707

TABLE OF CONTENT
LIST OF PLANS 7
LIST OF IMAGES 7
LIST OF SCHEMES 8
LIST OF MAPS 8
ABSTRACT 10
INTRODUCTION 11
CHAPTER 1: CONCEPTUAL AND THEORETICAL APPROACH TO
URBAN TRANSFORMATION
1.1. Definition of Urban Transformation and its scope 12
1.1.1. Concepts and Definitions as Subtitles of Urban Transformation 13
1.2. Development of Urban Transformation Process 14
1.3. What makes an area catalyst in context of Urban Transformation? 15
1.3.1. Historical Heritage Dimensions 17
1.3.1.1. Functional Shifting Process of Historical Urban Centers
And Renovation Approach 18
1.3.1.2. Evaluation of Historical Industrial Areas Concerning
Industrial Archeology 20
1.3.1.2.1. The Importance of Golden Horn Shipyards as an Industrial Heritage 22
1.3.2. Waterfront Development Dimensions 26
1.3.3. Uses of Heritage and Waterfront: Tourist Historic Dimensions 27
1.4. Conclusion 29
5
CHAPTER 2: THE EVALUATION OF THE PROJECTS AT THE FRINGE
OF GOLDEN HORN IN CONTEXT OF URBAN
TRANSFORMATION CATALYSTS
2.1. The History of Golden Horn and Spatial Usage Differentiations 30
2.1.1. The Location of Golden Horn, Physical Data and Development
Process throughout the History 32
2.1.1.1. Ports during Byzantium period 33
2.1.1.1.1. Port and Shipyard Complexes on the Northern Shore of Golden Horn 33
2.1.1.2. Ports during Ottoman period (Till 18th. Century) 34
2.1.1.2.1. Ottoman Imperial Arsenal: A Shipyard known as Tersane-i Amire 36
2.2. Golden Horn during the planning era of Istanbul 41
2.3. Analysis of Some Projects at the master plan of Golden Horn
in context of urban transformation catalysts 43
2.3.1. Galata and its historical environs’ regeneration 46
2.3.1.1. The History of Galata 46
2.3.2. Sütlüce Former Slaughterhouse as a Cultural Activity and
Congress Center 52
2.3.3. Rahmi-Koc Industrial Museum 54
2.3.4. Rehabilitation of Feshane Former Ottoman Fez Factory 56
2.3.5. Cibali Former Tobacco Factory as a University 58
2.4. Conclusion 60
CHAPTER 3: THE CREATION OF A POST INDUSTRIAL PORTSCAPE
COMPARING WITH WORLDWIDE EXAMPLES
3.1. Shipyards and other water-industrial complex in worldwide:
Conservation and evaluation criteria 61
3.1.1. Arsenal- Venice 62
3.1.2. Albert Dock- Liverpool 66
3.1.3. Helsinki-Finland 68
3.1.3.1. The Past and Future of the Soumenlinna Galley Dock:
Idea of Living Museum 68
6
3.2. Modeling the Golden Horn Waterfront within the guidance
of the given examples 71
CHAPTER 4: CONCLUSION 81
BIBLIOGRAPHY 82
VITA 87
7
LIST OF PLANS
Plan 1.1: Development on the Bosporus 29
Plan 2.1: Istanbul ports 32
Plan 2.2: Konstantinopole ports 33
Plan 2.3: Golden Horn piers 35
Plan 2.4: Reconstruction period of shipyard, 1600-1800-1900 39
Plan 2.5: General overview to Golden Horn, the existing and proposal projects
surround Golden Horn 45
Plan 2.6: Planning Decisions of Galata Tower and its environs 51
Plan 2.7: Sütlüce Former Slaughter 52
Plan 2.8: Rahmi-Koc Industrial Museum 54
Plan 3.1: The Arsenale building phases 63
Plan 3.2: Liverpool’s waterfront 66
Plan 3.3: Showing the four islands of the Suomenlinna sea fortress 68
Plan 3.4: Land use pattern and transportation network of near vicinity 72
Plan 3.5: The exaggerated network plan of Galata, intervolving with new path 73
Plan 3.6: Planning Concept of Shipyard and near vicinity 77
LIST OF IMAGES
Image 1.1: Galata shipyard and Golden Horn from balloon 22
Image 1.2: Golden Horn Shipyard 23
Image 1.3: Golden Horn Shipyard 23
Image 1.4: Existing situation of Golden Horn Shipyard with Unkapani Bridge 24
Image 1.5: During the beginning of the century, shipyard 25
Image 2.1: Panorama of Golden Horn from Galata tower 31
Image 2.2: Arial view of Galata 36
Image 2.3: A storage in shipyard 37
Image 2.4: A winch in shipyard 37
Image 2.5: Golden Horn Shipyard, 1580(Cod. Vindob.8626) 38
Image 2.6: Golden Horn shipyard during 1870 38
Image 2.7: The first dry dock in the shipyard, 1798 40
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Image 2.8: Shipyard and Divanhane 41
Image 2.9: General overview to Galata tower and its surrounding 46
Image 2.10: A glance to Galata from Byzantine times 50
Image 2.11: Sütlüce Cultural Center 53
Image 2.12: Rahmi-Koc Industrial Museum in 1900s 55
Image 2.13: Rahmi-Koc Industrial Museum today 55
Image 2.14: Feshane Ottoman fez factory 56
Image 2.15: Feshane Ottoman fez factory 57
Image 2.16: Unkapani Bridge from Cibali 59
Image 2.17: Cibali from Golden Horn 59
Image 2.18: Cibali Factory as a university 60
Image 3.1: The site of Thetis’s headquarters during the course of building work 64
Image 3.2: Some of the particular solutions adopted in the recover interventions 65
Image 3.3: Liverpool’s waterfront 67
Image 3.4: Suomenlinna Museum 69
Image 3.5: Aerial photo of Suomenlinna, central in the background 69
Image 3.6: The building of the dock basin in the 1760s 70
Image 3.7: Living museum, dock as show platform both for museum
and other activities 75
Image 3.8: The Uzunkemer Aqueduct 78
Image 3.9: Refik Saydam Street from Tarlabasi direction
glancing to Unkapani Bridge 78
Image 3.10: New bridge proposal from the same direction 78
Image 3.11: Shipyard’s isolated open spaces, and Unkapani Bridge
as an obstacle for pedestrians 79
Image 3.12: Reuse of open space and the connectivity with the other side 80
LIST OF SCHEMES
Scheme 1.1: Waterfront, historical heritage and uses 17
Scheme 1.2: Zoning the waterfront 27
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LIST OF MAPS
Map 1.1: Location of Golden Horn Dockland on Istanbul orthophoto 22
Map 2.1: Konstantinopole yesterday and today 30
Map 2.2: Fourteen districts of Istanbul, Christoph Weigel, 1720 30
Map 2.3: Istanbul , Hellert, 1840 31
Map 2.4: Plan of Istanbul, De Nyaste, 1811 47
Map 2.5: Istanbul Metro, E Gavand, 1876 49
Map 3.1: The Venice Arsenal area 62
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ABSTRACT
This thesis named as “A shipyard transformation as a catalyst in Golden Horn, Galata and its
historical environs’ regeneration process.” is hoped to identify the purposes of the new water
redevelopment in a particular urban historical area in Istanbul by defining and eloborating the
catalyst criterias
The shipyards of Istanbul is one of the most important complexes in the whole Ottoman
history of industry and technology.It stretchs continuously on a two-kilometer stripe along the
northern coast of the Golden Horn between Galata and Hasköy. Today, in the region of
Golden Horn- Azapkapi- Taskizak, there are wide building complexes which were
constructed in successive stages, often erasing the edificies of the earlier periods. In March
1995, the shipyards were declared to be a historical site.And the registrastion of every
individual shipyard area repairs and changes started. But today shipyards function will be
moved away. Consequently this thesis states the past, present condition and the future of
Golden Horn shipyard and eloborate it in terms of urban transformation criterias that will be
considered as the framework of this research in order to find out a new function for the
complex so as to be a start for the regeneration of the entire area and a reference source for
reusing activities and conservation.
The study is enriched by taking up the scanning and evaluation techniques as references; and
concluded with a proposal in the guide of these references.
Key data:
• Waterfront
• Industrial heritage
• Urban Sustainability
• Refunctioning
• Urban Transformation
• Shipyards
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INTRODUCTION
Today, globalisation that has greater effect on cities has started a new era where economy has
a bigger role in the process of urbanism, urban change and transformation. Moreover cities
are subject to a new urban phenomeno because of the free capital roaming. Cities are
competing to get a share of the capital (land) shown as free on the global scale. Cities were
competing against each other for inward investment and were offering concessions and
inducements to attract businesses and industry, tourists and a skilled labor force. To be
different and create attractive facilities and therefore finding new free lands have become the
biggest problem of today’s cities. Education is the basic necessity. Consciousness should be
improved within the community and both sides of the case should do somethings to improve
those areas, because today the concept of management is becoming more important. For a
continuous urban development with the application of developed projects, both the society,
users and enterpreuter should act together and come to a consensus. Therefore, companies
and the government should create more opportunities to work together and the community
should contribute. Such a process will help the cities to globalize. However, this process
causes a conflict between the requirements of globalization and the cultural and historical
identity of the city.
A sustainable urban planning approach is accepted in today’s world in terms of the
development and conservation of the world cities. However In Turkey, physical planning still
is in charge since the traditional planning era.Urban transformation concept is one of the key
elements of planning issue. The aim of urban transformation activities is to make a positive
intervention into the fortune of the city. Urban transformation structure varies according the
planning decisions, environment, priorities in decision making and so on. Sometimes the
process starts from general to local and sometimes it happens opposite. (ERDEN, 2003)
First part of the thesis is in fact elaborating and giving the clear idea of this transformation
structure that will also assume and speculate this local transformation can be a catalyst for the
whole regeneration. Doing so the criterion will be explained in the first chapter.
Second chapter inquires the evaluation of the projects at the fringe of golden horn in context
of urban transformation catalysts. These projects will be elaborated in terms of the designated
criterion of urban transformation catalysts waterfront dimensions, historical heritage
dimensions, and uses of both of them. The chosen five projects are well fit to these three
criterions.
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Third chapter is strengthening the set forth ideas within the world wide examples. Doing so,
the new proposal for Golden Horn shipyard will be presented at the end of this chapter.
Fourth chapter comprises the conclusion and the general overview of the thesis.
In this respect the purpose of this thesis, within the guidance of the determined framework,
envisioning the Golden Horn vicinity and elaborating the issue comparing with similar
worldwide examples and finally proposing a new idea for the area.
CHAPTER 1: CONCEPTUAL AND THEORETICAL APPROACH TO
URBAN TRANSFORMATION
1.1. Definition of Urban Transformation and its scope
The “built environment” is a means for human beings to develop and reproduce themselves
and their culture. It has an omnipresent and ubiquitous characteristic and consequently has a
complex content running in parallel with the development of social structure. It is a non-stop
organism reinvigorated itself continuously (MIMARIST MAGAZINE, 2004).
The principle of transformation projects includes the improvement of the spatial quality with
changing the derelict image and getting an economic regeneration by “breathing new life”
into such areas.
Urban transformation concept is a term that has a multiplicity of meaning; at present it
encompasses the creation of new jobs, the construction of new buildings, community support,
the restructuring of a city or a neighborhood in physical terms and cultural interventions
(GREED&ROBERTS, 1998).
It is a fact that transformation comprises social, cultural, politic, economic, philosophic and
etc. data and it is a process starts from micro and ends with macro scale. Transformation has
different shades of meaning, from simple renewal to a more imaginative interpretation as a
renaissance or rebirth with a higher sense of order.
Most urban design activity takes place within existing urban environments and involves the
revitalization of buildings and area through a combination of renovation and transformation.
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1.1.1. Concepts and definitions as subtitles of Urban Transformation
Urban transformation classifies and defines these subtitles according to its different
application structure. Although these concepts vary such as gentrification, urban renewal,
urban revitalization, urban regeneration, urban rehabilitation, urban redevelopment, etc.,
meaning is more or less the same phenomenon, but pragmatically some of them can change
with the physical, social, cultural, philosophical and political reasons.
Gentrification
It is a socioeconomic development that brings and settles the high-income residents in some
part of the city in order to heal physical environment. Instead of the physical change, the
expectation is more related with social change in the beginning.
Urban renewal
Urban renovation in the first phase comprises demolishing the former urban zones and in the
second phase proposes the infrastructure and urban design projects. With all these it is aimed
to raise the quality of life standards with the new interventions.
Urban revitalization
Unsystematic demographic undulation, roaming of economic structure even with
programmable or not, underestimated or overestimated planning process, harm this fragile
social and economical structure and consequently cause the deterioration of physical
environment. In this regard urban revitalization is cleaning this deteriorated environment and
provides a new development.
Urban regeneration
A whole comprehensive and integrated vision in order to heal an area economically,
physically and socially. It provides the collaboration between public, private sectors and
participants. It supports the organizational structure for criticizing the political, economical,
environmental conditions to improve the urban space quality.
Urban rehabilitation
The main difference between urban rehabilitation and urban renewal is the conservation of the
area within the existing resident who will have the biggest benefit from this operation. It is a
harder method than urban renewal because the landowners are still living in their property.
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The aim is to heal the interior and outdoor space that was corrupted. These interventions are
arranged without touching the main structure of the building.
Urban redevelopment
Whilst under the circumstances urban conservation and rehabilitation does not work, urban
redevelopment is the inevitable solution. Urban redevelopment process starts with making
urban redevelopment plan, continues with public research and considering the advices from
related institutions to bring economical liveliness.
1.2. The Development of Urban Transformation Process
Urban transformation can be taken as a process of change that can take place at any time in
any field of life depending on different factor. Within this process, all the actors that produce
things in certain ways and share city life play an important role.
Cities have quite a dynamic structure and they constantly change. “Cities are shaped by the
local , regional, national and international forces” (HEALEY & ILBERLY, 1990). Being a
dynamic system, the world economy, political organizations and social changes reflect cities
from differet aspects.
When these different reflections are observed in process, it is seen that these go back to the
time of the industrial revolution. After industrialism started the cities became more attractive
to the immigrants. Moreover, the growth in the demographic structure of the city is seen in
the land. John M. Levy has mentioned that the 19th century technology caused the population
to establish in one area, whereas in the 20th century technology caused just the opposite.
When the II World War and the system in England is considered, another perspective is seen.
Post war was the time spent to reconstruct the ruined buildings.
The changes made from 1950s until today resulted in great difference. What lies under these
changes is people moving one place to another in the city due to the changes in the production
process as well as the rapid increase in population. The period from World War II to 1970s is
called Fordism and resulted in social and culural changes through the city. During this
period, changes in production and technology and standardisation were observed. Due to
huge amount of production some urban areas were turned into industrial areas and there was a
great demand for those areas. This demand caused the expertise of the functions ( LEVY,
1997).
After World War II the economy became lively and there was a great amount of increase in
world trade. International trade has existed for thousands of years and with the help of new
15
means of transportation and communication tools the whole world was bound together in
order to create a global economy.
As the demand for cheap raw material increased the process of globalization has become
faster. The globalization of production, trade and financial systems changed the physical
feature of money, and it has become an electronic tool. This process resulted in the beginning
of services such as banking, services and tourism (AKALIN, 2003).
When we look at the applications in developed countries, it is clearly seen that while
developing urban planning they considered keeping the natural and cultural identity of the
city. Today it is impossible to differentiate the areas which are planned to be developed from
the ones to be preserved. In addition to recent changes, new approaches of integral and
sustainable planning of cultural, historical, social, economical and natural values have been
preffered. Talking about this, we can say that urban transformation is based on four criterian:
• To prevent the physical wreckage and provide consistency in historical sites in cities.
• To make economy more lively
• To increase the quality of urban life and to start action in cultural dynamics
• Provide contribution from all classes
Some of these aims have privilage at times. Depending on the problems and the potential of
the areas, the approach to transformation changes (ERDEN, 2003).
The most argumantitive issue had been the strategical planning in terms of theoretical way of
thinking about city planning during 1990s. Strategic planning focused on transportation,
environment, health issues within the urban and regional scale.
Companies that were trying to grow and fulfill the requirements of the era, decided to plan
strategically for their unclear future. They did this in a flexible way and tried to view it from
different angels. In coming years, this strategic planning was seen in urban planning. Like
the companies were, the cities tried to plan strategically in order to compete with developed
cities of the world. Evaluating the potential, weakness, opportunities and the dangers of an
area strategic planning is required.
Strategic planning is important when providing a unity between the area to be transformed
and the city. Especially when creating an urban project and applying it, the strategially
planning approach should be considered as the current planning.
While in 1990s the approaches of urban planning focused on urban tranformation and
strategic planning, in the Rio Summit Meeting in 1992 protecting the environment with an
international scale gained a new aspect. With the Rio Summit Meeting, the protection and the
development of the environment had a new dimension through a change with the “new
16
environmental agenda”. This new environmental agenda focused on especially “global and
natural effects” (GREED&ROBERTS, 1998).
To counteract the effects of decline new measures were introduced, such as Urban
Development Corporations.
1.3. What makes an area catalyst in context of Urban Transformation?
From recent years a new trend is formed under the title urban transformation. There exist new
projects forming from a unique architectural element or a design intervention and be a pioneer
in entire transformation. Marion Roberts describes this as design-led transformation.
Sometimes such as a new opera house or a local transformation node can be the starter of
entire planning decisions.
To clarify this new approach some strategic examples can be beneficial. The Grands Projets,
Paris. The Grands Projets in Paris fall into the category of flagship developments rather than
coordinated interventions into the urban structure. The Grands Projets are major architectural
projects, mostly based on cultural activities, which were built predominantly during President
Mitterand's period of administration. One or two are simply buildings, for example the Opera
House in the Place de la Bastille. Most famously, one of the earliest of the Projets, Piano and
Rogers' Centre Pompidou does form an addition to the city's spaces in the form of the lively
square in from of it. Although the building itself provides a major intrusion in terms of height,
scale and mass into the surrounding urban tissue. The Grands Projets did have an underlying
strategy, in the sense that more were concentrated in the impoverished east of Paris, rather
than in the more affluent west (GREED&ROBERTS, 1998).
These local interventions are generally shaped with some dimensions. In this part of the
thesis, these dimensions will be elaborated in order to identify these interventions that will
also guide the decisions in final proposal of former shipyard.
These interventions concentrate on the overlap between three elements in Scheme 1.1
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Shipyard as
A catalyst
Scheme 2.1: Waterfront, historical heritage and uses
Inspired from: European port cities in Transition
Firstly, Historical heritage qualities; secondly, waterfront development potential of the area;
and thirdly, the potential uses of these two qualities.
Each of these is of increasing importance in its own right in cities worldwide, and each can
operate independently of the others. Heritage is not solely a waterfront phenomenon nor is it
used only within tourism; there are numerous examples of waterfronts that have been
redeveloped without recourse to heritage uses. Nevertheless, their combination is increasingly
visible as both one of the most typical settings for tourist-historic development and one of the
most promising area development strategies for waterfront revitalization
(HOYLE&PINDER, 1992).
1.3.1. Historical Heritage Dimensions
The relationship between heritage tourism and waterfronts can be examined by posing two
quite different sets of fundamental questions resulting from two different approaches. The
first is from the heritage perspective, and asks 'What is the role of the waterfront in the touristhistoric
city? Above all, it seeks to examine the special physical and historical attributes of
waterfronts and their contribution to distinctive formal and functional elements within the
Historical Heritage
Waterfront
Development
Uses of
Heritage&Waterfront
18
tourist-historic city. The second approach is from a waterfront policy standpoint, and poses
the question 'What is the role of heritage-related activities within waterfront revitalization?'
This approach examines the functional associations that exist between these and other
activities, within the context of the aims and instruments of this particular type of area
development policy (HOYLE&PINDER, 1992).
These two interrelations would be the key element for the future development. The more
dominant character in terms of the priorities for the area will have the more right to comment
on.
1.3.1.1. Functional Shifting Process of Historical Urban Centers and Renovation
Approach
One of the main reasons behind the transformation of cities is the change of control
mechanisms and functions because of the societal layering (OSMAY).
Problems of city centre can be varied as the economic transformation in city centers,
immigrations, cities getting worn out caused by improper use, poverty and social problems
result from this. Besides being worn out, city centers go through a change due to local,
national and global effects. As the population increases and more areas become a part of the
city, more and more urban transformation occurs.
Population in developing cities moves fom city centers to outer skirts of the city. Because of
all these facts, besides pysical problems such as cities becoming worn out because of
improper use, sea and air pollution, social problems like clash among different social classes
are observed.
From 1960s till today, great changes took place in city centres in terms of industrial
construction. Field of industrial activity decreased in city centres. With the changes in the
fields of industry and trade, economic activities related to these sectors decreased as well.
Industrial activities became more common in areas out of the city centres or countryside
(ERDEN, 2003).
In 1970 and 1980s many city centres became a ´core of finance, law and scientific studies
which preffered offices, entertainment and residence as places for establishment. In this
period, the factors that support this transformation show parallellism to criticisms made about
the urban settings. In short, the historical identity of the areas and areal connections that
could be made through this are seen as the main reason for attraction. Due to the
improvement in communication technology the rapid decrease in human action required for
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work is another reason for this. In addition to all these,the recycle resulted from these factors
has played an important role in the popularity of these places.
After this period, the need to regenerate the cities physically, socially and economically in
particular has become a must due to the growth of cities. The period of renovation has started
to revive these centers (ERGUN, 2003).
The money received from the unearned income of the city and its becoming one of the most
important criteria for the private sector resulted in action in big cities. As the work fields
changed places and new economic sectors started becoming popular in cities, urban projects
became more popular. Within the city centre, development and conservation plans lost
popularity as the new trade sectors, centres, public places and the tendency to become an
internationally compatible city became popular. Also, small scale design and transformation
projects became more attractive in city management (ERDEN, 2003).
New approaches that attract more attention on trade economy of cities cause diffirent uses that
comprise economical functions.The regeneration, conservation and appraisal of current
historical pattern in city centers brought an understanding of contribution of both private
sectors and publicity (YIGITCANLAR, 2001).
Places like former industrial areas and portlands that lost function during urban renovations,
are becoming more popular places to build quality places.While the city management is
planning to have an urban image and prestige, the private sector, involved in this process
somehow, is expecting some unearned income.
This enthusiasm on both regeneration and renovation issues should not be a tool of the
unearned income sharing process. The strategic planning approach with this enthusiasm have
considered the social, economical and cultural components (ERDEN, 2003).
1.3.1.2. Evaluation of Historical Industrial Areas Concerning Industrial
Archeology
Warren argues that designing in an historic environment requires an 'awareness of historic
circumstances and a sense of responsibility to historic evidence.
J. Wahren
Over the last 20 years, the idea of adapting buildings that were used especially in industrial
fields into fields that do not serve industry has come up. Unlike physical renovation,
recycling starting with the existing city structure and spreading it to social, economical and
cultural fields’ wellness has become important.
Before analyzing the industrial archeology one has to think about the term historicism.
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Historicism the stylistic intervention - may like every other intervention be full of or lacking
in other qualities such as inventiveness, accuracy, efficiency and it may vary in mood. It may
be sombre, it may be gay, it may be, wayward, capricious or exuberant. It may do its well or it
may fail. That is an emotive impact. There is in all creatures a response to 'certain signals
associated with the past. The smell of woodsmoke, hay fields or incense, the sounds of voices
from long ago, the travel down the road once familiar, the sight of a long-forgotten face, the
recall of childhood places: these things all arouse emotions derived from experience echoing
in the caverns of the mind. So if is that historicism plays powerfully on the emotions, lifting
the half remembered past into the focus of the present. Like any powerful tool it has its place
and an ethic in its use (WARREN&WORTHINGTON&TAYLOR, 1998).
What makes an industrial building attractive in terms putting new uses on them. Many
industrial complexes have a long-life spam. Their load bearing walls are solid and made to
carry massive floor loadings. Like other neglected buildings they can be prey to wet and dry
rot if damp gets in, but if well maintained many have a life of decades, even centuries, ahead
of them.
Secondly, they are extremely adaptable. The majority are laid out on an open plan and can be
repaired and upgraded for a range of uses, for light industrial and workshop use, for high-tech
offices and residential accommodation. Restored industrial buildings and industrial areas that
have been transformed can develop an enormous cachet. Flats in warehouses now sell at a
premium, not only in London's docklands, but in Liverpool's Albert Dock. Equally, there are
many exciting examples of milts and warehouses being adapted as nursery spaces for a whole
range of small businesses and individuals setting up on their own.Finally,in areas of major
dereliction industrial buildings and their surroundings offer a key opportunity for urban
regeneration on a very large scale ( BINNEY&MACHIN, 1990).
As is for all cultural inheritance, the concept of industrial inheritance was born under the
threat of destruction of industrial age. When industrialism that developed in 19th century in
Europe became a threat for the traditional face of the city, protests to save these traditional
values started. As the anti-industrial age started, the decentralization of industry from city
centers necessitated the need the use unused historical places as an important part of the city
life. That’s when the concept of ‘industrial inheritance’ was used.Till the mid 20th century,
industrial fields were seen as the symbols of bad working conditions and technology and that
they had to be terminated. However, in the last quarter of 20th century, the international
value of industrial inheritance in England was admitted and was regarded as a cultural
value.As is known, today big lands are valueable and therefore, industrial lands that are
21
pressed in the city centres are regarded as worthy due to the space they occupy. Industrial
archeology is defined as the evaluation of industrial buildings in their own area as well as
being recorded and even in some cases protection of them. The main aim of industrial
archeology is to appraise these buildings that are not used anymore as well as to benefit both
socially and eceonomically. What is left from deserted industrial buildings is a wreck that
needs to be renovated.Renovating and activating these buildings require a careful application
regarding to the needs of the environment as well as the cultural structure of the area
(KIRAC, 2001).
Carrying the production organisations of the past to the future as a “documentary of public
progress” will have a great effect on Turkey, where consuming is preffered to producing
and where science is isolated day by day. This effect will help people remember the
importance of enlightment because at the same time industrial heritage is the “historical
proof” of what man can do when mind is dominant rather than belief (EKINCI, 2001).
When renovating and protecting industrial heritage, benefit to the public should be
considered. When renovating and transforming, if the cultural value of such areas are ignored
and if this process is only considered as a physical protection and planning, some parts of the
project will definately be missed. Surely this will result in problems when projects are put
into reality as well as the consistency.
Our architects must produce buildings that are recognizable of our own age but with an
understanding and respect for history and context. If this involves some challenges to public
taste and convention, it may not be a bad thing. At the same time we should treat our historic
buildings with care and integrity, minimizing the changes they undergo to meet current needs,
and maximizing their authenticity. Then we may achieve a situation where our historic towns
continue to embrace buildings of different periods and styles (including our own) without
upsetting their essential characteristics; where new is distinguishable from old, and where
debate and controversy ensure that professional scrutiny and public interest are alive and well.
(WARREN&WORTHINGTON&TAYLOR, 1998).
Throughout the regeneration process for these areas, problems occur due to dense housing.
However, the dense housing demand offers reasonable opportunities. Especially when it
comes to building places for artistic and cultural events such places are considered (KIRAC,
2001).
Golden Horn can be an example to one of the places that used to be used as an industrial
area until recently and now projects are being made to use that area as a center of social
and cultural events. Among these industrial areas, Rehabilitation of Feshane Former
22
Textile Plant, Sütlüce slaughter house, Vehbi Koc industrial museum, Kadir Has
University, Silahtaraga Electric Factory will be eloborated in further chapters.
1.3.1.2.1. The Importance of Golden Horn Shipyards as an Industrial Heritage
The settlements by the water have always had a special place anywhere in the world. The
input of the water culture, the developments regarding to water, transportation on water and
other facilities can not be ignored. The shipyards that needed to use water were placed by the
water resources. However as bigger ships were built and the need for bigger production areas
became necessary due to great changes in technology, these shipyards became insufficient.
Map 2.1: Location of Golden Horn Dockland on Istanbul orthophoto
Therefore, nearly all the shipyards in the world have lost their importance due to the
development of technology. The shipyards that would meet the requirements are also built by
water but away from the city center. Moreover, due to reasonable prices and services from
Image 1.1: Galata shipyard and Golden Horn from balloon Source: Istanbul Dergisi
23
3rd world countries, many shipyards in Europe are being closed down without even being
renovated or moved.
The shipyards that were built away from city centres, are now in the middle of the cities .
Thanks to the evacuation of the old and unused shipyards, there are many unused and
valuable areas by water and in important parts of the city. This case is seen in cities like
London, Liverpool, Amsterdam, Anrvverp, Oslo, Lübeck, Venice, Barcelona and many others
and solutions are being sought.
Besides places mentioned above, Istanbul Golden Horn shipyards, although they can fulfill
the needs of the improving technology, is in danger of becoming obsolete. With a decision
made on April 18, 2000 by the privatisation committee, Golden Horn shipyard was closed and
the land of 69.000 m2 of Golden Horn shipyard was transferred to the Institute of Sea
Sciences and Management of İstanbul University and a land of 72.000 m2. It was decided to
to be used as a Police Academy on the behalf of Istanbul Municapility. The immensity of the
land that is to be used again including Taskızak shipyard is big and it is placed on a very
crucial area. When the importance of the place and the technological architectural value of
the land is considered, the difficulty of the problem will be even more obvious (MIMARIST
MAGAZINE, 2001).
Image 1.2: Golden Horn Shipyard Image 1.3:Golden Horn Shipyard
Source: Dünden bugüne Halic
Golden Horn shipyards were established in the second half of the 15th century by Fatih Sultan
Mehmet at the north shore of Golden Horn .Ship’s construction process beginning in the 15th
century in parts of shipyards had been prolonged in dry docks and stone shipways that were
built in 18th century and for the purposes of advancing technology and increasing demands it
has achieved today by expending and developing. Shipyards provide information on ship’s
construction and maintenance as well together with they are the most important documents of
shipping history and technologic advancement. With Its three large dry docks, stone
24
shipways, interesting docking techniques and original ground fireside it is an area that is
giving information on technical issues on the site (KOKSAL, 1996).
In the industrialization period of Ottoman Empire, installations, experts and production
techniques that had been brought generally from European countries were used in building of
factories, and installation and operation of the machines. Today, it is possible to see the
intensity of influence and support of Europe while Turkey’s industrial archeology is being
researched. On the other hand, there are original techniques in shipyards. Simultaneously with
their own advancements, either shipyard has contributed and effected the development of the
district where they have been located or they have caused new structuring. The history and
campus of the line spanning from Kasımpasa to Haskoy may not be considered without
shipyards.
Image 1.4: Existing situation of Golden Horn Shipyard with Unkapani Bridge
Photographed by: A. Kaan Özgün
Not only for the said region, shipyards also important for Istanbul and Turkey since they are
the one of the rare industrial protection areas surviving still. Even, it is the rare industrial
protection area of which installations have been protected completely. With its architectural
accumulation and historic permanency, there is no other shipyard around the world having
this sizes and quality. In the light of the examples taken from the abroad, it is an undeniable
fact that the most successful way to protect a building or an award is sustaining its original
works, and regular maintenance and repair said in protection and new utilization suggestions
for Golden Horn shipyards. However, still resisting in spite of their 5.5 century past,
shipyards of Istanbul has no such a chance. Governments have preferred making contribution
to city culture by providing those shipyards to be opened to the public and to be the venues of
cultural and artistic activities as almost a joint resolution but free from each other for the
shipyards stated above. Although, we are also cut off from all other countries at this point.
New functions such as “police academy” are deemed suitable for these unique shipyards with
respect to historic and technologic process, and not application of those functions since 18th
25
April 2000 when the decision was made brings different questions to the minds and makes the
situation blurred (KOKSAL, 2001).
It is necessary to present this area having three large dry docks, stone shipways, workshops,
technical units and a special characteristic such as coast to Golden Horn, to the daily life of
the city by using it for the good of the commonwealth and with recreation areas. In a city like
Istanbul where contact with the sea is very dense, sea – city relation has weaken and started to
get lost. The new function decision to be made for the shipyards, might provide renewing
and/or reestablishment of city center – sea relation by strengthening this relation that has
regressed until today.
1.3.2. Waterfront Development Dimensions
Mann, in his review of river cities, has explained this fascination and has asserted that "more
than any other catalyst, riversides hold the greatest hope for beginning a revival of
confidence in the urban physical environment" (1973: 20).
The principal purposes of waterfront redevelopment include the achievement of public access
to waterfront, improvement to the image of derelict waterfront areas, and the achievement of
economic regeneration by "breathing new life" into such areas. Flowing from the strategies to
improve the economic viability of the waterfront areas are such sub strategies as the
achievement of worthwhile usage of heritage buildings the strategy need not be focused so
narrowly (CRAIG&STEPHEN&FAGENCE&MICHAEL, 1995).
Closer examination often reveals interplay between historic and contemporary elements.
Because the waterfront is itself an historic resource reclaimed for public access, one could
argue that many new leisure amenities locating there are in fact historic ancillaries and part of
what we shall term the 'historic city'. In this regard, many waterfronts worldwide stage
Image 1.5: During the beginning of the century, shipyard Source: Istanbul ansiklopedisi
26
summer festivities which attract people by the historic associations of water
(HOYLE&PINDER, 1992).
The main characteristic of waterfront is the interface of land and water. Accessibility is one of
the attribute that enriches this interface in context of tourist-historic development. Secondly
environmental amenities as well as visual relationship between land and water, some
attraction points welcome the tourists, thirdly particular types of activities like bridges, boats,
ferries, pier, railroads etc. and finally past identity association that complement to former
industrial remains.
The most usual case is that the waterfront provides opportunities not available elsewhere with
which those leisure-related activities may flourish and be enhanced. Thus, the use of
waterfront areas for leisure, recreation, and tourism activities is opportunistic more often than
it is predetermined.
The motivations to improve the image of waterfront, is related with the new development
opportunities to old fashion ,non-used plants and other commercial practices, bringing the
public back to waterfront by providing facilities and amenities which have public interest and
rehabilitating the built fabric.
The general challenge confronting waterfront redevelopment is to discover the appropriate
mix of uses and the means to satisfactorily achieve harmonious balance between the activities
and aspirations of the client group or constituencies There is a wealth of evidence that
integrating leisure related uses in schemes of waterfront redevelopment provides a balance to
the overall concept, in some cases creating a new catalyst for investor and user attention In the
modern city and in the redevelopment of urban waterfront districts within modern cities, the
integration of leisure, recreation, and tourism components is becoming more a matter of core
concern (CRAIG&STEPHEN&FAGENCE&MICHAEL, 1995).
Scheme 1.2: Zoning the waterfront Source: European port cities in Transition
27
1.3.3. Uses of Heritage and Waterfront
One of the consistent elements of the strategies of waterfront economic regeneration has been
the advantage taken of rehabilitating heritage buildings. In waterfront locations, the
opportunities have been taken up with various maritime buildings (warehouses), military
buildings (armaments stores), navigational buildings (lighthouses, port offices), and port
installations (dockyards, dry docks, wharves, and equipment). Such buildings represent a
significant stock, which, with initiative can be rendered suitable for modern usage for
accommodation, commercial storage, retailing, entertainment, and cultural purposes. The
restoration, refurbishment, and revitalization of buildings and sites have involved a significant
change of use and improvements to infrastructure, utility services, and transport facilities
(CRAIG&STEPHEN&FAGENCE&MICHAEL, 1995).
The ingredients of success may differ according to the peculiar circumstances of any scheme;
however, the important elements may be considered to include a judicious mix of compatible
commercial uses, the sympathetic treatment of heritage buildings to meet new commercial
challenges, the adoption of a consistent commercial and aesthetic ambience (particularly
intermixing heritage and new buildings), the successful pedestrian linkage of the waterfront to
nearby trafficked public areas, and the incorporation of leisure and commercial amenities
(CRAIG&STEPHEN&FAGENCE&MICHAEL, 1995).
In summary, four overlapping functions of tourist-historicity can be identified in the cases
considered below, namely:
Heritage resources can support a major heritage industry in its own right: a commercial
activity selling the commodified past as part of a package of leisure products.
It can be a means of attracting ancillary demand for facilities that are principally serving other
non-leisure related functions. Such extra demand may not be the reason for the establishment
of these activities but may render them profitable. It can be valued as a means of animating an
area through the presence of people and activities which, although uneconomic in themselves,
nevertheless indirectly contribute to the economic viability of other activities through the
stimulation of a desirable atmosphere. In this respect, leisure facilities have the valued
attribute of being effective outside the opening hours of many other commercial activities.
Finally, all tourism is heavily dependent upon the generation and promotion of particular
place images. The place image is supporting heritage and cultural tourism may, in turn, be
valued for their beneficial impacts upon other unrelated activities, such as amenity-sensitive
28
white collar employers, or, more broadly, for their support for civic consciousness and selfconfidence
(HOYLE&PINDER, 1992).
Aside from the other models in world wide, tourist historic waterfront and commercial port
are located on a single node unlike Istanbul. These different nodes spread along the Bosporus
and Golden Horn.
Golden Horn and the development along the golden horn is one of the important parts of this
linear development of heritage waterfront use.
1.3.4. Conclusion
The degree to which a port waterfront is ceded to leisure uses, whether heritage based or not,
reflects the relative economic strengths of the port function on the one side and the touristhistoric
function on the other, with the further possibility of intervention by an alternative
dominant adaptive re-use (HOYLE&PINDER, 1992).
The potent attraction of the artifacts of war, and the symbolic importance of its historical
associations, endow naval bases with an enormous potential heritage value.
The tourist-historic dimension is the mainspring of waterfront leisure. The creation of the
heritage product for recreational markets from the collective memory of the past is just one
personalized consumer product among many others. Current interest in the concept of the
post-modern city perceives this as dominated by variety, eclecticism, personalized
consumption, place distinction and high quality environments. The tourist-historic waterfront
has most of these characteristics and could therefore be regarded as archetypal post-modern.
Plan 1.1: Development on the Bosporus Source: European port cities in Transition
29
Without prejudice to these issues, the emergence of the tourist-historic waterfront has will
implications for the city and urban society, in an era of change and development
(HOYLE&PINDER, 1992).
This approach is going to be a base of the projects at the fringe of Golden Horn in the further
chapter.
PART 2: THE EVALUATION OF THE PROJECTS AT THE FRINGE OF
GOLDEN HORN IN CONTEXT OF URBAN TRANSFORMATION
CATALYSTS.
2.1. The History of Golden Horn and Spatial Usage Differentiations
Istanbul is the creation not only of its unique history but of its magnificent site. It is a city
created and given life by the sea. It witnessed several civilizations in its history. These
civilizations had a big role to shape the city. Latifi, a 16th century Turkish poet, writes: “It lies
where the Black Sea and the Mediterranean meet and between two rivers, an outstanding,
beautiful, immense and famous city, built like paradise. Lamartine says “God and man, nature
and art cooperated to create this the most beautiful and incomparable landscape ever to be
seen in this world.
The rolling hills of the eastern Balkans end in a promontory at the meeting point of the
Bosporus, the Golden Horn and the Propontis. The Keras (Golden Horn), a natural inlet of 7.5
km (about 4.5 miles) long is the best harbor in the entire Northern Aegean Sea (KUBAN,
1996).
Map 2.1: Konstantinopole yesterday and today Source:ippotis@aurora.eexi.gr
30
We may search the principal factors under grounding on the history of Byzantine and Galata
to such old times, in their geographical structure that was convenient to trade resulted from
position of Golden Horn which was a protected port (KOCYIGIT, 2002).
Image 2.1: Panorama of Golden Horn from Galata tower Source: Galata: a guide to Istanbul’s Old Genoese
Quarter.
In addition to this, strategic importance of Golden Horn is increased since it bore the traces of
many period of the history, it had a cultural and ethnical variety and the most important one it
was located at the center of the city of Istanbul, it was connecting Galata and historic
peninsula each other.
In the 2nd century B.C., Polibios described that clearly in his world history written:
“Byzantines are the people living in the most convenient sea side with respect to security and
welfare.” Thus, the city was an important port and place to transfer the loads from the
beginning. This role determined the development of the city either its weight decreased or
increased for centuries (WEINER, 1998).
Map 2.2: Fourteen districts of Istanbul, Christoph Weigel, 1720 Source: Maps of Istanbul
31
Additionally its function as a gullet, port and sea way, Golden Horn had to take responsibility
of functions of the street since it was important as city “streets”. Furthermore, there were very
few vehicle roads in the city and thus almost no vehicle was used in transportation. Porters
and load animals were the most important carriers in the city for the centuries. Therefore, it
isn’t surprising that preferring sea transport which takes time but comfortable and usually
faster instead of difficult roads (WEINER, 1998).
2.1.1. The Location of Golden Horn, Physical Data and Development Process
throughout the History
Golden Horn is a sea recession that interfere the land for 7.5 km .The Golden Horn is
approximately 300 meters wide with a depth sufficient to allow big ships to enter for a stretch
of 4km. Two small rivers, the Kydaris (Alibeyköy Creek) and the Barbyzes (Kagithane
Creek) discharge their waters into the Golden Horn. It occupies 25 million square meter area.
The deepest point is 40 meter in between Galata and Atatürk Bridge, and the depth is getting
shallow towards the inner part because of the wastes. On the northern shore of the Golden
Horn, at the entrance to the harbor, lies a plateau running down to the shores with rather steep
shores. The city of Sykai (later known as Pera- Galata) was founded on the slopes facing the
promontory on which Byzantium was founded.
Map 2.3: Istanbul , Hellert, 1840 Source: Maps of Istanbul
32
As Clavijo says, “it was the safest and finest harbor in the whole world. The Bosporus, the 31
km. (19.3 miles) long channel between Asia and Europe has been, since Antiquity, renowned
for its fairy landscape, wooded hills, narrow valleys, streams and small harbors. At the
entrance of the Black Sea, the channel is 3.6km at the Marmara entrance 1.7km wide. Its
narrowest point (698m) is between the two Turkish castles in mid Bosporus (Anadoluhisari-
Rumelihisari) (KUBAN, 1996).
2.1.1.1. Ports during Byzantium Period
During the foundation of the city by I. Constantinus (334) there had been probably an
enormous economical growth thus despite the development of sea transportation, the
condition of the ports and the functions did not change a lot.
These ports were well secured by surrounded city walls and breakwaters. They used as trade
and transportation center until the first half of 4.century.
Neorion(sirkeci) had the shipyard functions until it was occupied by Genoese. Neorian name
was given to the gate afterwards. P. Gilles mentioned three emptiness signify a possible
presence of a port nearby the Kinegeon (Balat) gate (WEINER, 1998).
Plan 2.1: Istanbul ports Source: Istanbul periodicals
33
2.1.1.1.1. Port and Shipyard Complexes on the Northern Shore of Golden Horn
In the first years following the establishment of Konstantinopolis, the old shipyard complexes
located at the western of Neorion (Old Exarstysis in today’s Eminönü district) ought to be
used for a period of time, but short after, a need to construction of a bigger navy and
complexes (construction and installation places, slip hangars and possibly ship houses) to
shelter the navy because of the military requirements ought to be born. For this reason, it is in
the Kasımpasa bay which was under the Pagai across Golden Horn and wider in the past (the
region in which Tersane-i amire established in Ottoman period).
P. Gilles said that “The all shore surrounding Galata is appropriate to be a port and allows
ships to close to the land. A space in which there were many houses belonging to the
merchants, shops, drinking house, besides there were empty spaces for ships to unload, were
left between city walls and bay.”
With the new complexes, the first small scaled shipyard vetus tersana was established for
trade and port activities in 1303 (WEINER, 1998).
2.1.1.2. Port during Ottoman Period (Till 18th. Century)
The new period that opened in the history of the city by the conquest of Konstantinapolis in
1453’s May, showed itself in port and port activities as it was in other fields of city life. In the
Plan 2.2: Konstantinopole ports Source: Bizans’tan Osmanli’ya Istanbul Limani
34
last period of Byzantine, Golden Horn became a wide trade port of which entrance may be
closed when a war broke out and which was used for different commercial transportation,
besides, at the southern part of the city there was Kontoskalion port of which surroundings
had been strengthened for the navy. This bay was protected from south and north winds that
often turned storm in Istanbul by two hills rising form its two sides.
The new coming ships anchored first in front of Golden Horn and they only could close to the
land for loading and unloading. The shore in Golden Horn was usually deepen very
perpendicularly, there was an opportunity to transfer the goods from the ship to the land
directly over the simple wooden beams for even the ships having more than 2 m floating level
and big trade ships of the following centuries. Shore regions at the two side of the entrance of
Golden Horn served for port activities, on the other hand, at the upper side of Golden Horn
there were waterside houses placed along the shore even on the poles (WEINER, 1998).
From the mid Byzantine period, the entire Golden Horn was considered as the port of the city,
but for trading houses and main port functions, that is loading and unloading of the ships,
storing of the goods, only some specific shores were used.
If the function of each wharf in Byzantine period was certain, there were fixed wharfs for hips
coming from specific ports or some certain good groups in the shores longing 11 – 12
kilometers between Istanbul and Pera in the Ottoman period.
Plan 2.3: Golden Horn piers Source: Bizans’tan Osmanli’ya Istanbul Limani
Limani
35
Topographic sequence
1. Yalı Köşkü Pier
2. Sirkeci Pier
3. Meydan ve Vezir Pier
4. Bahçekapı Pier
5. Üsküdar Pier
6. Gümrük Pier
7. Balikpazari Pier
8. Hasır Pier
9. Limon Pier
10. Yemiş Pier
11. Çardak Pier
12. Odun Pier
13. Bokluk Pier
14. Unkapanı Pier
15. Tüfekhane Pier
16. Balıkhane Pier
17. Cibalikapi Pier
18. Ayakapı Pier
19. Yenikapı Pier
20. Balat Pier
21. Ayvansaray Pier
22. Defterdar Pier
23. Balçık Pier
24. Eyüp Pier
25. Kâğıthane Pier
26. Karaağaç Pier
27. Sütlüce Pier
28. Piripaşa Pier
29. Hasköy Pier
30. Kasımpaşa Pier
31. Meyit Pier
32. Azapkapı Pier
33. Funda Pier
34. Kürekçikapı Pier
35. Yağkapanı Pier
36. Balıkpazan Pier
37. Karaköy Pier
38. Mumhane Pier
39. Kîreçkapı Pier
40. Egrikapı Pier
41. Debbağhane and
Sirkeci Pier
42. Tophane Pier
43. Çavuşbaşı Pier
44. Salıpazari Pier
45. Hamallar Pier
46. Fındıklı Pier
47. Kabataş pier
Shores of Golden Horn were covered with simple workshops, artless wooden houses and
water side houses. Some parts of the old sea walls could be seen behind them in patches.
But the factor that determined the silhouette of the wide port bay were the consequent ship
parts of Tersane-i Amire, that is the Big Ottoman Shipyard, together with the navy ships in
front of the shipyard (WEINER, 1998).
2.1.1.2.1. Ottoman Imperial Arsenal: A Shipyard known as Tersane-i Amire
The Ottoman Imperial Arsenal was the central base of the Ottoman Navy, comprised of
docks, administrative buildings, man stores for ammunition and timber, workshops, a
prison and a mosque, was the largest and most active of the arsenals in the Mediterranean.
It benefited the information and experience of the Venice maritime.
There were two categories of personnel in the Imperial Arsenal, its administrators (ricals)
and artisans. The emin, kethuda and aga of the Arsenal and those in charge of ship building
and equipment formed the first category, (the rical). The officers (azabs) and ship captains,
caulkers, oars makers, blacksmiths, repairmen, oakum-workers, pulley-makers and
bombardiers formed the second category (BOSTAN, 1992)
36
It is understood that Fatih saw the value and necessity of having a navy with respect to his
future plans, and he tried to keep all ship masters and carpenters in the city after conquest.
Although opportunity to construct a new ship in Istanbul at that time was very limited, in
the following years, the navy had important role in Sinop and Trabzon (1461), Midilli and
Eflak (1462) campaigns and then, in the war with Venice lasted in 16 years (1463-1479)
and conquest of Ceneviz lands in Kırım (1475). The places used for this were the small
shipyard at the western side of Pera and old Byzantine shipyard in Kontoskalion (Kadirga
Port) which was widened by the emperor in the winter of 1462-63 (WEINER, 1998).
Image 2.2: Arial view of Galata Source: Conference about a new urban planning approach for
the regeneration of a historical area from Istanbul`s Central
Business District
Image 2.3: A storage in shipyard Source: Bizans’tan Osmanli’ya Istanbul Limani
37
Following the conquest of Istanbul by Fatih Sultan Mehmet, Kadirga Port was used as a
shipyard for a period of time and then the first Galata shipyard which was consisting of a
few parts in Aynalikavak district of Golden Horn. Among the outbuildings of this
shipyard, there were only a small mosque and public sitting place. Carpenters, shipmen and
artists from the costal parts of the Empire were brought to Istanbul in order to new
shipyard may sustain its activities.
In the pictures belonging to the late 15th century, there were galleys being built or repaired
on the land other than anchored ones in front of Kasimpasa bay upper side of Galata walls,
and those galleys and galleons were seen in Golden Horn. We could see from that Galata
shipyard started to develop as a center (BOSTAN, 1992).
After the successor of Bayezid, Selim the 1st (1512-16) took the head, he gave an order to
establishment of larger shipyards each having 100 parts and the capacity of 200 galleys in
Gallipolis and Istanbul by accelerating the enlarge navy in order to achieve his goals.
In 1513-14’s winter, construction of the shipyard, later known as Tersane-i Amire, of new
navy in the bay located at the west of Galata which deeper recessed to the land at that time,
were started. This facility turned an industrial complex that was remarkable for the time in
a short period of time. According to what Bailo Antonio Giustiniani of Venice was written
the first four parts were completed in 1513’s fall after the graveyard right up there the
slope was removed to the new mass graveyard. In 1514’s spring, 50, at the end of its
summer 100 parts were ready. Parts of the shipyard were only covered with wooden and
tile and there were small cellars to keep equipments of each galleys.
Image 2.4: A winch in shipyard Source: Bizans’tan Osmanli’ya Istanbul Limani
38
Sizes of the buildings varied from 5.5-7 meters and heights varied from 20-40 meters. It
was used as a storage place for other equipments at the same time. A big fire in 1547
destroyed some parts of the shipyard and jail called Banyol at the west, but repaired
immediately, all complex were covered by high stone walls in 1547.
The number of skilled worker working in the shipyard was between 86-88 in 1528-30. P.
Contarini talked about 800 carpenters and repairmen parts of them were captives in 1583.
G. Moro wrote that there were 600 repairmen who were guardians usually in 1592.
Besides, from time to time, craftsmen in Galata had been given order (WEINER, 1998).
In 1707, Grand Vizier Corlulu Ali Pasha had a mosque built in the center of the shipyard,
that mosque would be known as Kisla mosque later on. P. Pococke stated that there were
11 ships in Tersane-i Amire in his visit at the beginning of 1740’s summer; he said the
biggest ship had about 56 meters length and the power of 110 guns and it was equal with
modern British ships (WEINER, 1998).
Image 2.5: Golden Horn Shipyard, 1580(Cod. Vindob.8626) Source: Bizans’tan Osmanli’ya Istanbul
Limani
Image 2.6: Golden Horn shipyard during 1870 Source: Bizans’tan Osmanli’ya Istanbul Limani
39
To the end of 1700s, the first dry dock was established within the frame of modernizing
works. The dock extended almost double of its sizes is still active today (WEINER, 1998).
In 1802, following the demolition of old shipyard walls forming barrier and building on the
next shore, the shipyard had the areas that it needed urgently for new enlargements.
Opening the doors of the dock and launching the new built ships are important events for
the emperor and people of palace. One of the big building projects in the shipyard was a
large hangar building established on the ship maintenance pool to the end of the 19th
century. This building determined the last appearance of Tersane-i Amire with its
chimneys smoking black, a few old clerks, few floored many manufacturing buildings and
cellars (WEINER, 1998).
Construction of the fixed bridges, increasing traffic in the port and abundance of the ships
anchored around the outer port region, entrance to the shipyard from the sea was getting
difficult during 19th century, while the usable area in the shipyard was started to be
insufficient, modernizing the complex of the shipyard was being considered from the
Plan 2.4: Reconstruction period of shipyard, 1600-1800-1900
Source: Bizans’tan Osmanli’ya Istanbul Limani
40
beginning of the 20th century and it was planned that to move all complex of the shipyard
from Golden Horn to another place in Izmit gulf. As a result of the screening in 1913,
shipyard would be built up and operated by an English company, Armstrong, in a modern
way but the war broke out in 1914 prevented it. However, plans on moving of the navy
shipyard were considered again after the 1st World War ended. The new base of the
Turkish navy has been in Izmit, Golcuk since 1925 with all necessary complexes
(WEINER, 1998).
As the land of the empire was so close with the sea, ship’s construction was attempted
wherever needed. With the exception of Istanbul shipyard, Ottomans had shipyards in
Black Sea, Aegean Sea, Mediterranean, and Red Sea, Basra Gulf and Tuna and Firat rivers
as well. In 16th century, Istanbul shipyard (Tersane-i Amire) which was one of the
towering shipyards in the world had shown entirety with respect to its ship’s construction
clerks, storages, workshops, subsidies of the shipping industry, social facilities such as
mosque and fountain and dungeon. In the Ottoman, there were some other shipyards
except Tersane-i Amire, in Gallipolis, Sinop, Izmit, Suveysh, Basra, Birecik, Ruscuk,
Samsun, Kefken depending on the Tersane-i Amire, as a natural result of its lands
(BOSTAN, 1992).
Image 2.7: The first dry dock in the shipyard, 1798 Source: Bizans’tan Osmanli’ya Istanbul Limani
41
2.2. Golden Horn during the planning era of Istanbul
Istanbul has, rightfully, held the title of world city, since the 4th century of our era. No
great transformation is detectable in the life style/physical fabric or spatial patterns of the
city during the Byzantine and Ottoman periods. But, in the 18th and, particularly, in the
19th century, fundamental changes occurred in its life style and physical structure. Istanbul
had begun its battle with the Industrial age (ORTAYLI, 1997).
Golden Horn throughout the history witnessed the exploitation of industrial amenities in
terms of transportation and other economical reasons. The contamination in Golden Horn
actually started in Ottoman era. Industrial civilization had always been an obsession of
Ottoman sultans as well without hesitation they demolished their own architectural venues.
A paper factory in the quarter of Kagithane and an engineering school in the same quarter
and, outside the city, modem barracks (Selimiye) began to be constructed. A gunpowder
factory and dockyards were built on the Golden Horn. This baroque era industry produced
the first pollution that damaged the natural environment and ancient architectural fabric of
Istanbul (ORTAYLI, 1997).
The real phenomenon of the 18th century was the filling up of the large city by throngs of
men living on their own, who had left their families in Anatolia, and even of whole
families. Due to this fact, the districts of wholesale squalor where the men lived in the
working districts were the first signs of a squatter occupation movement that would occur
in the quarters of Eyup and Kasimpasa on the Golden Horn and Üsküdar on the Asian side
of the Bosporus. The basic change in the spatial structure, that is, the birth of suburbs and
small squatter and slum districts, was a process that accompanied modernization in the
19th century.
Image 2.8: Shipyard and Divanhane Source: Bizans’tan Osmanli’ya Istanbul Limani
42
Further, Balat, Fener and Hasköy on the shores of the Golden Horn turned into slums,
which continue unchanged today. The area from that time onwards has been known as a
poverty-stricken neighborhood, which took form in the environs of semi-industrial
installations, like the shipyard and artisan workshops. Outside the city limits,
slaughterhouses and small workshops came into existence. An increase in such facilities
also increased on the shores of the Golden Horn. This created the first problems of
environmental pollution in Golden Horn.
After 1950s Golden Horn was full of factories, workshops and other amenities that were
exploiting the benefit of Golden Horn. Shipyard industry was 1/5th of entire industry, and
followings are iron and steel industry and chemistry. 200000 tons of waste were thrown
out daily according the statistical data of past (IBSB, 1988)
As a result of fast industrialization, Golden Horn started to loose its characteristic
throughout the time. This spontaneous growing of industrialization caused to radical
changes in the structure of Golden Horn. After the republic there had been several master
plans for Golden Horn that encourages these decisions. After 1980s worldwide dynamics
started to designate new approaches. It was recognized that Golden Horn had been a
swamp area, as well decentralization of industry have appeared. Industry along Golden
Horn moved to new determined spots outside of the city to some new peripheries. Under
the decentralization process there had been a cleaning along waterfront even some of the
historical structures were demolished inside this process. The main purpose of 1985
planning decision about Golden Horn was moving the all structures without questioning
the identities and historical values, and creating a green belt along the water. With these
operation on one hand Golden Horn had been reclaiming its own nature and succeeded in
getting it on the other hand it had been loosing some properties.
The recent master plan of Golden Horn reclaim the universal cultural, historical values as
well throughout the history it has a cultural harbor characteristic. Regarding the aim and
purpose of the master plan, there are some projects done or proposed. Hereby with the next
title it will be elaborated.
43
2.3. Analysis of Some Projects at the master plan of Golden Horn in context of
urban transformation catalysts
Golden Horn, that is under the effects of global dynamics, in the creation or search of new
places in order to give a new image to the city and to have a place among world’s cities
performed by city managements, has become the target of lots of project because of its
historic identity and development potentials.
In the report of 1/50.000 scaled main city plan report; Golden Horn region which has
importance since its historic value and geographical position has defined as the region to
be protected including a structure having its natural and cultural structure, green areas and
cultural purposed usages.
Istanbul Grand City Municipality has declared Golden Horn as a vast culture park, a
culture bay that must be protected completely and gains its past identity. However, there
isn’t any plan or law that described Golden Horn as an entire and/or a protection area. In
the Golden Horn region where there isn’t a plan or legal guarantee that is the warranty of
the entirety, projects that have been developed for the regions such as Zeyrek, Fener, Balat
having registered or unregistered cultural inheritance and that have been taken under
protection within UNESCO architectural inheritance, may not be integrated with each
other.
Istanbul Grand City Municipality defining a “culture bay” upper identity for Golden Horn
has an important role on producing projects for this region.
While the selection of the projects that would take place in the thesis, is made, besides its
function as catalysts in urban transformation constituting the main base of the thesis, it is
important that it hosted the industry in the past as well. On the other hand, selection of the
transformation of Galata and surroundings is connected with closeness of the shipyard to
the Galata Region and possibility of creating an effectual synergy in transformation of
Galata of the new function to be suggested.
In this connection, in the direction of the hypothesis and purpose that the thesis has
displayed, five projects that are considered to make contribution to transformation of
Golden Horn and its surroundings, have been selected. These five projects seem they have
the criterions that being a catalyst in urban transformation. Four of them are industrial
transformation projects. Golden Horn shipyards have the power to create effect on urban
transformation and further importantly they have a more special importance as their
closeness to Galata. Regeneration project of Galata is going to be searched separately from
44
the other projects, within the scope of its historic change and the projects that are
considered to be applied.
From the hypothesis and aim of the thesis:
• Historical Heritage Quality
• Waterfront Quality
• Efficient Uses Of These Two Qualities
will be experimented for both of the projects in order to identify the catalyst criterion.
Within the guidance of hypothesis and aim of the thesis, the projects for the redevelopment
of Golden Horn are below
• Galata and its historical environs’ regeneration
• Sütlüce former slaughterhouse as a cultural activity and congress center
• Rahmi-Koc industrial museum
• Kadir-Has University
• Rehabilitation of Feshane former textile fabric
45
Plan 2.5: General overview to Golden Horn, the existing and proposal projects surround Golden Horn
46
2.3.1. Galata and Its Historical Environs’ Regeneration
2.3.1.1. The History of Galata
From very early times there had been settlements along the northern shore of the Golden
Horn, known in Greek as Chryso Keras. The most important of the ancient settlements on
the north side of the Golden Horn was known as Sykai, “the Fig Trees” originated from
Greek. Fig is a native tree in Bosphorus area. The town continued to be known as Sykai up
until the eventh century, when it came to be called Galata, a name of uncertain origin
(FREELY, 2000).
Image 2.9: General overview to Galata tower and its surrounding Source: Conference about a
new urban planning approach for the
regeneration of a historical area from
Istanbul`s Central Business District
Sykai, was connected with the city by ferry. The existence of a wooden bridge is
mentioned in the sources, and in the time of Justinian this was replaced by a stone bridge,
the remains of which was seen in the 16th century by P. Gilles.
The first city was burned down in 1315, but immediately rebuilt, together with defence
walls. The earlest gate was the one on the east of present-day Azapkapi , dating from 1335
(KUBAN, 1996).
In the history of the city, after the Crusader’s period there existed political, commercial and
even physical duality between Galata and Istanbul. Although integrated politically and
economically with the life of the capital, Galata retained the status and image of separete
part of Istanbul. Galata has always kept this dual character and has continued to create a
certain tension between the old city and the so-called European part of the Bosphorus. This
duality was both formal and social. This European image had always been stengthened by
Latin, Frank, Greek and Jewish inhabitants, by religion, by language, by the members of
the foreign embassies, churches belonging to the european communities, the foreign
merchants and sailors, by its taverns and masonry buildings and by its symbolic Tower
(KUBAN, 1996).
47
On June I, 1453, the Galata region, together with most of its inhabitants and major
buildings, passed under Ottoman rule, after being granted an ahdname (a written document
conferring the bearer certain immunities) by Sultan Mehmed II. Galata today has changed
beyond recognition from the town of Ottoman and Genoese days. The population is now
almost exculisively Turkish, with only a handful of Greeks, Armenians, Jews, and
Levantine Europeans remaining along with the rare family of Genoese descent-the
magnificent community of Pera has now all but vanished (ORTAYLI, 1997).
It is a most important example for the better understanding of the peaceful transformation
of a Christian town into a Turkish one.
The composition of Galata’s cosmopolitian population was further enriched by the transfer
of the foreign embassies from Istanbul to Galata and Beyoglu. The development of
Beyoglu outside the walls after the 16th century proceeded in parallel with the
establishment of a new society at Pera. The extension of Christian quarters towards the
north, outside the Galata walls, are indicated by the establishment of foreign embassies on
the steep eastern slopes of the hills down to Bosphorus (KUBAN, 1996).
The town of Galata consisted of three districts separated by walls. Lubenau says that the
district close to Galata Tower, mainly inhabited by Genoese Christian merchants, was
Map 2.4: Plan of Istanbul, De Nyaste, 1811 Source: Maps of Istanbul
48
called Kulassa. The inhabitants of the second district, Ambar, were mostly Greek
craftsmen, and in this district there were bookshops where books in Greek, Latin, Spanish,
Italian and other languages (AND, 1994).
Mehmed the Conqueror gave special importance to ensuring that Galata remained a busy
commercial port, as in previous time. With the increase of population and the
establishment of new districts during the Genoese period, new walls were built around the
town, thus turning Galata into a castle with five sections. The Sultan ordered that some
portions of the land walls of Galata be partially demolished for security reasons. The initial
Genoese core of the town, the area between Azapkapi and Karaköy, expanded over time
towards the Big Tower, and remained as the liveliest commercial area of Galata during the
Ottoman period. Throughout the period, Galata rapidly became Turkish. The 1478 census
of Galata made by Kadi Muhyiddin yielded the following results: There were a total of 592
Greek-ortodox, 535 Muslim, 332 Latin and 62 Armenian households within the town of
Galata. Galata, with its active commerce and Western life style, has been a gate connection
Istanbul to Europe. As Tursun bey, the historian of Mehmed the conqueror once said, “if
you wish to go from Istanbul to Europe (that is Galata), the only thing you have to do is to
pay one akce to the boatman.” (ORTAYLI, 1997).
During the first half of 16.Century, Galata and its vicinity situated as a triangle area
opposite of historical peninsula. Galata tower located at the top of this hill and the
sequences of all other houses religion related buildings on the topography complement to
this old Genovese tower. In fact this tower created an urban layout at that time. Gardens
and vineyards surrounded Galata.
As the settlement situated on this steeply peak, it was common to see steps in places. In
Justinian era, it was forbidden to close the view of the existing buildings from sea side, so
it was decided to build new houses 100 feet to water under a law for city planning (AKIN,
1998).
Throughout the period, Galata remained as a commercial center, where the products of the
East and the West, namely European woolen cloth and Persian silk cloth, were exchanged.
By the year 1855, the region of Galata and especially its Persembe Pazari, Voyvada Street
and Karaköy sections, had already been transformed into a major commercial center where
European shops and financial institutions were located. This new development of Galata
attracted masses of Greeks, Armenians and Jews, who were previously living in other
districts of Istanbul and the ethnic makeup of the city changed once more. A new
cosmopolitan type called “Levantine” emerged.
49
Modern municipality in Istanbul was for the first time implemented in the Galata region,
imposed by the Europeans. Transportation between Istanbul and Galata through the Golden
Horn was mainly done by boats. The first bridge on the Golden Horn was built between
Azapkapi an Unkapani in the year 1836. In 1876, an underground tunnel was opened
between Karaköy and Beyoglu, which was one of the first metro of the world (ORTAYLI,
1997).
Modernism process in Turkey had started as soon as the declaration of republic however
one focus deeply, it would be obvious to consider this formation together with tendency to
westernization that comes from ottoman administrative reforms. The importance of
Galata is revealed precisely at this point. All initiatives for westernization point out Galata
zone and its environs. Once Istanbul was the meeting point of west and east, Galata had
always been the meeting point of Istanbul and west. In this regard Galata is sort of a
laboratory for eastern westernization that finds out a place for putting western values into
practise. Galata had always been a pioneer in some businesses like the first municipality,
the first bank, the fist modern education institutions, the first stock exchange.
Galata comprises the region on the north shore of the Golden Horn at its confluence with
the Bosphorus, stretching from there to the heights above and the district formerly known
as Pera and now called Beyoğlu. Today Galata is connected to the Constantiopolitan
peninsula by two bridges, Galata Bridge and Atatürk Bridge, the first of which crosses the
mouth of inlet and the second some 800 meters upstream (FREELY, 2000).
Map 2.5: Istanbul Metro, E Gavand, 1876 Source: Maps of Istanbul
50
Galata and its environs are comparible diffirentiated from the interior city wall zone, and
the other historical identity zones along the bosphorus in entire Istanbul. In this regard
Galata has started to create a magnificient point as a place for feeling formal expression of
historical values significantly. Another variable value for Galata is,to be able serve great
vistas and voluptous spaces as a reason of its accessibility and topography.
Image 2.10: A glance to Galata from Byzantine times
Throughout the history Galata kept its power with such qualities as safety, transportation.
But today these peculiarities are determined as marketing oriented structure to visualise
Istanbul image. The sloping topography of Galata and the visual connection between the
historical peninsula and anatolia side let Galata to be able to percieve from various points
of the city.
The district is known as one of the world’s cultural heritage in terms of its architectural,
cultural, social structure. In spite of its vital location and history, today the area is losing its
value. Considering the potential of the area, it really needs a regeneration to animate the
life there both physically and socially.
There had been several projects for the region Galata going under the Greater Municipality
of Istanbul and some of these projects are still in progress.
One of the recent and important one is the “a new urban planning approach for the
regeneration of a historical area from Istanbul’s Central Business District.
This study has adopted the basic concepts and methods of Space Syntax to develop a
regeneration strategy for Galata. The aim of the project is rehabilitation and transformation
of historic Galata which is a part of Istanbul’s CBD, while providing a proper relationship
of spatial layout and structural network within the metropolitan city. Also, to turn what is
currently an unpleasant, derelict area to a new active zone without losing its historical
character and to create a unified town center, this incorporates the historic core of Galata,
51
the existing retail area, and the seafront area into a well-connected, vibrant whole
(KUBAT&EYÜBOGLU&ERTEKIN, 2004).
Plan 2.6: Planning Decisions of Galata Tower and its environs
Source: A research of Kubat, Eyüboğlu, Ertekin from an international conference on Globalism and Urban
Change
2.3.2. Sütlüce Former Slaughterhouse as A Cultural Activity and Congress
Center
Sütlüce Former Slaughterhouse
Golden Horn Shipyard
Galata and its environs
Golden Horn Shipyard
52
This former slaughterhouse is one that also has a big role in the history of Golden Horn
development process likewise the others.
Plan 2.7: Sütlüce Former Slaughter Source:http://www.ntgt.de/2.html
Historical Heritage Quality
This complex had been built as one symbol of modernism on 1923 to answer the meat
demands of Istanbul residents. It continued its function till the end of 90s. It was one of the
complexes contaminated Golden Horn.
From architectural point of view, this building is not only an industrial structure but also it
represents an era of the public buildings that was also a common sense in whole Europe
capital cities. At the vicinity of Galata, it is usual to see art nouveau, eclectic (neoclassic,
neogreek, neobaroc) styles on commercial buildings unlike public buildings. They have a
unique eclectic style that complement to Ottoman time. Its history is comparable different
than other industrial structures along the Golden Horn however its existence enhance a
richness to historical heritage point of view.
Waterfront Quality
Accessibility is one of the characteristic that enriches this interface in context of touristhistoric
development. Also in the former times, they had been built near water both for
convenient transportation reasons and also easy and cheap waste recharge method by using
Golden Horn unless it is realized and moving from Golden Horn to Tuzla. Under the theme
of the project, accessibility enhances the value of the new amenities.
53
Potential Uses of These Two Qualities
Sütlüce Culture Center is one of big culture related investment which considering a part of
Golden Horn (Haliç) Environmental Project. The center has 5 main activity buildings with
73.000 m2 construction area. The complex consist of exhibition and meeting saloons,
theatre, concert and cinema buildings as well as 3.200 capacity car park and big sea
panoramic restaurant.
The historical remains were converted to serve the new functions. These new amenities are
fit to this former slaughter house in terms of accessibility from both for water, land
transportation and pedestrians. The interface of the complex with residential area was
provided by an underpass for vehicular traffic. Thus the resident of the environs could
benefit from waterfront and the new complex.
2.3.3. Rahmi-Koc Industrial Museum
This museum is located in the anchor casting workshop at the docks on the Golden Horn
(Haliç), an area that symbolized industrialization in the Ottoman Empire of the 19th
century. It includes a new, largely underground, building as well as the historical 'foundry'
(Lengerhane) on the southwest part of site. The two buildings are connected by a glass -
sided ramp.
Image2.11:Sütlüce Cultural Center Source: Istanbul Annual Report-2002
54
Plan 2.8: Rahmi-Koc Industrial Museum
Source:http://www.rmk-museum.org.tr/
Historical Heritage Quality
The foundry is listed as a grade II historical building and is thought to have been built on
Byzantine foundations dating from the 12th century. The anchor casting workshop was
built in the era of Ahmet II (1703-1730) and the building’s foundations go back to a 12th
century Byzantine construction. It was restored under Selim III and used by the Finance
Ministry until 1951. It was handed over to the State Monopoly & Tobacco Factory in
Cibali and was used by them for the storage of alcohol. The roof sustained serious fire
damage in 1984 and subsequently the building was left derelict. In 1991, it was bought by
the Rahmi Koç Museum and Cultural Foundation, restored and opened to the public in
1994.
This historic dockyard was founded in 1861 by the former Ottoman Maritime Company for
the maintenance and repair of its own ships. The yard initially comprised just two
workshop buildings, and was gradually extended as needs and opportunities arose. A 45m
long cradle, powered by a steam capstan was constructed in 1884: later, in 1910, a second
cradle was added and the capstan converted to electric power.
Some of the earliest ferry boats were constructed here, including public favourites such as
the Kocatas and Sariyer vessels laid down in 1938 and in service for nearly half a century
(HISTORY, 2005; http://www.rmk-museum.org.tr/english/about/history.html).
The first museum rapidly outgrew itself, and in November 1996 the 11,086 m2 Haskoy
Dockyard, which was then nothing but a ruin on the shore of the Golden Horn opposite the
Rahmi-Koc Industrial Museum
Golden Horn Shipyard
55
Museum, was purchased. Fourteen ruins on the site were faithfully restored to their
original condition, as well as the historic ship cradle and winch. To complete the current
picture, the 443 m2 plot beside the Lengerhane and the 6,670 m2 plot adjacent to the
dockyard were purchased in February 2001, after a tender by the Turkish Maritime
Authorities, for use as an outdoor exhibition area and carpark. The Museum, which
following restoration of the two historical buildings has 11,250 m2 of covered space on a
site of 20,250 m2 was opened to the public on July 10, 2001 (CONTENT, 2005;
http://www.istanbulperahotels.com/pera/content.php3?id=8).
On the first floor, motors and steam engines are displayed. On the second floor are the
scientific instruments and communications apparatuses. The entrance is reserved for the
aircraft department, mint machinery for printing paper money and coins, bicycles and
motorcycles, the naval department and ship engines. In the open area, there is a coast guard
life-boat, a tram, a narrow gauge steam train, and a vertical steam boiler (HISTORY,
2005; http://www.istanbulcityguide.com/history/body_carrier.htm).
Image 2.12: Rahmi-Koc Industrial Museum in 1900s Image 2.13: Rahmi-Koc Industrial Museum today
Source: http://www.rmk-museum.org.tr/
Waterfront Quality
Rahmi-Koc museum is like the other chosen projects located along Golden Horn have also
strong use of waterfront. The sea side of the museum as mentioned above was a continuity
of Golden Horn Docklands. The museum is easily accessible both from water and land. In
spite of the lack of the entrance from city side, the waterfront of the museum has the
potential for public transportation.
Potential Uses of These Two Qualities
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These historical industrial remains from Ottoman era are converted to an industrial
museum. Whilst museum is so precious in terms of waterfront qualities and historical
heritage qualities, the efficient use of the area will be appeared more in time.
2.3.4. Rehabilitation of Feshane Former Ottoman Fez Factory
The former Ottoman Fez factory on the banks of the horn has been restored and reopened
as a conference and arts centre.
Historical Heritage Quality
Feshane, (the fez factory) which was the first significant industrial establishment of its
times, was commissioned in the Golden Horn area.
Image2.14:Feshane Ottoman fez factory Source: Dünden bugüne Halic
Feshane Fez factory
Golden Horn Shipyard
57
When the army attire was changed and it was accepted for soldiers to wear fez, this was
imported from Tunisia, Egypt, and Europe. Importing part of a soldier’s outfit was not
deemed appropriate, so domestic production was attempted.
Fez production first started in Feshane, established in Istanbul. The factory was expanded
in 1894 and 1916 and renewed to a great extent. It was the biggest facility in the weaving
industry of Turkey as of 1917, providing half of the whole weaving production together
with the Hereke. The factory continued to work as a military facility from 1877 until 1921.
In 1925, it was turned over to the Industry and Mining Bank and in 1937 to Sümerbank,
changing its name to "Sümerbank Defterdar Mensucat Fabrikası" (Sümerbank Defterdar
Textile Factory). It experienced a major fire in 1949 and was repaired. It was torn down by
the Municipality of Istanbul in 1986 within the scope of clearing the surrounding area of
the Golden Horn, and with this its apparel section was moved to the Bakırköy Factory.
Waterfront Quality
Feshane is located nearby Golden Horn Bridge. It was also built on the edge of water for
convenient transportation reasons during Ottoman times. And now this feature brings also
advantages to experience the new functions there. Waterfront use directly related with the
easy accession of public to the area. Entrance is provided from waterfront by a new pier
added to vehicular transportation. However public entrance from the road side is not clear
aswell.
Potential Uses of These Two Qualities
In 1992, within the collaboration between the entrepreneur private institution and the
municipality, it was converted to contemporary handcraft museum. The building has a
4004m2 space without any division that provides a wide perspective to perceive the
Image2.15:Feshane
Ottoman fez factory
Source: Dünden
bugüne Halic
58
original interior walls, entire steel construction of the roof. The space is designed for
variety of facilities like exhibition, fair, concert; auction, congress and various
entertainments, and infrastructure and the comfort elements are considered as well.
18000m2 is considered as a parking area for the visitors, other 38000m2 is designed for
recreational uses for public benefit
(EYUPSULTAN, 2005; http://www.ibb.gov.tr/ibbtr/140/14010/kultur/eyupsultan.htm).
The historical heritage value of the building is also positive revenue for waterfront
development in this example. The conservation of this former factory is also important in
terms of sustainability. The new functions do not harm the environs of Golden Horn. In
spite of deficient local public access, the situation is healthier in wider perspective. It is
one ring of the Golden Horn cultural valley chain. It is expected to bring economical
liveliness locally and in general although application tools are not taken into consideration
clearly. It does not function efficiently except several organizations in whole year.
2.3.5. Cibali Former Tobacco Factory as a University
The Cibali Tobacco and Cigarette Factory is an important building in the panorama of
Istanbul's Historical Peninsula as seen from the Golden Horn - a skyline dominated by
monumental buildings from the Ancient, Byzantine and Ottoman Periods. Cigarette and
tobacco production is shifted to educational production as Kadir Has University.
Cibali Tobacco factory
Golden Horn Shipyard
59
Image 2.16: Unkapani bridge from Cibali Image 2.17: Cibali from Golden Horn
Source: http://www.europanostra.org/lang_en/ Source: Dünden bugüne Halic
awards_2003/tr_cibali.html
Historical Heritage Quality
The building was designed by architect A. Valluary in 1884, with additions by architects
H. Aznavur and E. Bottazi. The original factory complex consisted of a few adjoining
blocks connected by courtyards and arcades. Because of the limited and highly valuable
land, to provide additional floor space inner courtyards were enclosed and new
intermediary storey added. Much of the original design and details could no longer be
recognized. The Cibali Tobacco Factory (40,000 m2 of enclosed area) is one of the most
significant examples of the cultural heritage of the Early Industrialization Period. It was
once an important industrial center, with more than 1500 female and male workers, and
with workshops, a health center, a sports complex, a market, a kindergarten, a school, fire
and security departments, and a museum derived (HISTORY, 2005;
http://www.khas.edu.tr/eng/khuhistory.php).
When tobacco production moved elsewhere in 1995, this state-owned building acquired a
new importance as an industrial heritage monument and was leased to Kadir Has
University in 1997. It has been transformed into an educational and cultural facility,
helping to rehabilitate the surrounding urban environment. The building was stripped of all
the later additions with little or no historical value. The existing structure was consolidated
by using original and innovative techniques, and the spaces required by the new function
were adjusted to fit the existing plan of the building. The wooden and iron structure has
been cleaned and left exposed throughout, giving a distinctive character to the various
spaces and the complex as a whole.
60
Waterfront Quality
Convenient accessibility of the complex was because of its strategic location due to the
intensive production and transportation reasons of former times. On the other hand this
situation eased the contamination of Golden Horn so fast. There is not a direct water edge
of the complex as a vehicular road cutting the building from the water now. Waterfront use
of this particular project is more related with Golden Horn master plan instead of local use.
Potential Uses of These Two Qualities
As a university the purpose of the waterfront use is not directly related with the new
function although it has the potential to develop waterfront use of its environs by recreating
the water edge and developing new amenities for the public. University just enhances a
diversity of functions along Golden Horn. On one hand new function inquires public
benefits on the other hand conservation of the building as a historical venue develop
Golden Horn vicinity culturally and historically. The new function is determined
considering the central location of the complex in terms of accessibility.
2.4. Conclusion
These 5 projects have common senses in practice.
To stop the physical collapse and to provide the sustainability of historical pattern.
To reanimate the economical life.
To increase the urban life quality and start the cultural dynamics in society.
To promote the environmental and master plan of Golden Horn
Image2.18: Cibali Factory as a university
Source: http://www.europanostra.org/lang_en/awards_2003/tr_cibali.html
61
To be one part of golden horn master plans, both of them encouraging the concept of the
great municipality of Istanbul as art and culture valley in Golden Horn. Each of them has
its own potential. They have the criterion determined in Chapter 1 to be a catalyst in
redevelopment of Golden Horn. The subtle thing is to be able to perceive this entire project
as a whole. Golden Horn shipyards is one of the projects that have also the same quality
likewise the others but what makes it special is its unique location and winking at historical
Galata and its environs.
After all, in big cities as Istanbul where speculative real estate appears to rule,
rehabilitating abandoned industrial properties to accommodate new uses is very profitable.
It will definitely be more attractive if these properties are near Golden Horn as well.
PART 3: THE CREATION OF A POST INDUSTRIAL PORTSCAPE
COMPARING WITH WORLDWIDE EXAMPLES
3.1. Shipyards and other water-industrial complex in worldwide: conservation
and evaluation criteria
Shipyards which aren’t used and which are restructured moving them outside the city and
by equipping them with the latest technology or completely closed have become
dysfunctional areas that are open for new uses. In every city facing to this situation,
reutilization of such important areas is coming to order. Right after, subjects such as how
to protect and evaluate the technical monuments which are the products of an industry and
technology belonging to a certain period, how to use the spaces for which new buildings,
how to serve the area for whom, how to contribute the city culture, what are the
expectations and how to take advantage of water culture, are being considered at length by
national and international symposiums, gatherings and experts.
However, shipyards in the cities where the same process have experienced and in where
results have been gotten, usually take place in a port complex or with the port. We are
facing to very few shipyards, like Venice, which are carrying on their function as a facility
in where only ship’s construction, maintenance and repair, and equipments belonging to
shipping are being performed as big as it from 15th century to the present time in Golden
Horn. For this reason, very different problems have been taken in hand from Golden Horn
shipyards in case re-use of the shipyards in cities such as Liverpool, Helsinki, and Venice
mentioned below. However, it indicates that there are some lessons to be taken since the
main concept and decisions are almost same in each and they caused successful results.
62
Because of the abundance of the examples, a synthesis has been achieved by translating the
examples that are relatively close to our problem.
3.1.1. Arsenal- Venice
The Venetian Arsenal is a shipyard and naval depot that played a leading role in Venetian
empire-building. It was also the first factory of the world. The Byzantine-style
establishment may have existed as early as the 8th century, though the present structure is
usually said to have been begun in 1104, although there is no evidence for such a precise
date. It definitely existed by the early thirteenth century and is mentioned in Dante's
Inferno (ARSENAL, 2005; http://www.answers.com/venice%20arsenal)
It spreads in 46ha area. It differentiated from Golden Horn with its architecture style.The
structure complex has represented the fundamental heart of the Venetian economy and
civil history, so much so that in 1509 the Senate officially defined it as the "heart of the
region of Veneto".The shipyard is at the service of the military for a long time and access
to the shipyard is only possible with exclusive permission.
Map 3.1: The Venice Arsenal area Source: www.eurimage.com/ gallery/webfiles/hr.html
The urban district of the Arsenal, which is complex and integrated, is about 9 centuries old.
The layout of the Arsenal derives from a geometrical, functional matrix that remained
constant during its development over the centuries. The geometrical laws on which this
vast complex was based can still be seen in the elemental and repeated module of the
shipyard, whose design was dictated by the simple rules of ship building techniques. The
original building module was repeated over the centuries, according to the same laws and
geometries, which varied only with the introduction of bigger ships, with higher hulls and
the use of square sails. The only buildings used for complementary activities to ship
building, have differing and sometimes considerable dimensions, such as the "Corderie",
63
which is 317 meters long and the "Squadratori" building, which is 140 meters long
(ARSENALE, 2005; http://www.thetis.it/UK/arsenale/arsenale.htm).
The evolution of the Arsenal structure was marked by a succession of extensions and by
ongoing changes in the structures themselves, both following accidents, but above all, due
to technical progress and historical events. The "Old" Arsenal was built between 1100 and
1300, and the "New" Arsenal complex between 1300 and 1400, while the "Newest"
Arsenal was built between 1473 and 1573 (ARSENALE, 2005;
http://www.thetis.it/UK/arsenale/arsenale.htm).
Plan 3.1: The Arsenale building phases
Source: www.eurimage.com/ gallery/webfiles/hr.html
Significant parts of the Arsenal were destroyed under Napoleonic rule, and later rebuilt to
enable the Arsenal's present use as a naval base. It is used as a research centre, an
exhibition venue during the Venice Biennale and is home to a historic boat preservation
centre (ARSENAL, 2005; http://www.answers.com/venice%20arsenal).
This research center (Thetis) actually focused on marine and coastal technologies. The
idea behind the Thetis initiative was first conceived in 1989, in one of several degree thesis
supervised by the Faculty of Architecture of Venice University, examining a number of
hypotheses for the re-use of the Arsenal. The idea expounded in the thesis, which
envisaged using the large complex as a site for setting up a marine technology centre, was
taken on board by Tecnomare; an international marine engineering company based in
Venice, and was developed into a feasibility project. The project was presented to the city
in 1991, and was warmly received by both the Municipality of Venice and the Veneto
Region (ARSENALE, 2005; http://www.thetis.it/UK/arsenale/arsenale.htm).
64
Architectural intervention of the area is promoted with overlaying the historic, monumental
and significant area hereby a technological structure equipment complex. The intervention
comprises four buildings, located in Arsenale Novissimo and first built between the 16th
and 19th Centuries. Integration between old structures with their new functions was the
main purpose of the project. The new structures are, in fact, built inside the old ones thus
this means the interior facade of old will see the exterior facade of the new. This approach
will not also harm the original state of the ancient building unless they should be no longer
needed.
Image 3.1: The site of Thetis’s headquarters during the course of building work
Source: http://www.thetis.it/UK/arsenale/arsenale.htm
Thetis occupies a covered area of about 4500 m2 and an uncovered area of 6500 m2 . The
central part is made up of two brick buildings, linked by a wall of arches. One of the two
buildings is equipped with a workshop and test area. The other building is built on three
levels, the highest of which extends to the truss of the roof. In the four buildings which
face the dock of the old Arsenale, there is an infrastructure which is currently used as a
warehouse and depot, with a view to the future expansion of the city. (ARSENALE, 2005;
http://www.thetis.it/UK/arsenale/arsenale.htm).
Although Thetis occupies only a modest part of the Arsenal, which is a large complex, the
company has shown how the area can be maintained and reused for the activity for which it
was first built, namely technological production. Thetis thus constitutes the central part of
a wider re-qualification project, which is important for the future of the city.
The key factors of the initiative were:
• The company's sense of determination, which stimulated the interest and the
commitment of private companies and public bodies alike;
• The passionate support of local government agencies (Council and Region)
65
• The financial support of the European Union, which endorsed the project as one of
its Pilot Urban Projects; and
• Thetis's immediate commencement of operational activities on the market. The
process of obtaining authorization and gathering the necessary financial resources
was relatively long (1991 to 1996); the execution of the work, by contrast, was
relatively short (14 months)
(ARSENALE, 2005; http://www.thetis.it/UK/arsenale/arsenale.htm).
Image 3.2: Some of the particular solutions adopted in the recover interventions
Source: www.thetis.it/UK/arsenale/arsenale.htm
3.1.2. Albert Dock- Liverpool
Liverpool has a long maritime history; it was mentioned for the first time in 1191 and
received its first town charter in 1207. Industrial revolution also takes place in the
development Liverpool ports.
In response to the expansion of trade and the introduction of steamships, a Mersey Docks
and Harbors Board were constituted in 1858. The docks expanded along 10 kilometers (5
miles) of the river in front of the city and embraced 200 hectares (500 acres) of water and
50 kilometers (31 miles) of quayside.
66
The Merseyside Development Corporation (MDC) controls three parts of the Liverpool
docks. Largest one is south Liverpool docks that continue 7km along the water. These
docks have 3 subparts. Riverside located on the northern side of the zone where an
international garden festival was planned in 1984 and retail educational and entertainment
activities took place. Brunswick. It was one part of the MDC development plan to develop
these areas in terms of tourism and recreation (NORTHWEST, 2005;
http://www.rudi.net/bookshelf/ej/udq/75/northwest.cfm).
Plan 3.2: Liverpool’s waterfront
Source: Recreation And Tourism As A Catalyst For Urban Waterfront Redevelopment
Albert dock is located on the northern part of this zone; it was an area of dereliction. It was
designed in 1839 by Jesse Hartley and opened in 1846. It was designed to be secure and
fireproof employing iron and brick construction and enclosing the central pool with
warehouses. The functional architecture of the docks has it own beauty that impresses
today. The five storey warehouses that surround the dock are supported on the ground floor
by massive Doric cast iron columns. Other details of the dock's innovative construction can
be seen in the iron cross braces on the upper floors and in the flat-arched brick floor
supports. The dock was closed in 1972 and nearly demolished ,all dock gates were broken
and wartime damages had never been repaired, but by 1984 it was completely restored.
The obvious tourism potential of this area designated new interventions. Their historicity
and accessibility made the area attractive.
67
The MDC, in conjunction with a private developer, renovated the dock complex at a cost
of £70 million. The complex is an integrated development of office, residential, and tourist
cultural and shopping complexes. Within the historic dockside buildings are a Maritime
Museum, the northern annex to London's Tate Art Gallery, a Museum of Emigration, the
Beatles` storey Granada TV studios, restaurants, apartments, and leisure facilities. In 1988,
it won the British Tourist Authority's "Come to Britain Trophy" (MDC 1990)
(CRAIG&STEPHEN&FAGENCE&MICHAEL, 1995).
The pool within the dock is often busy during the summer. With over 5 million people
visiting the site a year this is among Britain's most popular tourist attractions and is a major
focus for the 14,000 people who are now employed in Merseyside's tourism industry.. The
Albert Dock is a truly successful example of the adaptation of historic buildings for
modern use. Whilst in Liverpool the two modern cathedrals and the new Watersports
Centre in the Queens Dock are worth a visit (NORTHWEST, 2005;
http://www.rudi.net/bookshelf/ej/udq/75/northwest.cfm).
3.1.3. Helsinki-Finland
The 200 hectare west port and shipyard of Helsinki has lost its function short time ago and
located at 10 km south of the city center, the new port was being used having the capacity
of 13 million tons of load and storage .In 1987, two stages architectural project contest had
been opened for the shipyard and port that was emptied with its all stations and cranks.
When the port and shipyard is out of service in 2005, 80 hectare of the area will be used for
5.000 dwellings in which 12.000 people can reside and work spaces to be formed for
3.500. Partially collapsed, the cable factory was functionalized as a multi purpose cultural
center to be art and cultural center, restaurant, museum, dance and music houses and part
of the Faculty of Architecture of Helsinki Technical School since the university designed
Image 3.3: Liverpool’s
waterfront
Source:
http://www.rudi.net/booksh
elf/ej/udq/75/northwest.cfm
68
by Alvar Aalto in Otaniemi hasn’t got enough area to enlarge. The first residences had
been started in 1992 in the houses. The rental charge is about 11 Euro for per square meter
in the houses 80 % of which has three rooms and bathroom, sale charge, on the other hand
is about 1900 Euro. Usually young people prefer to reside in the district and average age is
about 30 (MIMARIST MAGAZINE, 2001).
Another example can be on the islands just off Helsinki in the middle of the 18th century
was one of historic dock converted for new functions.
3.1.3.1. The past and future of the Soumenlinna galley dock, the idea of living
museum
Plan 3.3: Showing the four islands of the Suomenlinna sea fortress; the dockyard is in the middle.
Source: http://www.suomenlinna.fi/index.php?menuid=18&lang=eng
The Suomenlinna sea fortress is the most significant restoration project in Finland. It is
included in the Unesco World Heritage List along with three other Finnish sites. Because
of its dockyard Suomenlinna is also a unique monument of industrial history (HOYLE&
PINDER, 1992).
In the Finnish period the dockyard has been used among other things as an aircraft factory
and a depot for submarines. Another basin at the western end was built in the 1930s. As a
result of war reparations after the Second World War shipbuilding was re-established. The
fortress was in military use until 1973, when it was handed over to the Governing Body of
Suomenlinna, an autonomous department under the Ministry of Education. Commercial
shipbuilding, ceased in the dockyard in 1985 whereupon the Governing Body was faced
69
with the problem of the future use of the dockyard (INDEX, 2005;
http://www.suomenlinna.fi/index.php?menuid=18&lang=eng)
Government made a long-term overall plan for the dockyards in 1992 .The plan has three
main intentions:
• To provide for the winter storage and renovation of historical wooden ships,
• To preserve the characteristics of the area and
• To open the dockyard to the public
The shoreline of the dock area will be converted the shape of the Russian era including the
partial re-opening of the former entrance passage to the eastern basin. It is hoped that this
will give people some idea of the dimensions of the old frigates.
The real treasure of the dockyard is the Old Russian engineering workshop (building number
B5), which gave the first inspiration to be a living museum. It is still in use; the
machines are from the 1930s and 50s. The building includes a direct current transformer, a
smiths and a repair hall, an example of early use of reinforced concrete.
Image 3.4: Suomenlinna Museum Image 3.5: Aerial photo of Suomenlinna, central in the
background
Source: http://www.suomenlinna.fi/index.php?menuid=18&lang=eng
The idea of a living museum is expressed in the dockyard plan. This entails the B5 building
preserving its interiors as they are with ship owners using it as before and the public could
watch them working. As yet there are no museums of this type in Finland. The idea sounds
attractive, but in practice it is not so simple to carry it out. The interiors and the machines
are so susceptible to damage that the whole building should in fact be closed both to the
public and the users.
70
Image 3.6: The building of the dock basin in the 1760s
Source: http://www.suomenlinna.fi/index.php?menuid=18&lang=eng
The second doubt concerning a living museum is that there is rarely any activity in B5. The
owners of wooden ships do not need the engineering workshop very often. There would
have to be a number of iron ships for the building to be in more active use. But such use it
hardly bears any more (HOYLE & PINDER, 1992).
Today, Suomenlinna is Helsinki’s most important tourist attraction, a living element of the
urban scene and an important cultural centre. The Naval Academy on Pikku Mustasaari
Island reminds us of its military past and wooden boats are refurbished at the historic
shipyards. Nearly a half a million visitors come to Suomenlinna annually. The islands are
home to 900 residents and provide 350 year-round jobs. The Nordic Institute for
Contemporary Art opened on the islands in 1978. There is frequent ferry service to the
islands throughout the year
(INDEX, 2005; http://www.suomenlinna.fi/index.php?menuid=18&lang=eng).
Functions, such as dwelling, business center, cultural center, recreation area, that are open
to the public have been preferred firstly in reutilization of the shipyards. The first target is
to add said areas to the daily life of city and to make contribution to city culture.
Management of city takes into account that the city and its future while the management is
making a decision on new function selection of the large scaled areas. Decisions on re-use,
investment to be made and target audience are made jointly.
People and the city management make decision on the new function selection jointly. First
of all a partnership is established by the support of the government. All applications and
decisions are under the inspection of the partnership by the control of monuments
committees and the government. In addition to the government, private enterprises make
contributions to the expenditures on some specific conditions.
71
Following the completion of application, the city management also makes joint decisions
for all area. For instance, rental and sale charges of the places that used as dwellings are
determined beforehand like Helsinki example. Thus, different applications are enabled.
Besides, social dwellings are preferred as in Amsterdam and Rotterdam. Otherwise, the
increasing dwelling costs causes that the area lost its identification, estrangement of it and
increasing of the rent values which are difficult to meet as in the London Docks region
example.
As it is seen in the given examples, there isn’t any example for Istanbul. Every shipyard
had re-utilization convenient to its own architectural identity. However, the main purposes
and results must be applied for Golden Horn shipyards as well.
3.2. Modeling the Golden Horn Waterfront within the given examples
The proposal for the shipyard of Golden Horn directly related with its heritage context,
vital location, the priorities on the environment, local and general initiatives about Golden
Horn and Galata, and the synthesis of overall examples given. This thesis is in fact giving
a perspective with these objectives.
A. to identify the ways of securing the long term viability of Golden Horn shipyard as
a working port
B. to develop and enhance the status of the port as a center of cultural, historical
industrial heritage in order to meet the needs of resident and visitors in context of
cultural valley mission endowed for Golden Horn by the planning department of
the Metropolitian municipality.
C. to conserve and enhance the built heritage of the shipyard
D. to create a pedestrian based living environment along the shoreline and connect
this system to important destinations through a network of pathways in the region
Galata.
These objectives are speculating a catalyst process from the transformation of a shipyard
as a local intervention to a coherent urban regeneration for the region of Golden Horn and
Galata. These expectation of course is based on the possibilities going on the area.
The overall design is shaped within the planning decision of Golden Horn. However the
expectation is opposite as mentioned before.
72
Plan 3.4: Land use pattern and transportation network of near vicinity
Source: A research of Kubat, Eyüboğlu, Ertekin for an international conference on Globalism and Urban
Change
Today Golden Horn shipyards can not work properly even it creates an environmental and
visual pollution because of the derelict buildings and spaces. Moreover, the complexity of
Galata and its environs nearby the future expectation of Golden Horn cause disuse of area
potentials.
From the mentioned objectives the policies are as follows:
• A living museum concept in order to meet the long term viability of Golden Horn
shipyard.
• To propose a new bridge working as a gate not as an obstacle that complements to
the connections and pedestrian circulation in addition to vehicular use.
• To create a new tourist cultural pedestrian network supports also the Galata routes.
73
Plan 3.5: The exaggerated network plan of Galata, intervolving with new path
Source: Base air photo from the research of Kubat, Eyüboğlu, Ertekin for an international conference on
Globalism and Urban Change
A living museum concept in order to meet the long term viability of Golden Horn shipyard
In order to continue the shipyard as a working port, one has to think the new dynamics of
the big cities. Doing so brings new provisions that will form the new shipyard in a different
manner. One of them and the strongest one would be a living museum with the other
maritime museum activities also related with the idea of cultural activity zone along
Golden Horn.
There is only a ship museum depending on the Department of the Navy and a technical
museum in Istanbul, there is a need to museum where the original techniques might be
presented in-situ. In a live museum given as an example in this thesis from Soumenlinna
galley dock in Finland or small workshops where the ship’s construction and repair may be
explained, and technologies of centuries may be instructed, closed civil museums might be
created where workshops may be established, the proper places may be given to the
students from ship’s construction engineering and sea products. While, cleaning of Golden
74
Horn comes to order and works are started, studies which income are producing might
provide an opportunity to either meet the lacks of the region with its own facilities or make
contribution to the Golden Horn projects.
By removing the buildings of poor quality with the approval of monuments committee in
today’s Golden Horn Shipyard, the space achieved may be put into use as marinas, fish
restaurants, fish markets, shops, small workshops, parks, playgrounds for children and
recreational areas. Furthermore, wharfs which aren’t used may be activated by
strengthening the sea transportation, and the others wharf, on the other hand, may be
arranged and activated as well. It is possible to form a ship-museum by using the built
ships in the shipyard; port-museum in which boat, ship cranks; sliding ways and the other
technical installations might be exhibited. It is possible to develop tens of suggestions like
these upon the request.
The following illustration shows the adoptability of existing structures to a modern
museum. The docks are still being used for its former functions but in a different way. It
will also show to visitors how the process goes through. Doing so, some wood decks
installed to one side of the docks to see the construction process under a tensioned tent.
These decks will be integrated in both three docks for varieties of cultural activities like
concerts, parties, meetings, and so on. From this moment, Docks show a pretentious way
of using as an amphitheater for its new visitors.
75
Image 3.7: Living museum, dock as show platform both for museum and other activities Photographed and rendered by: A. Kaan Özgün
22
76
To propose a new bridge working as a gate not as an obstacle complement to the
connections and pedestrian circulation in addition to vehicular use.
The Golden Horn shipyard is seeking its new identity in terms of the transformation of the
former industrial structures in Golden Horn and the regeneration of Galata and its environs.
In this respect, the core of cultural valley mission is endowed to the vicinity of Galata, and
Golden Horn shipyards. These nodes need to be intervolved instead of a segregation to
have a healthy future development in terms of inheritance and a strong pedestrian network
in historic city. The approach is embracing the problem inside the area instead of rejecting.
The former Unkapani Bridge is cutting through the area. The shipyard due to its
management, local and general initiatives, and former function had to have an introverted
structure that caused dereliction in the whole area. Existing bridge is an obstacle for
pedestrian circulation along the shore line. This cut also isolates Galata region to involve in
waterfront use. A new bridge might be also a solution instead of the wearied away one in
terms of the enhancing the pedestrian use and envisioning the new traffic network and
integrating Galata with water.
Doing so, disused of shoreline will turn into a promenade started from Galata Bridge or
even from Tophane and will continue to Kasimpasa docks. This continuity insists on direct
waterfront use including the cultural functions along the shoreline. The illustration is
showing the pedestrian route along the water, the new bridge, public green areas and open
space locations with existing buildings and key historic buildings.
This plan focuses not just on enhancing and adding to existing open space but on
improving the connections to and between them. It is important to link existing parks and
planned open space to important destinations like Galata region within the neighbourhood
and to adjacent vicinities. Doing so will help both to enliven the open space and to orient
people as they move about the neighbourhood. Existing and future open spaces should be
connected to each other. A network of open space and pedestrian routes has a more
substantial presence than small and unrelated parks and pathways. It will even need the
special for being in the core of tourist historic waterfront. Making a more attractive and
pedestrian-friendly environment is the substantial part of the neighbourhood and tourist
historic waterfront.
77
Plan 3.6: Planning Concept of Shipyard and near vicinity.
22
33
11
78
This bridge might be an archetypal post-modern construction that complements to the
aqueducts of Unkapani, which is evidently seen as a silhouette on the other side of the
water in the photo. The topographical characteristic of seven-hill city would ease to
construct a bridge like this. Refik Saydam Street coming from the Tarlabasi direction will
meet the first base of the new bridge on the level 15 or 20 meters, thus there will be an
opportunity for a pedestrian flow underneath the bridge.
Image 3.9. Refik Saydam Street from Tarlabasi direction glancing to Unkapani Bridge.
Image 3.8. The Uzunkemer Aqueduct
33
79
Image 3.10. New bridge proposal from the same direction. Photographed and rendered by: A. Kaan
Özgün
Image 3.11: Shipyard’s isolated open spaces, and Unkapani Bridge as an obstacle for pedestrians
The ramps going through water will be used as contemporary playing grounds and
recreational areas. The existing winches will be used for this purpose as well. The
historical heritage values will be preserved, refunctioned and the other parts that were
added recently will be removed from the historical buildings. These workshops and
storages will be converted to conceptual studios, art houses, cultural activity canters. The
new piers will be served for public transportation to the variety spots in entire Golden
Horn.
80
Image 3.12: Reuse of open space and the connectivity with the other side Photographed and rendered by: A. Kaan Özgün
11
81
CHAPTER 4: CONCLUSION
Today Golden Horn shipyard spreads on 75.000m2 area in between Kasımpasha creek and
Atatürk (Unkapanı) bridge. It has a 457m length pier, three historical dry pool, and two
building stocks. There is no more connectivity between past ,the city and the dockland due
to the construction of Unkapanı bridge, the cleaning of surrounding buildings and
widening Tarlabaşı and Tersane streets except the mosque.
Golden Horn dockland lost its function and causes visual and environmental pollision with
its old and neglected structures. The difficulties to use Golden Horn, affect the integration
of dockland into nowadays negatively. It is inevitable to decentralize these functions like
heavy industry and shipyards that need vast space use, and to bring new urban functions
instead of the old ones in huge Metropolitan cities.Golden Horn shipyard has the potential
to complement to the proposed transformation projects for vicinity of Galata due to both its
location and future function. To assume golden horn dockland together with the region
Galata again , will bring unity and diversity to this zone and considering the future user
group of , easy accessibility and new proposed functions could absorb this density of user
group.
The main reasons behind the chosen area are existing infrastucture for the future
development, the close distance to the historical center, and the precious historical
buildings.
It is a fact that Industrial civilization, the symbol of our contemporary world cannot be
interrogated despite its obvious inappropriateness. Consequently the realistic manner is
accepting the secondary effects and then struggle for its negativeness and consider the
advantages of its development. World economy encourages the urban development and
designated industrialisation. Landscape architects can not interfere this.However they can
create satisfying space and increase space quality in an environmental manner despite such
an urbanization and industrialisation.
In this regard these regeneration and transformation projects for Golden Horn dockland
and its surrounding could most certainly designate the destiny of the region, on the other
hand if one consider the location, size and functional potential of the area, it is possible to
speculate about it to have the synergy for the transformation of entire Galata and its
environs.
Transformation of Golden Horn dockland in context of regeneration process of Galata,
briefly has the vitality to reanimate this dilapidated region and integrate it inside the city.
82
83
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Osmay, S. :75 Yılda Değişen Kent ve Mimarlık. Tarih Vakfi Yayını
Stanford, J. Shaw (1971): Between Old and New: The Ottoman Empire under Sultan Selim
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395

I.
Introduction to Fifteenth Century Ottoman Empire.
II.
Motives Behind Writing of Chronicles.
III.
Self- View of the Ottomans, Titles and Genealogies.
IV.
The Ottomans, Gazi’s Or Not?
V.
Our Chronicler’s Portrayal of Ottoman Policies.

Chapter I- Introduction to Fifteenth Century Ottoman Empire.
The capture of Constantinople under Mehemmed II (r. 1444-46, 1451-81) in the spring of 1453 AD, forever changed the political and social nature of the Ottoman state. Not only did the capture of Constantinople bring about the second phase in the Ottoman monarchy’s transition from a grand khanship to a bureaucratic institutional emperorship1 the Ottoman Turks and the Byzantine Greeks were also forced to embark on a new set of, not always smooth, political relations with each other. Like any other culture and society, the Ottoman state too, had its own voiced and unvoiced assumptions. Which reflected on both the Byzantine and Turkish sides the political and social peoccupations of different segments of, Ottoman society, which ultimately sought an audience through historical sources. In this case fifteenth century chronicles, which were produced for a number of reasons within cultural and intellectual milieu that reflected the political happenings of the period. To reconstruct an accurate chronological history of what actually happened within the Ottoman domain sup to the emergence of chronicle writing in the Ottoman empire, is not the main preoccupation here. This has been undertaken by most Ottomanists, notably Imber.2 Thus to an extent this would prove fruitless considering that I feel that an appreciation of what our fifteenth century chroniclers deemed ‘history’ and its implications to be, far more important.
The aim of this theses is not to provide a strict chronological account of Ottoman history. Although chronicle writing as a genre and thus the roles of our chroniclers, ‘ Aşık Paşa- Zade ( 1392-93?- 1502?)3 and Kritoboulos (1405?- 1470?) cannot be fully appreciated if we do not consider the political developments in their period. Political developments that ultimately led them to write their chronicles. Upon the plea of the Byzantine co- emperor John Cantacuzenos, (r.1347-54) fort he newly established Ottoman emirate to aid him in a civil war, the advancement of the Ottomans into Rumeli to the delight of Orhan the then emir ( r.1324-62) was made considerably easier. The increasing tempo of the Ottomans territorial advance into Rumeli ipso facto ensured that the interaction between the Turks and the Byzantine Greeks became intensified. When Orhan married the daughter of John Cantacuzenos
1 Fletcher, “ Turco Mongolian Monarchic Tradition in the Ottoman Empire” in Harvard Ukrainian Studies, ( 1979-1980).
2 Imber, The Ottoman Empire, 1300-1481. The ISIS Press; lstanbul (1990).
3 Scbolarly consensus pertaining to the exact birth and death dates of our chronicler does not exist. The above dates are those of lnalcık’s, ‘ How to Read ‘ Aşık Paşa- Zade’ in Heywood and lmber (Ed) Studies in Ottoman Hİstory. ISIS Press; lstanbul (1994). See the following for variations: Atslz, Osmanlı Tarihleri, Türkiye Yayınevi; lstanbul (1949) and Köprülü, article ‘ Aşık Paşa- Zade’ in lslam Ansiklopedesi, Vol. 1 lstanbul Maarif Matbaası; lstanbul (1940).
in the latter half of the fourteenth century, the Byzantine commentator Nicephoros Gregoras in his letters refers to the whole affair as a wholly shameful thing,4 whereas in his own history, Cantacuzenos narrales the incident in a totally positive way, stressing his daughters loyalty to Christianity despite her marriage to a Muslim.5 The above example provides an insight into the very complex but a the same time pragmatic relations between the Byzantines and the Ottomans which were to last for centuries to come. This was despite the increasing centralisation of the Ottoman state. The political and social interactions between the above two peoples will form the major theme of this theses, vis-a-vis our chroniclers and will thus be dealt with in greater depth later on.
The Ottoman emirate (beylik) became sedentary and thus increasingly bureaucratised. This can be likened to lbn Khaldun’s model of history where a nomadic state through a cyclical process becomes sedentary with the ruler being accustomed to a bureaucratic life of luxury and thus abandons his nomadic roots. This illustrates an important process in the Ottoman emirate’s transition to state and then to empire. This is the stage where it becomes clear that the ruler of the newly founded state, perhaps subconsciously, is trying to exclude those who came to power with him from having a share of his prestige: ‘ He keeps those who share the same ‘asabiyah and royal house as him, from positions of power.’6 ln the case of the Ottomans, nomads were not the only historical players who physically helped to expand the borders of the polity from its inception in the late thirteenth century. Those intent to executing gaza (Holy War) were more than likely a historical reality as well as those “restless elements” that offered their services wherever a holy war was in progress and wherever booty might be expected.”7 ln addition to and intertwined with the above, dervishes, and all kinds of people wrapped in the garb of warrior- dervish possessing different religious orientations8, warriors and ahi (those involved in religions and trade oriented brotherhoods) elements all formed the part of the Uc march frontier of the Ottoman- Byzantine borders.
The colourful frontier depicted by religious and cultural ‘heterodoxy’ and ‘heterogeneity’ well stressed by Wittek and Köprülü9 in their writings on the origins of the Ottoman empire, existed in parallel to the long established Perso- lslamic statecraft which had served its Selçukid and llkhanid forebearers well. lndeed, the slow establishment of institutions on the Uc frontier regions, which typified lslamic
4 Runciman, Byzantine Historians and the Ottoman Turks, ‘in Lewis and Hold (Ed) Historians of the Middle East. London, New York and Princeton; Oxford University Press, p273 (1962).
5 İbid, p273.
6 Ibn Khaldun (translation Rosenthal) The Muqaddimah, An Introduction to History. London; Routledge and Kegan Paul, p141 (1967)
7 Barihold, Turkestan down to the Mongol lnvasions, 4th Ed; London p215 (1977) direct quote from Kafadar, Between Two Worlds, The Construction of the Ottoman State. Berkeley, Los Angeles and London; University of California Press, p56 (1996).
8 Köprülü, (translation, Leiser) The Origins of the Ottoman Empire. New York, State University Of New York Pres; p83 (1992).
9 See Wittek, The Rise of the Ottoman Empire. The Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain And Ireland. Luzac and Co (1938) and Köprülü, İbid.
statecraft, were brought about by the increasing arrival of madrasa tarined students from the main lslamic cities such as Baghdad and Cairo.10 The arrival of trained
administrators and teachers from dynastines with established bureaucratic lslamic institutions, ensured that these teacher and ‘ulema (intellectuals) figures laid the bureaucratic foundations of the Ottoman state. The argument that the crucial difference between the hinterland and the frontiers has to be acknowledged in terms of their social structure and cultural components,11 is a must, if the centralisin policies of the Ottoman rulers and how they ultimately disgruntled certain elements within their society is to be understood. Thus there existed frontier (border) based societies whose people had nothing in common with the developing bureaucratic orthodox Islamic structures in the political centre.
It was Bayezid I (r.1389-1402) who has been seen as starting the ‘centralising’ policies of the Ottoman state through the development of institutions which later came to be seen as pivotal forces around which centralisation found force. Although in reality institutions such as the janissaries (Sultan’s standing infantry army) and the devshirme (process by which the janissaries were recruited) had been in existence before the reing of Beyazıd I. Indeed, Demetriades has quite successfully argued that the devshirme had its origins during and possibly before the period 1383- 1387 under the Uc beys.12 But it was Bayezıd I who before he was rudely interupted by Timur in 1402 continued the tradition of expanding the devshirme and made use of the Kul’s (officer- servants) obtained from the practice more extensively in civil and social positions. Thus slowly excluding those elements such as nomads and warriors, who had helped to establish the Ottoman state. The argument that it was Bayezıd’s successes in the state- centralising field that attracted Timur’s notice is also noteworthy.13 The bureaucracy and state institutions came to be more and more staffed by new non- Turkish new Muslim converts, to the dismay of those Muslims, and others who had been loyal to the Ottomans from the beginning. The astute observation that these is little in Bellini’s portrait portroyal of Mehemmed II as a European ruler (1479) to remind us of the fact that the earliest Ottomans were pastoral nomads is relevant here.14
The centralising process within the Ottoman empire and others that accompanied it are important considerations with regard to the themes under discussion. This is because the emergence of the chronicle as a historical genre in the Ottoman State is closely linked to the process of empire building and bureaucratisation. The need for the justification of expansion against both Muslims and infidels within the realm of gaza, coupled with the trend of adopting an empire’s legendary genealogy to be the main instrument of demonstrating the highest levels of sovereignty, are definite precursors to the writing of Ottoman chronicles. As Inalclk has observed,the various histories of the ‘House of’ Osman’ were written towards the
10 Köprülü, op. cit p83, (1992).
11 Kafadar, op.cit, p37 (1995)
12 Demetriades, ‘Some Thoughts on the Origin of the Devshirme’in Zachariadou (ed) The Ottoman Emipate (1300-1389). Crete University Press; (1993).
13 Fretcher, op.cit, p245 (1979-80).
14 Lindner, Nomads and Ottomans in Medieval Anatolia, Research Institute for Inner Asian Studies; Bloomington, p1 (1983).
end of the fifteenth century as a result of the consciousness of having established a great empire.15 But even at the empire’s politicalb and territorial apogee, tensions
arising from the above concerns did exist between Sultan and subject. The resentment against the Çandarl I family who attained great political position within the Ottoman bureaucracy and held prominence for decades at vezirial level, in Mehemmed II’s reing, is voiced in Ottoman chroniclers, especially Aşık Paşa-Zade as will become clear later. The abolition of private owned vakıfs (walf) in order to increase the state revenue under the Conqueror and a cut back in financial benefits to dervish elements, including our chronicler were all part and parcel of fifteenth century Ottoman policy. This along with the continuing shift in patronage allegiances within the ‘House of ‘Osman’ ensured that certain members of the elite within literary and social circles began to feel hard done by.
Now a brief introduction has been given to the political themes affecting those persons directly or indirectly involved with the Ottoman House in the above period, it is time to familiarise ourselves with our two chroniclers. And the respective milieu within which they wrote in, in order to justify why some sort of a comparison can be made between the two authors. The Byzantine chronicler Michael Kritoboulos of Imbros first appears in the Byzantine sources in 1444AD, when Cyriacus of Ancona visited him on the island of Imbros.16Kritoboulos was born in about 1405 on the island of Imbros which is situated to the West of Gallipoli. The island is historically important an being the main springboard used by the Ottomans to expand into the Aegean after 1354. It is known that Kritoboulos who was a member the Greek notable elite, was granted the governorship of Imbors in 1456 by Mehemmed II and remained as governor until 1466, when he fled to Istanbul after the Venetian occupation of the island.17 Kritoboulos’s acceptance of the Ottoman Turkish invaders and the fact that he rather pragmatically realised the inevitability of the Ottoman conquests in the Byzantine domains makes him unique as a contemporary Byzantine chronicler. In this Kritoboulos resembles the grandfather of the historian Ducas who refused to escape the advance of the Turks, believing that a change of address would not prove fruitful due to the fast tempo of the Ottoman territorial advance.18 In the words of Runciman, “his importance is that he belonged to the party among the Greeks who saw that Ottoman dominion had come to stay and who believed in adjusting themselves as best as possible to altered circumstances.”19
But Kritoboulos cannot be placed as being sympathetic to Ottoman domination per se, if an examination of the thonghts and ideas that existed in the Byzantine intellectual milieus is not made. Ultimately despite being unique in the blase manner with which he accepted the
15 Inalcık, ‘The Rise of Ottoman Historiography’, in Lewis and Holt (Ed) Historians of the Middle East. London; Oxford University Press, p152(1962).
16 Talbot, article ‘Kritohoulos’in (Ed) Kazhdan, Talbot et al. The Oxford Distionary of Byzantium, Vol.2.Oxford University Press; New York and Oxford (1991).
17 Ibid, p1159.
18 Runciman, op. cit p274 (1962).
19 İbid, p275.
Ottoman Turks, was be really distinct as a historian of his period? The view that as the territories of the Byzantine Empire began to shrink after the Turkish success at Manzikert in 1071AD, the empire became more artistic and ‘high culture’ received new life is quite common among Byzantinists.20 In a period when a crumbling administration failed to stem terriorial loss and to ward off the Turkish armies, it has been argned that in contrast to the
political decline caused mainly by civil war the intellectual life of Byzantium had “never shone so brilliantly as in those two sad centuries.”21 The rejuvenation of historiography in the period went hand in hand with the intensive incorporation of the classical style in the works of the contemporary authors. Kritoboulos is an excellent example of such a historian. In his history of Mehemmed II’s reign spanning from 1451 to 67, he writes in a very flowery literary style in imitation of Thucydides and in true classical style, inventing lengthy orations for Mehemmed II and gives classical names to the Turks and other groups. As a historian, he has often been considered to be of second-class calibre in comparison to other historians of the period such as Phrantzes, Ducas and Chalcocondyles and has been described as being careless and inaccurate in his sources by prominent historians.22 Thus through the general criteria by which a historian is judged, in terms of methodology and the usage of sources, Kritoboulos may not be considered a original historian within this category, but is certainly distinct where the following is concerned. In a period when the polemies surrounding the possible union of Eastern Byzantium with the West were rife, Kritoboulos is a good example of an anti-unionist historian who instead turns to the eulogisation of the Ottomans, perhaps partly to ignore the whole intellectual debate altogether.
Kritoboulos as a historian is extremely valuable for the purpores for this study, not only because he eulogises the Ottomans, but also because in comparison with Aşık Paşa- Zade he was an author who tried to steer clear of criticising the subjects of his history. Kritoboulos was simply a member of the educated Byzantine elite who as a sceptic simply had no time to wait for God’s angel to awaken the sleeping emperor in order to remove the Turks.23 With the capture of Constantinople, the classical Byzantine view of the Byzantine empire being ruled by a saviour emperor who was the Vicar of Christ was called into question.24 Like the Muslims of the Middle East who had to deal with the Crusades, the Byzantines saw the Ottomans as a punishment sent by god, for those who “live with their wives before marriage and the monks who cohabit with the nuns.”25 The history of Kritoboulos, which is usefull from the perspective of any Ottomanist because he attempted to understand one of the several strands of the elitist Ottoman political culture, is a far cry from some of the general Byzantine histories produced after 1453, which sought to prove the inferiority of Islam in contrast to Christianity.
20 See Runciman, The Last Byzantine Renaissance. Cambridge University Press; Cambridge (1970) and Moles, ‘Nationalism and Byzantine Greece’ in Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Vol.10 (1969).
21 Runciman, op.cit, p2 (1970).
22 Runciman, op.cit p275 (1962).
23 Vryonis, ‘Byzantine Artitudes Toward Islam’ Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, p281. Vol.12; (1971)
24 İbid, p264.
25 İbid, p268.
In contrast to that of Kritoboulos much more historical certainty can be assumed when we examine the early life of Aşık Paşa- Zade. In his Tevarih-l Al-l Osman, as a loyal dervish and soldier of the Ottoman house his history is usefull not only fort he periods it covers, but it allows the modern historian to chart his lifetime and thus to assess his reliability as a historian. Aşık Pasa-Zade informs the reader that he has composed his history from what he has “learned and heard” and that he found a written history of the Ottomans covering up to the reign of Bayezıd I in the
house of Yakhski Fakih the son of Orhan I’s imam Ishak Fakih.26 He comments as follows:
“I remained behind at Geyve, in the house of Yakhshi Fakih, the son of Orhan bey’s imam, for I was ill: it is on the authority of the son of the imam that I relate the menakib of the Ottoman House as far as Yıldırım Khan.” 27
Aşık Pasa-Zade forget close contacts with the Ottoman House very early on in his life. The above narrative refers to the long period of civil war (fitnet devri) ofter the death of Bayezid I when Mehemmed I declared hostilities against his brother. Aşık Paşa-Zade a young teenager28 who was apparently part of Mehemmed’s army fell ill and had to stay behind in Geyve. Aşık Paşa-Zade went on to campaign in several military campaigns always staying loyal to the Ottomans. He was taken into the army of Murad II (r.1421-1437, 1438-1451) and among many campaigns participated in the Ottoman attack against Belgrade in 1438-39. Aşık Paşa-Zade narrates that Murad II himself granted him nine prisoners of war as a reward for his services. But not satisfied with his share of booty Aşık Paşa-Zade kindly requested that he be given horses and akçe (Ottoman currency) as well.29 Again after the fall of Constantinople, Aşık Paşa-Zade was granted a house from properly reserved fort he gazis (those who participated in the Holy War) and throughout his long life enjoyed but at the same time expected spoils, booty and gifts. We know from the Wakfıyya (the deed of endownment of a vakif) of Mehemmed II’s mosque that the home of Aşık Paşa- Zade was located at the Unkapanl market, adjacent to the house of the scholar and first kadi (judge) of Istanbul, Khodja- Zade.30
Thus in hindsight it is easy to understand why our dervish would become disgruntled when the policies of Mehemmed II began to affect him. In a period when no statesman or ally of the Ottoman state remained in favour for long, Aşık Paşa-Zade certainly managed to do just this. The fact that he was a dervish closely connected with the Wafa’iyya order would not have ensured great advancement per se but the various mystic powers attributed to dervishes ensured that the presence of a dervish on the battlefield were always considered to be a good omen. In addition it was believed that the presence of a dervish heightened the gaza zeal among the soldiers.31 During his long life Aşık Pasa-Zade fulfilled the pilgrimage duty to
26 Atsız, op.cit, p91 (1949).
27 Menage, “The Menakib of Yakhshi Faqih” in the Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. p50. Vol XXVI (1963).
28 Menage, ibid, places Apz’s age at about 13.
29 Atsız, op.cit, p80, (1949).
30 Inalcık, op.cit p141 (1994).
31 İbid, p156.
Mecca (1436) and came to be something of an entrepreneur in Istanbul after its fall in 1453. We know that Aşık Paşa-Zade owned depots and shops in Galata and had to pay the Sultan’s treasury rent for a shop he owned in the region.32
Chapter II- Motives Behind Writing of Chronicles.
Then why is it that both our Byzantine and Turkish chronicler set pen to paper writing their chronicles? Their motives behind writing their chronicles are quite straightforward. As a Byzantine who rose to the position of governor of Imbros under Mehemmed II in 1456, Kritoboulos’s chronicle is dedicated to the Sultan. For all means and purposes Kritoboulos presents him in a panegyric light in a rather straightforward manner. He clearly states the primary object of his history.
“ My object is rather to present the deeds of the now reigning great Sultan Mehmed, excellent as they are and in every respect surpassing those of his predecessors. I give them as a result of my own study and from the accounts of my contemporaries, as a model and an excellent example to be followed by all who love bravery and courage.”33
Kritoboulos’s ‘History of Mehmed the Conqueror’ was thus written specifically for presentation to the Sultan at Istanbul. This is why the only known manuscript is in the Seraglio Library in Istanbul and belonged to the Sultan.34 This is not the case with Aşık Paşa-Zade. Several manuscripts of Aşık Pasa-Zade’s Tevarih-I Al-I Osman exist.35 Therefore the likelihood that the ‘original’ version of Aşık Pasa-Zade has undergone a process of redaction and editing over the centuries is highly likely. Like Kritoboulos, Asık Pasa-Zade’s main aim seeins to be the exaltation of the Ottoman empire but unlike Kritoboulos, Asık Pasa-Zade was himself asked to compile his chronicle most likely by a group of ‘aziz which was a term for dervishes in this period.36 Asık Pasa-Zade did not start the task of writing down his chronicle until he was at least eighty years of age. Thus he quotes from memory excerpts of
32 Inalcık, op.cit p141 (1994).
33 Kritovoulos, ‘History of Mehmed the Conqueror’ (translation) Riggs. Princeton University Press; Princeton, New Jersey, p10 (1954).
34 Spandounes, ‘On the Origin of the Ottoman Emperors’ (translation) Nicol. Cambridge University Press; Cambridge, PXX, (1997).
35 Atsız, op.cit (1949) provides a very good survey of the relevant manuscripts and in his edition makes use of Giese, ‘ Die Altosmanische Chronik des ‘Asıkpasazade.’ Leipzig, Otto Harrassowitz (1929).
36 Inalcık, op.cit, p144 (1994).
Yakhshi Fakih he read while in his youth, whereas Kritoboulos wrote his history while governor of Imbros and only spans roughly a period of tweenty years. To Kritoboulos the purpose of history is clear.
“Wrote this history in beief… .(so) that events should not remain unrecorded. But ought to be written up and handed down to subsequent generations so that brave deeds, well worth recording, certainlyno less so than of the old heroes, shall not disappear from the knowledge of men, being hidden by time. Thus those who live after us may not be greatly injured by being deprived of such a history and its lessons.”37
The eulogisation of Mehemmed II is the primary aim of Kritoboulos if we examine the above excerpt but a the same time be believed that as well as providing a flattering account of the sovereign, history should be education to remind people of their past. The object of history to Kritoboulos can be likened to the sixteenth century chronicler Tasköprüzade’s views on the purpose of history.
“The object of history is the conditions of the individuals of the past, such as prophets, saints, scholars, sages, poets, kings, rulers, and others. The purpose of it is to become acquainted with the conditions of the past.”38
Clearly, neither Kritoboulos nor Tasköprüzade had entertainment in mind when they wrote their histories. Unlike Kritoboulos Asık Pasa-Zade does not specifically state what he deemed the purpose of history to be. Although the following passage from a poem (nazlm) which tends to repat itself with slight variations throughout the chronicle gives an insight into Asık Pasa-Zade’s views on the purpose of history.
“My Life that has spanned up to this time I have seen a lot of this world The events of my period I have noted down And I have written the goods deeds of the house Of Osman. I said that I should make clear how Genealogy and descent developed.”39
The purpose of history to Asık Pasa-Zade is virtually the same as Kritoboulos’s althought the actual format of their chronicles and the language they use clearly points to the fact that they are different types of historians who ultimately addressed different segments of society. It is the differences between the two chroniclers where style, narrative and perception are concerned which makes a comparison of the two authors worthwhile and at the same time fascinating. The language of Asık Pasa-Zade is simple fifteenth century Ottoman Turkish, a language clearly accessible to most segments of literate Ottoman society. The clues that would lead us to this conslusion are as follows. The clear divison of several short chapters all labelled in some deatil is a typical characteristic of Medieval Middle Eastern literature derived
37 Kritovoulos, (translation Riggs) op.cit p9 (1954).
38 Roseuthal, ‘A History of Muslim Historiography,’ p452. Leiden E.J.Brill; Holland (1952).
39 Atsız, op.cit p91 (1949).
from oral tradition. An example par exellence can be seen through an examination of one of the most famous Turkish epics Dede Korkut, an epic based on oral tradition that was later written down. A couple of the chapter headings from a translation of the tenth/ eleventh century epic are as follows: “How Prince Uruz Son of Prince Kazan was Taken Prisoner” and “Tells the Story of how Salur Kazan was Taken Prisoner and how his Son Uruz Freed him.”40 This is similar to Asık Pasa-Zade’s chronicle which on average has two new chapters on each page, each chapter followed by a poern. For example, the heading of chapter (bab) 53
reads “This Chapter warrates within what period of time Murad Han Gazi captured the town of Hamidi.”41
The use of Persian words was very characteristic of ‘Ottoman high culture.’ The Persian influence gained popularity within the Ottoman empire in the sixteenth century and was employed within Court Chronicles in a period when the empire was at its bureaucratic peak. A good example is the fifteenth century chronicler Tursun Bey who writes in a very flowery style that can be likened more to Kritoboulos than Asık Pasa-Zade. In Asık Pasa-Zade his simple style comes across through the poems which follow each chapter. They simply reiterate the narrative in the chapter but tend to be quick sharp statements which are enjoyable to read and it is usually within these nazlm’s that Asık Pasa-Zade uses the opportunity to make clear the point be is trying to get across, be it criticism or otherwise. In chapter 71 Asık Pasa-Zade narrates how the Karaman emirate encroached on Ottoman territory. This is done in a rather objective manner but when we read the poem of the chapter one line in particular sticks out. “the face and the and the heart of the Karaman is black”42
Silay points to Ahmedi’s use of digressions within his dastan (epic) one of the earliest historical documents of the Ottoman empire, as signs of orality and argues that oral tradition is much more evident in Asık Pasa-Zade.43 Then can the poems that appear at the end of each chapter be considered to be literary ‘digressions’ because they interrupt the flow of the main historical narrative? In addition to this the chronicle of Asık Pasa-Zade contains several ‘answer’ and ‘question’ (sual-cevab) excerpts which he in turn answers after stating the quastion. A scene in which Asık Pasa-Zade would answer questions, such as “why did those Beys not send their ambassador?”44 on the request of those listening in a crowded place or would pose these questions to provoke reaction from the crowd seems likely. Then who was the audience of Asık Pasa-Zade’s “History of the House of Osman”? Certain parts of the historical narrative in Asık Pasa-Zade have been traced back not only to Yakhshi Fakih but to the ‘Anonymous Chronicles’ as well. It is also known that, Uruj and the anonymous Tevarih use each in his own fashion a common source from the emergence of ‘Osman up to 1422.45
40 Lewis (translation), ‘The Book of Dede Korkut.’ Penguin Group; England (1974).
41 Atsız, op.cit p131 (1949).
42 İbid, p149.
43 Silay, “The Usage and Function of Digressions in Ahmedi’s History of the Ottoman Dynasty.” Turcica, XXV (1993).
44 Atsız, op. cit p143 (1949).
45 Inalcık, ‘The Rise of Ottoman Historiography,’ in Historians of the Middle East (Ed) Holt and Lewis. Oxford University Press; London and Toronto (1962).
The earlier fourteenth century material that Asık Pasa-Zade incorporated into his chronicle has been categorised as has been argued above, belonging to the popular genres of epic and to an oral tradition as opposed to a written one.46 Although it is not known whether Asık Pasa-Zade himself performed these oral sessions or whether he did in fact perform to crowds of people by altering the older material he had access to, to fit his own personal style. There are few explanations that can be offered on this particular question in light of the scarcity of historical evidence.
The main andience of Asık Pasa-Zade’s history would have probably been gazi’s which would partly explain the fascination of Asık Pasa-Zade with
presenting the Ottomans as such. Aside from the obvious function of later presenting the Ottoman as being extremely pious when the ‘History of the House of Osman’ reached its written stage. At its oral stages tales of the pious Muslims defeating the infidels would have been a moral boost to the soldiers listening at the time. Therefore I would argue that the chronicle of Asık Pasa-Zade was targeted at a wide audience composed of different social classes. Asık Pasa-Zade would certainly not have had access to classical norms and language47 this would have ensured that his chronicle at its oral stage would not have attracted much attention from those who wrote within this classical tradition. But the actual writing down of the history into chronicle form by the Turkish chronicler surely indicates that he was potentially interested in a diffrent type of audience. Apart from the dervishes who asked Asık Pasa-Zade to compile his chronicle, was his ultimate aim that it would reach Bayezid II (r.1481-1512) in whose reign he completed his chronicle? In any case it would have been safer for Asık Pasa-Zade to sumbit his chronicle to any Sultan but Mehemmed II against whom he indirectly levelled a great deal of criticism.
Both Asık Pasa-Zade and Kritoboulos can be considered the same type of historian in one aspect only. Their ultimate aim was to indulge in the exaltation of the Ottoman House but at the same time to sing their own praises. Kritoboulos stresses his personal involvement in ensuring that the islands of Thasos, Imbros and Lemnos were ceded to Mehemmed II from Byzantine control.48 He stresses that it was his good use of diplomacy and quick thinking that ensured that the islands not only passed to Ottoman hands but also were free from enemy especially Venetian attack. He states this as follows:
“Learning this, Kritovoulos49 halted their impetuosity, encouraged them with well founded hopes, and secretly sent a trustworthy man to Hamza, Governor of Gallipoli… and made and agreement with him not to sail against the islands, nor do them any harm at all… Thus the islands were freed from danger fort he time.”50
Just as Kritoboulos emphasises his role in the expansion of the Ottoman doamins, Asık Pasa-Zade also stresses his personal involvement in Ottoman affairs but in contrast to Kritoboulos, Asık Pasa-Zade tries to demonstrate that his own family played an important role in the establishment and rise of the Ottoman empire.51 This can be pinpoited through various small examples in his chronicle.
46 Imber, op. cit p1 (1990).
47 Silay, op.cit p150 (1993).
48 For detail on this matter see Imber, op.cit pp169-70 (1990).
49 Note that Riggs and some other scholars spell our chronicler’s name as such.
50 Kritovoulos, ‘History of Mehmed the Conqueror,’ (translation Riggs) Princelon University Press; Princeton, p86-87 (1954).
51 Inalcık, op.cit p144 (1994).
For example Asık Pasa-Zade stresses the role of his famous grandfather Asık Pasa as a good dervish during the early years of the Ottoman empire when our Turkish chronicler was not yet on the scene. Phrases such as “Asık Pasa prayed for Orhan”52 when he was able to become ruler after the death of ‘Osman are not uncommon. More significantly, throughout his chronicle Asık Pasa Zade rather subtlety emphasises the role of dervishes in the expansion of the Ottoman empire. This is possibly in order to show how the dervish order he was most closely connected to the Wafa’i Khalifa Ede-Bali53 played a crucial role in the rise of the Ottoman empire. The occasional
references to the prosperity and good will certain dervishes including himself bring to the expanding Ottoman domains can only be considered subtle on the surface. As will become apparent in the next chapter the main theme that encompasses his chronicle is that the Ottomans were essentially gazis,who through their ever-increasing religious zeal expanded their domains. This has to be seen within the context of Asık Pasa-Zade emphasising the role of the perhaps not so “orthodox” gazis fighting for their belief in Allah supported spiritually and morally by the dervish elements who surrounded the Ottomans in the early years before the power of the ‘ulema took hold in the latter half of the fifteenth century.
Thus even through both Asık Pasa-Zade and Kritoboulos indulge in the eulogisation of the Ottoman Sultans the differences which exist between them stem from their respective cultural and social milieus. This can be seen through the fact that Kritoboulos addresses a different kind of audience in comparison to Asık Pasa-Zade. As mentioned above Kritoboulos wrote in a classical Thucydidean style that would only have been accessible to educated nobles of Kritoboulos’s social class who had also been educated within the same literary tradition. His style is most clearly apparent through the speeches he invents and puts into the mounth of the Sultan Mehemmed II. The following section from Kritoboulos narrates the Sultan’s address to his soldiers during the siege of Constantinople.
“My friends and my comrades in the present struggle! I have called you together here, not because I would accuse you of laziness or carelessness in this business, nor try to make you more eager in the present struggle. For a long time past I have noted some of you showing such zeal and Earnesiness for the work that you would willingly undergo…” 54
Kritoboulos can be considered to be an entirely panegyric court historian and his written style obviously reflects this. His chronicle was intended only for the eyes of the Sultan and his close advisors not the general public whom Asık Pasa-Zade addressed. It should not be assumed however that all of the Byzantine historians who wrote around this period incorporated this classical style into their work. George Sphrantzes (1401-1477) who
52 Atsız, op.cit p116 (1949).
53 See Inalcık, op.cit (1994) for a brief insight in the above.
54 Kritoboulos (translation Riggs) op.cit p60 (1954).
became attendant to Manual II Paleologus at the age of seventeen and rose to promotion within the Byzantine household wrote in an unflowery style using a simple language.55 The literary style of Kritoboulos can be likened more to that of Tursun Bey who started writing his history in 1488.56 Like Kritoboulos Tursun Bey was an important figure in local Ottoman administration who belonged to the secretarial (kuttab) class. The English translation of Tursun Bey’s “The History of Mehmed the Conqueror” does not preserve the literary style of the difficult exaggerated, flowery language of the Ottoman Turkish but the following quote at least illustrates that the language Tursun Bey used was more like that of Kritoboulos than Asık Pasa-Zade.
“It was intolerable that Istanbul, surrounded by the lands of Islam,
should survive under a Christian ruler, the so-called Kayser-i Rum, especially since he gave protection within the city walls to pretenders to the Ottoman throne.57
Chapter III- Self-View of the Ottomans, Titles and Genealogies.
The way in which the Ottoman in the fifteenth century perceived themselves can to great extent be gauged from our two chroniclers. But also from the fact that elites within the Ottoman bureaucratic and political hierarchies encouraged the writing of histories of the House of ‘Osman in the fifteenth century. Surely our Byzantine chronicler Kritoboulos would not have wasted his energies compiling his history of Mehemmed II whilst occupying the time consuming post of Governor of Imbros if the had felt that his history would not have been welcome within the Ottoman court. It is important to note that the genre of chronicle writing in the Ottoman empire began to emerge after the frontier elements such as the Uc Beys and others who were constructive in expanding the newly formed emirate in previous centuries were effectively curtailed by the central state.58 This showed that chronicle writing began only after the Ottomans had distanced themselves from their nomadic origins. The sheer existence of Asık Pasa-Zade’s chronicle which can be considered to be the last Ottoman Turkish chronicle that contained a large populist element written in simple Turkish illustrates that even at the peak of Ottoman bureaucracy there never existed a complete break between “the frontier areas and political centres.”59 In the final chapter our chronicler’s responses to the centralisation of the Ottoman state will be discussed but it is first important to set the scene of how the Ottomans perceived themselves.
55 See Sphrantzes, (translation Philippides) “The Fall of the Byzantine Empire.” The University of Massachusetts Fress; Amherst (1980).
56 The date of death for Tursun Bey is not known.
57 Tursun Bey, (translation Inalcık and Murphy) ‘The History of Mehmed the Conqueror.’ Bibliotheca Islamica; Minneapolis and Chicago p33 (1978).
58 See Kafadar, op.cit (1995) Chapter 2 for an excellent discussion of this.
59 İbid, p65.
With the capture of Constantinople the Ottoman state not only changed and expanded territorially but ensured that the acquisition of a Roman city changed the way the Ottomans perceived themselves forever. Attempts by Muslims to capture the city had been made since Busr İbn Abi Arfat in 653AD and lasted most notably until the reign of Bayezid I who laid the foundation stones for Mehemmed II’s capture of the city through his endless military campaigns. Constantinople itself carried great symbolic legitimacy in the Roman imperial tradition so that Mehemmed II now adorned himself with the symbols of Caesar.60 Thus the legitimacy acquired through the possession of Constantinople was a major factor which ensured that instead of the conquest satisfying Ottoman Muslim territorial ambitions they were made boundless. It was after 1453 that the Ottomans began to ‘absorb’ different Aegean principalities such as Bosnia, Serbia and Lesbos. This is well reflected in the words of Kritoboulos
who uses any available opportunity to compare Mehemmed II to the classical emperors of Byzantium especially Alexander the Great.
“When he (Mehemmed II) became heir to a great relain and master of many soldiers… he did not believe that these were enough for him nor was he content with what he had; instead he immediately overran the whole world in his calculations and resolved to rule it in emulation of the Alexanders and Pompeys and Caesars and kings and generals of their sort.”61
Both chroniclers are an excellent source for an insight into the way the Ottomans perceived themselves and the way chroniclers like Kritoboulos perceived them at the peak of their territorial expansion, at a time when the Ottoman state became empire and its bureaucracy reflected this. An examination of the usage of honorific titles by the Ottoman sovereigns allows us to chart their historical development through their own eyes. It is understandable that writing after the capture of Constantinople when the empire was at one of its apoges that Kritoboulos referred to Mehemmed II as Emporer and Sultan. The title of Padishah which was more in line with the ‘Örf ( customary law) traditions of the Ottomans62 as opposed to the title of Sultan which is an Islamic title inherited from earlier Muslim dynasties were both used in this period. Kritoboulos contains no reference to the Ottoman sovereign’s earlier titles of Bey or Khan. This is where an examination of Asık Pasa-Zade’s genealogy of the Ottomans is extremely useful. Our Turkish chronicler cites the genealogy of the Ottomans as follows:
60 Quoted from Fletcher, op.cit p246 (1979/80).
61 Kritoboulos (translation Riggs) op.cit p14 (1954).
62 Inalcık, article “Padishah” in Islam Ansiklopedesi, Milli Eğitim Basım Evi; Istanbul (1964).
“…Sultan Bayazıd Han (Khan) Gazi, ibn-i Sultan Mehmed Han Gazi, ibn-i Sultan Murad Gazi, ibn-i Sultan Mehmed Han Gazi, ibn-i Bayazıd Han Gazi, ibn-i Sultan Murat Han Gazi, ibn-i Orhan Gazi, ibn-i Osman Gazi…”63
Two interesting details surface. Firstly, Asık Pasa-Zade seems to begin using the title of Sultan in the reign of Murad I (r.1362-89) and not before. It could be argued that to Asık Pasa-Zade the Ottoman state and its institutions began to develop along Perso-Islamic lines after 1362, thus he began using the title for those Ottoman rulers he regarded as changing the structure of the Ottoman state. But this line of argument can only be taken so. If we consider that it was actually Bayezid I (r.1389-1402) who Asık Pasa-Zade merely refers to as Han Gazi, who made the first attempts to seriously centralise and change the nature of the Ottoman state by using the non-nomadic kuls he obtained more in civil and military posts. Therefore it is more likely that looking back in hindsight when he began to write his chronicle when he was around eighty years of age, Asık Pasa-Zade realised that it was Bayezid I who started the centralising policies which found culmination under Mehemmed II and reduced the status of certain sections of society such as dervishes like himself. Could it be that he omits the title of Sultan with reference to Bayezid I as an indication to the readers of his chronicle, as to what he really thought about the centralising policies of the Ottoman state.
An examination of honorific titles within the Ottoman empire also points to the possibility that the sometimes fluid and pragmatic political situations in the empire were also reflected through honorific titles. We know that when the Ottoman sovereigns entered into formal contact with Christians through treaties or pacts they referred to themselves as Beys or Emir but when in similar situations with fellow Muslims referred to themselves as Sultan.64 The logic behind this pragmatic policy seems simple. It would have been more important for the Ottomans to stres their Islamic identity through the use of the title Sultan when in contact with fellow Muslims in a period when the Ottomans attempted to justify Military attacks against fellow Muslims as pious Muslims. In contrast to this Christian recipents of Ottoman expansion probably did not feel the need to be reminded of the Ottomans quest of gaza and what this entailed within the context of titulature.
Secondly, like all fifteenth century Ottoman Turkish chroniclers Asık Pasa-Zade traces back Ottoman genealogy to the Selçuk’s, the Oguz Turks and finally Noah. Whether their genealogy was fabricated to legitimise their rule or not will be discussed shortly but the following is fascinating with regard to the issue of genealogy. Byzantine Greek chroniclers also narrated Ottoman genealogy as such in most cases. This points to the existence of a common source or chronicle possibly one that chroniclers such as Kritoboulos and Spandounes had access to. Spandounes narrates the origins of the Ottomans as follows:
“…I can see that they are descended from shepherds of Tartary of the race of one called Ogus. It is said that in the reign of the Sultan Aladin (Selçukid Sultan Alaeddin) who
63 Atsız, Op. cit p92 (1949).
64 Inalcık, op.cit p491 (1964).
was lord of various places and of Konya… a number of famillies of Tartars came to live on his territory, among them that of Ottoman.”65
The flexibility of the usage of honorific titles becomes evident through an examination of Asık Pasa-Zade. He stresses the Islamic descendancy of the Ottomans from the Selçuk’s but at the same time refers to the Ottomans as Khans as well as gazis. From a twentieth century point of view but perhaps not from a fifteenth century dervish-Sufi viewpoint, this seems to be a contradiction in terms. It could be argued that the employment of the non-Islamic honorific title of Khan for the Ottomans, a title never assumed by the Selçuks, is in contradiction to the theory that asserts that the Ottomans came to Anatolia as fighters for Islam as descendants of the Selçuks.66 Asık Pasa-Zade not only stresses the Selçukid-Ottoman link but goes as far as to show the Ottomans claiming independence and autonomy vis-a-vis the Sultanate of Rum. When ‘Osman was told by the dervish Dursun Faklıh that he needed permission from the Selçuk Sultan in order to repopulate and build the bureaucracy of a newly conquered province, he answered as follows:
“I took this city with my sword. What concern (dahl) has the Sultan in this, that I should permission (izin) from him? Allah, who made him Sultan has through the gaza given me the rank of Khan. And if the Sultan would make a
claim on me by virtue of that Sancak (the Standard that ‘Ala’eddin had sent him), I carried that standard into battle against the infidel. And if he says: “I am of the line of Selçuk,” I say that I an the descendant of Gök Alp…”67
Asık Pasa-Zade clearly aimed to portray the Ottomans as having established their right to independent sovereignty through their execution of gaza. This leads us to the question of to which extent our two chroniclers portrayed the Ottomans as Allah fearing gazi’s.
Chapter IV- The Ottomans Gazi’s or not?
At its simplest level, a gazi is a Muslim who participates in the Holy War against the infidel. Ottoman distionaries complied between the fifteenth and seventeenth century list the definition of a gazi as someone “who intends (warfare) against the enemy.”68 The importance of the Islamic fight against the infidel has been an intricate part of Muslim history and ultimately historiography for centuries. The need to record the Prophet’s military encounters with the Arab non-believer (magazi) formed part of early sacred history and contributed greatly to the formation of the Muslim historical consciousness. Historical sources from the Islamic Medieval period not only record the deeds, sometimes legendary, of famous Turkish
65 Spandcunes (translation Nicol) op.cit p9 (1997).
66 Köprülü, op.cit (1992) the Turkish Nationalist acholar was the most ardent advocale of this theory.
67 Atsız, op.cit p103 (1949).
68 Tekin, “XIV Yüzyılın’a Yazılmış Gazilik Tarikası “Gaziliğin Yolları” Adlı Bir Eski Anadolu Türkçesi Metni”, Journal of Turkish Studies p140 (1989).
gazis but also provide an insight into the prerequisites and principles of gaza. In an important source dating from the early Ottoman period we learn that in order to participate in gaza a Muslim must be in good health, mentally stable and strong enough to withstand the experience of war. As the Turks from their first appearance in the Middle East have always been on the offensive militarily it is interesting to note that if the Muslims attack the enemy land it is not required for all Muslims to participate in the Holy war. Gaza for all Muslims is only compulsory when it is Muslim lands that are under attack from infidels.69
Now onto the crucial question of how our two chroniclers portray the Ottomans in terms of being advocates of gaza. Asık Pasa-Zade portrays the Ottomans as excellent gazis who lived solely for the fulfilment of the fight against the infidel. Asık Pasa-Zade narrates how ‘Osman’s father, before the establishment of the Ottoman Beylik, sent his son Sarı Yatı to the Selçuk Sultan to ask for a homeland in which to settle. The message that ‘Osman’s father wished to convey to the Sultan was clear:
“ He sent his son Sar I Yat I to Sultan Ala’eddin and said “show us a homeland where we will settle and perform gaza… the Sultan showed them a homeland between Bilecük (Bilecik) and Sögüd (Sögüt).”70
It is easy to see that Asık Pasa-Zade stresses the role of the Ottomans as gazis because as a chronicler of the Ottoman dynasty he would wish to show gaza as a legitimating device of sovereignty. In order to justify Ottoman sovereignty and continued expansion Asık Pasa-Zade uses a simple but very convenient example. Whenever a drum was beaten the Ottomans apparently rose to their feet and our chronicler justifies this custom through one of the ‘question’ and ‘answer’ sessions that appear throughout his chronicle.
“Question: Other sovereigns do not have this custom. Why does the house of ‘Osman have this custom?
Answer: This custom has two meanings. The first meaning is that they are gazis. The beating of the drum is the call for gaza. This is as if to say ‘prepare for gaza.’ In response to this, they rise to their feet, as if to say ‘We are ready for gaza for the sake of Allah.’’’71
Asık Pasa-Zade makes it known that all, those who participated in gaza would be rewarded with booty by the Ottomans. In one chapter we are informed that after one particular
69 İbid, p144.
70 Atsız, op.cit p93 (1949).
71 İbid, p98.
conquest each gazi was given a village each as their reward.72 Could it be argued that Asık Pasa-Zade presents the Ottomans as fighters for their faith in the strict orthodox sence? An analysis of Asık Pasa-Zade’s chronicle reveals that according to his own dervish-Sufi standards the Ottomans were indeed pious Muslims. In spite of this he happily narrates how Orhan was married to a Byzantine princess and places great emphasis on ‘Osman’s special friendship with an infidel named Köse Mihal.73 Also, Asık Pasa-Zade goes to great lengthsto justify Ottoman encroachment against fellow Muslims. In one chapter he stresses how Bayezid I is justified in doing just this because he used the means of justice and not force whilst attacking fellow Muslims.74 The chronicle of Asık Pasa-Zade reveals that to a great extent the Ottoman state expanded not only on the merits of war against the infidel but pragmatism also. A policy of making friendly acquaintance with infiel Christians in order to fulfil their territorial expansion was not uncommon. The Selçukid practice of constantly changing allegiances and siding with Christians against fellow Muslims especially during the long period of the Crusades was certainly continued by the Ottomans. Before the capture of Constantinople in times of civil war rebel Ottoman princes always sought refuge with the Byzantine emperors. Indeed, one of Mehemmed II’s reasons for attacking Constantinople was that the Emperor Constantine was protecting a distant cousin of the Sultan’s within Byzantium.
Then in comparison to Asık Pasa-Zade how does Kritoboulos as a Byzantine Greek observer view the Ottomans? Not surprisingly, the concept of gaza does not exist in the history of Kritoboulos. Instead Kritoboulos at every opportunity tells the reader that Mehemmed II was a great warrior and soldier. Before Constantinople was laid siege to by the Ottomans Kritoboulos quotes Mehemmed II as having said the following:
“And I maintain that we must undertake this, and fight quickly, and must accept war and capture the city with all determination speed, or never lay claim to our realm any more, or to its possessions as our own, or to think of anything as certain for the future”75
Our Byzantine chronicler goes to great lengths to portray Mehemmed II as a soldier who always commanded his troops personally and planned and instigated every detail of any possible military attack himself. The never-ending zeal of the Sultan who is determined to succeed militarily is a theme cleverly incorporated by Kritoboulos in his history:
“The Sultan had determined by all means to get the harbour and the Horn under his control so that he might attack the city from all sides.”76
We learn from Kritoboulos’s portrayal of Mehemmed II that our chronicler deemed him to be brave, full of zeal and a good leader. But there is no meantion of Holy war or
72 İbid, p106.
73 Aceording to Imber, probably fabricated most of the tales of Mihal himself. See article “Canon And Apocrypha” in Heywood and Imber op.cit (1994).
74 İbid, op 135-6.
75 Riggs op.cit, p29 (1954).
76 İbid, p50.
anything resembling an appreciation of gaza by Kritoboulos. This raises some interesting questions concerning the Ottomans as warriors for their faith. If the Ottomans were pious gazis’ then would Kritoboulos whose primary aim was the eulogisation of the Ottoman dynasty not have at least mentioned the Ottomans as warriors for their faith? Not necessarily, although Kritoboulos was indeed a subject of the Ottoman empire, as a Byzantine who only came into Ottoman service after 1453 AD he cannot be expected to have understood and to have incorporated every indigenous Ottoman term or concept into his history. In comparison to Kritaboulos, Spandounes uses the term caxi which translates as gazi, for the early Ottomans. In his sixteenth centary text Spandounes defines the term as meaning “courageous and bold.”77 Spandounes’s definition matches exactly the portrayal of Mehemmed II by Kritoboulos. Does this mean that contemporary Byzantine historians believed the early Ottomans to be “secular” warriors who fought bravely but with no notion of religion in their minds? This is one explanation but it could also be argued that Byzantine historians did not subconsciously wish to portray the Ottomans who were after all unwante invaders as pious Muslims.78 Or we should just accept that our two chroniclers and others of their period wrote in accordance to their social milieu and what was deemed to be important at a particular time. Therefore each chronicler would develop themes which were firstly relevant to them and secondly understandable to them.
Imber is one of a group of scholars who argue that the silence of the Byzantine sources on this issue means that the Ottomans could not have been gazi’s otherwise the fifteenth century Byzantine historians would have not failed to have incorporated this theme into their histories. In addition Imber argues that by the sixteenth century the “Ottoman dynasty possessed an elaborate myth which legitimised its rule in the eyes of its own subjects and justified its wars against neighbourning monarchs.”79 The amin gist of Imber’s argument is that the Ottomans ultimately legitimised their rule through creating a fictitious genealogy and by describing “its rise to power in terms of religious…ideas of orthodox Islam.”80 The main outlet for the “myths” the Ottomans developed found life in the Ottoman chronicles written in he fifteenth century, Asık Pasa-Zade being a good example. By claiming descent from the Selçuks and by stressing that they originated from the Oguz Turks the Ottomans were able to justify waging war against the Muslim Safavid dynasty by claiming to be nobler than other Muslim dynasties. As we saw in the last chapter both Asık Pasa-Zade and Kritoboulos incorporate what Imber would call this fictitious genealogy into their histories. The historical content of the genealogy cannot be proven one way or the other. Its sheer existence gives an insight into the way the Ottomans regarded themselves as expressed through chroniclers at their dynastic apogee. The concept of Holy War did certainly change to meet the growing bureaucratisation of the Ottoman empire and with time the ‘ulema came to determine the
77 See Imber op.cit p118 (1994) as well as history of Spandounes.
78 Kafadar, op.cit p89 (1995).
79 Imber, “The Ottoman Dynastic Myth.” Turcica, xix (1987).
80 İbid, p7.
empires stand on Islam and were busy with fitting the Ottoman state into a classical administrative mould.81 Hence the importance of ‘ulema-families such as the Çandarlı’s within the Ottoman house. This was much to the dismay of dervishes like Asık Pasa-Zade who were used to the more “popular” heterodox Islam which included material rewards for the fight against the infidel. When discussing the Çandarlı I family’s influence as viziers within the Ottoman house, Asık Pasa-Zade writes the following:
“There were ‘ulema in the period of ‘Orhan and in the time of Murad gazi also. But they were not corrupt until the time of Halil Çandarlı I.”82
Asık Pasa-Zade’s criticism of certain personalities will be expanded on in the next chapter but the above example shows how the Ottomans did indeed change their self-perception and came to rely more and more on the orthodoxy provided by religious men of the pen. The increasing importance attached to the office of Sehül-Islam in this period and the growing use of Islamic fetva’s debating what was deemed Islamic or not were all part of this trend. Even if the Ottomans in the fifteenth century created their own historical myths to justify their rule, this does not mean that their early religious practices should be judged from the viewpoint of later orthodoxy. By citing examples of Ottoman-Byzantine co-operation through military and marriage alliances, mysticism and the influence of divine interpretation scholars have attempted to show that the early Ottomans were not orthodox gazis at all. In support of the above argument Lindner argues that if the Ottomans were real gazis then they would have at least tired to have foreed Christians into conversion. Also by pointing to the fact that the Ottomans may have practised human sacrifice and mummification in the
fourteenth century, be argues that the Ottomans were more crusaders for Shamanism than for Islam.83
Linder’s observations raise some interesting question regarding the nature of the early Ottoman state. Clearly as historians we should be able to distinguish between historical fact and literary convention. The chronicles of Asık Pasa-Zade and Kritoboulos cannot be assumed to be totally based on fact. Chroniclers sometimes created heroes out of place-names and subsequently fictitious events to legitimise their narrative. In Asık Pasa-Zade’s chronicle the name Tashakyazusu (“Testicle Plain”) provides the scene for the story of how Sultan Ala’eddin apparently castrated the defcated Mongols.84 But to judge the Ottomans religiosity on the basis of what twentieth century Ottomanists themselves deem to be “orthodox Islam” is difficult to comprehend and totally undermines the way in which the Ottoman state expanded. Total conversion of infidels to Islam would not have proved fruitful to the Ottomans where taxation was concerned. The maintenance of a strict political and social hierarchy within the state ensured that maximum taxes were extracted from the protected dhimmis (non-Muslims) as well as the Muslim subject class the re’aya, in order to support expensive military campaigns. Even in the early Ottoman period when the Ottoman rulers such as Orhan I
81 Lindner, op.cit p7 (1983).
82 Atsız op.cit p139 (1949).
83 Lindner, op.cit p6 (1983).
84 Imber, op.cit p133 (1994).
(r.1324-62) co-operated with Christians this did not necessarily mean that he abandoned his Muslim identify. It points to the Ottomans being pragmatic and fluid in their relations with some of their Christian neighbours in order to further their military ambitions. The same can be said of earlier Muslim dynasties as well. Usamah Ibn Munqidh who was an emir (amir) of Shayzar during the Frankish invasion of 1138AD clearly co-operated with the Franks both socially and politically. But his true feelings become clear when a Frankish Knight informed Usamah of his wish to take his son as a gestune of good will back to Europe. In his chronicle Usamah later writes what he could clearly not voice to the Franks personally.
“Thus there fell upon my ears words which would never come out of the head of a sensible man; for even if my son were to be taken captive, his captivity could not bring him a worse misfortune than carrying him into the lands of the Franks.”85
As for the Ottomans indulging in human sacrifice or practices reminiscent of Shamanism, it could be argued that it is not surprising that traces of their former religion still existed in the fourteenth century. More importantly, the chronicles were produced for the reason of providing legitimacy for the Ottoman empire as we have seen. But it cannot be said that chroniclers such as Asık Pasa-Zade who exemplified the dervish-gazi tradition throught themselves to be unorthodox Muslims because they narrated tales of divine intervention, mysticism and warfare against fellow Muslims without disgust. Asık Pasa-Zade does not treat differetently Ottoman
attacks against Christians to attacks against fellow Muslims. He narrates with delight the Ottoman attacks against the Muslim Karaman emirate and he himself participated in the military attack against Orhan the pretender who caused trouble in the reing of Murad II.86 Fifteenth century chronicles can certainly be utilised to chart the development of historical myth such as genealogy and the orthodox Islamic “gloss” sometimes added to events. But it is just as worthwhile accepting that the early Ottomans themselves through chroniclers such as Asık Pasa-Zade defined the concept of Holy War themselves to suit their own needs according to their social milieus at a given time. Also it makes more sense to accept that the religious behaviour and traditions of the Ottomans were a clear indication as to what they themselves deemeed important enough to have transmitted to chronicle form.
Our Chronicler’s Portrayal of Ottoman Policies.
85 Usamah, (translation Hitti) ‘An Arab-Syrine Gentlemen and Warrior in the Period of the Crusades.’ LB Tauris and Co Lit; London p161 (1987).
86 Atsız, op.cit p158 (1949).
This final chapter will deal with how Asık Pasa-Zade and Kritoboulos dealt with Ottoman policies. At a simple level the primary aim of the majority of Middle Eastern chroniclers was to eulogise their rulers. Hence the term ‘Court Chroniclers.’ But within the paradigm of chronicle writing chroniclers still managed to have their own voices heard and their own views put across as well as fulfilling the task of panegyric portrayal. In other words as we will be seen both Asık Pasa-Zade and Kritoboulos had their own political agendas to address through their chronicles. The existence of a chronicler’s “agenda” simple points to the fact that even if writing for a particular dynasty, chroniclers of the fifteenth century or before had their own academic or personal motives. For example, the Damascene biographer Ibn ‘Asakir portrayed David and other Syrian pre-Islamic prophets as pre-figurings of the prophet Muhammed because he wanted to demonstrate the continuity between the lives of the ancient prophets in Syria and Muhammed’s life in seventh century Arabia.87 Ultimately by stressing the continuity between the lives of ancient prophets and Muhammed’s life he could emphasise the importance of Muhammed and show him to be the ultimate prophet.
Both Asık Pasa-Zade and Kritoboulos have their own political agendas to address within their own chronicles and a comparison betweeen the two chroniclers brings to the surface some interesting differences. Kritoboulos’s panegyric portrayal of Mehemmed II takes priority within his chronicle but at the same time he is very critical of the policies and action of his own people the Byzantines. To Kritoboulos it
is their foolish squabbling and civil wars which allowed the Ottoman Turks to advance into Byzantine territory. Kritoboulos writes as follows:
“…I choose to record and to openly hold up to ridicule and disparagement our own internal evils, which in others views ought rather to be covered up as far as possible and by no means brought to the notice of the public.”88
Whereas Asık Pasa-Zade attempts to show that the early years under ‘Osman and Orhan constituted the golden age of Ottoman history and anything that came afterwards went downhill. His constant portrayals of ‘Osman as the ideal ruler who is always fair and just is part of the imagery of showing that the early years of the Ottoman state were its apogee. When ‘Osman took the province of Karaca-Hisar and bad set up the local administration, Asık Pasa-Zade narrates ‘Osman’s responce to someone who incurs charges on people who bring goods to the market:
“’Osman gazi said, ‘what is toll?’ The man said, ‘I take money on whatever comes to the market.’ ‘Osman said, ‘fellow, have you any claim on the people coming to this market that you should ask money from them?’ The man said
87 Qucted from Lincdey, ‘Professors, Propbets, and Politicians: ‘Ali Ibn’ Asakir’s ‘Ta’ rikh Madimnt Dimashq.’ Phd thesis, University of Winconsir; America p83 (1994).
88 Kritoboulos (translation Riggs) op.cit, p11 (1954).
‘My Khan, in all countries it is the traditional law and custom that Padishahs have taken it.’…’Osman became very angry and said…’Get out! Do not mention this to me again or you will suffer for it.”89
To Asık Pasa-Zade the policies of the Ottomans state are at their most decadent during the reign of Mehemmed II. Even Kritoboulos senses that some policies are not quite right but is not as critical of the Sultan as Asık Pasa-Zade is. Both chroniclers are typical of their genre in that they tend to criticise the men around the Sultan as opposed to levelling the criticism against Mehemmed II personally. After the Sultan had Notaras a member of the Byzantine nobility executed along with his son for no apparent reason, Kritoboulos writes the following:
“Persuaded by these arguments, or rather being dissuaded from his intention, the Sultan ordered the men to be removed. Loter on the Sultan discovered the underhandedness and wickedness of those who had persuaded him to put these men to death, and in disgust al their treachery he removed them from his sight.”90
Mehemmed II is presented rather strangely in contrast to his gallant warrior image as being nalve when it comes to such matters. Kritoboulos does not openly criticise the Sultan whatsoever. To an extent Asık Pasa-Zade too produces veiled criticism of the Sultan by harshly criticising the men around him. Although Asık Pasa-Zade writes not only as an observer of Ottoman internal policy but as an
Ottoman subject affected by them as well. Let us examine this more closely. Firstly our chronicler is very critical of Mehemmed II’s policy of charging. Muslim subjects who at the Sultans request came tol ive in İstanbul after the conquest, property rent. Asık Pasa-Zade sums up brilliantly what was probably public opinion towards the rent (makata’a) that was to be levied in order to boost the state revenue. Subsequently Mehemmed II was in the first instance persuaded to abandon this money-making policy by one of his officers.
“They said (the general public): ‘You forced us to leave our property and made us settle here. Did you bring us here that we should pay rent for these houses of the infidels? And some have abandoned their women and children and have fled.’ The Sultan had a kul (officer) named Kula Shahin who has served under the Sultan’s father and grandfather and who had been vizier. He said to the Sultan, ‘…Your father and grandfather conquered numerous territories but not in one of them did they impose rent; nor is it fitting that you should impose it.”91
89 Atsız, op.cit, p104 (1949).
90 Kritoboulos, (translation Riggs) op.cit pp84-85 (1954).
91 Atsız, op.cit p193 (1949). See also Inalcık, ‘The Poliey of Mehmed II Toward the Greek Population of Istanbul and the Byzantine Buildings of the City,’ in The Ottoman Empire; Conquest, Organisation and Economy. Variorum Reprints; London (1978).
Although Asık Pasa-Zade is quite openly critical of the Sultan’s policies like Kritoboulos he chooses to portray the Sultan as a monarch who is easily influenced for beter or for worse by the men around him. It would have been unwise for our two chroniclers to be critical solely of the Sultan, as both Asık Pasa-Zade and Kritoboulos were contemporaries with Mehemmed II. Again Asık Pasa-Zade chooses to blame Rum Mehemmed Pasha for the reintroduction of the “rent” some years later. Our chronicler describes the Pasha as a vizier “whom the Sultan caused to be strangled like a dog,” after he had realised that the reintroduction of the rent would not help Istanbul to prosper. Asık Pasa-Zade goes on to warn the Sultan: “If the Sultan is capricious in the decress he makes then his territory will always suffer harm.”92 If we rend between the lines of Asık Pasa-Zade’s criticisms of Rum Pasha then we find that it was rather easy for a dervish like Asık Pasa-Zade to resent this political figure so much. It was Rum Pasha who was responsible for the abolition of annual gifts and bounties distributed by the palace to dervish figures.93 This of course affected Asık Pasa-Zade personally as he had been previously accustomed to receiving palace approved gifts.
It would be too simplistic to assume that Asık Pasa-Zade resented certain policies within the empire per se. In contrast I would argue that it was the way in which the whole empire was developing that disgruntled our chronicler. Mehemmed II did in reality introduce policies that alienated certain socilar groups mainly those associated with the dervish-gazi milieu. For example, Mehemmed II indulged in the confiscation of more than a thousand villages that belonged mostly to dervishes.94
What is important is that the above policies cannot be seen in isolation to the Sultan’s ambitions to run a very centralised, bureaucratic imperial empire. The increased reliance on non-Turkish slave-servants to run the administration and the creation of impersonal bureaucratic structures ensured that centralism within the Ottoman empire had reached its pack.95 To Asık Pasa-Zade the Ottomans no longer respected their gazi origins or their humble beginnings as pastoralists. Mehemmed II no longer stood up when martial music (beating of the drums) was played as his ancestors used to.96 Thus to Asık Pasa-Zade and others during this period things were not the way they used to be.
92 Inalcık, op.cit, p244 (1978).
93 İbid, p245.
94 Kafadar, op.cit, p97 (1995).
95 İbid, p153.
96 İbid, p152.
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Inalcık- The Ottoman Empire, The Classical Period (1300-1600). Phoenix Press; London, (1973).
Inalcık- ‘The Status of the Greek Orthodox Patriarch Under the ottomans.’ Turcica, vol. XXI-XXIII (1991).
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Kitaptaki zarif mülkiyet: Ekslibris

Kitabın sahibini belirleyen ve ödünç alan kişiye zarif bir hatırlatma yapan ekslibris, zorunluluktan yola çıkan bir sanat dalı. Kişinin özelliklerini yansıtan ve kitabın tapusu olarak adlandırılan ekslibrisin Türkiye’de de uygulayıcıları var. 

 Aldığınız, okuduğunuz kitapları dostlarınızla paylaşıyorsunuz, tavsiyeler veriyorsunuz ve satırların aralarındaki heyecanı paylaşmaktan haz duyuyorsunuz. Başkalarının da faydalanması için paylaşıyorsunuz kitaplarınızı.

Eğer bu tanım size uyuyorsa bibliyofilsiniz. Ancak en nihayetinde kitabın dönüp size gelmesini istiyorsunuz. Eserdeki mülkiyetinizi de salt bir isim ve tarih yazmaktan ileriye, zarif ve sanatsal bir türe taşıyorsunuz. Milattan önce 1400’lü yıllara tarihlenen ekslibrisin ortaya çıkış öyküsü tahminlere göre böyle.

Kitaptaki zarif mülkiyet: Ekslibris

Peki, nedir bu ekslibris?

Ekslibris, kitapseverlerin kitaplarının iç kapağına yapıştırdıkları üzerinde adlarının ve değişik konularda resimlerin yer aldığı küçük boyutlu özgün yapıtlar. Kitabın kartviziti ya da tapusu anlamını da içeriyor.

Kitap sahibini tanıtan, onu yücelten ve kitabı ödünç alan kişiyi geri getirmesi konusunda uyaran bir sanat aslında. Kitap ile kitap sahibi arasındaki bir bağ kuran ekslibris, sözcük olarak “…’nın kitaplığından” veya “…’nın kütüphanesine ait” anlamına geliyor.

Uzun bir geçmişe sahip bu sanat dalı, aynı zamanda yapıldığı dönemin kültürel özellikleri günümüze taşıyor. Sanatçı, tasarımcı, sanatsever ve koleksiyoncu arasında da bir köprü görevini yerine getiriyor.

Ekslibris tasarlanırken kitapseverle kendini ifade eden sembol, motif veya herhangi bir hayvan, eşyayı, beğenileri ve ilgi alanlarını arasında doğal bir bağ kuruluyor ve tasarımın her aşamasında bu bağ güçlenerek artıyor.

Türkiye’de ekslibris

Türkiye’nin ekslibrisi tanıması, ya yurtdışına giden kişiler ya da batıdan alınmış kitaplar aracılığıyla olmuş. Avrupa ülkelerinde yaygın olarak kullanılan ekslibrislerin yer aldığı kitaplar, ikinci el satışlarla ülkemize gelmiş, kitap sahipleri öldüğünde ise yakınları, bu kitapları kütüphanelere bağışlamışlar ya da sahaflara satmışlar.

Batıda yapılan müzayedelerden alınan Türkiye ile ilgili bazı kitaplarda ekslibrislere rastlanmakta. Osmanlı döneminden kalma el yazması ve basılmış kitaplarda görülen mühürler, birer mülkiyet işareti olarak kabul edilebilir.

Mühürler, ekslibris türüne girmese de özgün kaligrafik yapılarıyla ait oldukları kişilerin arması veya logotaypı olarak bir işlevi yerine getiriyor.

Türkiye’de kitap tutkunları ile kütüphanesinden ödünç alınıp geri getirilmeyen kitaplara önlem olarak ekslibris yaptıranlar her geçen gün artıyor.

“Gençlerimiz artık ekslibris tasarlıyor”

Tarihsel serüveni M.Ö. 1400’lere kadar uzanan bu sanatın Türkiye’de bir de müzesi var. Müzeyi İstanbul Ekslibris Derneği’nin kurucusu Prof. Hasip Pektaş yönetiyor. Üniversitede exlibris ile ilgili derste veren Pektaş, aynı zamanda bir ekslibris sanatçısı.

Kitaptaki zarif mülkiyet: Ekslibris

“Ekslibris, kitapların iç kısımlarına yapıştırılan, üzerinde sahibinin isminin bulunduğu küçük boyutlu resimlerdir” diyen Hasip Pektaş, tasarımlarda mutlaka ‘ekslibris’ ve adına yapılan kişinin ismi-soyadı yazması gerektiğini belirterek şunları söylüyor:

“Ekslibris kitaba koşut gelişen bir sanat dalı. Kitabınız varsa kütüphaneniz vardır. Kütüphaneniz varsa ekslibrise ihtiyaç duyarsınız. Bu nedenle kitaba çok talep olan ülkelerde çok yaygın. Rusya’da Çin’de ve Japonya’da çok yaygın bir sanat. Bizde de yaygınlaşmaya başladı. En başta kötümser olsam da bizde de bu maya tuttu. Gençlerimiz artık ekslibris tasarlıyor. En önemlisi artık uluslararası arenada artık adımız duyuluyor.

Kitaptaki zarif mülkiyet: Ekslibris

Türkiye olarak 5. ekslibris yarışmasını yapmış olacağız ve bugün 7 üniversitede ders olarak okutuluyor. Bu konuda Türkiye’de 26 tane lisansüstü tez hazırlandı. Bu durum ekslibrise ilginin ne kadar yoğun olduğunu gösteriyor. Bütün arzum Avrupalı çocuğun ailesinin kütüphanesindeki ekslibrisleri görüp büyümesi gibi o günleri bizim de görmemiz.”

Belçika’da düzenlenen yarışma ilham oldu

Prof. Dr. Hasip Pektaş’ın ekslibris yolculuğu 1983’te başlamış. “Bir gazetedeki ilanda gördüm. Belçika’daki Sint-Niklaas Müzesi yarışma düzenliyordu. Ben de çalışmalarımı gönderdim. Ama kurallara uymayan örneklerdi. Bilmiyordum. Bu yarışma vesilesiyle öğrendim. Herkesin çalışmasının üstünde ‘ekslibris’ ve isim-soyisim yazıyordu. Yarışma bitince iki sanatçıdan mektup aldım, bana üç adet harika örnek gönderip ‘Siz de bize gönderin’ dediler.

Kitaptaki zarif mülkiyet: Ekslibris

Böylelikle benim de yolculuğum başladı. Türkiye’de ekslibris’i yaymayı misyon edindim. 1997 yılında kurduğum Ankara Ekslibris Derneği İstanbul’a taşınmam sebebiyle İstanbul Ekslibris Derneği olarak hayatını sürdürüyor. Üyelerimizle birlikte üretiyoruz, sergiler açıyoruz, gençlere de bu işi sevdirmek için çabalıyoruz.”

Türkiye’de eksikliği hissedilen en önemli şeyin koleksiyonculuk olduğunu söyleyen Pektaş sözlerini şöyle sürdürüyor:

“Bu sanat dalının birkaç işlevi var. Birincisi kitaplara yapıştırılan mülkiyet işareti. İkincisi değiş tokuş objesi olarak kullanılması. Koleksiyoncular ilgi duyar, adlarına ekslibris yaptırırlarsa sanatçılar da üretmeye başlar.

1992 yılında ilk ekslibris müzesini gördüğümde müze kurma fikrini kafama koymuştum. Ekslibris koleksiyonumuz arttıkça bu eserleri toplumla paylaşmak durumu ortaya çıktı. Bir yerde durması çok bir anlam ifade etmez. Paylaştıkça eğitsel olma işlevi de artıyor.

2019 yılında bu müzeyi kurduk. 2020 yılında da Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlığı’nın onayıyla özel müze statüsünü kazandık. Bu koleksiyon giderek artacak. Kitapta bu sanatın buluşma yeri müze olsun istedik.”