔵界曼荼羅), and
165 Ibid.
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the Diamond Realm (Vajradhātu, Sk. ववरात, Ch., Jp. 金剛界, Rj. Kongōkai)166 Mandala. There are many texts devoted to the layout of the Mandalas, to which full volumes could be devoted, one worth reference is Ryujun Tajima’s Twin Mandalas of Vairocana in Japanese Iconography.167 Where other texts have covered the mandalas in detail, I will not repeat that here and will focus just on their incorporation of Vajrapāṇi and Vajrapāṇi-derivatives.
3.2.2.1 Womb Realm Mandala
Within the Womb Realm Mandala is a section called the Hall of Vajrapāṇi. This quarter is thought to counterbalance the quarter of Avalokitesvara, on the opposite side. There are 21 deities herein, in seven lines of three each, each bearing a vajra. Of the role of the Vajrapāṇi here, he is said to “satisfies all the prayers”, “symbolizes
166 The sexual representation here in the names alone should be clear, reaffirming the Vajra and therefore the Kurikara as ithyphallic weapons.
167 Tajima, R, et al. Twin Mandalas of Vairocana in Japanese Iconography.
Figure 16: “Womb Realm Mandala.” “Diamond Realm Mandala.”.
Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diamond_Realm#/media/File:Kongokai.jpg https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Womb_Realm#/media/File:Taizokai.jpg,
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the great wisdom of Vairocana who destroys all the obstacles arising from our passions”, “personifies the unshakable solidity of our pure heart of bodhi”.168
Figure 17: “Layout of the Womb Realm Mandala. Edited.” Tajima, Ryujun. Tr. Chandra et al.
Source: International Academy of Indian Culture. New Delhi, Adtya Prakashan. 2012.
Within the Womb Realm Mandala is also Acalanatha, in a section called “The Quarter of Vidyādhara” (‘Wisdom-holder’). During the rituals, Acala is summoned for consecration of vessels.169 The adherent is instructed “Later on the west side, sketch innumerable vajradharas, with the vajras that are their attributes and the colour that matches each; they radiate with splendor for the benefit of all beings.”170 Among these, Acala is in the south-west. According to Tajima, “The quarter symbolizes the victorious power of Mahāvairocana over the passions. In it are grouped the irritated divinities whose function is to obey the orders of the Buddha
168 Ibid 94-95
169 Ibid 57
170 Ibid 73
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in exercising their violence against beings difficult to be vanquished. The two deities mentioned by name in the Mahāvairocana Sutra of this quarter are Acala and Trailokyavijaya, both wrathful aspects of the Vajrapāṇi. Within these figures is a peaceful female deity called Prajnaparamita, who is meant to symbolize the Buddhas desire not to have to use this power.
Around the edges of the Womb Realm Mandala are local deities that might have otherwise been considered opponents in the competitive world of religious conversion. Vajrayāna Buddhism didn’t rule out these local deities, like Shiva, Indra, and Maheśvara, but rather gave them a peripheral position around the mandala, and included them in stories of compassionate (albeit often violent) conversion. This allowed for easier conversion, and less cognitive dissonance among potential converts.
Shingon Buddhist understandings are visually transmitted through the Taizho-kai (Womb World) and Kongo-kai (Diamond World) mandalas, and accompanied by ceremony, including, in the case of the Taizho- kai, “a practice lasting up to two hours that elaborately includes offerings, incense, music and possibly dancing”.171 The goal of unification with a deity, in this case Dainichi Nyorai or Vairocana, is quite a different aim than simple worship and appealed to soldiers required to engage in daring and mortal endeavors.
3.2.2.2 Diamond Realm Mandala
The Vajradhātu mandala etymologically means ‘vajra (diamond/ thunderbolt) body’, and therefore is indicative of the expansive interpretation of the vajra that is characteristic of Vajrayāna Buddhism. This mandala is formed with nine squares
171 Ibid 20
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through proper construction of which, an adherent will be able to enter the way of the vajra.
Outside of the five core deities, Mahavairocana, Aksobhya, Ratnasambhava, Lokesvaraja, and Amoghasiddhi, every other of the thirty-seven deities of the central panel of the mandala has a name beginning with ‘Vajra’, for example, Vajradharms, Vajrahetu, and so on¸ except for Dharmaparamita.172 Within the outer enclosure, we see a section including the Wisdom Kings or Vidyārājas (Sk: ववद्याराज; Ch., Jp.: 明王; Rj.: Myōō), of whom Acala is the leader in the North-East corner. In some cases, Trailokyavijaya is represented crushing Maheśvara and Uma underfoot, a role in which we will soon see him supplanted by Fudō.173
Religious syncretism played a big role in gaining Vajrayāna Buddhism a foothold in new countries. Japan was no exception. When the mandalas were introduced to Japan, local Shinto deities were associated with those in the mandalas. Local Shinto shrines were associated with the mandalas. Amaterasu, the core Shinto deity, was associated with the Vajradhātu Mandala.174 This inclusion of local deities in the mandalas and in the core doctrines enabled the philosophy of honji suijaku (本地垂迹) to develop, which suggested that local deities were manifestations of Buddhas. This development was tied in to the mandalas, as is evidenced from the name of their practice, according to Rambelli, “…tantric discourses about the kami are generally known as Ryōbu Shintō 両部 神道 (literally, ‘the Shintō of the Twofold Mandala of Shingon 真言 Buddhism, Shingon Shintō”.175 This may have been a
172 Tajima, R. Twin Mandalas of Vairocana in Japanese Iconography. 186
173 Ibid 223
174 Rambelli, F. “Shintō and Esoteric Buddhism” 840
175 Ibid 838-839
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reason that the worship of Fudō was able to survive the persecutory Meiji Era176 when Buddhism was targeted in Japan, as we will see more clearly in the next chapter.
3.2.3 Mahāvairocana Sutra
The Mahāvairocana Sutra (Sk: महावैरोचन तन्त्र; Ch., Jp.: 大毘盧遮那成佛神變加持經) was the earliest core Shingon work, and had an influence on establishing the religion in China. The text includes a conversation between the Vajrapāṇi and Mahāvairocana in the former asks a series of questions through which the doctrine is revealed, along with prescribed ritual for different circumstances. One of the core questions is of the path to enlightenment. This sutra reiterates the common paths of Mahāyāna Buddhism (these were, in a nutshell, meditation and understanding the difference between reality and delusion), and then adds ritual, as outlined in this text, as an additional means to enlightenment.177
Whereas the Mahāyāna means to enlightenment were long and arduous and involved a lifetime of work, the Vajrayāna ritual method was comparably fast.
Secondly, the process features embodiment as a focus, rather than learning. According to Orzech, during the abhisheka (abhiṣeka) or stages of tantric empowerment (Sk. अववषेक)178, “the disciple does not ‘learn’ or ‘practice’ a teaching first expounded by Śākyamuni, transmitted through his disciples and sutras; during ritual practice the disciple becomes Mahāvairocana”179 The text also provides means
176 Persecution of Buddhism during the early Meiji era is discussed in” Of Heretics and Martyrs in Meiji Japan: Buddhism” by Ketelaar, J.
177 178 Orzech, C. “Esoteric Buddhism in the Tang: From Atikūta to ̣Amoghavajra (651–780)” 277
178 The term abhiseka originally comes from a ritual common across Hinduism, Jainism and Buddhism of pouring ablutions over a statue of a deity as a ritual offering. Within the Shingon tradition, it became a reference to ‘pouring the tradition from teacher to disciple’, which was an initiation ritual to deeper levels of the cult. Orzech, C. (2011). On the Subject of Abhiseka. 113-128
179 Orzech, C. “Esoteric Buddhism in the Tang: From Atikūta to ̣Amoghavajra”. 277-278
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of vanquishing the impediments to one’s spiritual attainment, which is where the Vajrapāṇi and Acala, his fearsome form, play a core role. One of the questions in the text was “When [preparing] the ritual site, how does one eliminate obstructors So that they are unable to torment the mantra-cultivating practitioner? How does one recite mantras? What results do they produce?” According to the text, the response included the following180:
One should always think in one’s mind of the mahāsattva Acala and bind his mystic seal, whereby one will be able to remove all obstructions…
Alternatively, the practitioner, with fearless mind, makes a kīlakam (stake), and he completely identifies this adamantine stake with a vajra.
Next, I shall now explain the quelling of all obstacles. One thinks on the ferocious and very powerful Acala with his mantra dwelling in his own maṇḍala, or else the practitioner [himself] dwells therein. He visualizes an effigy [of the obstacle] with [Acala’s or his own] left foot placed on its head: The obstacle will be eliminated and extinguished, not to arise [again].181
Acala is of primary importance in the text. In total, Acala (Fudō) is referenced about thirty times in the scripture, more than any of the other deities aside from Vajrapāṇi and Buddha himself. Acala is equated with conquering obstacles, and described as quite powerful, “infallible and most wrathful”182 The figure is heavily relied upon. It is evident throughout the text that the descriptor “adamantine” has grown past the Vajrapāṇi, though the Vajrapāṇi has a central role and is lavishly praised by
Mahāvairocanain the sutra. The Vajra state, now referenced as a condition of the mind, is equated with enlightenment, in stating “The Perfectly Awakened One dwells in samādhi: this is called the great adamantine state.”183
Patriarch Yi Xing, who wrote a commentary on the MahāvairocanaSutra, equated Trailokyavijaya, another manifestation of wrathful Vajrapāṇi, with Acala
180 The response had many different ways to affect the buildup of obstacles. I’ve isolated those that pertain to our focal characters here.
181 Trans. Giebel, R. “The Vairocanabhisambodhi Sutra”. 55
182 Ibid. 246
183 Ibid. 82
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and even substitutes Acala for Trailokyavijaya in an important scene, the taming of Maheśvara, a substitution which was echoed in later depictions.184 This text, drawing more attention to Acala, is thought to have influenced Kūkai.
3.2.4 The Conquest of Maheśvara and Establishment of the Vajrayāna Worldview
Part of the role of scriptures is to establish the authenticity of lineages and emergent practices. There is no exception for the esoteric establishment. One of the core stories which is thought to have established an authority of the Vajrapāṇi and Acala (Fudō), who were alternated as the conquering figure in different editions, is the Conquest of Maheśvara (Ch., Jp.: 大自在天, Kj. Daijizaiten). The story, said to be “perhaps the most influential myth of esoteric Buddhism”, is as follows:
On the peak of Mt. Sumeru, all the tathagatas requested the bodhisattva
Vajrapāṇi, the master of mysteries, to produce the divinities of his clan (kula) for the mandala. Vajrapāṇi, however, declined, saying that there yet existed criminals, such as Maheśvara and other gods. So, Vairocana uttered the mantra OMSUMBHA NISUMBHA HUM... VAJRA HUMPHA T, and forms of Vajrapāṇi issued forth from the hearts of all the assembled tathagatas, coming together to create the body of Mahavajrakrodha. Vairocana intoned the mantra OM TAKKI JJAH, which is known as the disciplinary ankus of all the tathagatas. By this utterance the criminals, Maheśvara and the like, were all dragged to the Adamantine Jeweled Palace on Sumeru. Vajrapāṇi then commanded them to accomplish the Buddha's teaching by taking refuge in the Buddha, the dharma, and the sangha, and by obtaining the gnosis of omniscience.
But Maheśvara replied to Vajrapāṇi, "Hey, you're just a local spirit (yaksha)\ I'm the creator and arranger of the triple world, the master of all spirits, the highest God of gods. Why should I do as you, a local ghost, command?" So Maheśvara turned to Vairocana, "Just who does he think he is, giving orders to God?" Vairocana responded, "I'd really do what he says, friend, and go for the refuges! Don't make Vajrapāṇi, this cruel, mean, angry spirit, destroy the whole world with his flaming vajra." Maheśvara, however, decided to show Vajrapāṇi what fear is all about, so he displayed his great wrath and cruelty in the form of Mahabhairava, flames spurting out, with Maharaudra's laugh, together with all of his minions: "Hey, I'm the Lord of the Triple World! You do what I command!"
184 Faure, B. The Fluid Pantheon. 125
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They then exchanged more mutual challenges and insults and Vajrapāṇi returned to Vairocana. "Well, Lord, he's not paying homage to the teaching, being God and all. Now what do I do?" Again, Vairocana intoned the mantra OM NISUMBHA VAJRA HUM PHAT, and Vajrapāṇi added his own adamantine HUM. Immediately, all the gods, Maheśvara, etc., fell down on their faces, uttering a cry of pain, and went for refuge to the Lord Vajrapāṇi. Maheśvara alone remained fallen on the ground, unconscious, and there he perished.Vairocana lectured the other gods about the virtues of the Buddhist perspective and they became entirely restored, happy and virtuous.
Then Vairocana addressed Vajrapāṇi: "If we revive His Deadness, he could become a real person." So, Vajrapāṇi intoned he correct VAJRAYUH, and Maheśvara was brought back from the dead. He wanted to stand up but couldn't, and demanded, "What are you trying to teach me?" Vairocana responded, "You still haven't done what he said to do. It's his business, not mine." "But aren't you supposed to protect criminals like me?" Maheśvara asked. Vairocana replied, "I can't. He is the Lord of All Tathagatas." Vajrapāṇi then intervened: "Why don't you just do what I tell you?" When Maheśvara heard Vajrapāṇi, he again became incensed and violent, displaying his form as Maharaudra, saying, "I can endure death, but I will not do as you command!"
With that Vajrapāṇi uttered the appropriate mantras, and while the world laughed, Maheśvara and his consort, Uma, were both dragged stark naked feet first before Vajrapāṇi, who stepped on Maheśvara with his left foot, while standing on Uma's breasts with his right. Then he uttered the mantra OM VAJRAVISA HANAYA TRAM TRAT and Maheśvara started beating his own thousand heads with his own thousand arms, while all his minions outside the palace gave a great roar of laughter and said, "Look at our Lord being disciplined by this great being!"
Then Vairocana took pity on Maheśvara and, with the mantra OM BUDDHA MAITRI VAJRA RAKSA HUM, the touch of Vajrapāṇi 's feet became the consecration which allowed him to obtain the level of the Tathagata.
Abandoning his form of Mahadeva, Maheśvara passed beyond countless world systems and was reborn into the world known as Bhasmacchanna as the tathagata Bhasmesvara-nirghosa. At that point, Vajrapāṇi commanded all the other gods, "Friends, enter into the great circle of the adamantine assembly of all tathagatas and protect that assembly!" And they replied in assent, "As you inform us, so we will perform!" Then all the gods and goddesses—Maheśvara, Uma, and the others—were given new names and positions in the mystic circle.185
It was this tale, included in one of the three core sources of Vajrayāna, the Sarvatathagata-tattvasamgraha, the Summary of All Tathagatas Reality (abr.
185 Davidson, R. “Reflections on the Mahesvara Subjugation Myth: Indie Materials, Sa-skya-pa Apologetics, and the Birth of Heruka”. 200-202
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Tattvasamgraha) (Vajraśekhara Sūtra) (Sk. तत्त्वसंग्रह) of the taming of Maheśvara (who was thought to have become the mythological antagonist to the Buddha Shakyamuni, Mara). This story was used to justify the new Mantrayana (Vajrayāna) lineage as having been directly transmitted to the Shingon lineage to patriarch Nagarjuna from the disciple of Mahavairocana, Vajrasattva. The Vajrapāṇi plays an important role in this scripture; importantly, in the scripture, it is through Vajrapāṇi that the universal Buddha Vairocana is able to function in the real world and to subdue his enemy, emphasizing the liminality of the Vajrapāṇi figure between the mundane and spiritual realms (a factor demonstrated as well in the positioning of Vajrapāṇi door guardians or dvarapala). The scripture also substantiates the esoteric understanding of the universal Buddha, Mahāvairocana.
The Mahāvairocana Buddha would not intervene in the matters of everyday life, it being too myopic of his involvement, unless through an intermediary, who happens to be Vajrapāṇi. According to Davidson, this scripture substantiated the idea the Universal Buddha (Mahāvairocana) is past all immediate troubles and spans all times, it shows “he works through Vajrapāṇi for the salvation of beings from their own rude behavior—even if such behavior is as degenerate as that of Maheśvara—insisting finally on their integration into the balanced array of reality's mandala”.186
While the story doesn’t indicate a direct route to the Mahāvairocanafor enlightenment, it indicated that the pathway is through the Vajrapāṇi, giving the Vajrapāṇi an immensely important role in the emergent esoteric Buddhism. The story affirms the world view expressed in the core Vajrayāna philosophy and the mandalas brought to Japan by Kūkai. It is understood that the lineage of Kūkai
186 Ibid. 217
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carefully planned the design of rituals and mandalas to form a state-protective Buddhism which would be conducive to missionary spread.187
A secondary condition of great importance to the role of the Vajrapāṇi and Vajrapāṇi-derivative characters is the notion contained within the story that violence or degradation of a foe could serve the purpose of converse and therefore be morally justifiable, or, “the transformation of defilement into gnosis”, as Davidson aptly describes it.188 This justification of violence is a long running theme in the Vajrapāṇi and derivative characters, especially under the influence of Fudō -based ideology, whose echoes we will see well into the twentieth century with the principle espoused by Yagyū Munenori (Jp. 柳生 宗矩) (1571-1646), in his work Heihō kandensho (En. The Life- Giving Sword), when conceiving of the duality of ‘life-giving sword and a killing sword’.189 This story also affirmed the relevance that Vajrayāna puts on reform and influence in the real world, the path which is illustrated in the mandalas.
3.3 Political Mechanisms of Integration
Religious history of any creed is teeming with stories of persecution and perseverance. It seems less attention is paid to the manner in which institutions support and fortify the influence of emergent religions. Upon entering a new territory, any proponent of a theretofore unpopular religion will face a power struggle. It is often not simply the pull of the dogma of the faith that attracts adherents, and certainly, in the case of Buddhism in China, political leveraging came to be helpful. Herein we will examine this leveraging in China, which informed its
187 Orzech, C. “Mandalas on the Move: Reflections from Chinese Esoteric Buddhism Circa 800 C. E.” 211
188 Davidson, R. “Reflections on the Mahesvara Subjugation Myth: Indie Materials, Sa-skya-pa Apologetics, and the Birth of Heruka” 218
189 This topic will be addressed further in later chapters.
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entry into Japan, and its impact on the imperial adoption of Vajrayāna Buddhism in Japan.
3.3.1 Amoghavajra and the transformation of Acalanatha in Tang China
The next major phase in the development of the Vajrapāṇi is revealed upon entry into the Tang Dynasty (618-907), China, and promotion by the renowned figure, Amoghavajra (Sk. अमोघवN, Ch. 不空, Py: Bùkōng; Rj. Fukū) (705-774). One of the earliest scriptures to prominently feature Fudō Myō-ō was the Scripture of the Humane Kings (仁王經, Ninnō-gyō) written in the 5th century. The scripture has been substantiated, albeit facetiously, in 597 by Fei Chang Fang (Jp. 費長房) (562–598), who confirmed the attribution of translations of the Scripture of the Humane Kings to Dharmaraksa, Kumarajiva and Paramartha, three renowned figures of the then-popular Tian Tai sect.190 This was used to establish a lineage that predated the Chinese translations. Bùkōng, or Amoghavajra, a devout Buddhist who became one of the eight Shingon patriarchs, and who lived as a translator and imperial servant during tumultuous times in China, was the architect of a new translation, which might be more closely called an interpretation, of the Scripture of the Humane Kings, in the 8th century, that significantly affected how the philosophy was to be absorbed in later transmissions.
Bùkōng wasn’t the writer of the scripture, but made significant edits, as we will see, as a disciple of the master Vajrabodhi at the time when Vajrabodhi and Subhakarasimha were resident in Luoyang191 and were relying on the texts MahāvairocanaSutra and Sarvatathahatatattvasamgraha, described above.
190 Ibid. 127
191 The appearance of these two figures is generally considered to be the introduction of esoteric or tantric Buddhism to China. Subhakarasimha arrived in 716 and Vajrabodhi in 720, and they are
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The Wisdom Kings of China were known to have been a particularly malleable point of entry into Buddhism for the royals of diverse nations who sought religious representation, yet they weren’t the only contributing factor. In some cases, the synthesis effort was a push by imperial interests, in other cases, by sangha (Sk. संघ), or religious affiliation, interests. In the Northern Wei (Ch. 拓跋魏) (386-534), Emperor Wencheng (Ch. 文成,) (440-465) and Buddhist monk Tanyao (Ch. 曇曜)(385–534), “set out to create a form of state Buddhism with the sangha subservient to the imperial bureaucracy” justified through the emperor’s identification with Buddha.192 He also created statues of the Buddha Shakyamuni in the likeness emperors he served, in Yungang Grotto; “Emperor Wencheng, who restored Buddhism to the dynasty, is represented such as seated Buddha of 14m high in cave 20”.193 Thus, integration of Buddhism into imperial prestige and authority were not new to the 8th century. Yet, the textual integration efforts by Amoghavajra were to have a lasting impact not just in China but in Japan.
Amoghavajra (Bùkōng), who had traveled through China, Sri Lanka and South India, was known for translating over five hundred texts including five of the seven texts that mention Fudō Myō-ō ,194 rewrote The Scripture for Humane Kings195 seemingly with the political purpose in mind of attributing the origin of spiritual
assumed to have interacted and influenced each other in this time though there is no extant record of such an interaction.
Biswas, S. Fudō Myo-o (Acalanatha Vidyaraja) in art and Iconography of Japan. 6.
192 Orzech C. “Metaphor, Translation, and the Construction of Kingship in The Scripture for Humane Kings and the Mahāmāyūrī Vidyārājñī Sūtra. 70
193 Wonders.org Contributor. “Yungang Grottoes”.
194 Payne, R. “Firmly Rooted: On Fudō Myōō's Origins”. 10
195 According to Orzech, the metaphor of this scripture and its purposeful translation were used by Bùkōng to shape the relation between Buddhist monks and kings, establishing a dyadic function of kings, both a worldly and otherworldly in role. Bùkōng ’s revisions were said to erase traces of the scripture’s Chinese origin, to sanctify the relationship of the priesthood and imperial family by identifying the King as a buddha and by taking away the stigma of monks associated with the court. Scripturally, this was achieved through an appropriation of the descriptor ‘sage king’ from Confucianism to Buddhism over time, as well as selective editing and ‘retranslation’, but rituals played a large role as well.
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authority to the emperor rather than the allocation of authority to the emperor for protective acts, as it had been understood before. Yet the relationship was not strictly beneficial for the emperors, as they were placed in a dual lineage that left room for the sangha to maintain prominence.
Whether for preservation of the persecuted Buddhists196 or to bolster the royal authority, Bùkōng’s translations successfully blended the Confucian concept of sage- king with the Buddhist concept of ‘forbearance’ in a lasting way that carried on into Korea and Japan, which helped to merge the Confucian ideology with the Buddhist. One important purpose of Bùkōng’s revision of the Scripture of the Humane Kings was the inclusion of vajra bodhisattvas and highlight of the vidyaraja, or “enlightenment kings”, also knowns as Myō-ō, of which Fudō is the leader. The Scripture of the Humane Kings also, by delineating tiered stages of the way (a move thought to be undertaken to assuage the historic Chinese attention to lineage) and conflating the statuses of kings with regard to bodhisattvas so that they may be seen as both equal and at times as subordinate, allowing the clergy a leverage point and tying in the management of state with protection of the sangha, allowing advancement along the bodhisattva path through protection of the way.197
Such a formulation would, if initially accepted, allocate authority to the imperial house dependent on their relationship status with the sangha, who would be ultimately the arbiters of the dharma. Royalty within this system was believed to then, through ritual engagement, be imbued with supernatural or spiritual powers, or in the least to have been granted the hallowed status of bodhisattva. For the sangha,
196 There was an ebb and flow of Imperial preference between Buddhism and Daoism, the withdrawal of which led to severe persecution at times of Buddhists. It was also a well-established strategy of each religion to seek imperial favor and protection. Amoghavajra’s time was no exception. This is explained in depth by Shi, Longdu in “Buddhism and the state in medieval China: case studies of three persecutions of Buddhism”.
197 Ibid. 96.
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it also acted as a buffer against persecutions of Buddhism, yet this buffer was proven not to be absolute, and the close relationship would open Buddhist adherents who were close with former rulers, up to dangers when political power shifted or when empires changed rule. This was not a wholly novel concept and other instances of religious figures using such devices in ancient China are expounded upon by Shi in the essay “Buddhism and the state in medieval China: case studies of three persecutions of Buddhism” and therefore will not be outlined here.198 It suffices to say that while the concept itself was not original, the establishment of the relationship delineated by the Scripture of the Humane Kings was a particularly salient example with important historic repercussions.
The connection between the vajra-bearing Fudō Myō-ō figure and authority continued unabated into the Japanese Empire with its transmission by Saichō (Ch., Jp. 最澄) (767 - 822) and Kūkai (Ch., Jp. 空海) (774- 835), who has been disciples in China and returned to form the Tendai (Ch., Jp. 天台宗, Tendai-shū) and Shingon sects in Japan. The connections of the esoteric Buddhist philosophy with national security were established from its earliest introduction, as was established in the preceding paragraphs relating to China, and were not a creation of Saichō and Kūkai. Yet, the integration was an evident goal from the earliest institutional outreach of esoteric Buddhism in Japan as well.
The official title of Saichō Tendai monastery on Mount Hiei (Ch., Jp. 比叡山) was “Chief Seat of Buddhist Religion for Ensuring the Security of the Country”199, indicating a priority of national protection. Saichō further established a connection between Vajrayāna Buddhism and the state by altering the oath taken by
198 Shi, Longdu. “Buddhism and the state in medieval China: case studies of three persecutions of Buddhism”.
199 Biswas, S. Fudō Myo-o. 29.
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Tendai monks at Mount Hiei to include a line supporting Emperor Kammu (Jp. 桓武天皇, Rj. Kanmu- tennō) (735- 806), an inclusion said to derive from his love of the Japanese nation, as such a move was not standard in previous iterations of the oath.200 Rituals further substantiated the connection between Vajrayāna and the Imperial House.
3.3.2 The Ritual Traditions of Fudō Myō-ō
Emphasis on ritual that bonded the practitioner with the deity invoked and its local adaptability were two essential features in the transmission of Vajrayāna Buddhism. While Saichō connections with Emperor Kammu allowed for Tendai to flourish, after Kammu’s death, the features of Shingon were particularly attractive to the courts and aristocracy, including the use of masculine deities and elaborate rituals, changing the nature of esoteric worship. In their introduction into Japan, Kūkai was quick to draw parallels between the Mahavairocana, meaning ‘Great Sun’ and the revered Shinto sun goddess Amaterasu, from which the Japanese Imperial line is said to descend, allowing for an easier embrace of the new pantheon.201 It wasn’t only royalty who were able to achieve a union, the Shingon sect, deriving from the Indian Yogacana tradition202, emphasized the goal of ecstatic union with the Universal Being, compared to the focus on individual consciousness of the Tendai school, and rituals like the homa could make this achievable, particularly for Fudō.
200 Ibid. 31.
201 Amaterasu was later said to be a manifestation of Mahavairocana, completing the assimilation. Ibid. 37.
202 This tradition traces back to India, and was passed to Kūkai through a long lineage tracing through China.
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3.3.2.1 Chakravartin King Ritual
The architect of the revised version of the Scripture of the Humane Kings, Amoghavajra or Bùkōng, emerged from the An Lushan Rebellion (Ch. 安史之乱) (755-763) with tight relations to the Tang royal family, having supported them when they were driven from the capital and performed rituals invoking Acala (Fudō) for the Tang emperor’s victory. After a victory left the heir with a decimated kingdom and the threat of rivalling factions, the imperial house turned to the emerging esoterism to replace the previously sanctioned Taoism, seemingly in an effort to try something new, and also seemingly under the influence of their close attendant Bùkōng. Bùkōng soon performed the ritual to make Emperor Suzhong a chakravartin king (Sk.: चक्रववतर्न्, Ch., Jp.: 轉輪王, Rj.: Tenrinjōō), or ‘wheel turning king’, meaning universal ruler. Thus, through the desire to remain in power after a severe struggle, and under the guidance of Bùkōng, the chakravartin role, which conflated with the Confucian concept of the sage-king, solidified the mixture of esoteric Buddhism and Confucianism.
The literary alterations of Bùkōng outlined above were among the first known adaptations that shaped the role of Fudō Myō-ō. This connection carried on in the Latter Seven Days Imperial Ritual, which assigned the emperor the role of the Chakravartin King, or king of all empires203. Using the now familiar technique of juxtaposition of Buddhist rituals and figures over existing rituals and figures, Kūkai established a festival to honor and authentical the imperial rule, relying on rituals performed by Bùkōng in China to adapt a ceremony to “secure the realm and validate the emperor’s right to rule as an ‘universal monarch’ (Cakravartin King) justified by
203 This title, meaning “through whom the Dharmachakra is turning”, and which has transformed along its travels into something like a divine right of kings, originally referred to Chandragupta Maurya of the 3rd or 4th century BCE.
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his support of Buddhism”.204 The ritual included a fire offering (homa ritual) to Fudō Myō-ō to prevent destruction and enhance prosperity.
3.3.2.2 The Homa Ritual
Accompanying this merging of Confucianism and Buddhism were rituals to legitimize the chakravartin through establishing the homa (Sk.: होम, Ch., Jp.: 護摩, Rj.: goma) and abhiṣeka.205 The homa is a fire ritual dating nearly a thousand years prior to the advent of Buddhism in Vedic practices that were incorporated into the Buddhist tradition through the 6th-8th centuries.206 Both Bùkōng and one of his core disciples, Huilin, are credited with having integrated the homa ritual with the ritual that designates imperial bodhisattvas. Using the verbal technique that Bùkōng devised to equate wisdom kings with sage kings, Buddhist monk Huilin (Ch. 慧琳) (733-817) used the term “jisi”, a word which indicates a high-level indigenous sacrifice, to describe the homa ritual, equating it to powerful existing Chinese rituals.
Fire rituals were a well-loved practice in themselves, and integration into Buddhism assisted its spread. One major transformation between the Chinese and Japanese practice of these rituals was that for Japan, practice extended beyond the elite few and have had a broader cultural appeal in the warrior class and aristocracy.207 In Japan, also, Fudō Myō-ō became one of the core deities to be approached through
204 Mack, K. “The Function and Context of Fudō Imagery From the 9th to 14th Century in Japan”. 120.
205 The homa ritual specifically invokes Fudō Myo-o as a protector is divided into subtypes junmitsu or ‘pure esoterism’ and zomitsu, or ‘diffuse esoterism’ in Japan, a tradition also imported from northern Buddhist practices in China, but that has its earliest roots over in pre-Buddhist Vedic rituals for the dead. Verardi, Giovanni. Homa and Other Fire Rituals in Gandhara. 45
206 Orzech, C. et al “Homa in Chinese Translations and Manuals from the Sixth through Eighth Centuries”. 266–268
207 Orzech, C “Homa in Chinese Translations and Mauals from the Sixth through the Eight Centuries”. 359.
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this ritual, indicating that, despite his privileged role elsewhere, he bore a unique significance in Japan.
3.4 Kūkai’s Role on Entering Japan
First and foremost, it must be acknowledged that the symbolic manifestations were adopted predominantly through the interpretations of Bùkōng that entwined existing political institutions with the Mikkyo philosophies, and the strategic actions of Kūkai in weaving Mikkyo into existing Mahāyāna Buddhist practices and further developing ties with political institutions, were reminiscent of Bùkōng ’s, as has been substantiated earlier in this chapter. After the time of Kūkai, there were several bureaucratic and social changes that inadvertently facilitated the spread of worship of Fudō and other esoteric figures, along with the growing martial affection for the figure found in temples and in Japanese society in general. These changes, enhanced by the aesthetic and narrative power of Vajrapāṇi figures paved the way for social and imperial martial adoptions of the figures in Japan that would extend past religious significance and exceeded the adoption of the figures in countries in which it had existed prior to entering Japan.
Fudō Myō-ō entered Japan as a relatively minor figure and grew to widespread popularity, with much greater religious significance than could be found in Baekje (Korea), China or India, through which the deity first passed. Much of the longevity and importance of Fudō within Japan derives from the legacy of Kūkai, who interpreted the character with special significance and positioning.
The first text and correlating ritual relating to Fudō to enter Japan predated Kūkai by over 150 years and was the Ninnō kyō sutra (En. Benevolent Kings Sutra, Ch., Jp. 仁王経), described earlier in its entry to China; it was called upon in 660 to support
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Japan’s militaristic endeavors against Korea (then Baekje). This early sutra directly references military benefit and was heavily promoted by Emperor Temmu and Jita, who built Kokubunji (En. National Temples, Jp. 国分寺) in 67 provinces, modeled after the Chinese system that sought to centralize power and focus widespread regions on state protection.
These heavily laced together Buddhism of the Nara Period, military power and government administration, but did not bring Fudō to the forefront by any stretch of the imagination. According to Bond, “Budong’s [sic]208 common description [of Fudō] as a subduer of demons and heretics… provide a doctrinal basis for the several Budong rituals designed to overthrow military forces”, (to which ends the goma (homa) ritual was applied); yet, early on, these rituals were practiced within imperial circles.209
Mack gives a multifaceted explanation of the entry and early adoption of Fudō, attributing part of the early proliferation of Fudō ’s imagery to the Myō-ō sculptures and symbolism of Tō-ji (Jp. 東寺), which adopt the Sanrinjin concept explained below and depict it in architectural form. The other factor she attributes early popularity to is the Imperial applications of the Latter Seven Days Imperial Ritual, which we will examine later one. No single factor will provide a complete picture as to the importance of this figure. Here we will isolate the specific feeders of the martial lineage of Fudō.
208 In Bond’s text, “Budong” is in reference to Amoghavajra or Bùkōng.
209 Bond,K. . Ritual and Iconography in the Japanese Esoteric Buddhist Tradition: The Nineteen Visualizations of Fudō Myo-o. 19-20.
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3.4.1 Sanrinjin Theory
To understand the status accorded Fudō upon entry to Japan, the Sanrinjin (Ch. 三輪身, En. Bodies of the Three Wheels or Three Chakra Bodies) theory must first be understood. The Sanrinjin theory of Buddhism derived from Indian Tantrism (Esoterism), suggests that each of the Nyorai (Jp. 如来. En. thus come) or Buddhas have three forms in which they appear in the world. These three forms are the “Jishorinj'in (Jp. 自 性 輪 身), the body of the Buddha's essence; the Shoborinj'in (Jp. 正 法 輪 身), a concrete form based on the latter, which appears to teach Buddhism, and the Kyoryorinjin (Jp. 教 令 輪 身), a terrifying form appearing upon Buddha's command to convert persons not turning to spiritual enlightenment”.210 Nyorai correspond to different directions and have affiliated Bodhisattvas and Wisdom Kings (Myō-ō) who are equated to the Buddha. Bùkōng’s (Amogavajra’s) switched the Acala (Fudō Myō-ō) character with the previously prioritized Gozanze as head of the Myō-ō and simultaneously interpreted the Godai Myō-ō (En. Wisdom Kings) (of which Fudō is a member), to be in the Sanrinjin, with Acala (Fudō) specifically understood as a kyōryōrin-shin of Buddha Mahavairocana.211 Fudō was also previously extolled in the works of Amoghavajra’s mentor, the patriarch212 Vajrabodhi (761-741), in which he was again cast as a protector of state and guardian deity, as explained by Bond.213 This shift towards the focus on Acala (Fudō) and towards integration of fierce deities occurred around the 6th century in India and made its way to Japan later and corresponded with an emphasis on the return of the
210 Matsunaga, Yukei. From Indian Tantric Buddhism to Japanese Buddhism. 155
211 Bond, K. Ritual and Iconography in the Japanese Esoteric Buddhist Tradition: The Nineteen Visualizations of Fudō Myo-o. 14-15
212 There are 8 great patriarchs in Shingon Buddhism
213 Bond, K. Ritual and Iconography in the Japanese Esoteric Buddhist Tradition: The Nineteen Visualizations of Fudō Myo-o. 14.-15
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aim of Buddhist practices to attainment of Buddhahood, away from the commonly accepted aim at that time of achieving worldly pleasures.214
3.4.2 Tō-ji Temple
Tō-ji (Ch., Jp. 東寺, Rj. Kyō-ō-gokoku-ji, a.k.a. Ch., Jp.: 教王護国寺), or ‘East’ Temple, also known as The Temple for the Defense of the Nation by Means of the King of Doctrines was a significant construction in the formation of esoteric Buddhist understanding, and it gives us a clear indication of the hierarchy espoused by Kūkai. Kūkai is understood to be the main protagonist in the promotion of the worship of wrathful divinities in Japan after his return from China around 813 CE (early Heian Era) through early Shingon Buddhism. In his lifetime, he established religious ideas and institutions that influenced subsequent generations and existing religious orders. He often prioritized Fudō, according to the previously established Sanrinjin theory equating Fudō with Mahavairocana.
In Tō-ji temple, one of the few Buddhist temples allowed in the nascent Heian capital Kyoto (and whose planning was entrusted to the discretion of Kūkai), was constructed a “… ritual altar for the worship of the five wrathful divinities… located against the northern wall of the inner chamber, its placement suggesting that the ritual's significance was second only to that of Mahāvairocana and his mandala.”215 Predominant shrine placement of Fudō in a capital temple by the man considered the architect of Shingon Buddhism (Kūkai), when given the liberty to establish a shrine
214 Matsunaga, Yukei. From Indian Tantric Buddhism to Japanese Buddhism.159
215 Abe, R. The Weaving of Mantra: Kūkai and the Construction of Esoteric Buddhist Discourse. 349
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in full accord with his sect, indicated the espoused importance of the figure from this influential 8th patriarch of Esoteric Buddhism.216
There has been some disagreement about the specific textual source of the architectural design at Tō-ji, which led many to believe it was built on an erroneous interpretation. However, Mack has made an important point that likely contributed to the subsequent adoption of Fudō as an essential figure. Mack demonstrated Tō-ji layout and inclusions as emphasizing the fierce or bestial aspects of the figures derived from Amoghavajra’s Ninno-kyo, in which:
After the introduction of Amoghavajra’s version, the Godairiki Bosatsu take on a fierce appearance under the influence of esoteric Buddhism. Their attributes remain largely consistent with the description in the earlier version of the Ninno kyō, but they are depicted with flaming hair, fangs, multiple eyes, chubby bodies and wearing animal pelts.217
This is in keeping with the trend after Kūkai of expansion of the wrathful deity aspects that first entered with the Niō door guardians and Yaksha generals.
Further, an intentional conflation with the Kongōkai mandara, which visually depicts the Sanrinjin theory, as explained earlier, equating the Myō-ō with the Buddha on certain levels. Mack states:
The superimposition of the Kongōkai Mandara over the Ninnōgyō Mandara is justified by the Sanrinjin theory of cakra bodies as presented in the Shōmuge kyō and Hizōki treatises, by which the three groups of Buddhas, Bodhisattvas, and Myō-ō can be understood as equivalent transformations manifested to serve different purposes.218
This choice, led by Kūkai, to construct the temple according to these two sources strengthened the position of the Myō-ō and focused on his role as a manifestation of the Buddha rather than an acolyte or servant.
216 The formal name of the temple, Kyō-ō-gokoku-ji (教王護国寺,) or ‘The Temple for the Defense of the Nation by Means of the King of Doctrines’, further substantiating the ties between the emerging Esoteric Buddhism and the State. Hakeda, Y. Kūkai and His Major Works. 7.
217 Mack, K. “The Function and Context of Fudō Imagery From the 9th to 14th Century in Japan”. 78
218 Ibid. 103
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3.4.3 Latter Seven Days Ritual
The Benevolent Kings Sutra exhibited Fudō ’s value to the imperial family. However, the rituals of the Goshichinichi Mishuhō (En. Latter Seven Days Imperial Ritual, Ch., Jp. 後七日御修法) featured the homa fire ritual for which Fudō was central. This ritual is described as an “all-encompassing esoteric ritual to sanctify the emperor and protect his realm, incorporating within it rituals for averting calamity, increasing prosperity, controlling rainfall, protecting the state, and anointing the ruler as a Chakravartin King”, and the same rituals had been introduced in China by Amoghavajra (705-774) years earlier were held for the first time in 835 CE and continued after his death by appointees.219 The goma (homa) fire ritual, mentioned earlier, became a core part of this ritual, featuring Fudō . Prior to Kūkai’s version, Fudō did not have a place in a similar ritual in Japan.
Kūkai was first permitted to perform esoteric rituals in 810 and utilized a version or scripture that entered Japan in the ninth century, written by Amoghavajra, which outlined secret rituals to influence real-world events that must be performed by highly trained individuals.220 This marked an important change in the role of the deities. No longer were they simply to instruct or elucidate points to the adherent, but they could be called upon to affect change. Fudō was among the wrathful group of primary deities called upon for this purpose.221 The purpose then, of Buddhist deities became to manifest change in the real world rather than to advance the spirituality of the adherent. Deities were utilized, perhaps not altogether unknowingly, as tools of
219 Ibid. 121, 131
220 This was in contrast to earlier versions which dominantly included lectures.
221 Not all deities called upon in secret ritual were wrathful. They typically split between two group of benevolent and wrathful and the deity summoned would depend on the nature of the circumstance and outcome desired. Mack, K. “The Function and Context of Fudō Imagery From the 9th to 14th Century in Japan”. 52, 138
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power.222 This factor of impacting real life, in a physically perceptible way, is attractive to those with martial concerns, though also to other groups within society.
222 One could claim that both Bùkōng reinterpretation and Kūkai’s continuance to integrate Fudō and the wisdom kings with imperial protection were indications that Buddhist deities and ritual had, since he early spread of Vajrayāna Buddhism, been used as tools to gain standing and power, but the presence of such a use shouldn’t be mistaken for implying that the belief wasn’t genuine.
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CHAPTER 4
THE EXPANSION AND MARTIAL INTEGRATION OF THE VAJRAPANI IN JAPAN
4.1 Background
The integration of Vajrapāṇi derived entities into the Japanese military is simpler to delineate than its entry into Japanese martial arts for a few reasons. There is a lot of uncertainty and myth surrounding the development of martial arts practices, and incentives to falsely bolster or reinterpret lineages. From our modern perspective, we also tend to distinguish more sharply between martial and non-martial applications in life whereas, in earlier times, the martial necessity of existence was known more thoroughly to your average human, particularly to men, and wouldn’t be as clearly distinguished. The distinctions between personal defense, national defense and martial systems aren’t defined in consensus, and martial considerations were more predominant in the past than in the average person’s life in the developed world today. Mikael Adolphson points out: “armed confrontations and incidents were part of the societies into which the Buddhist schools were introduced and thus were never disassociated from them.”223 It is only in modern centuries that the martial arts would be a distinct field rather than a part of everyday life.
For the purpose of this thesis, we will define the martial arts and martial arts philosophy bushido (Jp. 武士道, En. the way of the warrior) as the individual martial forms as they emerge in formalized styles. Prior to reaching these formalized and divided styles, there was an emergent martial culture founded in the militarization of
223 Adolphson, M “Monks, Courtiers and Warriors in Premodern Japan: The Secular Power of Enryakuji in the Heian and Kamakura Eras”. 6
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two core groups, the Sōhei (Jp. 僧兵), or warrior monks, and the bushi (Jp. 武士) or samurai. This chapter traces the entry into these military fields and beyond.
4.2 Pre-Japan Martial Integration of the Vajrapāṇi
Much like the literary and symbolic tradition of the character, the expansion of Vajrapāṇi derivative characters paralleled that within China and India before it. To understand the influences and uniqueness of the situation within Japan, therefore, we need to examine the preexisting conditions that in many cases influenced the trajectory within the country.
4.2.1 Martial Connections from India: From Nata to Chuan Fa to Kenpō
Prior to the existence of Buddhism in India, much less the Vajrapāṇi, the vajra was associated hand to hand combat. The method of hand-to-hand self-defense that originated out of the Kshatriya warrior class into which the Buddha Shakyamuni was born was called nata which was practiced in organized sequences, developed over time according to the success of their forms and techniques, and would be utilized according to the predicted specific necessities of a coming battle.224 Nataraja was the deity of these practices, and practitioners called Narayana (a name we will recognize from Ungyo, or Naraen Kongo, the closed-mouth Niō). When incorporated into Buddhism, the name of this artform became Vajramukti.
While various invasions in India led to these traditions having to alter into dance or mime to preserve themselves, some practices were brought by refugees to neighboring lands like China, where is became Chuan Fa, and Japan, where it became Kenpō. The transmission of nata (later kata in Japanese) and its
224 Dukes, T. Bodhisattva Warriors. 167
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substantiation in Buddhist literature is substantiated by Dukes. He also has a novel interpretation of the distinction between Mahāyāna and Vajrayāna schools of Buddhism, which by other analysts, has been admittedly a grey area topic, in saying “Buddhist schools which dealt with these powerful energies were in general called Vajrayāna (Thunderbolt Path) Schools”, seemingly suggesting that it was the physical and energetic practices distinguished Vajrayāna.
Dukes goes on to state that among the environment of Chinese Wu Shu (Ch. 武術) or local martial arts, in the militaristic societies that existed before Buddhism’s influence, the Buddhist Vajramukti began to be published, including the earliest and highly influential treatise, Lion’s Skill (Simhasiksa) (Shih Yu Hsu Hsiu Hsing), and the later ‘Tiger Striking’ or (Po Fu) which would appear hundreds of years later in the “Up Down Pretend Mudras” (Rj. Jotoka Shakushuin) of the Tang Dynasty.225 He interprets the Vajradhatu Mandala according to the defensive arts indicated in the mudras226; where his work is extensive, it won’t be covered here but it worth examining to see the continuous presence of martial themes through Vajrayāna Buddhism.
4.2.2 Shaolin Temple Influence on Chan Buddhism
Zen Buddhism arrived in Japan around the 13th century after having developed for centuries in China. It’s a school of Mahāyāna Buddhism that centers around direct embodiment and meditation, said to have been transmitted to China by Bodhidharma (Ch., Jp. 達摩) (440 – 528), an itinerant and colorful monk of disputed origin, around the 5th century. Rinzai Chan (Zen) Buddhism arrived in Japan in the 13th century
225 Ibid. 208
226 Ibid. 209-211
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form China due to the efforts of Myoan Eisai (Jp. 明菴栄西) (1141-1215). Whereas throughout the Nara and Kamakura periods, Vajrayāna Buddhism under Kūkai had become the primary Buddhist sect affiliated with protection of the state, and this was now to shift to Zen. There are many similarities between the two forms of worship found within their ancient texts and rituals, among other likenesses, this has led researchers to speculate that Chan (Zen) can be considered to have been ‘grafted on’ to Vajrayāna Buddhism, rather than having formed independently.227
Within China, the Shaolin monastery had begun to develop a form of martial arts that incorporated Zen Buddhist mental techniques, Daoist breathing and energy techniques and physical training had become widely known throughout the region. Particularly in the early centuries of Chan Buddhism, can we find relation to the Vajrapāṇi. While some sources credit Bodhidharma to be the patron of the Shaolin martial arts, Meir Shahar, who will be relied on for much of the information concerning Shaolin history in this chapter, demonstrates how the attribution to Bodhidharma was a misattribution of the 17th century, and the original patron, without dispute, was the Vajrapāṇi, in a form that very much resembled Fudō, but known to relate directly to the Kongo Rikishi in his dual form aspect. In modern times, due to Daoist interest in Bodhidharma, most monks now attribute the development of their martial arts to him.228 We will see here the earlier influence that the Vajrapāṇi had here through the 17th century.
While the Shaolin monks have a reputation today as excellent performing martial artists, this trend began around the 7th century, when their martial skills were put to much more practical means. From their early training period, the Shaolin have
227 Anderl, C, et al. Chan Buddhism in Dunhuang and Beyond. 355
228 Shahar, M. The Shaolin Monastery: History, Religion, and the Chinese Martial Arts. 173
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worshipped Vajrapāṇi. Stories within the Shaolin tradition indicated that the Vajrapāṇi’s strength could be transmitted to the adherent, given that they underwent often austere practices and proved worthiness. Shahar provides an example of such a story by Zhang Zhuo (660-741) about the monk Sengchou (480-560), in which a bullied monk begs the Vajrapāṇi for aid by appealing to his icon and hangs from the feet of the Vajrapāṇi statue for 7 days, after which the Vajrapāṇi appeared, forced him to break his vows by eating meat229 granted a superhuman physique and strength to drive away his tormenters and disappeared saying “Now, you are already extremely strong. However, you should fully uphold the [Buddhist] Teachings. Beware!”230
A steele was rebuilt at the temple in the early 12th century (supposed to have originally have been built as far back as the medieval period) depicting Vajrapāṇi (The Shaolin Stele Ch. 皇唐嵩岳少林寺碑) and stating “According to the scripture, this deity (Nârâyaÿa) is a manifestation of Avalokitešvara (Guanyin). If a person who compassionately nourishes all living beings employs this [deity’s] charm, it will increase his body’s strength (zengzhang shen li). It fulfills all vows, being most efficacious”.231 Bùkōng’s disciple Huilin (737-830) was also said to have stated that the Vajrapāṇi’s power could be transmitted through prayer.
Another story from the Ming Period (1368-1644) suggests that the Vajrapāṇi incarnated as a Shaolin worker and fought off bandits during the Red Turban Uprising, who were attempting to invade the monastery. The physicality of the figure, interestingly, mirrors descriptions of Bodhidharma, or Fudō, of Musashi:
There was a saint (shengxian) at Shaolin, who up until then had been working in the monastery’s kitchen. Several years he diligently carried firewood and
229 Though it is not the tradition of all sects to forego eating meat, it was the tradition of the protagonist, according to the story, and he did resist the initial request of the deity.
230 Shahar, M. The Shaolin Monastery: History, Religion, and the Chinese Martial Arts. P 36
231 Ibid. 42
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tended the stove. His hair was disheveled, and he went barefoot. Wearing only thin trousers, his upper body was exposed. From morning til night he hardly uttered a word, arousing no interest among his fellow monks. His surname, native place, and first name, were unknown. He constantly cultivated all the deeds of enlightenment.232
From this point, another stele was erected in the 16th century with the Vajrapāṇi bearing a staff. Prior to this story, the Vajrapāṇi was known to often hold his historically characteristic weapon, the Vajra and this thus signified the adoption of the staff and the role as the ancestor of the monastery’s staff skills.233 The rule breaking and Machiavellian nature of the Vajrapāṇi was already evident in this early tale.
Figure 16: “Shaolin Stele of Nârâyaÿa (Vajrapâni)”. Source: Shahar, M. The Shaolin Monastery: History, Religion, and the Chinese Martial Arts. University of Hawaii Press. p 4. 2008
232 Ibid. 83
233 Ibid
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During the 17th century the Shaolin monastery began focusing on hand-to-hand combat, and in a nearby town, the founder of Taiji Quan (Tai Chi), Chen Wangting, was developing the foundational texts for Tai Chi at the same time and with a very similar style to Shaolin Quan (Shaolin fist or hand- fighting style).234 Also, within the Henan area and around the same time several different martial arts began to develop. Martial artist authors like Ji Xingyi were said to spend years at Shaolin, a feat which would bolster their credentials; according to Shahar, “inventors of new fighting styles were supposed to have traveled to the monastery and mastered its techniques before creating their own superior ones”.235 All and all, Shaolin and the surrounding region (most likely due to the presence of Shaolin) became perhaps the most significant historical site of developing martial arts forms in China, notable including Xing Yi and Tai Chi, many of which were sectarian and religiously affiliated, and a great many of which looked to Shaolin to improve their technique, theory and authenticity.
Shahar makes three important points with regards to the Shaolin Vajrapāṇi. First, that the scripture that was quoted on the stele was altered to suggest that the warriors could embody strength rather than borrow it though some magical means. It is Shahar’s conclusion here that the “martial monks transformed a magic formula to suit their physical training agenda”.236 The resort to military training of the Shaolin Monastery is thought to be due to the necessity of fending off bandit attacks and aiding the nearby king. It seems circumstance influenced myth here, rather than vice versa. The Shaolin temple was also unique in revering Vajrapāṇi, where other temples held up different gods.
234 It is known that the Chen family were aware of the Shaolin legends due to inclusion in their writings. Ibid. 134
235 Ibid. 135
236 Ibid. 42
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Figure 17:“Staff-bearing Vajrapâni”. Shahar, M. (2008). The Shaolin Monastery: History, Religion, and the Chinese Martial Arts, University of Hawaii Press. P 84
Secondly, Shahar points out that, unlike other martial gods who were depicted wearing protective armor, part of the reason that the Vajrapāṇi became more easily affiliated with the martial arts was because of his semi-nude depictions238. Sculptors and painters were able to depict him with bulging, impossible musculature, portraying an entity for which the body became one’s weaponry. In his third major point, Shahar suggests that the Vajrapāṇi character acted as a means to sanction monastic violence. He suggests:
If Vajrapâni can descend from heaven to defend a Buddhist temple, then by implication his Shaolin devotees can resort to arms as well. That his legend was read in this way is indicated by several hymns in honor of the staff-wielding deity. The hymns seek moral grounds for the god’s military action in the Buddhist virtue of loving kindness. They suggest that the protection of the Buddhist faith—even if it involves violence—is an act of compassion.237
237 Ibid. 92
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As we can see from the stories involving the Vajrapāṇi at the Shaolin Monastery, new training seems to have been attributed to the tutelary deity, and he was made the patron of Shaolin as well as of the staff fighting style that derived from the monastery.
4.3 Expansion of the Vajrapāṇi and Esoteric Buddhism outside the Imperial Court
Esoteric rituals and practice were brought into importance in Japan with scriptures, with rituals, with imperial connections including the construction of Tō-ji, the Latter Seven Day Ritual, and the Five Altars Ritual, as outlined in the previous chapter. Within a short time, Shingon rituals began to interest the nobility, warriors and other groups through a series of socio-economic changes that had repercussions in the religious world. It was through the eventual impact of early bureaucratic and economic changes, that we see the extension of Vajrapāṇi characters into the development of warrior monk troupes, known as Sōhei (Jp. 僧兵), and the simultaneously into the developing warrior class, the bushi (Jp. 武士).
Spiritual interest wasn’t the sole driver of the expansion of esoteric Buddhism and thus the worship of Fudō and practice of rituals involving Fudō. The balance of power between shifting factions that arose throughout the 11th through 15th centuries that led to empowerment of esoteric sects and a shift of imperial favor away from the Mahāyāna Nara Buddhist sects of Tōdai-ji (Jp. 東大寺, En. Eastern Great Temple) and Kōfuku-ji (Jp. 興福寺), that had maintained priority positions in previous centuries by acting as sole providers of imperial Buddhist rituals under the
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ōbō buppō sōi ron (Jp. 王法仏法相依論) ideology or “Imperial law and Buddhist law”.238
4.3.1 Shifting of Power from Nara to Kyoto
There were a series of events that led to the establishment, support, independence and eventual militarization of esoteric temples, during which the role of Fudō extended past imperial protection into private and temple protection, and during which the esoteric sects were known to militarize. These factors were interwoven into various power struggles. In the early Heian Era (Jp. 平安時代, Rj. Heian jidai), the drive for the imperial family to reclaim some of the power and influence that had been accumulated by rising temples in Nara led Emperor Kammu (Jp.: 桓武天皇, Rj: Kanmu-tennō) (735-806) to move the imperial seat to Kyoto, away from temples like Kofukuji and Tōdai-ji which were gaining political power and influence. Emperor Kammu also began to fund different, competing sects of Buddhism, moving away from Nara’s Mahāyāna sects, and including Saichō’s Tendai sect at Enryakuji (Jp. 延暦寺) on Mt. Hiei and eventually Kūkai ’s Shingon Sect at Tō-ji Temple, mentioned in Chapter 2 of this thesis239.
These sects were then to grow in affluence and attention with the shift of the power dynamic to Kyoto, nearby which the new esoteric temples were situated. It was also Emperor Kammu who would send Saichō to China to further study the religious texts, indicating a great deal of imperial support for the rising Vajrayāna. Likewise, during Kammu’s rule, there was also a move to privatization of land and
238 240 Toshio, K. “The Imperial Law and the Buddhist Law”. 104
239 Adolphson. “Monks, Courtiers and Warriors in Premodern Japan: The Secular Power of Enryakuji in the Heian and Kamakura Eras”. 35
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an end to conscription of peasants as soldiers.240 This would lead to the development of samurai retainers as personal protection of large estates by nobility in the secular world, and the increasing buildup of large estates or shoin (Jp. 書院) and eventual militarization to protect these estates by Buddhist sects.
Furthermore, certain measures were passed that allowed Kyoto Buddhist sects more independence from Nara sect control; this was accomplished with the substitution of the preexisting sogo (Jp. 僧綱) system (which allowed Nara temples to hold leverage over newer temple appointments) with the Zoku Betto system, which evened out the playing field for the Kyoto based sects.241 While these abbots were now appointed by the emperor, the release from the control of other competing sects gave growing esoteric Buddhist sects more freedom, and with the confidence of imperial control of abbot appointment, gave esoteric Buddhist temples in Kyoto more direct support.242
Due in part to the tax relief policies under which religious establishments operated, and due to the necessity of diversifying support from outside of the imperial family, Buddhist estates were able to strengthen economic ties and expand their estates, donors and clients over time. Temple and shrine networks that connected with merchants began to form because the Buddhist temples could offer tax havens and having branch temples could support the head temple during any appeals to the capital. This had the effect of tying in secular interests to the estates or attracting non-religious interest to temple participation and affiliation. When the economic power of the temples began to grow, so did their attractiveness for other parties. It is alleged that the divide between Enryakuji and Onjoji occurred because
240 Ibid
241 Ibid. 32-37
242 Ibid. 38
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of the abbot, Jie Daishi Ryōgen (Jp. 良源) (912-985) prioritizing of aristocratic-born monks, which led to the “Jimon-Sanmon” split within Tendai243. Through Ryōgen, patronage was ensured, burned buildings were restored, and renewed interest was focused on the esoteric Tendai school.
Adolphson, in his history of Enryakuji, demonstrates how it was the plan of imperial figures like Emperor Shirakawa (Jp. 白河天皇) (1053-1129) to institute their family members as monks to balance the power of other factions.244 Clearly, however, there was a novel politicization of the position of abbot among the imperial family, both active and retired. As the power potential of the temples grew, they attracted many aristocratic monks, until these aristocratic monks filled the high ranks in many monasteries and caused rifts between their positions and the lay monks.
4.4 The Emergence of the Sōhei, or Warrior Monks
The specific emergence of the Sōhei (Jp. 僧兵) (warrior monks), is disputed, as is the reason for their emergence. Adolph, compiling research on the matter, explains the extant theories of this emergence, which I will briefly summarize here. Some calculate that the primitive form of the Sōhei emerged at Enryakuji under Ryōgen’s (who personally had a connection to the deity Fudō, which we will delve into in the next section) time as abbot in the 10th century, when the first known conflicts occurred between Enryakuji and Onjoji (a rival temple); others claim that it was the entry of Heian era nobles who retained warriors into the monastery, others yet claim the monks were corrupted by worldly possessions, that clergy recruited armed
243 Ibid. 49
244 Ibid. 79
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commoners to protect their estates, or that commoners who were evading taxes had joined the clergy, bringing their own weapons245.
It should be noted that aside from the militarization, Fudō was a predominant figure in these circles, Ryōgen himself was known to identify with Fudō Myō-ō , as one of his core associations, and to have taken his form convincingly in ritual.246 The most convincing explanation is that a number of socio-political considerations arose that made the temples more independent and needing of military protection, including the potential for tax relief, expanding estates and secular funding, and the opening of monkhood to aristocratic persons. These measures likely necessitated the development of protective measures, including the amassment of sprawling estates, vicious competitiveness between monasteries, as well as being influenced by the secular militarization found elsewhere in society.247
Imperial bureaucratic weakening, entry of nobles into abbot and monk positions, and the increased interweaving of secular interests in the temples saw the emergence of more armed monks. The 11th century is considered a period of militarization among monks, who competed in relatively frequent and often violent skirmishes between clans and by the 13th and 14th centuries; in this time, sōhei were fully developed.248 These warrior monks, sōhei, didn’t get along with the samurai, or bushi who emerged around the same time, or with the sōhei from other temple sects due to competition for imperial favor and privileges. The inter-temple conflicts that arose between sōhei of different sects weren’t religious in nature and rather had to do
245 Adolphson, M. “The Teeth and Claws of the Buddha: Monastic Warriors and Sōhei in Japanese History”. 8
246 Wakabayashi, H. “From Conqueror of Evil to Devil King: Ryο̄gen and Notions of Ma in Medieval Japanese Buddhism”. 481-507
247 Adolphson, M. “The Teeth and Claws of the Buddha: Monastic Warriors and Sōhei in Japanese History”. 7
248 Ibid. 63
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with power struggles to achieve or maintain imperial favor. Speaking on Enryakuji, historian Adolphson states, “[T]here is little doubt that the most violent and intense conflicts were over religious appointments… the monks’ first concern was to maintain the temple’s position as a protector of the state and as a preferred provider of religious rituals”.249
Fudō’s popularity grew, as did his presence in temples in the Heian Era. Mack states “Rituals invoking Fudō or the Five Great Myō-ō became so prevalent that it became almost de rigueur for nearly all large-scale temples to have at least one esoteric hall related to the Myō-ō, such as a hall dedicated to Fudō (Rj. Fudōdō, Jp. 不動堂), the Five Great Myō-ō (Rj. Godaidō, Jp. 五大堂), or for a fire offering (Rj. Gomadō, Jp. 護摩堂)” within which were held the Fudō Ritual (Rj. Fudōbō, Jp. 不動法) and the Five Altar Ritual (Rj. Godanhō, Jp. 五壇法), which accentuated the symbolism and imagery of Fudō, thereby helping to spread it.250 Later, subjugation rituals would gain popularity and would continue to be used to reinforce state power, such as for quashing the Masakado rebellion (RJ. Tengyō no Ran, Jp. 天慶の乱) and for defending Kyoto from the impending attacks of the Enryakuji monks in 1113 and 1170, and again to dispel the quarreling monk factions in 1213, 1258 and 1264.251 Fudō rituals were frequently relied on in these tumultuous times and the status of Fudō would take on a life of its own outside the palace.
249 Adolphson, M. “Monks, Courtiers and Warriors in Premodern Japan: The Secular Power of Enryakuji in the Heian and Kamakura Eras”. 94
250 Mack, K. “The Function and Context of Fudo Imagery From the 9th to 14th Century in Japan”. 172-3
251 Ibid. 209-10
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4.4.1 Ryōgen’s Embodiment of Fudō
It is within these liminal figures such as Fudō Myō-ō, poised on the edge of worldly and ethereal concerns, that the aspirant has the most clearly defined access of the layman to transcendental faith, as these figures provide the rationalization for traversing the gaps between spiritual conditions that the faith professes. This liminal role of Fudō is perhaps clearly defined in the case of Jie Daishi Ryōgen (良源) (912-985). In the year 981, famed Enryaku-ji reformer Ryōgen’s powerful connections with Emperor Murakami (Jp. 村上天皇, Rj. Murakami-tennō) (924 –967) as a gojiso (Jp. 御持イ曽) (priest in charge of imperial protective prayers as established by the Scripture of Humane Kings), established solid political connections between the clergy and Emperor Murakami and as well as a reputation for personal affiliation with Fudō-Myō-ō; this connection was established due to the skill in ritual performance by Ryōgen, in which Ryōgen was believed to be able to embody Fudō Myō-ō .252
This connection was evidenced in iconographic representation for centuries, indicating that significance of the perceived embodiment of the Fudō Myō-ō by Ryōgen, and the continued appeals to strengthen of the connection between religious order and imperial house. Tendai monks of Enryakuji as late as 1211 performed rituals to Ryōgen represented as Fudō Myō-ō, to protect the monastery from attack, providing a written explanation of the need for their devotions that pointedly connected the enemies of the dharma to enemies of the imperial house; the principle of which was, according to Wakabayashi, "The country's peace and stability and the
252 Wakabayashi, H. “From Conqueror of Evil to Devil King: Ryο̄gen and Notions of Ma in Medieval Japanese Buddhism.” 488
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prosperity of the Buddhist Law depended on each other as the two wheels of a cart or the two wings of a bird.”253
Rituals surrounding Ryōgen continued into the Muromachi period, and were entwined with the establishment of Hongaku Thought (Jp. 本覺思想, Rj. hongaku shisō), a concept that emphasized the oneness of opposites, in some sense equating Mara the tempter with the Buddha, leaving the distinction that Buddha, while experiencing the temptations and negative aspects of Mara, was in control of them. In such a dynamic, rivalling the Manichaean tendency to side with good or evil and engage actively in the promotion of one side of affairs, in this unifying perspective, power or control is instead the primary focus. The symbolism of Fudō Myō-ō will further our understanding of the relevance of a unity of opposites.
4.4.2 Fudō Worship and Austerity in Shugendō
Shugendō (Jp. 修験道) is a syncretic religious practice that blended ancient Shinto, Daoist, Buddhist and shamanistic beliefs and practices. Fudō was the core deity for Shugendō practice, associated with mountain austerity, and rituals often involved embodying the entity were common. According to Hitoshi, a core mountain ritual of Shugendō involved embodying Fudō Myō-ō , and the practitioner was thought to have achieved a capability of the deity once performed.254 The mountain was symbolic of the universe to the Shugenji (adherents of Shugendō) and Fudō was the figure able to draw an individual into a community with universal influence; Fudō was the core deity of a wide variety of Shugendō practices in which “… the more common approach is to have the shugenji experience identity with Fudō Myō-ō , and
253 Ibid. 489-490
254 Miyake H. Religious “Rituals in Shugendō: a Summary”. 108
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have the evil activity cease through manipulating the supernatural power of Fudō Myō-ō or his retinue”.255 Hitoshi States that this identification, most often with Fudō, was one of the core tenets of Shugendō ritual.
Fudō was said to have appeared in 859 before Shugendō monk So-o (Jp. 相応) (831-918) during his thousand days of austerity at Katsuragawa, at which time the monk “leaped into the falls to embrace the deity. Instead, he collided with a large log, which he then dragged out and carved into the image of Fudō he had just seen. The image was enshrined, and the temple built around it was names Myō-ō-in.”256 He constructed the Myō-ō-do Hall in Hiei, a center for the kaihōgyō (Jp. 回峰行) or circumambulatory monks. These monks were most notable for connecting athletic practices to their spirituality.
The circumambulation is an arduous path between 6-7 hours long, dotted with ritual practices at intermittent stations and undertaken with a series of specific rules by adherents, which should then be repeated daily, along with other ritual tasks and chores, by the monks for 100 days. It is a process said to cause severe discomfort, including frostbite, infection, fevers, and other problems that eventually give way to steadiness and concentration towards the 70th day; the whole time during which, “…the monk also runs in time with the Fudō Myō-ō mantra he continually chants”.257 They were originally said to have carried a dagger and rope, much like the vajra and noose carried by Fudō himself, and to wear a hat that symbolizes the deity; in failing, they are to use the tools to kill themselves.258 The monks fast and undertake painful austerities hoping to unite with Fudō.
255 Ibid. 113
256 Stevens, J. The Marathon Monks of Mount Hiei. 58
257 Ibid 68
258 Rhodes, R. "The Kaihogyo Practice of Mt. Hiei". 195
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The mantra that is repeated is “Namaku samanda basarada senda makaroshana sowataya un tarata kamman” or "I dedicate myself to the universal diamond, may this fury be destroyed! He who harkens to My Law shall gain enlightenment he who knows My Heart will be a Buddha in the flesh."259 For the monks (Rj. gyoja) that attempt the 1000 days circumambulation trial, which is spread over 7 years, they must also undergo a nine-day fasting period, doiri, meant to purify them by bringing them to the brink of death. During the doiri, the gyoja must recite the Fudō mantra 100,000 times without sleep, food or water, and when the gyoja comes into Kyoto to bless people, he “…is considered to be a vehicle, if not an incarnation, of the great saint Fuso [sic] Myō-ō260, with the capability of transferring his merit to others.”261 There are several other austerities and painful rituals that the gyoja may undertake.
Shugendō influenced outside the sphere of the mountain in a few ways. The gyoja, commonly known as yamabushi (Jp. 山伏) was popular among townsfolk, who would come to meet them during their excursions to town, or who would go to visit the accomplished monks for guidance. Media likewise popularized the practice in modern times. Shugendō was also thought to integrate many of their unique rituals, Buddhists practices and gods into folk religions due to their frequent involvement in local shrines.262 The practitioners were not wholly removed from imperial life. Notoriously, So-o was called to the palace to resolve a toothache using his spiritual powers, and until even the Meiji Era monks were called to the palace to perform rituals.
259 Keene, D. Traditional Japanese Theater, 203-204
260 Original spelling is used.
261 Stevens, J. The Marathon Monks of Mount Hiei. 75-77
262 Miyake, H. “Religious Rituals in Shugendō.” 113-114
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During the pre-WWII era, in the 1930s, Shugendō was taken to be a prime example of Japanese uniqueness and military characteristic, was associated with combat training, and was promoted by local governing bodies as cultivating the Japanese mind and body. Under the policies of Nihon shugi (En. Japanism, Jp. 日本主義), which refer to Japanese militarism and nationalism, even civilians were expected to militarize and show uniformity for the national cause. Masataka points out that major publications were released about Shugendō (in a time where publications were highly regulated and propagandistic), including Wakamori Tarō’s Shugendōshi kenkyū (Jp. 修験道史研究) (A study of the history of Shugendō) and Murakami Toshio’s Shugendō no hattats (Jp. 修験道の発達) in which Shugendō was represented as a deep part of Japanese ethnic culture and also tied to combat training.263 This paired with the introduction of group mountain climbing to draw further attention to the religion and their practices.
4.4.3 Subjugation and Birth Rituals for Political Success
The ritual that was most martially significant was the Chōbuku (Jp. 調伏), or Subjugation or Adversaries, and in its tenth century usage it was tightly tied to fortification of the state. Mack provides the most detailed outlines of the various uses of these rituals. To put down rebellions, rituals like the Fudō Security and Pacification Ritual (Rj. Anchinhō, Jp. 安鎮法) were held at Enryakuji, and the Five Altar Ritual was held in the imperial temple developed by Shirakwaw, Hosshōji (Jp. 法性寺); many Goma rituals were also held to subjugate the enemies of the imperial
263 Masataka, S Et al. “A Critical History of the Study of Shugendō and Mountain Beliefs in Japan”. 52
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house and court.264 In the early 12th century, the Benevolent Kings Ritual and Five Altar Ritual continued to be used against invading warrior monks. When Minamoto no Yoritomo was establishing the Kamakura Shogunate, he ordered protective statues of Fudō constructed. When attacked twice by the Mongols, Fudō was among the core deities invoked for protection.265 Meanwhile, opposition to the Kamakura shogunate, Emperor Godaigo (Jp. 後醍醐天皇) (1288-1339) would also hold Fudō-based rituals in secret,266 aimed against the shogunate, including the Five Altar Ritual. Fudō was emulated and worshipped on all sides of conflicts in these tumultuous times, in the warrior class, among the imperial household and among the esoteric religious orders. Mack succinctly summarizes growing affiliation of Fudō with the warrior class in stating:
The function of Fudō and the Five Great Myō-ō gradually expanded from the protection of the state to service the individual interests of discrete factions in power struggles and armed conflict. Along with this expanding function, a patronage shift can be seen from the state and the emperor to the nobility and their retainers and finally to the warrior class itself. In addition, the images, the rituals, and the priests who performed them were part and parcel of the Buddhist establishments that, in addition to invoking divine support and creating a rhetoric of legitimacy, supplied substantive assistance of armed forces, protection as sanctuaries, and even became centers of command on occasion.267
Childbirth and protection rituals and the Five Altar Ritual, prominently featuring Fudō, were in fashion among the Shogun of the 12th and 13th centuries not solely for the healthy birth of a child but for successful political maneuvering. Mack outlines a large retinue of Shoguns who had rituals performed for their birth from the late 12th to the mid-13th century.268 Fudō was also believed to be able to heal and the Fudō Ritual
264 Mack, K. “The Function and Context of Fudo Imagery From the 9th to 14th Century in Japan”. 206-207
265 Ibid. 213
266 According to Mack, these rituals were disguised a childbirth ritual. Ibid. 214
267 Ibid. 215-6
268 Ibid. 170-190
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was used for the ailments and illnesses of many emperors and empresses. Mack concludes “Fudō and the Five Great Myō-ō, along with Kannon and the healing Buddha Yakushi, were the deities most commonly invoked for the restoration of health”, and further suggests that health itself was of concern not independently of political and thus, tangentially martial consequences.269 Through the diversified ritual offering, the figure was able to expand into circles seeking political power in and around the imperial family.
4.5 Fudō among Warriors of the Feudal Era
Fudō Myō-ō has been called the “patron saint of Budo”,270 and his meaning is entwined throughout the philosophies of budo (Jp. 武道) or ‘the way of the warrior’, which have informed the martial communities in Japan since the 16th century, with significant elaboration in the literary and philosophical works of the 17th century. Prior to this, the term bujutsu (Jp. 武術) (En. martial craft) describes the earliest shared martial systems. To describe the difference between the two, Draeger points out “The bujutsu are combative systems designed by and for warriors to promote self-protection and group solidarity. The budo are spiritual systems, not necessarily designed by warriors or for warriors, for self-protection of the individual.”271 Yet, none of these indicate the earliest arrival of martial attention of emphasis in Japan, they simply indicate a period when people began to be conscious of it and to put a name to it. Warrior stories are traceable to the earliest written records of culture in Japan, and evident in haniwa or
269 Ibid 200
270 Stevens, J, Budo Secrets: Teachings of the Martial Arts Masters. 6
271 Draeger, D. Classical Bujutsu: Volume I. The Martial Arts and Ways of Japan. 8
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clay funereal figurines272, even as early as the Jōmon period (Jp. 縄文時代 Rj. Jōmon jidai), which ends about 300 BCE.
Figure 18: “Breastplate with Fudo of Ashikaga Takauji”. Public Domain Dedication. Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/O- yoroi_Armor_of_Ashikaga_Takauji#/media/File: Armor_(Yoroi)_MET_DT305555.jpg
After the death of Minamoto, no Yoritomo (Jp. 源 頼朝) (1147 –1199), who first shifted ruling power from the imperial household and established the bakufu (Jp. 将軍職) or military government, the strict code of the bushi, or skilled warriors, began to wane. Decadence and corruption began to grow in the warriors under subsequent shogun, until Ashikaga Takauji (JP. 足利 尊氏) (1305- 1358), a general in the Kamakura Shogunate, joined Emperor Go-Daigo (Jp. 後醍醐天皇) (1288 -1339) in overthrowing the existing shogunate during the Kenmu Restoration (Jp.建武の新政, Rj. Kenmu no shinsei) (1333-1336), an attempt to return power to the Imperial House from the bakufu. While still claiming loyalty to the Imperial house, he reestablished
272 Ibid 3
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Kamakura and later supported the Southern Court against Go-Daigo, his former ally.273 While his allegiance to a specific emperor could be questioned, imperial allegiance was a theme throughout his military career, and time as Shogun. Evidence of the importance of Fudō for the Ashikaga bakufu can be found in the armor (Rj. ō-yoroi, Jp. 大鎧) of Takauji, which bares the image of Fudō on the breastplate (See Figure 21). According to the MET’s description (where it is currently held), “The breastplate is covered with stenciled leather bearing the image of the powerful Buddhist deity Fudō Myō-ō , whose fierce mien and attributes of calmness and inner strength were highly prized by the samurai”.274 It may be that Fudō was still a symbol of imperial protection at the time of the establishment of the Muromachi, he was certainly a symbol known to warriors, and was a common figure featured in blade carvings past this time.275
There were other notable figures of these transitional times who used Fudō’s likeness or symbolism. Legendary warrior Takeda Shingen (Jp. 武田 信玄) (1521-1573) was known for bringing banners into battle that read “Quick as wind”, “Still as Forest”, “Conquer like fire”, “Immovable as a mountain”, seemingly a reference to Sun Tzu’s 18th principle of maneuvering “In raiding and plundering be like fire, in immovability like a mountain”,276 yet Takeda was known to revere Fudō, so there may have been a dual import in the quality of immovability. According to Turnbull, “Legend tells us that after his head had been shaved and he had taken his Buddhist name, Shingen commanded a portrait to be painted of him in the likeness of the god Fudō, ‘the immovable one’, saying ‘Even if our neighbors attack our lands after my
273 Sansom, G. A History of Japan, 1334–1615. 34.
274 Met Museum. “Armor (Yoroi) of Ashikaga Takauji (1305–1358), early 14th century. https://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/22506
275 Sato, K. The Japanese Sword. 64
276 Trans. Giles, L. Sun Tzu on the Art of War: The Oldest Military Treatise in the World.
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death, if they see this picture of me, they will be deterred from doing anything serious!’”277 Further, he was known to exhibit the vajra on his military flag and sashimono (Jp. 指物) or military banner in battle; likewise, Ikeda Tsuneoka (Jp. 池田 恒興) (1536 –1584), a successful retainer of Oda Nobunaga (Jp. 織田信長) (1534-1582) displayed Fudō on his banner and Tokugawa Ieyasu’s (Jp. 徳川家康) (1543- 1616) messenger wore a symbol of Fudō on his sashimono.278 LaRocca states of Fudō “He is considered to be the first of twelve buddhas who receive the souls of the dead and guide them to the eternal care of Dainichi Nyorai… Images of Fudō frequently appear in the decoration of Japanese armor and weapons”.279 He seems to have represented a number of different angles on the battlefield.
4.5.1. Nanboku-chō Period Shift to Militarism
By the 14th century, another change began to take place. There was a shift in power over time, due to the uncertainty and conflicts in the Nanboku-chō (En. Northern and Southern Courts Period, Jp. 南北朝時代) period (1336-1392) in which social status and influence became more closely tied to military might than status within the nobility.280 Due to this shift, the influence that nobility had over the monasteries began to deteriorate; likewise, the influence monasteries had over the imperial household began to decline. Violence was exercised as a means to power by different parties. This period had an effect on non-military persons as well. During this time, of the sōhei within the monasteries, Adolphson states “There is strong evidence that many of those monastics had as their sole vocation the art of war and owed no
277 Turnbull, S. Kawanakajima 1553-64: Samurai Power Struggle. 15-16
278 Turnbull, S. Samurai Heraldry. 30, 58, 59
279 LaRocca, D. The Gods of War: Sacred Images and the Decoration of Arms and Armor. 25.
280 Conlan, T. The Culture of Force and Farce: Fourteenth-Century Japanese Warfare.
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administrative duties to the temple under whose name they operated”.281 In analyzing court diaries, he further states that though the monasteries were the seat of the development of the sōhei, and they developed under the auspices of Buddhist rule, their conduct and precepts at this point didn’t likely involve religious justifications or motivations whereas the codependence of Buddhism and the state was emphasized, there was a “lack of expressed religious justification for monastic violence”.282 Likewise, as power began to shift to the Ashikaga bakufu, Buddhist claims to protect the state, which centered around imperial protection, began to decrease.283 Despite these changes, With the heightened relevance of martial understanding, systems began to be codified and martial groups to grow independent from the temples.
4.6 Martial Treatises of the 17th Century
Martial arts can be generally said to emerge as an institution in the 17th century. Interest in Fudō or Vajrapāṇi entities was evident in the religious martial philosophers, as well as other writings. Fudō, along with deity Marishiten were worshipped for protection and made a part of graduation rituals in the dojo and martial understanding, like mikkyo rituals, were kept as guarded secrets.284 It is during the prolonged relative peace of the Tokugawa Era that distinct martial arts styles began to develop, along with corresponding philosophies. In this period, the practice of formerly religious activities associated with deriving certain mental or physical states, can be seen to be disassociated with adherence to a religion. First, herein, we will look at Vajrapāṇi lineage involvement in the martial arts treatises of
281 Adolphson, M. “The Teeth and Claws of the Buddha: Monastic Warriors and Sōhei in Japanese History”. 53
282 Ibid 159
283 Ibid 53
284 Ed. Green, T, et al. Martial Arts of the World: An Encyclopedia Volume 1: A-Q. 490
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this time, then we will examine the important social changes that broke the bonds of religion and martial arts for the time.
4.6.1 Takuan Sōhō’s Immovable Wisdom
The first major work involving the two was an essay-letter trio written to Yagyu Munenori (Jp. 柳生 宗矩) (1571-1646), a famous Edo-era swordsman of the Yagyu Shinnkage School and instructor of shoguns and retainers, from Takuan Sōhō (Jp. 沢庵宗彭) (1573-1645), influential Rinzai Buddhist and son of a ronin, titled The Mysterious Record of Immovable Wisdom285 (Jp. 不動智神妙録, Rj. Fudōchi Shinmyōroku); this was written to the samurai class, to “seek to unify the spirit of Zen with the spirit of the sword”.286 This treatise advocates the cultivation of Fudōshin (Jp. 不動心, En. immovable heart), of which is said:
Fudōshin (which follows from the cultivation of mushin) means “immovable heart” or “spirit,” which means that one understands what an opponent is going to do before the attack. When attacked, one is never surprised, the mind and nerves are calm, and what is appropriate to the situation is done. Even the feeling “This is the enemy” means that the mind is moving. “Empty mind” gives rise to Fudōchi (immovable wisdom).287
In his philosophy, Sōhō delineates the importance of attaining an ‘immovable wisdom’, meaning that the mind does not stop at all, when a stop would create an abiding place through which the warrior may be cut down or the Buddhist adherent taken by delusion. In this treatise’s introduction, he summarizes the importance of Fudō in stating:
Fudō Myō-ō grasps a sword in his right hand and holds a rope in his left hand. He bared his teeth and his eyes flash with anger. His form stands firmly, ready to defeat the evil spirits that would obstruct the Buddhist Law. This is not hidden in any country anywhere. His form is made in the shape of a protector of Buddhism, while his embodiment is that of immovable wisdom.
285 This was later retitled The Unfettered Mind: Writings from a Zen Master to a Master Swordsman
286 Already in the title and parties involved we see a high level of martial entwinement.
287 Ed. Green, T., et al. Martial Arts of the World: An Encyclopedia Volume 1: A-Q. 337
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Seeing this form, the ordinary man becomes afraid and has no thoughts of becoming an enemy of Buddhism. The man who is close to enlightenment understands that this manifests immovable wisdom and clears away all delusion. For the man who can make his immovable wisdom apparent and who is able to physically practice this mental dharma as well as Fudō Myō-ō, the evil spirits will no longer proliferate. This is the purpose of Fudō Myō-ō ’s tidings.288
This philosophy is then extended into an analysis of the pupil untrained in martial arts, who will respond without attention to form nor notion of technique or strategy.
This state of fluidity is similarly the goal of the master martial artist, a concept that carries forward into modern martial philosophies. Mushin, or the Zen art of ‘no mind’ has been equated with ‘Flow state’, an idea developed by Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi and applied to a variety of creative or competitive endeavors. Csikszentmihalyi praised Eastern religious attitudes towards energy conservation in his chapter on Yoga and the Martial Arts, albeit with a primary focus on Indian yogic practices and referenced Daoist and Zen Buddhist “consciousness-controlling skills” without direct reference to mushin.289 Krein and Ilundain would later engage in a deeper study of this comparison.290
While today, Mushin might not be as popular a term in modern martial arts fields, however, ‘flow state’ has remained prominent in popular martial arts culture, as a quick google search will reveal any number of contemporary blogs, martial arts systems and guide books names after and referencing ‘flow state’, and even a number of gyms taking their name from the concept. Particularly in Brazilian Jiu Jitsu (BJJ), has the idea of ‘flow’ taken root, with ‘flow rolling’ found internationally as a common warmup among practitioners (though admittedly more popular in western
288 Sōhō, T. The Unfettered Mind: Writings of the Zen Master to the Sword Master. 5
289 Csikszentmihalyi, M. Flow: The Psychology of Optimal Experience. 105-6
290 Krein, K. et al. “Mushin and Flow: an East-West Comparative Analysis”.
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cultures).291 ‘Flow sparring’ has become a practice integrated into boxing, muay Thai and kickboxing gyms in the west to allow for extended sparring training without taking the at-times excessive damage of full-force sparring. The emphasis here is movement and response, paralleling the philosophies of Sōhō. Sōhō’s theories were to influence subsequent martial thinkers, as we will see in the next chapter.
4.6.2 Suzuki Shōsan’s Nio Zen
A second important work concerning Fudō and the Kongo Rikishi came from 17th century monk Suzuki Shōsan (1579-1655) (鈴木正三), who introduced a martial philosophy centered around the Niō and Fudō based on their role, their physical symbolism, and their effect on observers. Shōsan entered the clergy from his long life as a samurai retainer in a time when Buddhism was thought to be deteriorating and, in his own words, “in full decline”, having lost its vital energy. This was thought to be due to the Zen clerics having become rich and standardized their practices, and was a condition to which many responded with new ideas, often seeking answers in antiquity.292 He saw a solution to that in Fudō and the Niō (Kongō Rikishi) and preached this way, as recorded by his disciple Echu:
One day he gave instruction. He said “When you practice Buddhism, make the Buddha-image your models. And talking of Buddha-images, a beginner won’t ever reach Nyorai zazen by gazing at an image of the Nyorai. Let him gaze instead at an image of a Guardian King or of Fudō, and let him do Guardian King zazen. Indeed, I’ve realized that the Guardian Kings are the gateway to Buddhism, and that Fudō is the starting point of the Buddhas. That’s why the Guardian Kings stand at the gate and why Fudō is the first of the Thirteen Buddhas. If you don’t get their energy the passions will defeat you. All you need do is act with whole effort from strength of spirit… I just dispose myself so as to conquer all things with a buoyant spirit, twenty-four hours a day. Everyone should get the unshakable energy of the Guardian
291 Many modern BJJ gyms use ‘flow rolling’ for injured or newer practitioners, or to come up with new responses to attacks, as it is a slower, less aggressive or forceful way to roll, instead relying on immediacy of response.
292 Braverman, A. Warrior of Zen: The Diamond-Hard Wisdom Mind of Suzuki Shosan.
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Kings or of Fudō, then they should practice with it and destroy bad karma and the passions.”293
Shōsan states that he was unaware of any other sect or clergyman preaching a similar approach to approaching images. He would often imitate the form of the Niō. It is said of him that “Shōsan himself generally recited the nembutsu with clenched fists and gritted teeth, as though beating off a thousand spiritual demons. This too was the way he meditated in silence. He urged people to catch the spirit of the Niō, the Guardian Kings who keep watch at the temple gates, and indeed he often struck the fierce pose of a Niō, by way of illustration”.294 The energy of the Guardian Kings and Fudō, according to Shōsan, would lead to Tokinokoe zazen, or “zazen that works amidst war cries.”295
4.7 Wartime Nationalism and Bushido
While Shōsan failed to develop much of a following for his own philosophy of Buddhism, though he was an influential figure. He spoke directly to warriors and from the perspective of a dedicated, life-long samurai who had served under Shogun Tokugawa Ieyasu. His philosophy tied the energy of zazen to the practice of military arts, and even suggested that one was able to reach meditative concentration while in practice. According to Brian Daizen Victoria, in Zen at War, Suzuki Shōsan was quoted in one of the tomes of Japanese martial philosophy, the Hagakure (Jp. 葉隱, En. Book of fallen Leaves), a book that would again become relevant in Japanese military philosophy during the buildup to the second world war.296 Victoria also
293 Shōsan, S. Selected Writings of Suzuki Shosan. 75
294 Ibid. 4
295 Ibid.
296 Victoria, B. Zen at War: Second Edition. 293.
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points out that Shōsan and Sōhō were key figures in forming ‘soldier Zen’ or ‘imperial-state Zen’ that were exercised in World War II.297
It is clear that the representational aspect of Fudō (and to a lesser degree the Niō) in direct relation to its applicability to internal and external martial arts was in consideration during this period by some of the time’s most renowned authors. While Miyamoto Musashi never mentioned Fudō in his famous Book of Five Rings (Jp. 五輪書), perhaps the most famous of all warrior treatises of the time, he was found to have, among his few possessions after death, a personally carved statue of Fudō Myō-ō .298
Both Sōhō and Shōsan are thought to have helped solidify the Confucian principles of the emerging Imperial ideology that had already taken root in the nation.299 In covering the relationship between Zen and wartime Japan, Brian Daizen Victoria summarizes the literary contributions that led to the equation of Zen with Bushido, and the connection between these two and what it meant to be Japanese as the nation became more and more involved in war with China during the 1930s. During this period of the buildup to World War II, we see the heightened nationalism and fervor that influenced the nation to contribute tirelessly to the war effort. The kokutai (Jp. 国体 En. national essence) was discussed in national debates. It had been believed for some time that Bushido had contributed to the success of the Japanese empire during the Sino-Japanese War, which heightened Japan’s status in Asia, having dominated for the first time in history, a major western power.
Yet Zen, as well, was cast as entwined into Bushido and into the identity of the nation as well. Victoria outlines the path to the merging of Zen and Bushido by
297 Ibid 167
298 Musashi, M. Book of Five Rings. (五輪の書Go Rin No Sho)
299 Ives, C. Ichikawa Hakugen’s Critique and Lingering Questions for Buddhist Ethics. 96.
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way of their prominence in consideration as attributes of core Japanese culture. Confucian notions of filial piety and correct relationships supported adherence to the war cause. Critic of wartime Zen, Ichikawa Hakugen states “wartime Buddhist ideologues… deployed on as a bridge between traditional Buddhism and the modern imperial ideology, frequently underscoring indebtedness to the emperor and the need to repay that debt through military service.”300 It was only a matter of time that scholars would try to delve into their connections, and towards this effort, he names several authors from the turn of the century through the 1930s (we won’t go into all the details here as they are laid out well in Zen at War) who sought to tie Zen Buddhism into nationalism in a variety of ways. Takuan’s philosophy of no-mind (mushin), ‘not stopping’ and general dissolution of self were used to convince people to be unafraid of death and willing to act without hindrance or fear. Author Furukawa Taigo (paraphrased here by Victoria form the Japanese) took a leap in 1937, claiming that:
Unlike Zen in India and China, Japanese Zen was able to transcend the subjective, individualistic, and passive attitude toward salvation that it inherited and become an active, dynamic force influencing the entire nation. It thereby became the catalyst for warriors to enter into the realm of selflessness. This, in turn, resulted in self-sacrificial conduct on behalf of their sovereign and their country. It was the imperial household that made all of this possible, for the emperor was the incarnation of the selfless wisdom of the universe. It can therefore be said that Mahāyāna Buddhism didn’t simply spread to Japan but was actually created there.301
This interpretation emphasizes the connective bonds between Buddhism and imperial power and authority in a new cast for the new millennium much as the translations of Bùkōng had centuries earlier, taking the origin of Buddhism from India, the transmission and refining of Chan (Zen) from China, (now considered an enemy
300 Ibid 96
301 303 Victoria, B. Zen at War: Second Edition. 144
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rather than an imitable and advanced civilization) and enabled Zen Buddhism to merge with the pervading nationalism.
4.7.1 D.T. Suzuki’s Two Swords
Popular author D.T. Suzuki (Jp. 鈴木 大拙 貞太郎) (1870-1966) continued in these footsteps, equating Zen with Bushido and Japanese warriorhood. In his book Manual of Zen, he outlines several of the gods important to Zen Buddhism, among which Fudō is not listed. The Niō, are, however, given a few lines “The Niwo [sic]302 or ‘two guardian gods’ are found enclosed at either side of the entrance gate. They represent the vajra god in two forms; the one is masculine with the mouth tightly closed, and the other is feminine with an opened mouth. They guard the holy place from intruders”.303 In his Selected Works Volume 1, he approaches the topic of immovability without reference to Fudō at all, but instead to clarify its usage in a poem which he fears people will take to mean advocacy of physical stillness; he also emphasizes singularity of focus and willpower as essential to warriors, similar to what Shōsan or Sōhō in earlier days would claim warriors could learn from Fudō.304
Suzuki further supported the nobility of killing in theorizing that a sword has two functions: to kill and to give life, the latter of which condones killing necessary in the defense of the country305. As we’ve seen in the Vajrapāṇi from its earliest depictions in Gandhara, where it would subjugate the enemies of the Buddha Shakyamuni, the figure has had a special permission surrounding the monastic rules for violence. We see this theme repeated again through the Shaolin monastery stories and through the subsequent military training of the monks.
302 Original text used.
303 Suzuki, D. Manual of Zen Buddhism. 125-6
304 Suzuki, D. Selected Works of D.T. Suzuki: Volume I Zen. 132
305 Victoria, B. Zen at War: Second Edition. 233
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It seems that, for many practitioners and theorists, Fudō’s principle had been isolated and removed from his symbolic figure. The “double office”, a term coined by Suzuki to describe the relationship of Buddhism to violence is itself an abstraction of the role that the Vajrapāṇi served to the Buddha Shakyamuni. Suzuki describes the functions of the sword: “… to destroy anything that opposes the will of its owner and to sacrifice all the impulses that arise from the instinct of self-preservation.306
Consider this in relation to the role of the Vajrapāṇi to the Buddha Saykamuni explained in the first chapter of this thesis, the metaphysical and supernatural powers attributed to the Vajrapāṇi, and it positioning between arhat and commoner. The relationship and dependence between the imperial house and the wisdom kings that was fostered and developed by Kūkai. The justifications of the Vajrapāṇi derivative entities violence are mirrored here by Suzuki:
The fact is that the art of swordsmanship distinguishes between the sword that kills and the sword that gives life. The one that is used by a technician cannot go any further than killing, for he never appeals to the sword unless he intends to kill. The case is altogether different with the one who is compelled to lift the sword. For it is really not he but the sword itself that does the killing. He had no desire to do harm to anybody, but the enemy appears and makes himself a victim. It is as though the sword performs automatically its function of justice, which is the function of mercy. When the sword is to play this sort of role in human life, it is no more a weapon of self-defense or an instrument of killing, and the swordsman turns into an artist of the first grade, engaged in producing a work of genuine originality.307
Thus, the royal connection of the Vajrapāṇi remained significant through one of the most significant conflicts in modern military history, as does the justification of the use of violence that was evident in the earliest scriptures.
306 Suzuki, D. Zen and Japanese Culture. 145.
307 Ibid 145
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4.8 Separation of Martial Arts from Religion
Here, we shouldn’t be hasty to attribute to the appearance of Fudō the foundational principle of immovability nor the entwinement of the imperial house and warriors. Yet, he seems to be the symbol through which these ideas were deeply conveyed, and it demands a study as to why such a figure, with his asymmetrical grotesquerie, would suit such a role.
One possible explanation for the separation of religion from martial arts comes from Thomas Green, who claims that the reason for the use of Buddhist terms in early martial arts literature has more to do with the practicality of literacy than an actual ideological overlap; Green states that, where warrior relied on the literacy of priests, “Priests not only listed the Buddhist names of warrior religious rites, but also used Buddhist vocabulary as names of fighting techniques that lacked any relationship to Buddhist doctrines or practices.”308 Green also suggested that the religious leanings of many of the treatise composers of this era, including Soho, may not be representative of widespread social attitudes towards the value of religion in martial theory; he suggests that more and more, Confucianism was influencing the priorities and habits of upper- class non-religious martial arts practitioners, while, relatively in the shadows, rural and uneducated practitioners relied on competition to hone their skills. Green also suggests that it is after the subsequent meeting of the two that the reliance on abstract philosophies took a knee to competitive training:309
In the early 1800s, when rural-trained fencers finally appeared in Edo (modern Tokyo), they easily defeated men of samurai status who had been trained in Confucian theory (or Zen), ceremonial decorum, and prearranged pattern exercises (kata). Thereafter established martial art lineages that had emphasized theory or mental training became subjects of ridicule, while new lineages that taught competition (uchikomi keiko) flourished.310
308 310 Ed. Green, T. et al. Martial Arts of the World: An Encyclopedia Volume 1: A-Q. 490
309 Ibid. 390
310 Ibid. 495-6
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Green further substantiates the dissolution of traditional religious and abstract reliance of the martial arts during the later Tokugawa in stating that one of the most trusted and published military authors of the time, Kubota Seion (1791-1866), believed religious or supernatural martial arts claims to be deceitful.
In the contemporary martial arts, there are several traces of the figures, a sample of which will be outlined here. The Kongo Rikishi have been associated with martial breathing exercises across several martial arts. This derives from the influence of Chinese philosophy and exercises, which was associated with the versions of Agyo and Ungyo that existed in China, named Generals Heng and Ha (Ch. 哼哈二将, Py. Heng Ha Er Jiang). The generals Heng and Ha were introduced in the first Chapter of this thesis. Like the Kongo Rikishi, their mouth formation symbolizes the meditative Ohm issuance. According to the Headmaster of the Chozen-ji School of Kyūdō (Jp: 弓道, En. archery)311:
The foundational martial art taught in the Chozen-ji tradition is a two-person sword form called the Hojo kata. In it, deep, hara breathing is synchronized with movement. The sounds the participants make are prescribed: “Ah” during inhalation and “Um” during exhalation. So, too, are the facial expressions: the mouth opens wide during inhalations, and is shut tightly during exhalation. It said that the expressions actually resemble those of the two Niō, the traditional guardians of Buddhist temples often depicted in statues.312
Morihei Ueshiba (1883-1969) (Jp. 植芝 盛平), known as the founder of Aikido (Jp. 合気道), carried on the philosophy of immovability, albeit disassociated with the figure of Fudō. In an interview with his son, Kisshomaru Ueshiba, he states of the art:
311 The Chozen-ji school was established in 1972 and claims “Our approach to Zen training is based in the body—emphasizing breath and posture—and creates leaders with a bold fighting spirit and strong ki'ai”. Anonymous Author. “Chozen-ji: Zen Temple Beyond Zen.
312 Kushner, K. “Hara and Martial Arts: Ah Um Breathing”. https://haradevelopment.org/2016/06/10/hara- and-martial-arts-ah-um-breathing/
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Only by pursuing the following three types of training will the immovable truth of diamondlike hardness become part of one’s mind and body.
1. Training to harmonize one’s mind with the activity of all things in the universe.
2. Training to harmonize one’s body with the activity of all things in the universe.
3. Training to make the ki that connects mind and body harmonize with the activity of all things in the universe.313
Terms like “diamondlike hardness” and “immovable truth” are recognizable from both ancient and more recent descriptions of Fudō. While the characteristics of Fudō were still desirable, his worship and his figure had been removed from the equation.
In times of political turmoil, monstrous gods rise in fashion, as was seen in southern India of the wrathful Fudō’s origin. When approaching the uncertainty of the times, and looking for ways to enhance or extend one’s life, we see Fudō popularize in another role. During the Heian Era, the Abrogation of Premature Death Ritual (Rj. jōyōshihō, Jp. 除夭死法) and the Abrogation of Death and Calamity Ritual (Rj. jōshisaihō, Jp. 除死災法) and the Fudō Life Extension Ritual (Rj. Fudō enmei hō, Jp. 不動延命法) were some of the rituals that grew in popularity at that time; these rituals were then popularized in Heian Era literature like the Tale of Genji (Jp. 源氏物語) and the Senshuko.314 Throughout the Heian Era, there were numerous succession problems in the imperial household and epidemics were rampant; therefore, these vital rituals became more popular. Mack concludes that “the subjugation of troublesome spirits causing illness was extended to include the subjugation of adversaries in the mundane realm”.315 These miracle tales took on a popularity of their own in the theatre and ended up contributing to the longevity of Fudō.
313 316 Ueshiba, K. Spirit of Aikido. 75.
314 Mack, K. “The Function and Context of Fudo Imagery From the 9th to 14th Century in Japan” 202-3.
315 Ibid. 150-201, 201
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4.9 Vajrapāṇi in the Popular Culture
As the Vajrapāṇi and derivative characters began to disseminate through the wider cultural arena, their binding to religious intention and historic associations loosens, and individuals within society gains some creative license to shape and employ the character according to their own interpretations and designs. These popular culture creations, where accepted and even embraced by the public, can have a lasting impact on impressions of the figure, regardless of alignment with historic or religious original intent. Fudō became one of the most popular figures from Buddhism, and the manner in which he was depicted in cultural arts would influence subsequent understandings of his representation. Particularly where he was depicted as a warrior or warrior aid, the creative renditions of the character can contribute to a popular understanding of martial arts philosophy and practice as well.
4.9.1 Fudō in Theatrical Depictions of Martial Arts
Local miracle tales also began to be established, diverging from the established doctrines of the figure, with specific associations to each temple, creating localized renditions of Fudō that would take on different characteristics so that “one did not simply pray to a generic ‘Fudō’, but to a certain Fudō of a certain temple” to achieve the desired results.316 During the Edo era, with the proliferation of stories and other artforms, Fudō branched out into two main strains; One, centering around the Meguro Temple, didn’t hold fast to the canonical representations, and rendered Fudō
316 Examples of this are the Goshiki Fudō’, or the network of temples of the five colors of Fudo, the Weeping Fudō’of Mejiro, the Narita Fudo of Chiba, and the Megaro Fudō’, the ‘Army Conquering’ Fudo of Renchiin, and the Osaka Fudō’, among others. Bond, K. Ritual and Iconography in the Japanese Esoteric Buddhist Tradition: The Nineteen Visualizations of Fudō’Myo-o. p 7, 36, 50
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to be a water-affiliated deity, whereas the other, at Shinshō-ji (Jp. 新勝寺) Temple, upheld the original canonical associations as a military god.317
Bond demonstrates that the Shinshō-ji Temple ended up being a pivotal point for the spread of interest in Fudō outward to the greater cultural sphere from the religious sphere due to the appeal of the Shinshō-ji Fudō miracle stories (featuring a version of Fudō known as the Narita Fudō), and the growing interest in other artforms like theater in Edo, with the particular help of the Ichikawa Danjūrō (市川 團十郎) theater guild and the subsequent commercial popularity of the aramushagoto, or "wild warrior business" rough and heroic acting style.318 Bond cites the Yakusha zensho “All About Actors” book of 1774, which contains a personal story of Danjūrō I, possibly the most celebrated kabuki actor of the troupe, through which the personal relation to Fudō, and the close relation between religion, creative production and commercial success are shown to be closely entwined:
Danjiira [sic] is said to have prayed specifically to the Narita Fudō for the birth of a son, possibly influenced by the centuries-old practice of worshipping Fudō for a favourable birth. Danjiira thus attributed the favourable birth of his first son, Kuza (later Danjiira II) in 1688 to Fudō, and as a symbol of his gratitude, wrote a play celebrating the divine favour of the deity. The play was Tsuwamono kongen Soga (The Origin of the Soga Warrior) and was performed at the Nakamuraza Theatre in 1697. Kuza, then ten years of age, made his stage debut in the role of Fudō. The play, in which Fudō appears to the aid of Soga Gora, was a great triumph. It attracted people from Narita itself, and the audience threw money on stage as offerings and prayed to Danjiira as they would the deity himself, acts of devotion seemingly unprecedented in kabuki theatre. That Danjiira owed the play's success to the Narita Fudō was apparent. Following the play's run, he led a group of pilgrims to Shinshaji, and subsequently adopted the professional guild name "the Narita Troupe," thereafter publicizing the troupe's affiliation with Naritasan (Jp. 成田山). Six years later father and son staged the Naritasan funjin (or bunjin) Fudō (The Twin Fudōs of Naritasan) in 1703. In order to prepare for the play, Danjiira is said to have spent a week in prayer at Shinshoji before its opening, whereupon Fudō had appeared before him and granted him the ability to reproduce the deity's fierce appearance. The onstage
317 Ibid p77.
318 Ibid p 82
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spectacle of the young Kuza as Fudō impressed audiences so much that they were said to have again thrown money on stage as offerings to the deity.319
Bond further cites two stories in which Danjūrō II (Kuza), is thought to have healed people by mimicking or embodying the Fudō, demonstrating the proximity of the commercial endeavor and religion:
According to the kabuki account Chuko kejosetsu (Old Tales of the Theatre, 1805), one story has it that in 1741, a father, having heard of the miraculous powers of the Fudō mie [sic] pose, pleaded with Danjura II to cure his ague-sick daughter. The actor consented. He unsheathed his short sword, coiled his handkerchief into a rope, and glared at the daughter, thus mimicking the fado mie[sic]. The girl fainted in a torrent of sweat but soon found that her sickness was gone. Later at the Nakamuraza Theatre, Danjura II was said to have again struck the fado mie[sic]320 and cured a woman possessed by a fox (kitsune).321
This association of the actors with embodiment of Fudō and ability to enact Fudō’s protection for Edokko (people from Edo) became more emboldened through the generations. Many more generations of Danjūrō took up this tradition,322 eventually performing at the Shinshō-ji Temple itself. The troupe’s theatrical creations also began to incorporate their own ancestors into the extant Fudō miracle tale template, while retaining some of the core structure of the Narita miracle tales.323 For a closer look, Bond cites subsequent examples that aren’t necessary to cover here; it is enough for our purposes of demonstrating the trajectory of the figure to note that
319 Bond, K. Ritual and Iconography in the Japanese Esoteric Buddhist Tradition: The Nineteen Visualizations of Fudo Myo-o. 84-85
320 Original spelling used.
321 Ibid p 85
322 The Danjuro troupe is still operable in Narita today, and even in their most recent play, have involved Fudo Myo-o in the July Grand Kabuki in 2011 featuring the story the famed friends Yoshitsune and Benkei, with Danjuro XII acting as Benkei, who “…is forced to bluff by improvising the contents from an empty scroll. He ends with the impressive Fudo mie, a pose copying the iconography of the Buddhist deity Fudo, guardian protector of the Yamabushi [mountain aesthetics]”. Naritaya Kabuki Schedule.
323 The core of many of the Narita Fudo miracle tales involved significant characters approaching the Fudo with devastating illnesses. After a period of devotion, the character would be taken by Fudo, which might appear in a dream and require the supplicant to swallow his sword. Upon doing this, the supplicant would cough up blood, vomit, and awaken cured and full of brilliance. The sword-swallowing motif is repeated with different characters. P Bond, K. Ritual and Iconography in the Japanese Esoteric Buddhist Tradition: The Nineteen Visualizations of Fudo Myo-o. 74-83
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such a conflagration of religion and theatrical art, hinging on the possession of the actor by the god or the god by the actor, played a dominant role in the spread of the figure.
One cannot speak of the commercial success of the deity without touching upon the devotion to the religious faith and the belief in the attributes of the character. These theatrical works helped to popularize and spread specifically the Narita Fudō, but it can as likely be said that the fervent religious admiration of the character and the zeitgeist of developing Edo contributed to the widespread popularity of Fudō religiosity and commerciality in a symbiotic relationship. The masculine and tough features of Fudō were bolstered through association with the aramushagoto style, and the actors and plays themselves were made more robust and masculine with the inclusion of Fudō.
Of course, the theatrical arts don’t occur in isolation and the audience response wasn’t limited to live responses to the stage. Strictly commercial applications were soon to follow. Bond illustrates a second manner in which Fudō was commercialized and spread to more secular circles, through the kaicho, (Jp. 開帳) or ‘temporary public exhibitions’ that served to financially support the temple and to enhance the enigmatic value of temple relics. In the case of Shinshō-ji Temple, located in Narita and farther from the city, these kaicho were held in Fukugawa, a location that attracted artists of many disciplines, who, in turn, created their own variants of Fudō art, and expanded the character commercially and in popular recognition.
During the Edo era, it was the popular and commercial success of these two endeavors, according to Bond, that allowed the Narita Fudō to withstand the Buddhist persecutions of the Meiji Restoration by “promoting the Narita Fudō’s
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reinvention as a modern war deity, in tune with the temple’s support of colonialist expansion on the continent”.324 With the temple’s popular support not deriving from solely religious activities, but rather from kabuki and kaicho, and with the earlier equation of Fudō as a kami, or Shinto spirit, by changing the name to Ugokazu no Mikota , a nativized version of ‘the Immovable Kami’, similar to Fudō.325 Ketelaar suggests another possibility for the continuation of Fudō’s popularity despite the anti-Buddhist policies, that Fudō “…was so popular in many areas that local officials hesitated to call for its removal”,326 affirming the character interpretation that allowed for Fudō’s preservation, but suggesting that the authorities were complicit to some degree in the choice. Fudō wasn’t popularly known as a kami prior to this. As with Orzech’s example in Tang China, of the intentional conflation of sage kings with bodhisattvas by Bùkōng, the trajectory of Fudō would seemingly change again based on a localized and politically motivated interpretation of a character, albeit phonetic in this case, rather than the written.327 While parts of this tale may indeed just be temple lore, Fudō remained popular despite the crackdowns of the time, and even expanded through kabuki given the blossoming transportation and technology of the era.328
We also see hints of entwinement of Fudō with martial arts, in the miracle tales of this era, beginning with Katsuragawa Rikizo, a sumo wrestler who prayed to Naritasan Fudō and was granted the strength to avenge his father’s death in a match.
324 Bond, K. Ritual and Iconography in the Japanese Esoteric Buddhist Tradition: The Nineteen Visualizations of Fudo Myo-o. 122
325 Under the new policies, Shintoism, as a nationalistic religion, was protected whereas Buddhism was heavily persecuted as foreign
326 Ketelaar, J. Of Heretics and Martyrs in Meiji Japan: Buddhism and Its Persecution. 124
327 The altered term, in this case, was ‘尊, which could be interpreted in the Sino-Japanese manner as ‘bodhisattva’, or in the nativist manner as ‘kami’.
328 With the construction of railroads, some of the earliest of which led to Nagoya, Edo era arts more easily spread to surrounding cities, and ultimately, after the war, influenced the later transition of the Narita Fudo to a god of traffic safety. Bond, K. Ritual and Iconography in the Japanese Esoteric Buddhist Tradition: The Nineteen Visualizations of Fudo Myo-o. 127
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The Danjūrō description of the play, titled “The Revenge of Narita” demonstrates the family’s lasting connection to the Narita Fudō:
A wrestler called Takimiyama, who previously murdered his teacher, uses an underhand throw to kill his opponent Kumonoto Juemon in the ring. Juemon’s son takes the name Katsuragawa Rikizo, and goes to Narita where he fasts and undertakes religious austerities in order that his prayer to avenge his father’s death may be granted. Finally, with the help of the deity, he is granted his wish. The play provides one more example of the deep connections between the Ichikawa family and Narita.329
In the earlier version, provided by Bond and found in the Naritasan risho no adauchi of 1885 (The Vendetta and the Divine Benefit of Naritasan Temple), however, we return to the sword-swallowing, blood-vomiting.
The involvement of Fudō in popular arts demonstrates that by proliferation into the Meiji Era suggests that Fudō Myō-ō, a figure bipolar in almost every measure, was also able to stand simultaneously on the cliffs of both religion and popular culture in the capital city, and to maintain his popular appeal in both spheres after generations. Initially, the maneuvering of Kūkai made a big impact on the integration of Fudō into religious and imperial spheres of influence. Subsequently, interest was aroused among the Heian era gentility, predominantly focusing on protection, recovery from illness and safe childbirth, frequently with political implications. Through practice of ritual that simultaneously bolstered or protected imperial power and military power during the Kamakura and Muromachi periods, with the blossoming of the warrior class, interest in the deity proliferated in the warrior classes. Throughout those eras, Fudō was simultaneously expanding influence through diverse sects of Buddhism from the original Shingon and Tendai. From the Edo Era, the theatrical popularity of Fudō through the Danjūrō family has a
329 Naritaya contributor. http://www.naritaya.jp/english/compendium/dictionary_07.html
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martial bent of the character, and facilitated the longevity of the Shinshō-ji (Narita) Fudō through the persecutive Meiji Era.
4.9.2 Influence of the Literary Fudō
Fudō and/or his rituals were present in popular Heian literature such as the The Pillow Book, Tale of Genji, the Tale of the Heike, The Tale of Flowering Fortunes, the Konjaku Monogatari along with period music. Here, according to Mack, nobility recorded encountering and finding interest in Fudō through the Ninnōgyō text and Latter Seven Days Rituals.330
In the Heike Monogatari (En. Tales of the Heike, Jp. 平家物語) which recounts the 12th century Genpei War, Fudō is addressed thrice. In one instance early on Fudō is consulted as to the causes of local illness. In another, the monk Mongaku, who spurred the hero Minamoto no Yoshitomo’s revolt against the Taira, immerses himself in a waterfall for five days until losing his senses (much in the manner of the yamabushi), demonstrates his resolve and immoveable spirit by avoiding rescue and continuing the devotional activity, is visited by Fudō’s attendants at the behest of Fudō. In the last instance, the Fudō incantation is performed and identified as one of “most potent litanies to overcome evil, by which they trusted to subdue the revolt”.331
This speaks to the crossover of Fudō into warrior groups despite the relaxation in monastic purposes. Conlan elaborates on the effects of the tumultuous 14th century, where the romantic ideas of warriorhood were challenged by on-the-ground realities and suggests that “there arose a new order; a new way of thought;
330 Mack, K. “The Function and Context of Fudo Imagery From the 9th to 14th Century in Japan”.
331 Ibid.m
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and a new sense that actions need no longer be linked to, and legitimated by, the deeds of an increasingly forgotten past”.332 Yet, while the past was being dramatized, Fudō was known to be influential on warrior perception and ambitions during this period. According to Conlan:
The wars of the twelfth century were recounted and idealized in the literary classic, the Tale of the Heike. This tale reached its final form in 1371, nearly two hundred years after the events it purported to describe had ended and approximately forty years after the opening salvoes of the battles of the 1330s.
The Heike became immensely popular. Warriors wiled away their final hours before battle listening to blind lute priests reciting this yarn of brave warriors winning glory or stoically accepting their fate. So persuasive and moving was this tale that warriors modeled their behavior on the semi-fictional heroes of this epic.333
The interpretation of history and derivation of meaning therefrom greatly impact modern understanding, and this remains the case in the field of martial arts and mythology. Modern interpretations of Fudō may rely as much upon his renditions in popular culture as on those historic occurrences and understandings. While this may lead to historically- inaccurate misconceptions or incomplete understandings according to the dogma of the Vajrayāna sects, popular cultural renditions offer wider exposure than secretive religious sects; they also act to stir continued interest in figures in ways that can be protective during persecutive eras. The impact of these popular cultural renditions must thus be given their due.
332 Conlan, T. “The Culture of Force and Farce: Fourteenth-Century Japanese Warfare”. 18
333 Ibid. P 7
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CHAPTER 5
CONCLUSIONS
5.1 Summary
Where previous works have touched on the individual characters, their symbolism, narratives, and relationship, this thesis provided a series of connections between the Vajrapāṇi in relation to international reception and application towards martial endeavors in society, with a particular focus on the culminating influence in Japan. By examining the Vajrapāṇi and derivative characters, the shared distinguishing traits could be isolated for their particular importance and compared with their reception in differing lands to understand the function they serve within the individual and society. To approach the Vajrapāṇi from its entry into Japan is to approach an established system that enables one to more easily read not only the unique effects of the character and of the mechanisms deployed by its proponents to ingratiate it in new lands, but it also clarifies the unique adoption by the Japanese people, and personalization of the figure, particularly of Fudō.
The core traits that were highlighted in this study that extend through the Vajrapāṇi and Vajrapāṇi derivative characters are the role of vajradhara or vajra bearer, the role of guardian, best represented in the door guardian role, and the imperial connection which manifest in the roll-out mechanisms of the Vajrayāna sects as well as in the characterization of the figure itself, as I try to demonstrate herein through the Heraklean connection to royalty, the possibility of a Bharhut association and through the subsequent classification of Vajrapāṇi derivative characters as ‘kings’.
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Many of the core scriptures and rituals that helped introduced the religion involved Vajrapāṇi derivative characters more extensively than with Mahāyāna Buddhism. This thesis examined those scriptures, rituals, and even architecture in light of the way that they were carefully introduced as beneficial to members of the existing power structured first in China, and then paved the way for a similar implementation in Japan. The manner in which these scriptures and rituals characterizes the figures, and creates entry points for practitioners and those desiring power or real-world change was revealed in these scriptures.
The expansion of involvement in Vajrayāna rituals and particularly Fudō centered worship past the imperial house mirrored the shifting socio-political turmoil of the Heian and subsequent Eras in Japan. Interestingly, whereas the non-religious application of Fudō rituals began to grow, the dedicated austerities likewise took hold among groups like the yamabushii or mountain monks. This suggests a personalization and tailoring of the figures that couldn’t be detected as clearly in the past, if it existed. Soon, Fudō was to be approached anew by philosophical warriors, who, who codified the formerly religious lessons of Fudō in a secular casting, opening the figure to wider application and a broader audience. It is these renderings, built upon the foundation of ancient symbolic and narrative development, and preserved through careful political maneuvering, that have been able to translate into the lasting principle of Fudoshin and the fierce approach to the necessary liminality of attention and action in the secular realm as well as spiritual.
Lastly, this thesis touched on a balancing vision of Fudō, which has developed for centuries from an unexpected source, the theater. The Danjūrō portrayals of Fudō became cultural icons. The literary appearances of the figure, may, in the modern era have a more significant impact on newly introduced
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populations than historical records will. Thus, this thesis seeks to acknowledge the impact of cultural representations, though the impact may not yet be measurable.
5.2 Discussion
The hypothesis of this thesis is that the Vajrapāṇi has played a foundational role in the development of internal martial ideology in Japan, which was enabled through features evident from its origin, including imperial connection, liminality, bellicosity, transitioning status, association with ‘necessary evil’ and popular appeal. Our earliest glimpse of the Vajrapāṇi, in Gandharan India, bore the vestiges of the semi- nude troubled hero of superhuman proportions, albeit not yet monstrous in the narrative Vajrapāṇi, monstrous features were evident early on in the Niō, seemingly with some connection to Mara’s demons at Sanchi. Whereas the channavira displays a possible romantic or sexual affiliation, that wasn’t evident in this study, though further connections might be traced through Fudō’s relationship to companion Aizen Myō-ō.
The bellicosity of the narrative Vajrapāṇi carried forth, along with the liminal nature and the confusing status, simultaneously low and all-powerful, simultaneously human and beast. The royal association and its importance in the longevity of Fudō was established in the second chapter of this thesis, as is the political and authenticating usefulness of the vajra and Vajrapāṇi. Colloquially, the symbolic attributes seemed to be the most attractive features of Fudō to sects where the concern with imperial dependence wasn’t primary. Fudō, the Vajrapāṇi and the Niō are a masculine, tough, energetic, fearless, comical yet endearing creature, commanding respect, and evoking greater profundity in its duality, and able to access different faces of humanity due to his versatility of character.
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Regarding the specific impact of the Vajrapāṇi on the realm of Japanese martial arts, I entered this thesis believing I was writing about the Vajrapāṇi, a figure which, derived of the meeting of myriad cultures and the shaping of a protective and violent entity, would shape the martial attitudes of nations it subsequently entered and groups who embraced it. This was incorrect and I found only minor ways in which the Vajrapāṇi was tactically, strategically or physically militarily or martially relevant. Rather, the value of the figure lies in that which was at last abstracted and preserved (by Sōhō and Shosan, among others), the Vajra-citta, or Adamantine consciousness. This was extracted from each Vajrapāṇi of this study. The path to and attainment of any level of this ‘adamantine consciousness’ is immeasurably useful to martial arts and military minds who consistently have to cut through the external and internal assault of what’s colloquially referred to as the ‘fog of war’, and acts as a prerequisite to use the military or martial tools within one’s strategy.
For the martial artist or soldier, Fudō is the personification of the movement beyond that which is real and true and possible today, and the forcing of a point.
Through Fudō, the practitioners of Shugendō are (mostly) able to survive deadly exertions. Through the adoption of the Niō Zen adamantine consciousness, adherents can go through their lives unperturbed by death or losses. These figures enabled warriors and warrior monks to reach new levels, if only by the placebo effect of believing they were divinely protected. It’s left to question whether the adamantine quality can be achieved or sustained without the deity to transport it, to embody the stories that convey appropriate action and levels of self-discipline or dedication. Without the assurance that Fudō will come to the aid of serious seekers along the tumultuous path, will there be as many risk takers who attempt the austerities and to
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reach the subliminal space of seemingly having conquered the dominance that death has on the mind, by coming as close as the living can.
Cynically, the Vajrapāṇi, as a religious entity, can be viewed as a justification for political or imperial violence in a sectarian nature, as well as a fortification of imperial houses against their enemies. But, I’m not of the cynical view, as we mustn’t forget that it has been put to use again and again to achieve what are believed to be the highest aims of the populace, and has clearly been coopted willingly into common society; therefore, it’s relevance reaches farther than a political game. The goal to which the Vajrapāṇi or derivative character raises the Vajra is a pure goal in the mind of the adherent. The adamantine nature, focus and terrible protective energy, is the resolve that must be achieved to meet that goal.
The core conclusion of this research is as follows: Vajrapāṇi is a mirrored representation of the refined beast that it has taken mankind, over the years, to manifest in itself the will to kill, the will to crush, the will to cut on one hand, and on the other, the willingness to sacrifice and die for the unitary vision, that may seem fluid from an outsider, but appears to the adherent as imperturbable. This is its most important lesson, and why it rose in prominence, as it did. Vajrapāṇi as the liminal, accessible, fallible, ugly, mighty, and fair reflects myriad sides of the humanity of his adherents. Where the deity remains an icon, he takes on lesser roles, where he has in the past or where he remains a martial edifier of adamantine spirit, is his greatest contribution to modern day martial arts.
Even within the established knowledge about the figure, there is contestation, as we saw with the debate surrounding the origin of the narrative Vajrapāṇi, there is much uncertainty due to a lack of concrete evidence and much disagreement by historical figures and researchers. While absolute certainty is out of range, through an
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analysis of the evolving visual rendition and narrative inclusions, and the shifting popularity of diverse narratives, we are able to glean insight about which facets of the figures appealed to the society of each time, to the key political figures and to the religious aspirants.
The context of the development of the figure doesn’t, however, only inform on the figure, but provides a further understanding of how politicization and socio-economic circumstances impact the nature of religion. The political impact was demonstrated by the mechanisms of Amoghavajra and Kūkai. The influence of socio-economic circumstances of religion might be seen through the expansion of the sōhei. Lastly, we are able to contract how different and at times oppositional groups are able to turn to the same deities for their substantiation.
5.3 Further Research
Much is left to be explained about what may be one of the most culturally syncretic figures in Mahāyāna Buddhism, seeming to adopt by its far eastern manifestation, the rounded facial and body characteristics of Chinese art, exaggerated musculature of Indo- Greek Herakles, ornamentation of Persian arts, the Hindu vajra and protective role symbolism. This research reveals a few possible connections for further study. I’ve demonstrated a primitive connection of the Vajrapāṇi to royalty, and evidence of the figure being chosen to represent dharma-protective royalty, due to the consistent adoption of royal symbolism and aesthetics I have also posited a connection between the early Vajrapāṇi dvārapāla role to a previous dvārapāla king, the Bharhut yavana, thought to represent Menander.
This thesis also identified the Channavīra that is found in many examples of the Vajrapāṇi, and posited that the symbolism remains relevant to the different
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manifestations of dvārapāla Vajrapāṇi including Niō in suggesting that, even where the chain is absent, the abnormal musculature indicates an intentional physical integration of the channavīra . It was not an adornment cast away, but rather one that was meaningfully integrated into the fabric of the figure. The relevance of this is not yet understood.
Lastly, the channavīra , along with the Om mouth position, mudra and arm positioning, and the relative body positioning have been shown to connect Māra’s Army in their earliest known depiction in Sanchi Stupa I with the Niō. The next step is to seek substantiation of the connection to Māra’s army through Buddhist literature. In some instances, the channavira is evident on depictions of Mara, as covered in Chpater I. It is possible that the connection simply pertains to coversion, for which Vajrapāṇi was a key figure. We tus might inquire whether, if the symbolic connection of the Niō and, thus, Vajrapāṇi with Māra can be further substantiated, what might the relevence be of the aforementioned fertiity symbolism of the channavīra when analyzed in its male warrior manifestations thorugh the Mara connection? Perhaps the unusual, channavīra -shaped musculature of the Niō is a last trace of the ancient, deified tie between fertility, protection and violence. What is the significance of its evolution into musculature?
The question of how the principle and practice of Fudoshin or the wrathful application of the Niō demeanor to martial concentration and construction of martial arts systems is left to be studied. While this thesis traced the history of the entry and the broad impact of the Vajrapāṇi, based in the coherence and longevity of its original symbolism, and the mechanisms of integration designed and implemented by wise and worldly adherents, it remains to examine how it has developed in the hands of the public and in modern times. Today, Vajrapāṇi derivative figures particularly,
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can be seem in various popular cultural media, of which we only lightly touched on here. Of particular interest is the association of Fudō in particular with criminal groups. It may be that the same justified convention-breaking that we find in the Shaolin Fudō adherents, such as eating meat, lends the character a liminality that exceeds established law as well as spiritual dimensions. This subject is ripe for further research.
Lastly, the figure Fudō also seems to have taken on special relevance during World War II, with the soldiers of the Japanese Imperial Army. Understanding the interactions between this figure and the military of this time period may necessitate a more extensive and personal survey than this study permitted, yet it’s a field worthy of assignment.
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APPENDIX A
CHANNAVIRA EVOLUTION ON NIO
Figure 11.1: Copyright Anandajoti Bhikkhu. “Dwarves Uphold the Pillar”. Edited. Photodharma. No date Given. Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0
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Unported License https://www.photodharma.net/photodharma.net/India/Sanchi-Stupa-3/Sanchi-Stupa-3.htm
Figure 11.2: Marshall, Sir John. “Temptation of the Buddha”. Edited. The Guide to Sanchi. Calcutta. Superintendent Government of Printing, India. 1918.
Figure 11.3: Copyright Samye Institute. “Taming Our Minds: Advice for Modern Buddhists”. https://samyeinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/Amaravati-2nd-3rd-c.-Temptation-of- Mara.jpg
Figure 11.4: Copyright Mark Schumacher. “biyang-caves-middle-period-8E-NIO”. Last Update Jan. 14, 2015. https://www.onmarkproductions.com/html/nio.shtml
Figure 11.5: Ishai Bar. “Massive Lokapala in the Longmen Grottoes near Luoyang, China”. Wikimedia Public Domain Photo. 2005 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Longmen_Grottoes#/media/File:LongmenBoddhi.jpg
Figure 11.6: Copyright Mark Schumacher. “Agyō 阿形 H = 378 cm Kongō Rikishi 金剛力士(Kongou, Kongo) Clay (sozō 塑像) with paint (saishiki 彩色) Nara Era, 711 AD (Wadō Period Year 4) Hōryūji Temple 法隆寺 in Nara”. Last Update Jan. 14, 2015. https://www.onmarkproductions.com/html/nio.shtml
Figure 11.7: Quirren. “Kiyomizu-dera Nio”. Creative Commons License BY-SA 3.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=19425184
Figure 11.8: Copyright Dunhuang research Institute. Ed. Sarah E. Fraser. Accessed from Mark Schumacher. “Vajrapani Mogao Caves, Dunhuang Tang Dynasty (9th C) Ink and colors on silk H = 72 cm, W = 17 cm” Palais du Louvre (Paris) No. EO.1172b Scanned from Book. Dunhuang: A Centennial Commemoration of the Discovery of the Cave Library. Arts Media Resourced. Ltd. 2000. ISBN 7-5054-0716-3/J-0396
Figure 11.9: Copyright Schumacher, Mark. “fragrant-hills-beijing-Heng-Ha-Montage”. Last Update Jan. 14, 2015. https://www.onmarkproductions.com/html/nio.shtml
Figure 11.10: Copyright Schumacher, Mark. “Agyō at Sanjūsangendō 三十三間堂, Kyoto 12th Century, Life-size Wooden Statue Scanned from Temple Brochure”. Last Update Jan. 14, 2015. https://www.onmarkproductions.com/html/nio.shtml
Figure 11.11: “Door Guardian, Mahakala”. October 2020. Cleveland Museum of Art. Creative Commons Copyright. https://clevelandart.org/art/1980.203
Figure 11.12: Copyright 2012-2020 Shaxi Old Theatre Inn. Xinjiao Temple. https://www.shaxichina.com/shaxi-ancient-town.html
Figure 11.13: “Chengdu: Thangka of a Dharmapala. Qing Dynasty (1644-1911). Sichuan Provincial Museum”. Wikimedia Creative Commons Copyright. 2007. Edited. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Chengdu_2007_367.jpg
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