35

 OTTOMAN CORSAIRS IN THE WESTERN MEDITERRANEAN

AND THEIR PLACE IN THE OTTOMAN-HABSBURG RIVALRY

(1505-1535)

OTTOMAN CORSAIRS IN THE WESTERN MEDITERRANEAN

AND THEIR PLACE IN THE OTTOMAN-HABSBURG RIVALRY

(1505-1535)

The Institute of Economics and Social Sciences

I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and

in quality, as a thesis for the Master of Arts in History.

I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and

in quality, as a thesis for the Master of Arts in History.

I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and

in quality, as a thesis for the Master of Arts in History.

This thesis analyses the political deeds of the Ottoman corsairs in the Western

Mediterranean between the years, 1505 and 1535. It tries to evaluate their place in the

broader framework of the European politics of the time. It aims to analyze the

perception of the both sides of the international struggle for the covered period, namely

that of the Habsburgs and the Ottomans. Neither the preferences of the decision-makers

of two sides, nor the power and effectiveness of the corsair rule established in the

Western Mediterranean is immune to reconsideration for each period covered. Hence,

both issues are tried to be discussed by calculating the changing balances of power as

the division into three chapters also proves. In order to do that, in this period of the

struggle of the 16th century Europe in which not only the Ottomans and the Habsburgs,

but also all major or minor powers of the era were forced to take sides; we should not

only analyze how Khayr al-Din Barbarossa rose to prominence to the extent that he

could achieve the rank of a Kaptan-ı Derya, but also the reaction of the strongest ruler of

iv

Western Mediterranean and of the Catholic World against this growing importance.

Key Words: The Ottoman Empire, the Habsburg Dynasty, Arudj Reis, Khayr al-

Din Pasha, Barbarossa, Charles V, Süleyman the Magnificent, Ottoman-Habsburg

Rivalry, Algiers, Tunis, Kaptan-ı Derya.

v

ÖZET

BATI AKDEN
Z’DE OSMANLI KORSANLIGI VE OSMANLI-HABSBURG

REKABET
NDEK
YER
(1505-1535)

Gürkan, Emrah Safa

Yüksek Lisans, Tarih Bölümü

Tez Yöneticisi: Halil
nalcık

Haziran 2006

Bu tez, 1505 ve 1535 yılları arasında Osmanlı korsanlarının Batı Akdeniz’deki

siyasi faaliyetlerini konu almaktadır. Zamanın avrupa siyasetinin su daha genis

çerçevesinde bu korsanların yerini saptamaya çalısmaktadır. Ele alınan dönemdeki

uluslarası mücadelenin iki tarafının, yani Habsburg ve Osmanlı karar mercilerinin

korsanlıgı nasıl algıladıgını analiz etmek amacındadır. Ne iki tarafın karar mercilerinin

öncelikleri, ne de Batı Akdeniz’de kurulan korsan egemenliginin gücü ve etkinligi, ele

alınan her dönem için yeniden degerlendirmeden mu’af degildir. Bu sebeble, her iki

mevzu, bu tezin üç bölüme ayrılmasının da kanıtlayacagı gibi, degisen güç dengelerinin

hesaba katılmasıyla atrtısılmaya çalısılacaktır. Bunu basarmak için, 16. yüzyıl

Avrupası’nın, sadece Osmanlıları ve Habsburgları degil, dönemin irili ufaklı bütün

kuvvetlerini taraf almaya zorlayan bir mücadelenin bu evresinde Hayreddin Pasa’nın

nasıl Osmanlı
mparatorlugu’nda Kaptan-ı Deryalıga yükselebilecek kadar önem

kazandıgını arastırmanın yanısıra, Batı Akdeniz’in ve Katolik Dünyası’nın en güçlü

vi

hükümdarının bu artan öneme gösterdigi tepkiyi incelemek gerekmektedir.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Osmanlı
mparatorlugu, Habsburg Hanedanı, Oruç Reis,

Hayreddin Pasa, Barbaros, Besinci Karl, Kanuni Sultan Süleyman, Osmanlı-

Habsburg Rekabeti, Cezayir, Tunus, Kaptan-ı Derya.

vii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First of all, I would like to thank my supervisor Prof. Halil
nalcık for his support

and guidance in the last three years. His constant enthusiasm and intimate attention in

my studies became the basic motive behind the appearance of this thesis. Without his

guidance, I would never be able to complete this humble piece.

Moreover, I would like to thank to Oktay Özel, Eugenia Kermeli, Evgeni

Radushev, Stanford Shaw,
lber Ortaylı and Paul Latimer for their attention, Giampiero

Bellingeri and Vera Costantini for their support in Venice, staff of Archivio di Stato di

Venezia and Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana for facilitating my research, Ali Yaycıoglu

for his comments and Hakan Kırımlı for his tempting a small number of students

including me to become historians 4 years ago.

No less gratitude deserves my family who had supported me during my entire

life. Among my colleagues, I would like to express my greatest sympathy towards

Nahide Isık Demirakın whose insightful and invaluable remarks as well as her patience

had been very decisive. I feel more obliged to indicate my appreciation for the

contributions of Polat Safi. Cenk Erkan and Melis Süzer also had been loyal friends and

fervent supporters of my choice of an academic career since from the very beginning, so

viii

they should be hailed as well. I also thank Ali Kibar and Yusuf Gürses for their

entertaining friendship. Kıvanc Cos, Mehmet Ugur Ekinci and Nevzat Savas Erkan have

furthermore played an active part in the realisation of this thesis. Last but not the least; I

should not forego
lker Demir because of our acquaintance since the first day I have set

foot in a school.

Finally, it is hard to neglect Mücella Karcı, Atasoy Kaya, Hikmet Pehlivan, Akın

Ünver, Defne Günay, Yalçın Murgul, Eren Safi, Giulia Pezzato, Taylan Tezcan, Imane

Bounoun, Mehmet Tarkan Kocakurt, Marianella Gutierrez Erdem, Özgür Sezer, Erica

Ianiro, Harun Altun, Tugba Özden, Süheyl Jaber, Hakan Arslanbenzer, Lyuba Hristova,

Bahadır Akın, Fatma Dogus Özdemir, Halil
brahim Kalkan, Stefano Bragato, Mariya

M. Kiprovska, Erdem Özkan, Sanem Onat, Özgür Kellecioglu, Ali Gültekin, Melike

Tokay, Selim Tezcan, Murat Önsoy, Fatih Durgun, Mehmet Çelik, Duygu Kaplangil,

Muhsin Soyudogan, Haluk Metin, Fatma Özden Mercan, Emrah Sahin, Itır Aladag,

Jason Joseph Warehouse, Isıl Acehan, Grigor Atanasov Boykov, Aylin Özet,

Muhammed Burak Özdemir, Emrah Öngören, Vjeran Kursar and Taylan Koçtürk.

ix

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT …………………………………………………………….…………iii

ÖZET ………………………….………………………………………….………...v

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS…..………………………………………..…………vii

TABLE OF CONTENTS……..…………………………………………………...ix

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS………………………………………….…………xi

INTRODUCTION……………………………………………..…………………..1

The Rise of a New World Power: The Habsburgs.....................................................1

Ottoman-Habsburg Rivalry…………………………………………..……………..9

CHAPTER I (1505-1516): THE WAR COMMENCES………….…………....18

1.1 Introduction……………………………………………………….…...18

1.2 Reconquista and its aftermath…………………………………….…...24

1.3 Spanish attacks to North Africa: 1505-1511……………………….….33

1.4 The advent of Barbarossas……………………………………….…....44

1.5 Settlement in Algiers (1516)...………………………………….……..51

CHAPTER II (1516-1528): STRUGGLE FOR ALGERIA...............................54

2.1 Introduction............................................................................................54

2.2 Spanish response: (1516)………………………………………….…..56

2.3 The conquest of Tlemsen and the death of Arudj (1517-1518)…….…61

2.4 Incorporation of Algiers into the Ottoman Empire (1519)……….…...68

x

2.5 Redefined Foreign Policies…………………………………………....72

2.5.1. Spain’s decreasing interest in the region…….…………..72

2.5.2. Ottoman’s foreign policy analysis in the third decade of the

century………………………………………………………….77

2.6 Khayr al-Din’s retreat from Algiers (1520)….……………….……….83

2.7 Re-consolidation of Khayr al-Din’s power in the region….…………86

CHAPTER III (1529-1535): AT THE SERVICE OF THE SULTAN……...92

3.1 Introduction……………………………………………….………......92

3.2 The conquest of Peñon of Algiers (1529)……………………….……94

3.3 Ottoman Habsburg rivalry (1529-1533)……….………….………….97

3.4 Khayr al-Din’s promotion (1533)…………………………………...102

3.5 Conquest of Tunis (1534)…………………………………………...110

3.6 Charles’ Tunis Expedition (1535)…………………………………..113

CONCLUSION………………………………………………………………...137

The Place of Corsairs in the Ottoman-Habsburg Rivalry……………………….137

Charles’ Mediterranean Policy………………………………………………….146

BIBLIOGRAPHY……………………………………………………………...150

APPENDICES………………………………………………………………….158

xi

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

BOA: Basbakanlık Osmanlı Arsivleri

ASV: Archivio di Stato di Venezia

EI2: Encyclopedia of Islam, 2nd Edition

A:
slam Ansiklopedisi

Gazavât: Seyyid Murâdi Re’îs, Gazavât-ı Hayreddin Pasa, ed. Mustafa Yıldız, (Aachen,

1993)

1

“Bella gerant alii, tu felix austria nube”

INTRODUCTION

The Rise of a New World Power: The Habsburgs

The Ottoman Empire had already reached to the status of a world power in the

sixteenth century when a new dynasty in the West rose to prominence. Having been

founded in the marches of North-western Anatolia, Ottomans had succeeded in a

gradual but steady expansion. In the first half of the fourteenth century, they had already

succeeded to consolidate their position in the Bithynia region, southern part of the

Marmara Sea to the detriment of the Byzantine Empire. In the second half of the same

century, Ottoman forces were in Europe. In a short period of time, the power of this

small principality grew ostensibly to the extent that by the end of the century, they were

the most powerful state both in the Balkan Peninsula and Asia Minor. Despite a set-back

caused by the defeat of 1402 against the army of Timur (r. 1370-1405), their expansion

could not be contained. Ambitious and young Ottoman Sultan Mehmed II (r. 1451-1481)

would conquer the capital of the Roman Empire in 1453. Even though the expansion

was halted during the reign of Bayezid II (r. 1481-1512), his intrepid son Yavuz Sultân

Selim (r. 1512-1520) would succeed in conquering the entire Eastern Anatolia and

Fertile Crescent with one coup.

2

Sixteenth century Europe witnessed the rise of a new dynasty in Western

Europe. It is hard to speculate the peculiarities of this power which had been enhanced

gradually thanks to a combination of diplomatically arranged inter-dynastical marriages.

The Habsburg Dynasty had already been holding the title of “Holy Roman Emperor” for

three generations when Maximilian I (r. 1493-1519) died in 1519. The first of the

Habsburg Emperors was the puny Rudolf I (r. 1273-1291) who was elected due to its

feebleness, since it was calculated that he would not try to impose the central authority

on the princes of the empire whose loose structure allows for autonomous local political

bodies. There would be other Habsburg dukes who were elevated to the imperial throne:

Rudolf III (r. 1306-7), Albert I (r. 1298-1308) and Frederick I (r. 1325-1330). Habsburgs

had further consolidated their situation in the empire when Albert II (r. 1438-1439) was

crowned emperor. From that day forward, Habsburgs succeeded to create a line of

succession in the imperial office. Albert’s son Frederick III (r. 1440-1493) and grandson

Maximilian I would also inherit the throne.

The power of the Habsburgs was not actually relying on the Empire in the

sixteenth century. On the contrary, it may be assumed that the problems that the empire

was facing presented a distraction for the family in their foreign policy. The gradual

expansion of Habsburg family was due to a clever diplomacy of alliances based on royal

marriages.

Maximilian I, at the time of his father’s emperorship, was married with the most

promising bride of Europe: The heiress of the Duchy of Burgundy, Mary of Burgundy (r.

1477-1482). The duchy was the strongest and richest in all duchies of Europe. Once a

kingdom, Burgundian dominions were divided between the West Carolingian and the

3

East Carolingian kingdoms. It would be a part of the French royal crown when Philippe

(r. 1346-1361), the last Duke of Burgundy died in 1361 heirless. The French king Jean

II (r. 1350-1364) decided to give the kingdom to his fourth son, another Philippe (r.

1364-1404). Philippe le Hardi added Flanders, Artois, Rethel, Nevers and Franche

Comté to his duchy thus uniting “two Burgundies” thanks to his marriage with

Margareth of Flanders. In 1385, his son Jean (r. 1404-1419) got married with another

Margareth, of Bavaria and added Hainut, Holland and Zealand to his dominions. The

growing importance of the Duchy finally created a clash between the two branches of

the Valois dynasty. Jean sans Peur was secretly negotiating with England during the

Hundred Years War. Yet, his son, Philippe le Bon (r. 1419-1467) overtly defied the

authority of his suzerain and allied with England. He made peace with the King and

appeared as an autonomous ruler as a result of the Treaty of Arras. Charles le Témeraire

(r. 1467-1477) was planning to transform his duchy to a kingdom. Thus, he challenged

the French king and struggle commenced once again. In 1477, at the battle of Nancy, the

army of Louis XI (r. 1461-1483) crushed that of Charles thanks to the supremacy of

cavalry over the infantry and the Duke lost his life. The French king succeeded in

incorporating the core territories of the Duchy of Burgundy into the kingdom of France,

yet other dependant possessions would escape from French sphere. There was only one

heiress, Mary. She needed a protector against the growing ambitions of the French king

and the court decided to resort to Maximilian since the power of the Habsburg family

could counterbalance the French pressure. When Mary was dead in 1482, her dominions

would pass to his son Philip of Habsburg and upon his death in 1507, to Charles.

4

Maximilian was as cunning as his father was, so he did not lose time to balance

the French ambitions with diplomacy. He and his ally Fernando of Aragon (r. 1477-

1516) decided to consolidate their alliance with a double marriage between their

children. According to this, Maximilian’s heir and Charles’ father, Duke of Burgundy,

Philip would marry to Juana, while Margareth of Austria would marry the heir of the

Iberian crowns, Juan. These marriages would later pave the way for Charles’ ascension

to the thrones of Castile and Aragon. These kingdoms had already been united in 1479

due to the marriage of prince Fernando of Aragon with the Queen of Castile, Isabella (r.

1474-1504) who would appreciate the Aragonese help in the civil war she was facing.

Thus, the heir of this marriage would be crowned for both of the kingdoms with the

addition of the recently conquered territories in the southern part of the Peninsula. Yet,

this would only be a possible thanks to a combination of premature deaths. The heir to

both of the thrones was Juan, the husband of Margareth of Austria. Yet, he died in 1497

at the age of 19 without an heir. In 1498, the second in the dynastic line Isabel also died

and two years later his son and heir, Prince Miguel would follow him. Thus, Charles’

mother Juana was unexpectedly the first in the line of succession. Finally, in 1506,

Charles’ father Philip died, leaving a melancholy for his wife that would eventually

inflict a mental illness upon her. Isabella had already died in 1504, and Fernando

appeared as the regent of Castile since his daughter was not suitable for such a task.

Fernando, on the other hand, was absolutely not favourable to the idea of the Habsburg’s

gaining control of both of these kingdoms. This time he married Germaine de Foix in

order to create an heir that would at least separate the kingdom of Aragon from the

5

Habsburg axis; however, their son Juan of Aragon lived only a couple of hours. When

Fernando died in 1516, Charles appeared as the heir to both of the kingdoms.

Charles did not only take the possession of these two kingdoms. As a result of

Reconquista, the last Muslim kingdom in the Peninsula was incorporated into the

kingdom of Castile. Furthermore, the kingdom of Navarre was conquered from the

ruling dynasty of Albrets and incorporated into the kingdom of Castile by Fernando in

1512. Apart from these dominions in the Iberian Peninsula, Charles had also inherited

Aragonese possessions in Southern Italy, Kingdoms of Sicily and of Naples. After the

marriage between Constance, the last descendant of Robert Guiscard (r.1059-1085) and

the Holy Roman Emperor Henry VI of Hohenstaufen (r. 1191-1197), Southern Italy

became an arena of international conflict. Henry’s heir Emperor Frederick II (r. 1220-

1250) followed his father in the region and reigned for 53 years between 1197 and 1250.

Yet, Pope claiming suzerainty on the kingdom and denying the Hohenstaufen claims,

decided to invest the kingdom to the brother of the French king Louis IX (r. 1226-1270),

Charles d’Anjou in 1266. He was proclaimed king of Naples and of Sicily, and naturally

Pope’s vassal. Yet, the Angevin rule faced problems in Southern Italy. In 1282, as a

result of the Sicilian Vespers Revolt, the Angevin Dynasty was replaced by that of

Aragonese in the kingdom of Sicily. The result of the consequent war of the two

dynasties would be the division of the kingdoms of Sicily and of Naples. The kingdom

of Naples would fall into the Aragonese sphere when the Aragonese king Alfonso el

Magnamino (r.1435-1458) conquered it in 1443 defeating the last Angevin pretender

René. Upon his death in 1458, his kingdom was divided into two. His illegitimate child

Ferrante (r.1458-1494) would be the king of Naples while Fernando’s father, Juan (r.

6

1458-1479) would inherit the Catalan-Aragonese kingdom. French kings Charles VIII

(r. 1483-1498) and Louis XII (r. 1498-1515) would invade the kingdom of Naples based

on their dynastic rights on the kingdoms; yet the final victory would be of Aragon. With

the treaties of Blois (1504-5), both crowns would pass to Fernando, then upon his death

to Charles.

Yet, the original lands of the Habsburgs were the Archduchy of Austria. When

Rudolf of Habsburg was elected emperor in 1273, he used his power to gain the control

of the duchy of Austria and to secure it for his son. From that day on, this duchy became

the nucleus of Habsburg powers since the original Habsburg dominions in Northern

Switzerland was not worth mentioning. Charles gained the Duchy in 1519, when his

grandfather died. Yet, this had never played an important role in his plans. After his

election to the imperial crown, he decided to cede this Duchy to his brother and

lieutenant in the Empire Ferdinand.1

The young Habsburg prince who united a combination of crowns under the same

head would also be elected Emperor. Maximilian was eager to secure the imperial crown

for his grandson; he already started negotiations with the electors in order to do so by

bribing them. However, his sudden death prevented him from completing his mission.

The sovereignty in the empire had a medieval character; it consisted of disorganized and

personal possessions formally vassal to the imperial crown, but in reality independent.

Yet, the immense prestige of the seat was undeniable. So as the leader of the Habsburg

dynasty Charles should bid for his grandfather’s legacy.

1 This was also due to a mutual agreement in which Ferdinand renounced his rights over the remaining

Habsburg dominions. Ferdinand was always the favoured one in Spain and he was removed from the

Peninsula when Charles arrived to assume the royal title. Furthermore, there were talks of French efforts

to induce Ferdinand for an imperial candidacy against his brother. Charles had to write a letter to him

indicating his amicable feelings towards his brother.

7

The imperial crown was theoretically open to every Catholic ruler. Other two

powerful rulers of the continent were also candidates: Henry VIII of England (r. 1509-

1547), and more important, Charles’s future rival François I (r. 1515-1547) of France.

In appearance, Charles was not at an advantageous position. He gained further

advantage when Pope Leon X (r. 1513-1521), opposed by the Protestants in the Empire,

declared his pro-French attitude overtly. Leon X and François tried everything to

prevent the election of Charles; they even offered support to the Frederick the Wise of

Saxony, one of the elector princes. Yet, he did not consent to such a project even in

exchange for a cardinal cap that was offered to him.2 On the other hand, Charles’ agents

were gaining ground everyday, mostly thanks to the bribes whose total amount was

852.189 florins.3 As Brandi puts it, “the only decisive argument was a lot of money”4.

After all, he was the member of the last imperial dynasty, the grandson of extremely

popular Maximilian. Finally, electors in Frankfurt decided to give the imperial crown to

the young Habsburg. Now he was “the king of the Romans, Emperor Elect of Romans,

always August”5.

The election of Charles (r. 1516-1558, 1519-1556) was important. He was

always considered a second Charlemagne and appeared as the long-yearned figure of the

Holy Roman Emperor since the death of Frederic II in 1250. Actually, there had always

been the idea that one day another Frederic would rise which would give an impetus to

2 Karl Brandi, CarloV, trans.Leone Ginzburg and Ettore Bassan (Torino, 2001), pp. 96-7.

3 Ernest Belenguer, El Imperio de Carlos V: Las Coronas y Sus Territorios (Barcelona, 2002), p. 64.

According to Carande, the total is 851.918 florins. Fuggers paid 543.585 florins, Welsers of Augsburg

paid 144.333 and the remaining 165.000 was paid by others. Ramón Carande, Carlos V y sus banqueros,

I (Madrid, 1957), pp. 42-9. Cf. Henry J. Cohn, “Did Bribes Induce the German Electors to Choose

Charles V as Emperor in 1519”, German History, 19/1 (2001), pp. 1-27.

4 Brandi, p. 89.

5 Brandi, p. 101.

8

the empire.6 Charles, with his vast resources would be the one and in a time of religious

dissention, the Empire needed a strong Emperor to settle the dispute.

The title of “Emperor” had surely given Charles a huge prestige with which he

was usually proud; but it did not bring as much as it took away. At the time of his

accession, Holy Roman Empire was a decentralized political entity, with a symbolic

crown whose authority relied on his personal capability and resources more than legal

assurances. At the same time, it was also suffering from severe social crisis which

resulted in the religious dissidence and thus Charles and later the Austrian branch of the

Habsburgs not only inherited the problems of a decentralized empire who were suffering

from the threat of a possible Turkish expansion; but also found themselves in the midst

of theological debates.

However, Charles’ rule in other places was not that consolidated either. As

Kamen puts it, Charles’ empire was “the union of various territories under one head”7,

thus lacking unity. As indicated, they were acquired by dynastic rights and this affected

the extent of the authority of Charles. Only in Castile, his authority was absolute thanks

to his grandmother who successfully tamed the Castilian aristocracy. In other kingdoms,

the authority of the crown was curtailed by the traditional institutions and thus the

authority was being shared with the local cliques. In non-Castilian realms, king had to

respect the laws of these realms (fueros). The importance of the local parliaments

(Cortes) could not be neglected either, since the Emperor had to obtain their approval

for the release of the most precious thing to him, taxes. Thus, in Charles’ empire, each

6 Belenguer, El Imperio de Carlos V, p. 42.

7 Henry Kamen, Golden Age Spain (New Jersey, 1988), p. 38.

9

unit succeeded to preserve its autonomy and traditional law. Charles also tended to think

each of its patrimonial inheritance as an independent entity.

Ottoman-Habsburg rivalry:

Halil
nalcık in a short article analysed the place of the Ottoman Empire in the

16th century European politics.8 When Charles was elevated to the imperial crown in

1519, Ottoman Empire was the most important factor in the calculations. Both François

and Charles declared their willingness to undertake a crusade in order to induce the

electors. Mehmed II’s attempt was curtailed by his death; yet, the threat was not totally

contained. The kingdom of Hungary was weak, and this might cause problems in the

future. However, Italy was the centre of the ambitions of Catholic rulers. Europe was

divided and a common front could not be achieved. Charles’ strength was

unprecedented since the time of Charlemagne; yet his rival Süleyman the Magnificent’s

(r. 1520-1566) ambitions were not more moderate.

Many authors have discussed whether Charles was inspired by the idea of a

universal monarchy or not. It was natural for such a power that his contemporaries

would attribute such an ideology; yet, this was an exaggeration. This rejection was not

only based on Charles’ denial of universal pretensions in front of Pope Paul III (r. 1534-

1549). His efforts were generally defensive as the result of all these wars to which he

8 Halil
nalcık, “The Turkish impact on the development of modern Europe” in The Ottoman State and its

Place in World History, ed. Kemal H. Karpat (Wisconsin, 1974), pp. 51-60; Halil
nalcık, “Avrupa Devlet

Sistemi, Fransa ve Osmanlı: Avrupa’da “Geleneksel Dostumuz” Fransa Tarihine Ait Bir Olay”, Dogu

Batı, XIV (2001), pp. 122-142.

10

was dragged was not more than the conquest of the Duchy of Milan and some places in

Flanders. What he wanted to do was to conserve his patrimony and fulfil his obligations

that the imperial office set forth for him. Thus his idea was to preserve the peace in and

the coherence of universitas cristiana and thus his eminent enemies were Turks, heretics

(i.e. protestants), and the neighbour princes (i.e. France). He defended Ordinatio totius

mundi against France; Concordia hominum against Protestants and acted as Defensor

Fidei against the Turks.9 His wars were the natural outcomes of his desire to establish

peace within the Christian community and therefore to wage a holy war against the

infidels.

Charles had to confront Ottoman expansion as the Defensor Fidei of the Catholic

World. It is interesting to note that the idea of a crusade has played an important role in

the imperial propaganda of the time. According to Montes, messianic beliefs in Spain

around the personality of Charles and consequently the belief for his invincibility that

were strengthened by the expansion of the Hispanic world resulted in a concrete idea of

a Crusade.10 Castro asserted: “The emotion of holy war disappeared in France with the

Crusades, while it was still vivid in Spain in the sixteenth century”.11 Montes mentioned

a three staged holy war in which North Africa appeared as the second.12 This illusion of

crusade was based on four pillars: The imperial dignity or the theoretic leadership of

9 Juan Sánchez Montes, Franceses, Protestantes, Turcos. Los Españoles ante la Política Internaciónal de

Carlos V (Granada, 1995), p. 129.

10 Montes, p. 50.

11 Américo Castro, España en su Historia. Cristianos, Moros y Judios (Buenos Aires, 1948), pp. 191, 202,

223, cited by Montes, p. 84.

12 Montes, p. 98. The first was the Reconquista and the third would be the conquest of Jerusalem.

11

Christianity, his personal ardour for a war against the infidels, the medieval Spanish

tradition13 and presidios situated in North Africa.14

Charles also explained his vigour for this “thing the most desired for us”, the

holy War.15 He was the defender of the Faith as the Holy Roman Empire crowned by

Pope. The primary task of such a ruler would be the defence of Christianity. He

accentuated it several times, even though for political purposes. According to Montes,

he aimed the restoration of Universitas Cristiana and “conceived the empire as the

temporal support of an eternal category”, thus himself as the secular head of the

Catholic world.16

This religious fervour for Crusade was most explicit in the Tunis expedition in

1535 and its afterwards. It should be noted that this victory was celebrated

bombastically, being attributed a religious importance. When Charles descended to Italy

after the conclusion of the Tunis expedition, he would be heralded as “the first

combatant of Europe against Africa and Asia”, “Victorious Charles, the father of the

Patria, victor in Africa, pacificator of the Nation”.17

The Ottoman Sultan, Süleyman I, on the other hand, was not only claming

supremacy over the Islamic world; but also explicitly declaring his pretensions for a

universal monarchy.

13 It should not be forgotten that there was a similar tradition of Holy War also in the history of the Duchy

of Burgundy. Thus it should be effective on Charles since he was brought up with the stories of his

Burgundian ancestors in Flanders by his aunt Margareth. Hence, in my opinion, this Spanish-centred view

of the author should be noticed and a double tradition of a Crusade should be mentioned.

14 Montes, p. 101.

15 Francisco de Laiglesia, Estudios Historicos (1515-1555), I (Madrid, 1918), p. 438, cited by Montes, p.

86.

16 Montes, p. 129.

17 Brandi, pp. 358-9.

12

He was the leader of the Islamic world as the ruler of the most powerful Muslim

state of the time. As
nalcik asserts, after 1453, Ottomans had already declared such

supremacy based on the claim that no other Islamic ruler since the time of the four

caliphs, had ever enjoyed such success in protecting and furthering the interests of

Islam. The Ottoman Sultan was the Halîfe-yi Rû-yi Zemîn and Halife-yi Müslimîn.

Furthermore, when Memluk State had collapsed as a result of Ottoman aggression in

1516-7, Ottomans became “the Servitor of the two Holy Sanctuaries”.18 According to

Halil
nalcık, this concept of a world empire is explicit in two inscriptions dated 1538

and 1557:

“This slave of God, powerful with God’s power and his mighty deputy on the

Earth, standing by the commands of the Qur’an and for the execution of them all over

the world, master of all lands, and the shadow of God over all nations, Sultan over all

the Sultans in the lands of the Arabs and Persians…”19

“I am a slave of God and I am the master in this world. … God’s virtue and

Muhammed’s miracles are my companions. I am Süleymân and my name is being read

in the prayers of the holy cities of Islam. I launched fleets in the Mediterranean on the

part of the Franks in Maghreb as well as in the Indian Ocean. I am the shah of Baghdad

and Iraq, Caesar of the Roman lands and Sultan of Egypt. I took the land and crown of

the Hungarian king and granted it to one of my humble slaves.”20

Other Muslim powers could not match the power of the Ottomans. Safavid Rule

in Persia was not only considered heretics by the Sunnite Islamic world; but also its

expansion was contained by the Ottomans in 1514. The Muslims of India was

fragmented and struggling to challenge the Portuguese expansion in the region. Even

18 Halil
nalcık, “State, Sovereignty and Law during the reign of Süleyman” in Süleyman the Second and

His Time, eds. Halil
nalcık and Cemal Kafadar (
stanbul, 1993), p. 68.

19
nalcık, “State, Sovereignty and Law”, p. 67.

20
nalcık, “State, Sovereignty and Law”, pp. 67-8.

13

though lesser in number, Portugal was able to control the regional trade of the whole

area by a similar system to the Spaniards’ presidio system. The descendants of Cenghiz

Khan, rulers of the Golden Horde were not in a better situation. The integrity of the

Golden Horde had been crumbled after the defeat of 1398 against the armies of Timur.

One of its fragments, the Crimean Khanate had already recognized Ottoman suzerainty

while the others would later disappear in front of Russian aggression. The Russian

conquest of Kazan in 1552 and Astrakhan in 1556 would appear as the natural

consequences of the deterioration of their situation. Ottoman Empire, on the other hand,

thanks to its military technology was the only Muslim state to challenge Christian

world. There were calls for Ottoman intervention by those Muslim rulers who felt

pressured by the expansion of Christianity.21 Even though they have failed to respond to

all of these calls efficiently, Ottomans pursued “a worldwide active policy of supporting

Muslim countries which were overrun or threatened by the European expansion in the

Mediterranean, the Indian Ocean, Indonesia, Africa and the Eurasian steppes.”22

Hence, Süleyman’s pretensions for a universal monarchy were also palpable. He

would play an active role in the Western Mediterranean, following Bayezid II’s

policies23, organize an expedition to Gujerat in 1538, promise technical aid to the sultan

21 For an interesting example of the correspondence of the Muslim rulers in the Indian Ocean with

Constantinople, see Razaulhak Sah, “Açi Padisahı Sultan Alâeddin’in Kanunî Sultan Süleyman’a

Mektubu”, Tarih Arastırmaları Dergisi, 8-9 (1967), pp. 373-410. Also for the Ottoman policy in the Indian

Ocean, see Halil
nalcık (ed.) with Donald Quataert, An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman

Empire: 1300-1600 (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 319-40; Svat Soucek, “Ottoman Naval Policy in the Indian

Ocean”, in X. Türk Tarih Kongresi, Ankara, 22-26 Eylül 1986, Kongreye Sunulan Bildiriler, IV (Ankara,

1993), pp. 1443-6; Salih Özbaran, “Expansion in the Southern Seas” in Süleymân the Second and His

Time, eds. Halil
nalcık and Cemal Kafadar (
stanbul, 1993), pp. 211-8; Salih Özbaran, “The Ottomans in

Confrontation with the Portuguese in the Red Sea after the Conquest of Egypt”, in Studies on Turkish

Arab Relations, I, (
stanbul, 1986), pp. 207-214.

22
nalcık, “State, Sovereignty and Law”, p. 69.

23 For more details on the active policy of Bayezid II in the Western Mediterranean, see H. J. Kissling, “II.

Bayezid’in Deniz Politikası Üzerine Düsünceler: (1481-1512)”, in Türk Denizcilik Tarihi, ed. Bülent Arı

(Ankara, 2002), pp. 109-116.

14

of Sumatra and plan an unrealised campaign for the relief of cities of Kazan and

Astrakhan.24 However, Ottoman sphere of influence was not limited to the Muslim

world. Ottomans had claims to the heritage of the Roman Empire and this was not

limited to the eastern part of it. Since 1453, the conquest of Rome appeared in the

imaginations of the Ottoman decision-makers.
nalcık considers the Ottoman support to

France and the Protestants as a tool for the long-term policy of conquering Rome and

uniting the Roman world. These separatist movements against the Holy Roman Emperor

and Pope prevented the unification of Christian Europe against the Ottomans.25

The idea of the universal monarchy was based on the Roman concept of the

eternal empire and thus the existence of two empires was not acceptable for the

Ottomans. Hence, Charles was not an emperor to the Ottomans but the king of Spain.

brahim Pasa would address him as the “roy d’Hispaignes et des terres dépendantes

audict Hispaignes”.26 In another document dated 28 June 1533, preserved in

Bibliothèque-National, a similar title was referred to: “Siz ki vilâyet-i
spanye ve ana

tâ’bi olan yerlerin kralı Karlo”.27 This is in accordance with the Ottoman claim that

there should exist one emperor as there exists one God.28

On the other hand, apart from the Ottoman expedition of 1532, Charles and

Süleyman did not confront each other directly. In this rivalry, Europe was divided in two

24
nalcık, “State, Sovereignty and Law”, p. 69.

25
nalcık, “State, Sovereignty and Law”, p. 69. Also, see Fatma Müge Göçek, “The Social Construction

of an Empire: Ottoman State under Süleyman the Magnificent”, in Süleyman the Second and His Time,

eds. Halil
nalcık and Cemal Kafadar (
stanbul, 1993), pp. 97-8.

26 Jean-Louis Bacqué-Grammont, “Autour d’une Correspondence entre Charles Quint et
brahim Pasa”,

Turcica, XV (1983), p. 234.

27 La Bibliothèque National. Supplément Turc, No: 816, cited by M. Tayyib Gökbilgin, “Venedik Devlet

Arsivindeki Türkçe Belgeler Kolleksiyonu ve Bizimle
lgili Diger Belgeler”, Belgeler: Türk Tarih

Belgeleri Dergisi, V-VIII (1968-1971), p. 115.

28 Joseph von Hammer-Purgstall, Büyük Osmanlı Tarihi, V, trans. Mümin Çevik and Erol Kılıç (
stanbul,

1990), p. 93.

15

camps and the struggle was mostly conducted by proxy forces.29 Belenguer notes that

the Ferdinand – Zapolyai and Doria – Khayr al-Din rivalry was the actual fields for this

confrontation.30
nalcık also considers Mediterranean as one of the two fields in this

struggle.31 Both emperors avoided direct confrontation, according to Veinstein.32 In this

period of the struggle, hence corsairs appear as important elements in a war conducted

by the proxy elements.

The rivalry between these two dynasties accompanied by a system of alliances in

the 16th century Europe cannot be limited for the time period covered in this thesis. It is

obvious that the Ottoman Empire would confront the Habsburgs also after 1535. An

alliance between the king of France and Constantinople would even result in joint

military operations in 1543. Ottoman Empire would constantly negotiate with the

centrifugal elements of the Empire and the anti-Habsburg rulers in Europe. That is why

Montes named his book as “French, Protestants and Turks”, three impediments against

Charles’ ambitions.

This study, therefore will try to place the effect of one of these proxy forces on

the general rivalry: that of corsairs. The nature of this struggle paved the way for the

elevation of a corsair to a high ranked state official; yet the reasons for this rise in

eminence went unnoticed. And in the international balance of power of the 16th century

Europe, the peculiarities of this corsair would appear interesting.

29 For a fine political evaluation of this rivalry in this context, see Özlem Kumrular, Las Relaciones entre

el Impero Otomano y la Monarquía Católica entre los Años 1520-1535 y el Papel de los Estado Satélites

(Estambul, 2003).

30 Belenguer, El Imperio de Carlos V, pp. 325-6.

31
nalcık, “Avrupa Devletler Sistemi”, p. 129.

32 Gilles Veinstein, “Charles Quint et Soliman le Magnifique: le grand défi”, in Carlos V. Europeísmo y

Universalidad. Actas del Congreso Internacional celebrado en Granada. Sociedad Estatal para la

Conmemoración de los Centenarios de Felipe II y Carlos V (S.E.C.C.F.II y C.V), III (Madrid, 2001), pp.

519-29.

16

In the first chapter, the period between the commencement of Spanish operations

in North Africa and the establishment of an independent corsair state in Algeria will be

analysed. The main characteristics of the geographical area, political map of North

Africa with the nature and the roots of the conflict will be discussed in this introductory

chapter. Moreover, this chapter covers a period before the Ottoman Habsburg rivalry.

Yet, the history of the Spanish kingdoms after the Reconquista constitutes important

aspects on the subject, since the roots of the conflict could be found before the

commencement of the Ottoman-Habsburg rivalry. Fernando of Aragon’s political

agenda is not irrelevant to our topic. Furthermore, reasons behind the lack of an

adequate response to the Spanish aggression on behalf of the local powers as well as

behind the inability of Spaniards to follow their victories are important enough to be

included in this thesis. This chapter also describes the first years of Barbarossa’s activity

in the region; that is to say their activities under the aegis of the ruler of Tunis.

In the second chapter, corsairs’ bid for Algiers will be discussed. Barbarossas

would gain the control of Algiers in 1516. Yet, they could not consolidate their power in

the city until the conquest of the Spanish presidio, Peñon of Algiers. Corsairs struggled

after this quick acquisition of the city. Spanish expeditions in 1516 and 1519, Oruç

Re’îs’ death (1518), Khayr al-Din’s second conquest of Algiers (1525) from which he

previously retreated (1520) and finally the conquest of Peñon (1529) will be diligently

described. In the meantime, both the Habsburg-Valois and the Ottoman-Habsburg

rivalry would be outlined in order to put the North African politics in a general

framework of a broader struggle in Europe. The incessant Italian Wars that had

commenced in 1494 and disputed territory of Burgundy would then result in a conflict

17

between the two most powerful Catholic dynasties of the time. Likewise, the Ottoman-

Habsburg rivalry would start in the same period due to Hungarian defeat of 1526. While,

Khayr al-Din was busy with consolidating his power in the detriment of local forces, his

fate was more dependent on European politics than on that of North African.

In the last Chapter, we will witness Khayr al-Din’s elevation to an eminence of

an international actor. He did not only consolidate his rule in the region; but also was

elevated to a high rank in the Ottoman military hierarchy. The reasons behind his

appointment in such a task and the effect of the changing priorities of Ottoman foreign

policy on such a decision would be discussed in this chapter. Furthermore, based on

Ottoman sources and foreign correspondence, it will be tried to measure the extent of

the growing importance of Khayr al-Din in international politics as well as to illustrate

how he was perceived by the Ottoman decision-makers. Furthermore, details about the

promotion of Khayr al-Din will be analysed. What is more important is the fact that, a

long and detailed discussion on the Tunis campaigns of 1534 and 1535 will be done in

this chapter. Based on the narrations of Sandoval and Illescas and the letters of Charles

V to Spain, important details can be outlined concerning military as well as political

history.

Finally, in the Conclusion, the place of Corsairs in the Ottoman-Habsburg rivalry

will be discussed. This leads us the researcher to the inevitable question of whether the

emperor had relegated Mediterranean to a secondary importance or not.

18

“Non possono i fulmini, la rabbia de’ venti

La morte l’amor, sviarmi dal mar”

Un Ballo in Maschera

Giuseppe Verdi (1803-1911)

CHAPTER 1 (1505-1516):

THE WAR COMMENCES

1.1. Introduction

The war against Islam had not crossed the strait of Gibraltar in the 16th century.

Portuguese had already begun to capture enclaves in the North African coasts in

accordance with the needs that their desire for geographical exploration set forth.

Furthermore, at the end of the century, Reconquista would be concluded in the Iberian

Peninsula. This paved the way for two basic developments. First of all, there was an

opportunity to export this holy war to another continent. There were vehement

supporters of the continuation of the expeditions. As a result of Reconquista, the idea of

a crusade was already deeply rooted in Castile; it was a matter of economics rather of

devotion. The aristocrats considered the war as a means to enrich themselves through

the booty of war. In addition, the Church saw it as an opportunity to compensate the

Ottoman menace which was felt everyday more and more especially after 1453. The

same feelings were shared by the Castilians. Fuller records: “the expansion of the

Ottoman Empire had awakened distant memories of 711 and the many invasions

19

since”.33 That was the reason why as soon as Isabella ascended the throne, a holy war

was proclaimed against the Muslims in the peninsula. True it was that in 1492, the

conquest of the whole peninsula was finalised; yet would that suffice? Whether to

continue Reconquista would always be a matter of discussion among the decisionmakers

of Spain. Did the strait of Gibraltar constitute a physical boundary that could not

be overcome, or could the expansion go on as Andrew Hess claims?34 Secondly, on the

other hand, Muslims of North Africa reorganised themselves in order to resist the

Christian expansion. With the help of the exiled Muslims of the Peninsula, the corsary

would target Iberian Coasts. Abdeljelil Temimi also accentuates their importance.35 He

records “the perfect connaissance of the enemy land, of which they speak the

language”.36 As would later be called, this “exile’s vengeance”37, created concerns for

the policy makers of the continent and decided their course of action.

In this chapter, the ouverture of the game will be presented. The main goal was

to concentrate on the Ottoman corsairs and their place within the framework of

Ottoman-Habsburg rivalry. Thus it would have been natural to date as previous as 1516,

if not the 1520s, instead of 1505 when the Habsburgs power axis was in no way

confronting the Ottoman Empire. On the other hand, even though in such an early date

there was not such a rivalry, for the continuity of the subject, this period should also be

covered. After all, the Spanish existence in North Africa was shaped in these years.

33 J.F.C. Fuller, A Military History of the Western World Volume I: From the Earliest Times to the Battle

of Lepanto (New York, 1987), pp. 531-2.

34 Andrew C. Hess, The Forgotten Frontier: A History of the Sixteenth Century Ibero-African Frontier

(Chicago, 1978), p. 4.

35 According to Temimi, number of the Moriscos fighting against the Spaniards in 1516 with Oruç was

500. This number would increase under the administration of Khayr al-Din. See Abdeljelil Temimi, “Le

Gouvernement Ottoman face au Problème Morisque”, Revue d’Histoire Maghrebine, 23-24 (November

1981), p. 256.

36 Temimi, “Le Gouvernement Ottoman”, p. 256.

37 Stanley Lane-Poole, The Barbary Corsairs (London, 1890), p. 8.

20

More surprisingly, an incessant series of expedition between 1507 and 1511 was

realised; the only time when the Spanish ambitions were pursued in the region so

consistently. In addition, the characteristics of the Muslim response were shaped in the

same period. Finally, the establishment of the Ottoman corsairs as an efficient and

independent political entity which was realised in 1516 marked the end of the chapter.

Two points are worth mentioning when speculating on the preferences of Spain.

First of all, a united programme for both of the kingdoms cannot be pronounced. It

should clearly be indicated that the union between the crowns of Castilla y Leon and

that of Aragon was based on a marriage agreement rather than institutional bodies. Spain

was consisted in two separate kingdoms with two separate rulers, customs and set of

preferences. Castile was governed by a more authoritarian rule with a relatively

suppressed aristocracy while in Aragon the effect of the Cortes and fueros were

significant. Aragon was a Mediterranean state whose policy had always focused on

Italy, while Castile had not only conquered Granada (and later Navarre in 1512); but

also monopolised the trade with the New World. The aristocracy of Castile was a

military one, a social class eager to prompt incessant expansion. On the other hand since

the 13th century, Aragon had enriched a merchant class thanks to the naval trade and the

wealthy urban class’ priority was the continuation of a naval trade, contrary to wage war

against North Africa. Their concern for the North African corsairs had a defensive

character. The fallibility of the political unity appeared palpable following the death of

Isabella when Philip of Habsburg and Fernando of Aragon challenged each other for the

regency of Castile. Having always disliked the Habsburgs, Fernando of Aragon

concluded a marriage with Germaine de Foix in order to assure the separation of two

21

crowns; a goal which could not be realized due to a dead-born heir.38 Thus, while

explaining the decision-making process, Spain cannot be considered a single unit; our

model will be a dual one, at least in this period and while explaining the decisionmaking

process and the set of preferences behind it.

Isabella as was explicit in her testament had always been favourable to the idea

of a crusade.39 It was not surprising that the later champion of the North African

expeditions, Cardinal Jiménez was her confessor. On the other hand, Fernando rejected

the idea of a further Reconquista since this would not suit his policy. He was not so

much eager to jeopardize the maritime trade on which the richness of Aragon traders

was built. He had several times tried to restrict the Aragonese piracy in the Western

Mediterranean; a fact that shows his attention for a peaceful trade.40 Furthermore, even

had they wanted so, he would not have been able to do so with popular support and thus

parliamentary-approved funding. Moreover, the realization of such a project would be

harder a few years later when the Italian wars had recommenced.

Secondly, the decision-making process in this period cannot be depicted as

consistent. The resources of a state in the 16th century could hardly meet the

requirements set forth by the international politics. Thus, a choice had to be made

between different war fronts. At the dawn of the geographical explorations and in the

middle of complex balance of power politics whose theatre was the disunited Italy, both

kingdoms of the Iberian Peninsula had to reshape their preferences frequently. Hence,

international balance of power should also be taken into account. Three years after 1492,

38 Brandi, pp. 59-60.

39 Hess, The Forgotten Frontier, p. 35.

40 Godfrey Fisher, Barbary Legend: War, Trade and Piracy in North Africa, 1415-1830 (Westport, 1957),

p. 30.

22

Fernando was dragged into European politics; the invasions of Italy by French kings

Charles VIII and Louis XII had triggered an international war whose actors were

Aragon, Papal States, France, Naples, Holy Roman Empire, Venice, Milan, Florence

and other small duchies and city states of Italy. Meanwhile, Castile was busy with the

re-organization of its kingdom. The end of the Muslim rule and the discovery of the new

world coincided in the same year and both required attention. Furthermore, Isabella died

in 1504, leaving her kingdom in disarray as a result of the struggle for power between

Philip of Habsburg and Fernando. With the death of the former, Fernando gained the

upper hand in the administration of the kingdom; however, still the existence of the

aristocrats should not be discarded.

As for the Ottoman Empire, during this period, it was not an actor in this

struggle. Bayezid II had always been a pacifist ruler when compared with his

predecessor Mehmet II and successors Selim the Grim and Süleyman the Magnificent.

At the first one and a half decade of Bayezid II’s rule his European policy was

shadowed by the fact that his brother and the contender for the Ottoman throne, Djem

Sultan (d. 1495) was a prisoner in Europe.41 His existence has always been leverage in

the negotiations between the European powers.42 Since there is no law other than the

“God’s will” regulating the dynastic inheritance in the Ottoman Empire, his pretensions

for the crown were as legal as those of his rival. 43 Fortunately for the Ottomans at a time

41 For a monograph on the issue, see Nicolas Vatin, Sultan Djem: un prince Ottoman dans l'Europe du xv.

siecle d'apres deux sources contemporaines:Vâkı'ât-ı Sultân Cem, Oeuvres de Guillaume Caoursin

(Ankara, 1997).

42 See Halil
nalcık, “A Case Study in Renaissance Diplomacy: The Agreement Between Innocente VIII

and Bayezid II on Djem Sultan”, Journal of Turkish Studies, 3 (1979-80), pp. 209-230; Halil
nalcık,

“Djem”, EI2.

43 In the Turkish tradition, there was not a law regulating the matter of inheritance. According to this,

when a ruler was deceased, each of his descendants have the right to claim for the throne since the crown

would be granted by the God. Thus, the civil war was justifiable and the outcome of the war was accepted

23

when Charles VIII was planning a crusade with his presence, Djem Sultan died.

However, this did not change the fact that the Ottoman Empire did not pursue an active

policy of Western Mediterranean. Halil
nalcik accentuated Kemâl Re’îs’ activities in

the Western Mediterranean.44 Still, the Ottoman Empire, in that period, could not

efficiently extend its influence to the Western Mediterranean. It had other concerns. It

had fought against Venetians for the maritime domination in Levant in 1499-1503.

Furthermore, with the appearance of the Portuguese in the Indian Ocean and Red Sea,

another problem arose for the Ottoman Empire. Finally in 1511, a civil war broke out

which was finalised in 1513 when Selim the Grim had secured the throne after he had

eliminated his brothers and possibly his father which he might have poisoned. His

immediate action would be to prepare an expedition against the Safavid leader Shah

smail (r. 1501-1524) whose policies disturbed the balance of power in the East. Luckily

for the North African Muslims, Selim succeeded in his bid for the Middle Eastern

hegemony in 1517, and thus expanding his sphere of influence up to the Western

Mediterranean. This issue will be dealt later.

since it was considered the will of God. For further information on the issue, see Halil
nalcık,

“Osmanlılar’da Saltanat Veraseti Usulü ve Türk Hakimiyet Telakkisiyle
lgisi”, Siyasi Bilgiler Fakültesi

Dergisi, XIV (1959), pp. 69-94.

44 Halil
nalcik, “Osmanlı Deniz Egemenligi”, in Türk Denizcilik Tarihi, ed. Bülent Arı (Ankara, 2002),

p. 55.

24

1.2. Reconquista and its aftermath

In January 1492, the last Muslim state in the Iberian Peninsula vanished as a

result of a treaty of surrender between the last Muslim ruler of Granada Abu Abdullah (r.

1482-1492)45 and the Catholic kings, Isabella and Fernando. The remnants of the once

powerful Muslim State in the region had already been weakened by the internal strives

which the cunning Fernando did not hesitate to take advantage of. One of the

contenders, Abu Abdullah appeared as the agent of Spain in the dynastic struggle. In

1487 Malaga was captured by the Spaniards, only to be followed by the total submission

of Abu Abdullah in 1489. Nevertheless, due to the unrest among the population, he

reversed his policy whose repercussions sealed the fate of the last Muslim kingdom in

Iberian Peninsula. Fortunately for Muslims, the treaty between the people of Granada

and the Catholic Kings allowed a certain level of tolerance (the right to retain property,

free practice of religion, the acceptance of Islamic jurisdiction, etc.). The same year, it

would be decided to expel the Jews from the peninsula if they choose to reject

conversion. Nonetheless, Muslims did not suffer the same fate at first since they were

granted religious freedom. Unlike Jews, the Muslim community in the Peninsula made

up a large community whose economic importance was blatant. Furthermore, they were

spread throughout both kingdoms. Thus, instead of expulsion, a policy of conversion

would be followed.46 Conversion was a goal of the Church; thus a campaign for the

conversion was launched as a natural consequence. However, at the beginning, this was

done with educational and evangelistic means. Faced by a severe resistance by the local

45 Boabdil in Spanish sources.

46 Andrew Hess, “The Moriscos: An Ottoman Fifth Column is the Sixteenth-Century Spain”, American

Historical Review, LXXIV (October 1968), pp. 3-4.

25

Muslim population, these efforts would be proven useless. When in Castile, Archbishop

of Toledo, future Cardinal and Grand Inquisitor, Jiménez de Cisneros decided to

accelerate the conversion process, his acts contrary to the treaty in effect created

problems. Against the advice of Hernando de Talavera, archbishop of Granada who

wanted to convert the Moriscos of Granada slowly by education, Jiménez introduced

forced mass conversions. The Moriscos, although now nominally Christians, were

neither willing to be assimilated by the Christian Spaniards nor were they accepted as

equals by the latter. Jiménez’ intervention was the direct cause of a Morisco revolt in

1499–1500, and he was largely responsible for making the Morisco problem insoluble.

The punishment of the insurgence was the annulment of the 1492 treaty in 1501, thanks

to the efforts of Jiménez. It was now obligatory for all Muslims to convert to

Christianity and leave their customs and traditions. The edict that was originally

promulgated by the Kingdom of Granada was introduced in the Kingdom of Castile a

year later. Muslims of Aragon would face the same fate; yet a little later. The diverse

nature of the population in this kingdom facilitated a co-existence of these two religions

and thus such an experience was not as new as it was in Castile. Yet, in the revolt of

Valencian Hermandad in 1520, rebels enforced the forced conversion of Muslims. In

1525, Moriscos of Valencia had also rebelled. Following their suppression, an edict

extending the forced conversion to the kingdom of Aragon was also promulgated in

1526. The overt Muslim existence in the Peninsula was over, even though it would exist

covertly until the seventeenth century, when Moriscos were finally exiled in 1609.

However, Muslims had already started to migrate to the North Africa as early as

1493. Nevertheless, a natural consequence of the annulment of the policy of tolerance

26

was the acceleration of this migration. Even though the number of these immigrants has

always been speculated, Fisher indicates that in no document a number has been

spelled.47 These immigrants constituted the major part of what later would become a

serious trouble for the Iberian coasts basically for two reasons. First of all, they were

forced to leave their homeland and the result of migration was not necessarily

satisfactory. Naturally, their co-religionists welcomed them; nonetheless they could not

offer sufficient economic means for the well-being of the newcomers since a mass

migration in the 16th century would result in severe socio-economic problems. Secondly,

they were suitable to operate in a corsair ship because of their knowledge of the coasts

and the area. They were also skilled in naval construction to the extent that Pfeffermann

notes that after their departure, this industry in Cataluña totally collapsed.48 At this

point, Lane Poole adds a possible third cause, the “exile’s vengeance”.49

The indigenous Muslim population that still resided in Spain also supported the

Muslim corsairs and was later considered a “fifth column”50 for the Ottoman Empire.

Naturally as a result of the intolerant policies of Jiménez, the remaining Muslim

dwellers constituted a dissident social group. The edicts for the forced conversion could

never fully be enforced; Moriscos always remained what they were. Their nominal

Christendom was nothing but a chimera; they retained their culture, tradition and

religion.51 However, this de facto situation had always been considered temporal for the

Spanish bureaucracy, who found itself in the middle of the pressure of the Church and

47 Fisher, p. 34.

48 Pfeffermann, Rönesans Papalarının Türklerle sbirligi, trans. Kemal Beydilli (
stanbul, 2003), p. 119.

49 Lane-Poole, p.8.

50 Hess, “The Moriscos”, pp. 5-6.

51 For the level of their acculturation see J. Maiso and R. Mario Blasco, “Aproximación al grado de

aculturación de algunas comunidades moriscas en la fecha de la expulsion” in Religion, Identité et

Sources Documentaires ser les Morisques Andolous, II, ed. Abdeljelil Temimi (Tunis, 1984), pp. 71-90.

27

that of the landlords who were defending mild policies since their lands were mostly

cultivated by Moriscos. Moreover, Spanish bureaucracy had always feared a possible

cooperation between the Muslims and Moriscos and such fear was by no means

unrealistic.52 From the beginning of the Muslim invasion in the seventh century, there

had always been close connections between Al-Andalus and Maghrib; and Muslims,

being aware of the problems of the vigilance of coastal line, did not hesitate to cooperate

with their co-religionist. The fall of Granada did not rule out the possibility of another

Muslim invasion of the Peninsula since North African support proved effective twice in

the past.53

This inflow of Moriscos, eager and suitable for recruitment, changed the face of

the struggle in the Western Mediterranean. It had always been difficult to differentiate

war, trade and piracy in the region.54 Yet, in the previous centuries, a certain level of coexistence

and mildness could be observed. After all, Spain and the rest of Barbary could

be considered a single unit for practical purposes of sea traffic.55 Braudel indicates the

noteworthy presence of Christian merchants in important trade centres of North Africa.56

It is true that piracy existed, yet they were not state-sponsored. Hence they were pirates

instead of corsairs57 whose effect also cannot be matched with that of the latter.58 In

Western Mediterranean, cooperation was vital for economic purposes. European

52 For details see Francisco Marquez Villanueva, “El Mito de la Gran Conspiración Morisca” in Religion,

Identité et Sources Documentaires ser les Morisques Andolous, II, ed. Abdeljelil Temimi (Tunis, 1984),

pp. 267-84.

53 Hess, “The Moriscos”, pp. 1-2.

54 Fisher, p. 24.

55 Fisher, p. 25.

56 Fernand Braudel, La Méditerranée et le Monde Méditerranéen à l’epoque de Philippe II (Paris, 1966), I,

p. 425.

57 Braudel differentiates these two notions. Braudel, II, p. 191.

58 Lane-Poole, p.25 indicates that acts of Christian piracy which was more effective until the fifteenth

century had always been repudiated by the Italian governments to the extent that they executed their own

citizens.

28

industries were in constant need of furs and raw materials while on the other hand North

Africans were eager to have the products of these industries. This ongoing economic

cooperation resulted in several treaties and the “fairness, moderation and probity of

African princes”. In Tunis and Ceuta, Italian city-states had already established their

consulates in the 13th century, and furthermore, the existence of a private church for the

Christians in Tunis as late as 1530 provides the air of tolerance in the region.59

Nevertheless, with the approach of the sixteenth century, a polarization had

commenced. According to Fisher, while in 1485 peace prevails in the Western

Mediterranean and the merchant ships were the major power, a drastic change occurred

as early as 1487: The conquest and the consequent exile of the people of Malaga and the

establishment of the Inquisition in the region. “The civilised practices of war and the

laws of humanity were severely shaken.”60 The clouds of intolerance were darkened

day-by-day especially after 1492 with the migration of the Moriscos, the primary

victims of intolerance.

The policy of tolerance was revoked with the annulment of the 1492 treaty;

however this was not the only consequence. Realizing the danger, Fernando started to

pay attention to the issue. In Castile, the situation was always favourable. Not only the

aristocracy, but also Isabella herself was willing the extirpation of Islam in North Africa

as was explicit in her political will.61 Furthermore, the revolt of the Moriscos has been

considered an alarming situation in Valencia and Andalusia where their number was

considerable.62 It was a result of the efforts of conversion. Church was trying to convert

59 Lane-Poole, pp. 22-23.

60 Fisher, pp. 28-29.

61 Hess, The Forgotten Frontier, p. 35.

62 Fisher, p. 33.

29

people and the extreme deeds had provoked the populace. However, it also manifested

the menace which an insurgent society might generate this time for both of the

kingdoms. In addition, there were evidences of increasing aid from Maghrib to these

areas.63 Hence, with the explicit and valuable support of the Catholic Church which had

always paid special attention to the issue, a more aggressive policy in the area could be

introduced.

As for the situation in North Africa, internal warfare that had commenced in the

middle of the 15th century had weakened the political coherence in the region. Tribal

affiliations replaced the loyalty to the state in the rural areas while semi-autonomous

cities had the opportunity to consolidate their de facto independence. The royal

dynasties lost control over not only the agricultural lands, but also cities itself. The

Hafsid Dynasty was no longer omnipotent in the region. Already during the reign of

Muhammed bin al-Hasan (r. 1494-1526); the southern part of his state was defying the

central authority while a member of the same dynasty had the control over Constantine

and Bona.64 The interior plains were ruled by Arabs while the mountains were under the

control of the Berber sheikhs. The other important dynasty of the region, Zayanids of

Tlemsen could neither resist the challenge. They would accept the Spanish vassalage. In

Algiers, an independent city state was established under the governance of Sâlim al-

Tûmî. The only part Hafsids could control was the northern part of Tunis with certain

debility as the fact that Spanish protection was sought proves.

In addition to these internal weaknesses, it has to be pointed out that for

economic reasons North Africa was not apt to resist a possible pressure that a further

63 Fisher, p. 33.

64 Ismaël Hamet, Histoire du Maghreb (Paris, 1923), p. 259.

30

Reconquista would inflict upon them. At this point, the importance of the military

revolution should not be underestimated. Spanish army had already adopted itself to the

needs of a modern warfare since they experienced the use of firearms. At the last years

of Reconquista at a time when the Spanish armies had to face the tough geography of

Granada, they reformed their army and detached it from the border system to a

centralized army.65 “Reconquista… implied new styles in the armed fight, this scenario

being a real laboratory of experiences for the Christian troops to apply later.”66 The

introduction of gunpowder and cannon and most importantly improvements in their

utilizations changed the warfare strategies. The cannon technology was gradually

adopted in the fourteenth century; yet it took at least another century to develop it. From

1430 onwards, they were used in the sieges in order to crumble the defences. The

improvements in its design and range made commanders of Europe resort to cannons

more frequently in the sixteenth century. In order to provide an efficient defence against

the destructive effect of the gunpowder, bastion system was introduced in Italy in which

fortifications were not only equipped with its own artillery, but also redesigned. The

depth of the walls was increased while its height decreased and the towers and gateways

were reshaped into bastions.67 In addition to the changing formations and bastion-based

fortifications, the composition of the armies also changed when infantry replaced

cavalry.

However, new technology created its own problems. Simply, it was too

expensive. It increased the longevity of skirmishes and the number of troops deployed

65 Hess, The Forgotten Frontier, pp. 19-20.

66 Belenguer, El Imperio de Carlos V, p. 137.

67 Geoffrey Parker, “The Gunpowder Revolution: 1300 – 1500”, in The Cambridge Illustrated History of

Warfare: The Triumph of the West, ed. Geoffrey Parker (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 106-117.

31

on the battlefield. Moreover, the expenditure for the war equipment can also be

considered a heavy burden.68 It was what lacked the North African states more than the

access to the new technology. Their economic power was curtailed by their lack of unity

in a political environment of incessant internal struggle. This lack of unity had its effects

on not only political, but also economical basis. Due to cohesive kin groups with no

political centre, this structure hindered the central government to impose its bureaucracy

and to create an efficient taxation system over the taxable area. Decrease in the revenues

made the military reform impossible. Neither the tribes themselves could realize such a

reform. Even though tribesmen enjoyed great prosperity, their economy was also fragile

against the possibility of a bad weather or contagious animal diseases. In addition, they

could not unite themselves such that a sufficient sum can be collected.69 It should be

remembered that Braudel considers the emerging of the larger states in the 15th century

as a product of the need for more efficient financial system since a single city state could

not afford the basic financial requirements of its time. “The rival of the city state, the

territorial state, rich of space and people, proved itself the only capable who can satisfy

the enormous costs of the modern warfare; it maintained the mercenary armies, supplied

costly artillery materials and would soon enjoy the luxury of great naval wars” 70 It was

still valid in the sixteenth century at a time when Europe was the theatre of conflicts

between these large states.

When the modernized Spanish troops arrived, traditional armies generally

consisting of tribal soldiers were the response of North Africans, or as Temimi would

68 Parker, “The Gunpowder Revolution: 1300 – 1500”, p. 116.

69 Hess, The Forgotten Frontier, p. 21.

70 Braudel, II, p. 8.

32

prefer: “their own means of defence, practically nothing”.71 In addition to the

technological inferiority, there was another difference between two powers. Spanish

troops were strictly disciplined and had the ability to operate under a military hierarchy.

On the other hand, loyalty of the tribesmen was precarious; addressed to their tribes

rather than the army itself or the state. In addition, such an army inevitably would suffer

from the supply problems since they could only fight in particular seasons, basically

spring and summer. Afterwards, they were leaving the army to return to their homeland,

not necessarily with permission from the central authority. Last but not the least, the

lack of an institutionalized military hierarchy curtailed the efficiency and coherence on

the battlefield. An army deprived of proper discipline, and of the ability of complicated

manoeuvring could not compete with the regular and disciplined European armies.72

On the other hand, the real response would be given by the corsair attacks.

Muslim sailors now with the expertise of the Moriscos on the Iberian coasts benefited

from the opportunity. North Africa had always been suitable for corsary. There existed

natural harbours and lagoons which the latter helped the corsair ships to more easily flee

from enemy ships. In addition, there was no deep port through the North African littoral.

Hence, big ships could not approach to the shore easily, an advantageous situation for

the small corsair ships.73 The land production sufficed to feed the population, and thus

the Muslim cities were self sufficient unlike the Spanish presidios that had to depend on

imports from Spain. Even though there was no navigable river, the shortness of the

watershed counterbalanced that disadvantage since it precluded the possibility of great

71 Abdeljelil Temimi, “Lettre de la Population Algéroise au Sultan Selim Ier en 1519”, Revue d’Histoire

Maghrebine, V (January, 1976), p. 95.

72 Hess, The Forgotten Frontier, pp. 22-23.

73 Lane-Poole, p. 16.

33

streams. Finally mountains rise steeply behind the shore. So, they were high enough

such that Corsairs could detect the approaching ships from a long distance.74

1.3. Spanish attacks to North Africa: 1505-1511

Fernando had finally given in the warfare lobby and consented for a series of

expeditions on North Africa. In 1505, he was triumphant after years of warfare in Italy,

having not only recovered the kingdom of Naples from French but also added it to his

dominions after 9 years of warfare.

Younger branch of his family was ruling the kingdom of Naples since 1458

when his grandfather Alfonso of Aragon decided to leave it to his illegitimate child

Ferrante, uncle of Fernando. However, the crown was not uncontested. The young and

reckless French king, Charles VIII had decided to push for Angevin claims for the

crown following the pretensions of the House of Anjou over the heritage of Queen Jane

of Naples. He was waiting for a suitable opportunity to intervene. In the meantime, the

Duchy of Milan was contested by two contenders; Ludovico Sforza (r. 1494-1500) and

Gian Galeazzo Sforza (r. 1476-1494). The latter was married to the daughter of the King

of Naples, and thus ensured his support. Ludovico was already a usurper and given the

balance of power, he had no option but to call for French intervention. Charles VIII had

already succeeded to buy the neutrality of Emperor-Elect Maximilian, English king

Henry VII (r. 1485-1509) and Fernando thanks to a series of treaties throughout 1493.

Thus he could respond to the call. French army crossed the Alps in the summer of 1494

74 Lane-Poole, p. 20.

34

without even a serious resistance. He conquered the whole peninsula easily. Yet, such a

quick victory had upset the balance of power in the region. In April 1495, a new anti-

French league was established due to the “the duplicity of Ludovico the Moor, the

complicity of Alexander VI, the encouragements of Fernando of Aragon and of

Maximilian”75. Even though the French king succeeded to cross the Alps with his army

intact, the French presence in the Italian Peninsula was concluded by the end of 1496.

Status quo-ante was established.

Yet, a second round was soon to follow. Charles VIII died in 1498, leaving the

crown to Louis XII of Orleans whose claims to the duchy of Milan were far stronger

than those of Charles VIII on Naples. He was the grandson of Valentina Visconti (d.

1408) and thus had the right to retain the Duchy from the usurper Sforzas. Taking

advantage of anti-Milanese feelings of Venice he assured their support. Later, he bought

the Pope by offering to his son Cesare Borgia (d.1507) the hand of Charlotte d’Albret

and the Duchy of Valentinois. In August 1499, Italian peninsula once again was hosting

French troops. Milan was conquered twice while Ludovico was taken prisoner and sent

to the castle of Loches where he will spend the remaining eight years of his life. Up to

this point, the war was trivial for both branches of the House of Aragon. Yet, the

conquest was easy enough to inspire Louis for desiring more. In 1501, he attacked

Naples; Fernando had to intervene in 1502 even though he formerly consented to Louis

XII. The situation was worse when the pro-French pope, the famous Roderic Borja76,

Alexander VI (r. 1492-1503) died suddenly in 1503. Louis XII, by 1504, had to accept

that Naples was lost for good. The kingdom would be the part of Aragon.

75 Histoire de France Vol.I : Des Origines à 1715, ed. Marcel Reinard (Paris, 1954), p. 332.

76 Often referred as Rodrigo Borgia.

35

In North Africa, Spanish operations started in 1505. Regiments that were set

loose from the Italian wars were prepared and the Spanish navy anchored in front of

Mars al-Kabir, the port of Oran. Corsairs that were situated there had been attacking the

Iberian coasts. They had attacked Valencia, Elche and Alicante and even penetrated

through the port of Malaga and burned the merchant ships in the port.77 Fernando

decided to send 10.000 troops to the region under the command of Diego Hernández de

Córdoba. 7 galleys with 140 small ships would be at his service.78 When the Spanish

contingents arrived, the garrison commander in Mars al-Kebir realized that there will be

no relief forces from Tlemsen and there was nothing to do but surrender the city. The

ruler of Tlemsen would arrive when it was too late.79 However, this expedition was

proven fruitless. Like the conquest of Melilla in 1497, its success were not tried to be

furthered. The supply problems also aggravated the situation of the ill-prepared Spanish

expedition. On the other hand, back in Spain, the fate of the crusade against Africa was

a matter of tricky intrigues. Isabella had died a year ago, leaving a political will whose

primary advice was the continuation of Reconquista. Her death was followed by a power

struggle between her husband Fernando and her son-in-law Philip of Habsburg in order

to gain the regency which was left vacant due to the mental disorder of Juana, the

heiress to the crown of Castile. Thus, this expedition should be considered the deed of

the Castilian war party whose priorities have been addressed before. Nevertheless, even

under these circumstances, Fernando did not refrain from interfering in this semiautonomous

initiative and forced the appointment of Diego Hernández de Córdoba as

77 Aziz Samih
lter, Simali Afrika’da Türkler (
stanbul, 1934), p. 61.

78
lter, p. 61.

79
lter, p. 61.

36

the general commander of the army. By no means, he wished to allow Cardinal Jiménez

to undertake such a project independently.

Apart from the idea of the forced conversion of the Muslim masses in Spain,

Jiménez had already been a fervent supporter of the idea of the Crusade. He was the

guiding spirit behind the Spanish campaigns in North Africa, which did he not only

help finance from his archiepiscopal revenues, but also participated in campaigns

personally. Jiménez spent the last years of Isabella's reign mostly at her court as her

principal religious and political adviser. It would not be very illogical therefore, to

speculate a certain effect of him on her thoughts. However, as will be pointed out,

Fernando’s penchant towards Italian politics hindered the full realization of his projects.

In 1506, Philip of Habsburg died and the new regent of Castile was Fernando

thanks to the efforts of Jiménez who stood against an intriguing political group that

aimed to hand over the regency to the Emperor-Elect Maximilian, the father of the

deceased Philip. Fernando was wise enough to have him on his side, in exchange with a

cardinal seat that he would assure in 1507.80 Now the situation had been tranquilized,

yet the aristocratic war party was still pressuring Fernando whose Italian dominated

foreign policy was not useful for Castile. Fernando gave in and authorized a North

African expedition under the command of Pedro Navarro.

This Spanish commander had fought in important wars in North Italy, mainly

recruited as a mercenary. Furthermore, he was in the army of Gonzalo Hernández de

Córdoba who successfully campaigned against French troops that invaded Naples.

Being probably one of the finest military engineers of his time, his appearance in North

Africa would not be for the first time; he also participated as a condottiere in the war

80 Brandi, p.60.

37

between the Genoese corsairs and the North African Muslims. Besides, he fought

against the Ottoman Empire; he helped the capture of Cephalonia by laying mines to

breech the walls.

The first expedition of Navarro was against Peñon de Velez de la Gomera in

1508. This place was a corsair nest, mostly supported by the Moroccan rulers81. Their

target was mostly the Iberian shores, and thus their extirpation from the North African

shores was the main objective of the expedition. Navarro not only conquered the area;

but also built a presidio, a typical Spanish fortress.

Presidios would appear as the common defensive bastions that Spaniards would

prefer in North Africa in the future. They would always remain as the proofs of the

hesitant Spanish policy concerning North Africa. Spaniards chose to establish these

garrison posts and leave the interior lands to the indigenous people.82 Primary

responsibilities of these bastions were to protect the coastline and commerce through

them. They were also expected to intervene in the North African politics playing one

tribe against another.83According to Abun-Nasr, economic goals were also intended

from the presidios, that is active participation in the Sahra trade.84 However, presidios,

let alone profiting from this trade85 and provide its own supplies, proved itself costly and

highly dependant on the Iberian Peninsula for supplies and ammunitions.

Correspondences between these presidios and Cardinal Jimenez depict their problems of

81 Fray Prudencia de Sandoval, Historia de la vida y Hechos del Emperador Carlos V, I, ed. Carlos Seco

Serrano (Madrid, 1955), p. 33.

82 Jamil Abun-Nasr, A History of the Maghrib in the Islamic Period (Cambridge, 1987), p.147.

83 Hess, The Forgotten Frontier, p. 42.

84 Abun-Nasr, p. 147.

85 Braudel, II, pp. 185-6.

38

supplies. They record the supply of cannons from the presidio of Oran,86 ammunitions,

axe, ladder and bread from Malaga87, war equipments like sword, spear, lance and

muskets from Valencia88 for the ill-fated expedition of Diego de Vera, an ex-lieutenant

of Pedro Navarro,89 against Algiers in 1516. Moreover, their lack of control over the

hinterland made them remain isolated enclaves whose effectiveness was reduced, given

the fact that most of the North African shores remained at the hands of Muslims.

According to Braudel, it was even hard to find soldiers to send to these presidios due to

the supply problems. For this reason, soldiers were not informed of their destination

before their arrival. These presidios were places for exile.90

As indicated earlier, these expeditions started at a time when the other powers of

the Mediterranean were busy with the possible repercussions of the Portuguese

appearance in the Indian Ocean and the Red Sea. Memluks and the Venetian Republic

diverted their attention to finding a solution with the Portuguese domination in the Red

Sea, while the Ottomans were also prompting this cooperation. Even though the

Ottomans did not discard the situation of the Muslims, their main concern was either the

Knights of St. John in Rhodes, or the alarming situation in the eastern frontier.

In 1509, according to Sandoval, Fernando considered personally leading his

troops to the North Africa.91 However, it was impossible due to the war in Italy. Yet,

still such rumours would be spread in order to debase the morale of the enemy.

However, Jiménez insisted on such an expedition and Fernando had to authorize it.

86 Muzaffer Arıkan and Paulino Toledo, XIV. – XVI. Yüzyıllarda Türk-spanyol liskileri ve Denizcilik

Tarihimizle lgili spanyol Belgeleri: Las Relaciones Turco-Españolas en los siglos XIV y XVI:

Documentos Españoles relativos a la historia naval Otomana (Ankara, 1995), pp. 148-9.

87 Arıkan and Toledo, pp. 150-1.

88 Arıkan and Toledo, p. 154.

89 Salvatore Bono, I Corsari Barbareschi (Torino, 1964), p. 17.

90 Braudel, II, p. 187.

91 Sandoval, I, p. 34.

39

Surprisingly enough, the expedition of this year was financed by Cardinal Jiménez, at

the expense of the Church.92 On August 20, 1508, Cardinal Jiménez had been appointed

“for the service of God and in order to prevent the evil and the damages that the

Moriscos beyond was doing everyday in these kingdoms, especially Granada and

Andalusia”.93 However, Pedro Navarro was still the commander of the troops. 80 ships

and 10 galleys transported 8000 foot soldiers and 3000 cavalry for the conquest of

Oran.94

The expedition was a total success. “For justifying the war more”95, Jiménez

offered terms of surrender to the Muslims which dictated that they should convert in

return for retaining their liberty. Once rejected, troops under the command of Navarro

had conquered Oran on 18 May 1509. The result was 4000 dead and a further 5000

brought to Spain as slaves with the booty totalling half million ducats.96 Jiménez made

his entrance to Oran and made some regulations which would enlighten the reader for

the motives behind the North African expeditions at least at this early stage. He

established two churches for the Catholics, two monasteries for missionaries, and

appointed an Inquisitor. It was palpable that his former policies would also be implied in

the region. Also logical it was, since the basic reason behind the desire of Jiménez for

these expeditions was explicitly religious more than political. He financed a private war

not in order to glorify the reign of Fernando; but rather to follow the Church’s interest

and for that purpose to further Reconquista beyond the strait of Gibraltar. The

extirpation of Islam from North Africa was the natural goal of such a policy.

92 Fisher, p. 34.

93 Sandoval, I, p. 34.

94 Fisher, p. 34.

95 Sandoval, I, p. 34.

96 Fisher, p. 34.

40

However, Jiménez immediately returned to Spain and left Navarro as the sole

commander of the troops. At first glance it might appear that it was due to a struggle

between the Church and the State. However, it was due to the conflicting interests of the

two kingdoms. Jiménez was representing the interests of the Castilian nobles, while

Fernando who was more driven by Aragonese motives did not want to give in to these

demands. He might be forced to interfere in North Africa, yet he would do it according

to his own agenda.97 There had always been a disagreement between Navarro and

Jiménez. Actually, Fernando like he did it in 1505, appointed Navarro as his agent in the

expedition since he did not want to lose control of the border warfare. When, Pedro

Navarro indicated that the control of Oran would belong to the State, but not to the

Church, the disagreement was aggravated. Furthermore, Navarro explicitly pointed out

that the expedition will not be extended to the hinterland, spoiling the dreams of the

war-loving aristocracy for new lands. The result was the open conflict between the two

figures. Naturally, Fernando backed Navarro and called Jiménez back to Spain.

Algerians wisely accepted to sign a treaty which reduced the city into vassalage

to the Spain on January 10, 1510.98 According to the treaty, Algerians would

immediately return Christian slaves at their possession. They would also promise to

prevent the corsair raids and deny them entrance to their port. In addition, they would

pay tribute for 10 years. Spaniards would also like to assure the control of the city by

requesting one of the four rocky islands of Algiers. They would erect a presidio there

whose effectiveness cannot be doubted since artillery’s range would reach the quarters

in the city. This Peñon de Alger will later appear more frequently in this study.

97 Hess, The Forgotten Frontier, p. 39.

98 Mouloud Gaid, Türkler daresi’nde Cezayir, trans. Faik Melek (Ankara, 1996), p. 16.

41

Pedro Navarro, now the sole commander of the Spaniard troops, wintered in

Formentara with his troops including those of the Cardinal. In the spring, he headed for

Bougie with 15 ships and 14000 soldiers.99 His instructions were to force an agreement

upon the ruler of Bougie in order to prevent him from sheltering the Muslim corsairs in

his ports. There would be resort to arms, only unless such an agreement could be

concluded. However, Pedro Navarro had second thoughts when he learned the

pestilence, dissention and internal strife from which the city suffered. There was a

struggle for the crown between the two contenders, Abdurrahman and Abdullah.

Navarro did not hesitate to take advantage of the situation and with the help of

Abdullah, who accepted the Spanish vassalage, conquered the city.100 Afterwards, a

treaty was concluded by which Spain did not only secure two fortresses in the region

that would be erected by the Bougians themselves; but also forced the new king to send

two of his sons as hostages to Spain.101 Bougie had to welcome the Spanish suzerainty

which would last until 1555.102

The next target was Tripoli. The city was informed about the fall of Oran and of

Bougie by Genoese agents and thus was occupied with the defensive preparations, while

some of them preferred to transfer their precious belongings to the mountains.103

However, the fortifications were in a poor position and the soldiers were unaware of the

advantages of the gunpowder. Navarro, encouraged by the simple conquest left Tripoli

on August 28, 1510, heading for the island of Djerba., a small island on the eastern

99 Gaid, p. 15.

100 Sandoval, I, p. 36.

101 Sandoval, I, p. 38.

102 G. Marçais, “Bidjaya”, EI2.

103 Sandoval, I, p. 39.

42

section of the Barbary Coast. His aim was the same “tempt them for peace”104; yet his

three ambassadors had been slain. He arrived to the island on August 30, yet his army

“for not obtaining drink and food”105, remained exposed to the mercy of the summer

heat and thus was defeated. “Facile conquest” 106 was over and the prestige of Spain

suffered a heavy blow in from this disaster. Meanwhile, Ottoman corsairs had already

established a base in Djerba.107 The presence of the Ottoman corsairs in the island and

the relatively better situation of the defences proved effective against the ill-supplied

contingents of Navarro.

In 1511, Spaniards furthered their successes by reducing some important cities

like Tenes, Cherchel and Mostaganem to tributary.108 Yet, on the other hand, Spaniards

decided to halt their expansion, which appears to be due to the failure of capturing of

Querquenes on February 20, and the loss of several ships including their crew as a result

of two tempests.109 Nevertheless, given the fact that Navarro would be sent to Italy once

again, it is rational to conclude that the new pace of the Italian wars had induced

Fernando to concentrate all of his forces in the region.

The war had already begun in Italy in 1509. The new pope Jules II (r. 1503-

1513) had decided to punish Venice. Italy had been divided into three with French in the

104 Sandoval, I, p. 40.

105 Sandoval, I, p. 43.

106 Fisher, p. 36.

107 Abun-Nasr, p.148. Yet, this claim is based on the acceptance of 1504 as the advent of Barbarossas in

the region which has been proved wrong by Soucek, see Svat Soucek, “The Rise of the Barbarossas in

North Africa, Turcica 7 (1975), pp. 243-6. Within the context, Abun-Nasr presented these corsairs as the

Barbarossas. However, in my opinion, these do not reflect the truth. True it was that corsairs were situated

in the island; yet not necessarily including Barbarrossas. Sandoval records: “There were in Djerba some

corsairs who were damaging Sicily, Corsica and Calabria a lot” see Sandoval, I, p. 40. Also, according to

Gazavât, Oruç went to Djerba when he decided to settle in Western Mediterranean. Seyyid Murâdi Re’îs,

Gazavât-ı Hayreddin Pasa, ed. Mustafa Yıldız, (Aachen, 1993), p. 59, fol. 30a. This also proves the

existence of corsairs before the advent of Barbarossas.

108 Gaid, op. cit., p. 16,
lter, p. 73.

109 Sandoval, I, p. 45.

43

north and Aragonese in the south. Between the two there were room for only one and

that should be Papacy.110 In December 1508, the anti-Venetian League of Cambrai was

concluded between Louis XII, Maximilian and Jules II. Fernando would enter in the

project in April 1509. The same month French declared war and in May, Venice

suffered a terrible defeat at the battle of Agnadello. Yet, Jules II was satisfied with her

humiliation and decided to pardon Venice after the conclusion of a humiliating treaty

concluded in December 1510. Now the Pope decided that the French king Louis XII was

much more troublesome for his policies. “Powerful he was useful, conqueror he became

dangerous”.111

A Holy League was concluded in October 1511 between Papacy, Aragon,

Venice England and Swiss cantons. Fernando once again had to be involved in the war,

an important point seriously affecting his ill-willed North African expeditions. A turning

point occurred in 1512. At the battle of Ravenna, young and able French commander

Gaston de Foix died even though French army enjoyed a clear victory over the Spanish

troops. Yet, with his death, Fernando’s wife Germaine de Foix appeared as the rightful

heir of the Duchy of Navarre. Fernando did not hesitate to resort to arms; he invaded the

Duchy in 1512. Back in Italy, French was already defeated by 1513 and the situation

was finally fixed in 1516 thanks to a series of treaties. French rights over Milan and the

Aragonese rights on the Kingdom of Naples were mutually recognized. The struggle for

Italian hegemony was not over; another round would sure follow; yet with other rulers.

On the first day of 1516, Louis XII died leaving the crown to François d’Angouleme.

Fernando would follow his example, and in the complex system of heritage, the most

110 John Julius Norwich, A History of Venice (New York, 1989), p. 395.

111 Reinard, p. 334.

44

resourceful ruler since the times of Charlemagne would be his elder grandson Charles of

Burgundy. However, this is the subject of another chapter.

1.4. The advent of Barbarossas: 1513-1515

According to the western sources, the arrival of the Barbarossas to the region can

be dated back to 1504.112 They were natives of Mytilene, ancient Lesbos, a Greek island

in the Aegean Sea. Their mother, Catalina was the widow of a Greek priest while their

father Yakub was an Ottoman officer in the region. Their date of birth has always been a

matter of discussion. The name Barbarossa was originally used for Oruç, the allegedly

elder brother according to the Western sources113, while Gazavât declares him as the

second elder of the four brothers.114 There are claims that the name Barbarossa was due

to his red beard (barba rossa) while some claim that it was a distorted version for Baba

Oruç. After the death of Oruç, the same name had also been used for his brother.

Probably it was also used as a family name by the Western sources. Both brothers were

occupied with navigation in the Aegean Sea under the aegis of the Ottoman prince

Korkud who was then the governor of Manisa, Afterwards, Selim the Grim in order to

prevent the flight of his brother Korkud prohibited navigation in the Aegean Sea without

his authorization.115 In the last years of the reign of Bayezid II, there occurred a struggle

for the imperial throne among the candidates. There was no fixed rule for the heritage of

112 R. Le Tourneau, “Arudj”, EI2.

113 Soucek, “The Rise of the Barbarossas”, p. 249.

114 Gazavât, p. 47, fol. 5a.

115 Gazavât, p. 60, fos. 30b-31a. Furthermore, see
smail Hakkı Uzunçarsılı, “II. Bayezid ogullarından

Sultan Korkud”, Belleten XXX (1966), 583-90.

45

the imperial crown in the Ottoman Empire. According to Halil
nalcık “a tradition

limiting succession to the throne to a particular member of the dynasty never existed in

Turkish states” since the issue of succession “should be left to divine dispensation. In

other words, the outcome of the civil war was considered the will of God and there

would be “no further theological or legal question of his legitimacy.”116 Even though

another Ottoman sehzade, Ahmed was the favoured one in the capital, Selim succeeded

to prevail over him and secure the throne for himself by compelling his father’s

abdication from the throne.117 Even though Ahmed was removed, there remained

another contender, Korkud, with whom Selim reached to an agreement. Despite the

agreement between two brother according to which Korkud was assured the

governorship of the island of Midilli; Selim considered his presence as a threat at a time

when he was preparing a major campaign in the East118 and secretly surrounded his

palace in Manisa. Even though he managed to escape, he would be caught and executed

in 1513.119

At this point, it should be noted that Soucek challenged the general idea in the

Western sources that the advent of Barbarossas can be dated as early as 1504. According

to him, these sources were written decades after the events and they include

contradictory information even though indicated with considerable certainty. Thus, he

argues that these sources confused the activities of another Ottoman corsair, Kemâl

Re’îs with those of Barbarossas. Hence, it must have been him who settled in La

116 Halil
nalcık, “The Ottoman Succession and its Relation to the Turkish Concept of Sovereignty”, in

Halil
nalcık, The Middle East and the Balkans under the Ottoman Empire: Essays on Economy and

Society (Bloomington, 1993), pp. 40-1.

117 Halil
nalcık, “Selim I”, EI2.

118 Halil
nalcık, “Selim I”, EI2.

119 M. Tayyib Gökbilgin, “Korkud”, EI2.

46

Goletta. Soucek asserts that Piri Re’îs, in his Kitab-ı Bahriye does not indicate the

presence of Barbarossas in the Western Mediterranean. This is interesting since Piri

Re’îs travelled not only with his uncle, but also with Barbarossas after the death of the

former. In addition, he indicates that Gazavât implicitly asserts that Barbarossa’s advent

was in 1513. It was a book that was written at the request of the Ottoman Sultan

Süleyman and there was no reason to misinform him in this manner. Actually,

Barbarossa brothers were operating under the aegis of the rival of Süleyman’s father.

Thus it would be wiser to indicate an earlier date rather than vice versa in order to

conceal the unpleasant fact that they were once at the service of Korkud. 120

Furthermore, Sanuto, whose records were contemporary, did not indicate the presence of

Barbarossas until 1515.121 The argument that the late-fabricated Western chronicles

confused these corsairs is thus plausible.122 It is also logical since given the active role

they played in the region during the second decade of the 16th century; the silence of the

same chronicles on their activities until 1512 provokes suspicion. Hence, it would be

fair to conclude that they arrived before the first siege of Bougie and probably after the

civil war started in the Ottoman Empire which their protector Korkud lost.

However, at this point, it should also be added that such a theory does not

actually belong to Soucek. Four decades ago, Aziz Samih
lter speculated the same issue

with basically similar arguments. He defended the validity of the year 1513; by

analytically discussing the different versions of Piri Re’îs’ Kitab-ı Bahriye.123 What

120 Soucek, “The Rise of the Barbarossas”, p. 246.

121 Marino Sanuto, I Diarii, XX, eds. Federico Stefani, Guglielmo Berchet, and Nicolò Barozzi (Venice,

1879-1902), p. 309.

122 A good example for the confusions of the Western sources is the narration of Sandoval. He records an

agreement between Charles Quint and Süleyman in 1519, while the latter was not on the throne. See

Sandoval, I, p. 142-3

123
lter, pp. 70-71.

47

Soucek added to this theory is the overt reference to the Western sources including

Sanuto and the assertion that the activities of Kemâl Re’îs was taken for those of

Barbarossa.

The absence of Spanish pressure would facilitate Oruç’s operations. Having just

arrived, he started to play a more active role in the region. His efficiency soon improved

due to the halt of the Spanish expansion. Allied with the other Ottoman corsairs in the

region, his power grew ostensibly to the extent that he would attempt to capture a

fortified city and dethrone a king as would happen in 1516.

Even though Oruç went to the Djerba at first, later he sailed west. He sought the

protection of a North African ruler whose ports he could use. The ruler of Tunis,

Abdurrahman, was happy to accept Oruç as his protégé, as long as he consented to pay

one-eighth of the booty he brought to his ports, in addition to a two percent for the fee of

the port.124 The agreement was beneficial for both sides; Oruç would secure a shelter

and a market place for his navy while the Tunisian Sultan would enjoy additional

revenues. Thus, he granted Oruç the castle of Halk al-Vad, or as appears in the Western

sources, La Goletta. Unlike Tunis, this place was located on the North African coast,

and was well suited for corsairs.

The first Bougie expedition should be dated summer 1514.125 Oruç’s

intervention was requested by the Hafsid governor of the city. He would enjoy a

124 Gazavât, p. 61, fol. 33b.

125 According to Lane-Poole, corsairs were laying siege to Bougie in 1512. See Lane Poole, pp. 40-44.

However, he is mistaken since their arrival in the region has already been dated as 1513. Hence, we may

either accept the dates that Hess and Fisher indicated or those that Abun-Nasr did, both contrary to Lane

Poole. According to first claim, the first siege was conducted in 1514, while the second in 1515. Abun-

Nasr with a slight difference placed the first siege to 1513. See Hess, The Forgotten Frontier, pp. 61-63;

Fisher, 47; Abun-Nasr, 148. There is a unanimous opinion that the second siege was in 1515, this time

with Sandoval’s approval. See Sandoval, I, p. 98. Sanuto’s record for the event is dated 1516 May, yet this

is the date of the receipt of the information, thus a retard is acceptable. Sanuto, XXI, p. 381.

48

generous reward if he succeeded in eliminating the Spanish yoke. Thus he appeared in

front of Bougie with 12 ships with cannons and thousand soldiers. He blockaded the

port, while the deposed ruler of Bougie, Abdurrahman besieged the town with 3000

Moriscos also supported by Oruç’s soldiers.126 However, the attempt was unsuccessful.

After 8 days of siege, corsairs had to withdraw after Oruç Re’îs had been shot from his

arm. His brother Khayr al-Din took him to Tunis where his arm would be amputated.

The second round would be due to 1515. This time backed with a Hafsid land

force from Tunis,127 Oruç once again decided to respond to the call. Khayr al-Din, on

the other hand, on the way to Bougie with 7 ships, having informed that Genoese had

conquered Djidjelli, succeeded to liberate the city. Meanwhile, he sent an envoy,

Muhiyiddin Re’îs, to Istanbul with presents for the Ottoman Sultan, Selim the Grim as

well as the high Ottoman officials in the capital. This was the first indication of a

communication between corsairs and the Constantinople. As protégés of Selim’s rival,

Korkud, they had to leave the Aegean Sea when Selim ascended the throne. However,

Selim did not mention the incident and cheerfully welcomed this act of obedience.128

Apart from supplying Muhiyiddin Re’îs’ galleys, he awarded him with two war

galleys.129

The second round in the Bougie siege started successfully, corsairs managed to

take the castle thanks to the help of the soldiers of Ahmad Bin al-Kâdî130. On the other

126 R. Le Tourneau, “Arudj”, EI2.

127 Abun-Nasr, p. 148.

128 “Hak Te’âlâ dünyâda ve âhiretde mücâhidîn lâlârımun yüzlerin ag eyleyüb dâ’imü’d-dehr a’dâ-yı

hâsirîn üzerine kılıçların keskün eylesün ve her halde Allâh-ı zu’l-Celâl küffâr-ı hâksârı makhûr u

müdemmer eyleyüp berde ve bahrde ‘asâkir-i
slâm üzerlerine mansûr u muzaffer eylesin”, Gazavât, p.

77, fol. 63b.

129 Hess, The Forgotten Frontier, p. 63; Gazavât, pp. 76-8, fos. 63a-66b.

130 Bin al-Kâdî was a religio-tribal leader in Grand Kabylia, which Oruç had to ally himself in order to

find local support. Kabylian tribes were divided into three in the period, and Ahmed bin al-Kâdî was the

49

hand, the inner castle resisted. When 5000 Spanish troops arrived under the command of

Manchin de Ventura131, all Oruç could do was to ask help from the ruler of Tunis for

gunpowder.132 Yet, the response, there was none, and corsairs had to withdraw for the

second time. Bad weather and desertion of local troops had already created enough

problems; there was no chance to resist the Spanish squadron without gunpowder. As a

consequence, Oruç decided to withdraw. It should be added that this withdrawal was a

hasty one, since there is a possibility that he burned seven of his vessels in order to

prevent their capture by the enemy. 133

However, there is an important question which should be addressed: Why did the

ruler of Tunis refuse to help? He was their protector and he showed willingness in the

realisation of the first siege. The answer is that things had changed; he was already

uncomfortable because of the active and aggressive policy that Oruç followed.

Additionally, he might have calculated that it would no be wise to provoke Spanish

aggression at a time when the pressure was lessened. Sheltering corsairs was another

thing, taking up arms against the Spaniards another. Also the fact that Oruç did not

return to Tunis and settle in the newly conquered Djidjelli might prove that the strife

resulted in the termination of their mutual cooperation.

Oruç established a noteworthy prestige among the population of Bougie.

Especially after 1512, he tried to win sympathy in the region. Repeatedly it could be

observed that in the narratives, the insolence of the undisciplined corsairs had been

ruler of one of them, Kuku. This tribe was situated in the eastern part of Bougie and played important role

in corsairs’ expedition, especially given that the other two tribes sided with the Spaniards. See R. Le

Tourneau, “Kabylia”, EI2.

131 According to Sandoval, his name was Machin de Renteria. See Sandoval., p. 98.

132 Hess, The Forgotten Frontier, p. 63.

133 R. Le Tourneau, “Arudj”, EI2 ;
lter, p. 74.

50

underlined. Probably these narratives were true since the loyalty of the population was

not always favourable on Oruç’s account. For instance, the Algerians would grow weary

of his soldiers and try to expel them by a secret plot despite the words of praise and their

depiction as saviours in a letter dated 1519, written by the Algerians to the Ottoman

Sultan.134 They were the ones who invited Oruç at the first place. Furthermore, it should

be pointed out that Oruç did at least try to establish good relationships in the region. He

supplied corn to the neighbouring tribes in order to appease them. He also acted as a

mediatory between the conflicting tribes.135

Despite these unfortunate Bougie expeditions, Barbarossas were an important

power in the region. Their force grew ostensibly and surprisingly. Actually, interestingly

enough, Spanish expeditions in the area had not been so costly. According to Godfrey

Fisher, the three expeditions in which three important cities (Tripoli, Oran and Bougie)

had been conquered by the Spaniards did not cost more than two and a half days and

350 casualties.136 This alone might explain the reason why the Ottoman corsairs

appeared so strongly to the extent of establishing their own kingdom, something they

could not even dream of in the Levant. The local population of North Africa was not in a

situation to defend themselves and the ruling dynasties chose to submit to the growing

Spanish influence in the region in order to refrain from their aggression. As will be

demonstrated, local forces of these pro-Spanish rulers did not win a single battle against

the Ottoman corsairs unless backed by the modern Spanish troops. These corsairs should

have never challenged a regular state, no matter how decentralised local rulers were.

134 “Nâgâh-ı nâsır-ı din ve hâmi-yi müslimîn ve mücâhid fi sebili’llah olan Oruç Beg”. Temimi, “Lettre

des Algérois au Sultan Selim Ier en 1519”, p. 98.

135 R. Le Tourneau, “Arudj”, EI2.

136 Fisher, p. 35.

51

Therefore, corsairs appear as the hope of the local population when they grew weary of

the Spanish pressure. As their power increased, local rulers like those of Tunis and of

Tlemsen would be restless and not hesitate to plot against them. Yet, they would never

contemplate to confront them on their own.

1.5. Settlement in Algiers: 1516

In 1516, another call from another city had changed the course of events

drastically. As had already been noted, since 1510, Spaniards reduced Algiers into the

vassalage under heavy conditions and furthermore erected a presidio in Peñon of

Algiers. Finally the new governor of this city-state, Sâlim al-Tûmî gave in to the

pressure of the local population and sent a delegation to Djidjelli for demanding

assistance against the Spaniard pressure. On the other hand, Fisher does not believe that

Sâlim himself initiated such a project since also the immediate conflict that arose

between him and Oruç prove so. According to him, such an invitation can have one

reason: the tension between two factions, partisans headed by Sâlim and country Arabs

including those belonging to the faction of bin al-Kâdî. He described Sâlim as a Spanish

agent based on the fact that De Vera addressed him in a letter of condolence for his sons

as honourable and loyal.137 Lane-Poole argues on the other hand, that this offer was

made when the tribute was rejected by the Algerians following the death of Fernando,

137 Fisher, p.48, for the afore-mentioned letter, see also Arıkan and Toledo, p. 146. However, in my

opinion, this last idea that Sâlim was a Spanish agent should not be solely based on this latter. De Vera

was writing at a time when Sâlim was killed by Oruç and Spain was preparing an expedition in order to

conquer the city. Thus, it was natural that a Spanish general wishing to use Sâlim’s sons for political

purposes would address them with a delicate manner.

52

and thus a causal relation is likely. Despite Fisher’s contrary argument, I agree with

Lane-Poole.138 While Sandoval repeats Lane-Poole’s story, Fisher refrains from

explaining his argument. “Fernando was dead, with whom they –i.e. Algerians- held the

peace for 10 years, they rose against the Spaniards of Peñon for not paying the tribute as

they were obligated… and told Horruc Barbarossa…for him to liberate them from

servitude and the tribute which they were paying to the Spaniards”.139

Oruç again with the company of his local ally bin al-Kâdî marched to Algiers.

En route, he attacked Cherchel (Roman city of Caesarea) which was claimed to be

occupied by a corsair named Kara Hasan by several sources. Oruç who were disturbed

by his activities did not want to leave his flanks defenceless captured the city and

decapitated the corsair.140 However,
lter claims that there was confusion in this

statement.141 As will be seen Khayr al-Din would attack Cherchel in 1525 in order to

eliminate his ex-lieutenant who rebelled against him who was also called Kara Hasan.

Thus even though it has to be acknowledged that Cherchel was conquered, the name

offered may be erroneous due to anachronism.

Naturally, Oruç did not face any resistance and entered the city welcomed by the

population. The first thing he did was the destruction of the traces of Spanish

domination on the city, such as insignias and arms.142 However, the real mission was not

their destruction but that of Peñon. Even though unlike the Algerians, Oruç had the

opportunity to utilize artillery, their range was not sufficient enough to damage the walls

of the fortress. On the other hand, response to this ill-fated attack was more effective,

138 Lane-Poole, pp. 45-6.

139 Sandoval, I, p. 99.

140 Gaid, p. 21.

141
lter, p. 75.

142 Sandoval, I, p. 99, Fisher, p. 49.

53

the range of the Spanish artillery could reach until the extreme confines of the city. This

failure did not contribute to the popularity of Oruç among the local population that had

already been damaged by the irresponsible acts of the Ottoman corsairs. Once welcome

they were; yet soon Oruç was to discover a plot against him provoked by the Spanish

agents in the area.143 Sâlim was executed by the order of Oruç. Hence Oruç was then the

ruler of Algiers.

143 Gaid, p. 21.

54

CHAPTER 2 (1516-1528):

STRUGGLE FOR ALGIERS

2.1. Introduction

Corsairs were elevated to a status of independence. This conquest changed the

balance of power in the region and transformed the Barbarossa brothers from simple

corsairs to a more menacing threat for the Spanish coasts. They were now selfsufficient;

thus they could perform their actions without the shelter of North African

ports and the whims of their owners. It is true that they were already effective under the

aegis of the Tunisian Sultan when they were allowed to use La Goletta as their base.

Also after their change of base, Djidjelli and the island of Djerba which was also granted

to corsairs by the Hafsid dynasty144 appeared as important bases for the corsair

activities. On the other hand, the settlement in Algiers proved itself advantageous for

corsairs. Now backed with important local allies like Ahmad bin al-Kâdî, their prestige

increased in the region as well as their sphere of influence. This increase can be easily

observed since Oruç and Khayr al-Din could and did consider the establishment of a

144 J. Despois, “Djarba”, EI2.

55

quasi-kingdom in the area where they would conduct not only their military operations,

but also diplomatic maneuvers.

This settlement also re-triggered the attention of the Spaniards to the region. The

expansionist policies of Jiménez had been halted in 1511. Peñon’s alarming position, on

the other hand, would compel Spain to take a stand against the growing power of the

Barbarossas. Even though these brothers were a matter of concern since 1513; a more

aggressive action than sending a relief force was not considered necessary since

Spaniards proved themselves resistant in 1514 and 1515. However, as will be seen

below, the situation can be depicted as critical, based on the correspondence between

Peñon and Spanish officials. Hence, between 1516 and 1520, Spaniards would launch

four expeditions to the region whose results cannot be considered conjectural, even

though not decisive either. They challenged the corsair bid for Algiers twice and in

another expedition succeeded to eliminate the elder of the two brothers.

However, after the introduction of Habsburg-Valois rivalry, Spain was dragged

into the European wars once again. The whole third decade of the century would be

spent under the shadow of this rivalry. Furthermore, there were internal problems for

Charles V not only in the Empire, but also in Spain itself. Communeros ravaged the

Iberian Peninsula in 1520-1522 and even succeeded to capture the vicar of Charles V.

Under such circumstances, a holy war was a luxury.

On the other hand, Ottomans had its own plans. Having been replaced his father,

Süleyman chose to attack west; yet his immediate naval concern would be the

extirpation of the Knights of St. John from the island of Rhodes. Even though, Algiers

would nominally be under the aegis of the empire after 1519 when Khayr al-Din sent an

56

envoy to Selim; there was no direct military cooperation except certain grants that will

be mentioned. Even though the effect of the contribution is impossible to calculate, it

can be concluded that Algiers at that time was not seriously considered a province of the

empire.

Barbarossa’s expansionist policy was not successful in this period. They would

be able to repulse two Spanish attacks to the city and expanded their dominance to

Tlemsen. Yet, Oruç died in 1518 and two years later Khayr al-Din was forced out of

Algiers, this time not by the Spaniards directly, but the combination of local allies.

Khayr al-Din had to wait for another five years to return to Algiers gloriously and

eliminate his local opponents. However, his bid for Algiers was still contested and

unless he conquered the Spanish presidio in Peñon, he would not consolidate his rule in

the city.

2.2. Spanish response (1516):

On the other hand, the bid for Algiers was not an easy task. After the execution

of Sâlîm, his son Yahya was rescued by certain Algerians who were wise enough to take

him to Oran and submit to the governor, Diego de Córdoba.145 Spaniards would not

neglect to appreciate the value of such an opportunity.

How the new situation was perceived by Spain is a difficult question to ask. On

January, Fernando died leaving Cardinal Jiménez as the regent for both of the kingdoms.

The new king will be a young Habsburg prince from Flanders that did not haste to take

145 Gaid, p.22.

57

over the rule. Until his arrival, it was Jiménez who ruled Spain and hence a quick

response Barbarossas had to face. Jiménez planned a naval expedition against Algiers.

He probably calculated that it would be easy to recapture Algiers with the help of the

artillery force of Peñon. Given the fragile loyalty of the population, such a task was not

a chimera. According to him, “no one will be able to be powerful on the terrain unless

so on the sea”.146 The cost of the preparation of the new fleet also proves his dedication

to the issue of North Africa, 53.000 gold pieces per month.147

The corsair presence in Algiers was a blow to not only the Spanish prestige, but

also the security of its presidio in Peñon. The situation was considered alarming. Its

commander Señor Quint148 had already started to write letters to all governors of Spain

indicating the supply problems from which his troops suffered, adding that he had to go

to Majorca in order to provide food for the presidio.149 Sandoval also records the cry for

help.150 The tone of Diego de Vera in one of his letters addressed to Peñon of Algiers

already confirmed the pessimistic perception. He wanted the garrison to hold for 10 or

12 days since he wished to arrive for the reinforcements based on his calculation that

2000 soldiers would not suffice.151 Since he saw the necessity to encourage them for

resistance, the panic on the Spanish side can be deemed flagrant. An officer wrote to

Diego de Vera, the commander of the expedition, that the situation is critical since there

is not enough water, soldiers or ammunition. Furthermore, he estimates that nine or ten

thousand soldiers would suffice for a successful expedition.152 A certain Caprio depicts

146 Brandi, p.62.

147 Brandi, p.62.

148 His name was Nicolas even though not mentioned in the document.

149 Arıkan and Toledo, p. 144.

150 Sandoval, I, p. 94.

151 Arıkan and Toledo, p. 145.

152 Arıkan and Toledo, p. 157.

58

better the harsh conditions from which the Spanish garrison was suffering. There was

only one month of food supplies, with no ammunition, and 80 soldiers who were not

paid in the last two year would not be able to defend the castle, unless the

reinforcements arrived immediately.153 In another letter Agustin Velasquez indicated

that there remained 4 quintals of gunpowder and food for 40 days.154 Juan de Tudela

wrote to De Vera that they were not paid for 18 months and informed him that the

expedition will not be a surprise for Barbarossa since he already started to strengthen

city’s defences.155 Hence, Braudel is sound in depicting the harsh conditions in these

presidios due to the problems of salary, provisions and transportation.156

The campaign itself was not perfectly planned. First of all, it also suffered from

problems of supply. As late as September, Del Rio warned Jiménez that they could not

move since the supply problem could not be solved.157 De Vera had to ask for the

cannons in Peñon claiming that the presidio could not utilize them since they do not

have ammunition.158 A logical solution would be to provide ammunition instead of

taking cannons away; De Vera’s choice should have been motivated by the immediate

need for cannons for the navy. Also from the letters addressed to Jiménez, it can be

deduced that there were disagreements among the commanders of the expedition. Del

Rio did not hesitate to complain about De Vera159, while Quinto expressed his total

dissatisfaction with the decisions that had been taken. According to him, De Vera not

153 Arıkan and Toledo, pp. 158-9.

154 Arıkan and Toledo, p. 163.

155 Arıkan and Toledo, p.161.

156 Braudel, II, pp. 185-7.

157 Arıkan and Toledo, p. 170.

158 Arıkan and Toledo, p. 180.

159 Arıkan and Toledo, p. 172.

59

only failed in bringing sufficient amount of troops but also deprived the presidio from

artillery and soldier. 160

There were problems. Moreover, Jiménez pursued an obsessive policy of

controlling everything. Given the average velocity of communication in the 16th century,

such an attitude would cause problems. From the correspondence, it can be clearly

understood that, the commanders of expedition, had to address every problem to

Jiménez himself. De Vera sent the letters he dispatched to him for feedback161; such

letters are also indicated in another document.162 He asks for his permission to take

priests to the expedition with him.163 Another document would appear as a more blatant

example. In this letter De Vera requested from Jiménez to write a letter to the General

Captain of the Galleys in order to ensure that he allows him to remove cannons from the

galleys which would set sail for their winter quarters. Given that these ships would

winter in their ports, he wanted to take the cannons which his ships lacked.164 Finally

from another document, it can be conceived that even for basic financial matters like

salary payment, the approval of the Cardinal was essential.165

This expedition should not only be considered a response to the installation of

the Barbarossas in Algiers. It is true that, as also the correspondence prove, it was

provoked by the event; yet on the other hand Jiménez’ policy was not limited to the

expulsion of the corsairs from Algiers. One of these documents clearly states that he

also planned another expedition to the island of Djerba, another base for the Muslim

160 Arıkan and Toledo, p. 179.

161 Arıkan and Toledo, p. 148 records: “I am sending the copies of the letters that I will send –i.e. to the

king of Tenes and the son of Sâlim al-Toumî- in order for you to see them and correct if necessary”.

162 Arıkan and Toledo, p. 166.

163 Arıkan and Toledo, p. 152.

164 Arıkan and Toledo, p. 167.

165 Arıkan and Toledo, p. 169.

60

corsary. According to this, De Vera and Del Rio instructed their envoy for Jiménez that

in case an expedition of Djerba would follow, letters should be addressed to the viceroys

of Sicily and Naples for the supply preparations.166

Spaniards did not lack the local support on the eve of the expedition. It was

natural since the presence of Barbarossas was not a relief for the local rulers. The

discomfort which the ruler of Tunis had displayed against the growing ambitions of two

brothers had already been indicated. The ruler of Tunis did not hesitate to write to De

Vera in August to assert his loyalty for Spain.167 Furthermore, De Vera did not vacillate

to apply diplomatic manoeuvres with the son of Sâlîm, Yahya. In a letter addressed to

him, he indicated his willingness to punish the murderer of his father, and asked him to

cooperate in such a task.168 The disloyal population of Algiers should also be added.

Even though another document asserted that Barbarossas had won the loyalty of the

population169, it should be discarded since the plot against them in the past would be

repeated in the future. Finally, the ruler of Tenes agreed to fight against the corsairs

upon Spanish request.170 Even though such an attack should be dated after the

expedition itself, it proves the pro-Spanish agenda of the local rulers.

Finally, the navy arrived to Algiers on September 30, 1516. They were

composed of 60 ships carrying 8.000 soldiers as well as Yahya al-Tûmî.171 The result

was disastrous for the Spaniards. Upon their arrival, they thought that the soldiers

outside the city would fight with them due to Yahya’s presence. However when they

166 Arıkan and Toledo, p. 175.

167 Arıkan and Toledo, p. 153.

168 Arıkan and Toledo, p. 146.

169 Arıkan and Toledo, p. 157.

170 R. Le Tourneau, “Arudj”, EI2.

171 Gaid, p. 23. Sandoval also records: “8000 men and a good fleet”, Sandoval, I, p. 94.

61

landed, the situation was far different than was assumed. When guns were fired by

soldiers outside the city which Spaniards considered their allies, they had to encamp

unfavourably.172 Further disgrace was bad weather.173 Oruç divided his forces,174 and on

October 4, attacked their encampment and inflicted a severe defeat over Diego de Vera.

The repercussion of such a stern defeat was 3.000 dead and 400 captives.175 Yahya,

according to Gaid, was never heard of anymore.176

2.3. The conquest of Tlemsen and the death of Oruç (1517-1518):

After this victory, Oruç decided to enlarge his newly acquired kingdom. In 1517,

he occupied Tenes and Miliana. The nephew of the king of Tlemsen, had occupied

Tenes with the help of the Spaniards. Yet, the fate of this Spanish agent177 was sealed

when Oruç decided to remove him after having received the call of the local

population.178 According to Gazavât, firstly Khayr al-Din descended upon the city

where he met no resistance. Yet, as soon as he left the city, leaving a lieutenant,179the

172 Gaid, p. 23.

173 “Karanuluk bir bârân fırtına kalkub söyle kı göz gözi görmeyüb kâfirlerün basına böyle bir tas yagdı ki

her tolu kaz yumurtası kadar var idi. Çok kâfirlerün gözi beyni çıkub fi’n-nâr fi’s-sakar oldular.” Gazavât,

p. 90, fol. 88b. However, Sandoval does not record such a tempest for 1516 expedition. It is possible that

there was a confusion between two expeditions of 1516 and 1519. Gazavât indicates the decisive role of

the tempest in both of these expeditions. See also Gazavât, p. 105, fol. 117b.

174 Gazavât, p. 89, fol. 88a.

175 Sandoval, I, p. 94. However, Gazavât numbers the captives as 2700, Gazavât, p. 90, fol. 89b.

176 Gaid, p.23.

177 Gazavât accused him to serve for Spanish interests. “Ve her bâr zâd u zahîre gemilere yükledüb

spanya yakasına gönderir idi.” Gazavât, p. 92, fol. 94a.

178
lter, p. 79.

179 Gazavât, p. 94, fol. 97a.

62

former ruler reinstalled his rule.180 Oruç in a second effort would occupy the city once

again.181

Another call for help fitted the growing territorial ambitions of Oruç. There was

a dynastic struggle among the Zayanid princes in Tlemsen following the death of Abu

Abdullah Muhammed in 1517. He was the one who accepted Spanish vassalage

voluntarily after having considered that the growing Spanish influence in the region

might be dangerous for his reign. His humble voice proves his compliance: “I consider

myself your servant to a greater extent than any other Moorish ruler… I consider all the

time that I have not spent in your service wasted”. Upon the request of the king, he did

not only release 130 Christian slaves; but also sent 22 horses with certain gifts and a

tribute of 60.000 doblas, taken by a certain Muhammed, his an ambassador to Burgos.182

His successor Abu Hammou III accepted Spanish vassalage and harsh economic

conditions. The population requested from Oruç to remove the Spanish yoke. First of all,

the tribute paid to the Spain which was equal to 1.200 ducats was burdensome for them.

In addition, with this deal, they lost the revenue from the custom duties on Oran’s

external trade.183 Even though Andrew Hess adds that the religious class of the town

was favourable to the idea of a gaza, the holy war,184 this assertion is not backed

sufficiently by the author himself. Given the nature of diplomacy in the region, where

the loyalty of the local inhabitants was on a daily basis no less than that of Renaissance

princes, such an affirmation might be problematic.

180 Gazavât, p. 95, fol. 99b.

181 Gazavât, p. 96, fol. 100b.

182 For Spanish original and an English translation of the letter of the ruler of Tlemsen to Fernando, see

Colin Smith, Christians and Moors in Spain Volume II: 1195-1614 (Warminster, 1989), pp. 156-159.

183 Abun-Nasr, p. 149.

184 Hess, The Forgotten Frontier, p. 64.

63

Oruç succeeded in capturing Tlemsen and another important city called Kal’a

without affronting any armed resistance. According to Sanuto, he did not have more

than 350-400 soldiers. Even though such a number might seem as an undervaluation,

still it might reflect the weakness of the city to defend itself. The ruler of Tlemsen first

withdrew to the inner castle. Having realized that it would not be possible to resist, he

fled. Oruç Re’îs with the support of the local population seized the city.185 On the other

hand, naturally, the local ruler sought help from his protector, Spain. Moulay Abu

Hammou went to Oran, where he was welcomed by the garrison commander Marquis de

Comares, afore-mentioned Diego Hernandez de Córdoba.186 He was not only concerned

with the growing prestige and political power of this simple corsair; but also disturbed

when Oruç prohibited to the city of Kal’a providing supplies for Oran.187 We have

already noted the problems of supply that Spanish enclaves away from the Iberian

Peninsula were facing. 300 soldiers from the garrison of Oran188 with the participation

of some local mercenaries189 launched an expedition for the relief of the city.190 At that

time, according to Gazavât, Oruç had already sent three-quarter of his forces to Algiers,

based on the assumption that this new kingdom might need a better garrison.191

However, this assertion can also be a late fabrication in order to depict Oruç as a man of

185 Sanuto, XXV, pp. 279-80. Gazavât also records the popular support. The notables of the city addressed

Oruç as follows: “Hos geldinüz safâ geldinüz yâ Re’îsü’l-müvâhidîn ziyâretuna mübârek ehlen ve

sehlen”, Gazavât, p. 97, fol. 102b; “El hamdü’l-illâh sol zâlimin serrinden bizi halâs eyleyüb beledimizi

nûr ile münevver eyledinüz.”, Gazavât, p. 97, fol. 103a.

186 Sandoval, I, p. 100.

187 Gazavât, p. 97, fol.103b; p. 99, fol. 105b.

188 Sandoval, I, p.101.

189 Gazavât numbers them as 20.000; a number which I would approach with suspicion. Gazavât, p. 99,

fol. 106a.

190 It should be added here that the loyalty of these local mercenaries was fragile. Thus, the commander of

the garrison of Oran, Marquis de Comara had requested from the local mercenaries “33 noble children” as

hostages since he did not want to rely on their loyalty. Sandoval, I, p. 101, also see Gazavât, p. 99, fos.

105b-106a.

191 Gazavât, p. 98, fos. 103b-104a.

64

courage, as well as re-portraying his ultimate defeat by the Christians which would cost

him a life.

Khayr al-Din, on the other hand, was anxious in Algiers. He was informed of the

situation. What he could do was to send a relief force numbering 2.000 under the

command of his younger brother
shak.192 However, Khayr al-Din preferred to remain in

the city, probably given the loyalty of the population. Sandoval comments that he

wanted to make sure “if Oruç falls, this kingdom does not.”193

At this point, there are two different narrations. According to Gazavât, Oruç was

besieged in Kal’a instead of Tlemsen. According to this, the combined enemy forces

first conquered Kal’a. Oruç Re’îs decided to relieve the city and left Tlemsen while the

former ruler of the city had re-occupied it at the absence of the corsair. Oruç, on the

other hand, succeeded to capture Kal’a from the Spaniards. His intention was to spend

the winter in the city. Yet, Spaniards sent another force against Oruç, exaggeratedly

numbering “30.000 – 40.000”. Attackers had granted him safe conduct in return for the

castle. Yet, when Oruç left the city, they followed and defeated him in a battle in which

he was also slain.194 On the other hand, Spanish documents present a different story.

According to Sandoval195, it was the reinforcements who were besieged in Kal’a.

Spaniards tried to deny to corsair reinforcement passage towards Tlemsen. So, they

besieged the contingents of
shak. Yet, thanks to a double spy, the beleaguered corsairs

defeated them. They had succeeded to lift the siege thanks to a surprise attack upon the

attackers. On the other hand, another relief force was expedited to Kal’a under the

192 Gazavât, p. 99, fol. 107a.

193 Sandoval, I, p. 101.

194 Gazavât, pp. 99-102, fos. 106a-112b.

195 Sandoval, I, pp. 100-101.

65

command of Martin de Argote. This force was relatively stronger; consisting of 2.000

infantry with some cavalry. He succeeded in capturing the city. Meanwhile, Oruç, with

his ally, Ahmed bin al-Kâdî, was in Tlemsen, against the combined forces of the

deposed ruler of Tlemsen and 300 Spanish soldiers. After the conquest of Kal’a, De

Argote decided to join them with his forces. Having been informed by the recent defeat

of the reinforcements, Oruç decided to flee the city in order to head for Algiers. He left

his men in the castle while he escaped secretly with few soldiers. The ruler of Tlemsen

was re-established in the city with the obligation of paying 4.000 doblas as a tribute.196

Spaniards followed Oruç since he was carrying his treasure with him. Finally, he was

trapped with his 30 men against 45 Spaniards. Garcia de Tinedo killed him in 1518.

On the other hand, Gazavât does not record the presence of two armies and

insists that the death of Oruç took place after he left Kal’a. The reinforcements

succeeded in meeting with the army of Oruç and the united force was besieged not in

Tlemsen, but Kal’a. They were able to defeat an enemy army of 10.000 soldiers before

they finally settled in the city. However, they were not powerful enough to resist the

Marquis’ army. They accepted the offer of safe-conduct since “being alive is better than

being dead”197. However, Spaniards did not respect the treaty. In my opinion, the

Spanish narration is more plausible since it was based on not only the account of

Sandoval, but also a letter of Charles V. 198 In addition, the notables of Algiers, in a

letter dated 1519 and addressed to the Ottoman Sultan Selim the Grim, would mention

that Oruç was killed in Tlemsen. However, at this point, it should be indicated that their

196 Sanuto, XXV, p. 498.

197 Gazavât, p. 101, fol. 111a.

198 Arıkan and Toledo, pp. 185-6.

66

version of the story indicates that Oruç attacked Bougie instead of Kal’a.199 Probably, in

Gazavât, it was intended to distort the fact in order to lessen the humiliation of not only

a defeat, but also an escape from the city. Instead of accepting that Oruç left the city

secretly with his treasure, Gazavât preferred to assert an agreement of safe-conduct to

which the infidels were not loyal. Hence, Oruç’s dead was a heroic one; he was slain

since he did not want to surrender his arms after he left the castle. Nevertheless, he was

actually caught by a Spanish contingent of 45 soldiers, after he deserted the city and left

most of his men inside.

Surely, it was a heavy blow for Khayr al-Din. His situation was not consolidated

even in Algiers itself; his forces were small. However, the conquerors of Tlemsen did

not extend their expedition to Algiers. Troops were shipped back to Spain and Comara

headed for Oran. This, Lane-Poole argues, was a “lost opportunity”. With “one steady

march” to Algiers, it would be possible to eradicate corsairs from North Africa, at such a

fragile time when the founder of the miracle had perished. Yet, “incredible folly”, was

repeated again.200

Meanwhile, back in Spain, the new king, Charles V had second thoughts. He was

pleased with the result when he was informed in Zaragoza; however, he was aware of

the fact that as long as Algiers remained under the sovereignty of corsairs, the victory

was not a complete one. 201 An expedition was authorized against Algiers under the

command of the viceroy of Sicily since 1509, and “Captain General of the Sea and

199 Temimi, “Une Lettre des Algérois”, p. 98.

200 Lane-Poole, p. 53. Not only Lane-Poole, but also Fernand Braudel considers the failure of the

Spaniards to implement a consistent policy of expansion in North Africa, following the conclusion of

Reconquista. According to him, “once lost, the occasion will never present itself again” See Braudel, II, p.

181.

201 Sandoval, I, p. 138.

67

Captain General of the Maritime Army and the Conquered Territory in North Africa”202,

Hugo de Moncada. In 1519, he started the expedition with 4.500 soldiers; however, his

army was reinforced in Bougie by Perafán de Ribera and in Oran by the marquis of

Comares.
lter records that he also took veterans from Mars al-Kebir.203 Galotta records

80 sails and 6.000 soldiers based on Mafroni thus based on Spanish documents.204

Sanuto’s record is 10.000 Spanish soldiers; yet this round number is less reliable.205

When he arrived to Algiers, he wanted to attack as quickly as possible. However, a

certain Gonzalo Marino de Rivera insisted that they should wait for the king of Tlemsen

since he would come with “many Arab cavalry and foot soldiers”. These soldiers would

not be useful for the siege work; however, their contribution would be vital in

skirmishes against the local contingents of Algiers. Spanish forces bombarded the city

for eight days. On the 8th day of the expedition, an unexpected storm changed the

course; a striking north wind stormed the navy. Sanuto claims that they had already been

embarking to the ships in order to leave.206 As a consequence, 26 ships and 4.000

soldiers were lost.207 Soldiers who could survive from the ships that sunk were further

surprised by Moorish attack; there remained only 600 of them.208 There was nothing left

to do but to lift the siege. So did Moncada and set for Ibiza with the remaining of his

forces. The defeat was a relief for Khayr al-Din, apart from a huge blow to the prestige

of the new king who identifies himself as the protector of the faith, Defensor Fidei.

Lane-Poole argues that the failure of Moncada had actually strengthened the position of

202 Fisher, p. 55.

203
lter, p. 85.

204 A. Galotta, “Khayr al-Din”, EI2.

205 Sanuto, XXVI, p. 58.

206 Sanuto, XXVI, p. 58.

207 Sandoval, I, p. 138. Sanuto records the loss as 20 ships and 6.000 soldiers. Sanuto, XXVI, p. 58.

208 Sanuto, XXVI, p. 58.

68

Khayr al-Din, and paved the way for his expansion in the Middle Barbary. The result

would be the conquest of Collo, Bona and Constantine.209 However, as shall be seen,

their conquest was hardly caused by this victory, if dated 1521 and 1522 as Galotta

asserts.210 Khayr al-Din would have already lost Algiers by that time.

2.4. Incorporation of Algiers into the Ottoman Empire (1519):

In the last few years, the map of the Middle East had changed significantly.

Unlike the pacifist policies of his father, Bayezid II who was deposed in 1512, Selim

was a belligerent ruler. As soon as he ascended to the throne, he made his character

flagrant. Before his ascension, he was the Governor of Trebizond, where he had the

chance to observe the deeds of a newly emerged leader in Iran, Shah
smail. Thus,

Selim’s primary target would be Safavids. After suppressing the Kızılbas rebellion in

Anatolia, he headed further east to confront Shah
smail. The Ottoman army backed

with the gunpowder technology, managed to resist the cavalry charges of
smail. The

result was a defeat for him from which he could never recover. The eastern parts of

Anatolia as well as northern parts of Iraq were seized. However, Selim could not follow

this victory. During his campaign against Shah
smail, Memluks and their ally

Dulkadirogulları threatened the rear of his army. Selim first incorporated the

Dulkadirogulları territory to the Ottoman Empire and then attacked the puny Memluk

State. As a result of two wars, the Ottoman army had succeeded to invade a wide region

209 Lane-Poole, p. 55.

210 Galotta, “Khayr al-Din”, EI2.

69

from Syria to Egypt. It was a quick conquest in terms of Ottoman pace, given that the

conquest of the Balkan Peninsula would take more than one and a half decades.

Following this victory, dependent Arab lands including Serifs of Mecca and Yemen

changed its protector and accepted Ottoman suzerainty. Memluk State had disappeared

and the Ottomans were now the only significant power not only in the Middle East; but

also in the Islamic world.211

In 1519, also de facto vassalage of the corsairs to the Ottoman Sultan was

legalised. Khayr al-Din sent an ambassador to the Ottoman Sultan Selim the Grim, to

which he responded favourably. Barbarossas had already sent two envoys as an act of

submission to the Ottoman Sultan. The first one, Muhiyiddin Re’îs who went to Edirne

where he was warmly welcomed by the Ottoman Sultan212, and the second, a noted

corsair, Kurdoglu Muslihiddin who obtained audience in Egypt.213 Gazavât records the

name of the third envoy as Hacı Hüseyin Aga.214 Sanuto also gives the account of the

arrival of an envoy from Algiers. However, he notes that his name was Sinan Re’îs

instead of Hacı Hüseyin.215 On the other hand, Temimi published the letter written by

the Algerian notables in which the deeds of the corsairs were praised. This letter clearly

indicates that Abu’l-Abbas Ahmed bin al-Kâdî was sent as an envoy.216 In my opinion,

it is not also possible to rule out the possibility of a joint envoy.

This way or another, Algiers had become an Ottoman province nominally. The

incorporation of Algiers to the Ottoman Empire was completed. Selim sent an

211 Halil
nalcık, “Selim I”, EI2.

212 Gazavât, pp. 76-8, fos. 63a-66b.

213 Gazavât, pp. 87-8, fos. 84a-85a.

214 Gazavât, p. 114, fol. 135a.

215 Sanuto, XXIX, p. 286.

216 Temimi, “Une lettre des Algérois”, p. 98

70

investiture decree, hatt-ı serif and a standard, sandjak, while in Algeria; the Ottoman

Sultan would be accepted as the overlord of the city. Selim also sent 2.000 janissaries,

artillery and granted the privilege of recruitment of volunteers which would enjoy the

same status with the janissaries.217 In exchange, the name of the Ottoman Sultan would

appear in the Friday prayers (hutba), while his figure on the minted coins.

Selim was probably pleased to see that such troublesome elements were away

from his lands, conducting a holy war against the infidels. Yavuz was not only pleased

to see corsairs harassing the Christian coasts instead of causing problems in the Aegean

Sea, but also aware those corsairs’ conquests would be a useful contribution to the

Ottoman Empire. It was not only a matter of prestige; Barbarossas had succeeded to

establish his rule in North Africa which now the more prudent Khayr al-Din offered it to

the Ottoman Sultan. Selim, after the conquest of Egypt, had already started to consider

these corsairs under his aegis and the lands they had or would conquer in his sphere of

influence. That is why he pronounced Maghrip as one of his lands in the fetihname that

he wrote to his son, Süleyman.218

The reasons for Khayr al-Din’s choice of submission were obvious. First of all,

the Ottoman Sultan was the most prestigious ruler in the Islamic world. Their prestige

had increased as a result of the recent conquests. On the other hand, Barbarossa

brothers, or any other corsair in the region, were not only foreigners to the local

population, but also ordinary soldiers of fortune with no legitimacy. Barbarossas could

invade the whole North Africa; however, these successes would remain under the threat

of a sudden collapse as long as they remain usurpers in the eyes of the local population.

217 Galotta, “Khayr al-Din”, EI2 based on Haedo.

218
smail Hami Danismend, zahlı Osmanlı Tarihi Kronolojisi, II (
stanbul, 1971), p. 48.

71

In North Africa, where the social composition was mostly religio-tribal, corsairs from

Levant could not compel people to full obedience. Neither did the attitude of some

insolent corsairs help the situation. Even though in their letter, Algerians praised the

efforts of the Barbarossa brothers to Selim, this was mostly due to the imminent Spanish

threat at that moment. Their attitude proves their disloyalty. They had plotted against

Oruç soon after they had invited him to the city. The reason why Khayr al-Din could not

leave the city in 1518 in order to help his brother against the Spanish forces was the fact

that he could not rely on the loyalty of the majority of the population. A year later, he

would have to withdraw from the city since he considered his situation was precarious.

Another reason for that cooperation was the situation of Khayr al-Din in the

region. He was well aware of the blurriness of the future. Spaniards were still extant in

the region; they were the rulers of important places like Oran, Bougie, and Tripoli. The

new ruler, Charles V was far more ambitious and rich than his grandfather was. At the

moment, he was busy with consolidating his rule in the Iberian Peninsula. Yet he

inherited not only his grandmother’s aspirations of a crusade, but also the imperial

crown from his other grandfather Maximilian in 1519. Khayr al-Din, on the other hand,

was not in an excellent situation. After the recent defeat of Oruç in the region, local

rulers were against him and he was having a hard time to find worthwhile allies in the

region. The rulers of Tunis and Tlemsen were eager to extirpate Ottoman corsairs from

the region since they considered him a more serious threat than the Spaniard aggression

was. Furthermore, they were provoking Spaniards. Moreover, in Algiers, the only

problem was not the loyalty of the population; a strong Spanish presidio, Peñon of

Algiers was facing his headquarters.

72

2.5. Redefined Foreign Policies:

2.5.1. Spain’s decreasing interest in the region:

After the victory of the corsairs in 1518, Spanish pressure would decrease

gradually. The sole exception would be the expedition to Djerba in May 1520219 under

the command of Hugo Moncada. He arrived to Djerba with 13 galleys, 70 ships and

10.000 infantry, according to Sandoval.220 Hess, on the other hand, numbers them as

13.000.221 It is interesting to see such numbers since it would not be logical to think that

an expedition of this calibre will be conducted with 10.000 infantry while more

important expeditions with lesser soldiers. For instance the expedition against Algiers in

1516 was undertaken with 8.000 soldiers. The reason might be the discouragement of

the last two expeditions against Algiers, if not a common fallacy of the afore-mentioned

sources. As a result of this expedition against Djerba, the local chief was forced to

surrender and pay tribute, which Sandoval records as 12.000 doblas.222 However, this

important success223 could not be consolidated.

This was most probably due to the complex problems that the dynasty-based

empire of the new ruler of Spain, Charles V. He appeared as the most powerful ruler that

Europe had seen since Charlemagne; yet he had inherited vast territories with serious

problems. The arrival of the sixteen-year old king to Spain would be delayed for some

time. When finally he arrived in the Peninsula in 1517, rivalry between his Flemish

219 Fisher, p. 53.

220 Sandoval, I, p. 141.

221 Hess, The Forgotten Frontier, p. 67.

222 Sandoval, I, p. 141.

223 Brandi considers it “a great success against the corsairs”. See Brandi, p. 137.

73

court and the local nobility expecting to fill the high ranks in Charles’s court created

further problems. As soon as he was proclaimed the king of Castille and of Aragon

separately by respective national parliaments, the death of his grandfather had paved

way for another challenge: imperial election. As indicated before, thanks to the decisive

argument of money Charles inherited his grandfather’s imperial crown in 1519.

However, with the imperial election, Charles’ problems were not over. Spaniards

did not welcome a foreign king with a foreign agenda and a Flemish court. In addition to

a late arrival, soon the king would have to abandon his new kingdoms in order to settle

the religious disputes in the Empire. After all, his reign would be marked with a

universal agenda in the future. The result was the revolt of Comuneros. The menace was

serious; it was not a bunch of rebels, but the towns who had turned against the new king.

On April 16, a popular rebellion commenced. They have expelled royal agents from the

city and elected a city committee. The movement did not remain limited to Toledo, it

spread to other cities. An alternative Cortes, La Santa Junta de las Comunidades, was

created. Charles’s viceroy, the future pope, Adrian of Utrecht, decided to suppress the

movement by arms, a task which he failed in accomplishing. He was taken prisoner by

the rebels. The threat was growing everyday, rebels decided to challenge the legitimacy

of Charles and offer the crown to its rightful owner, Charles’ mother, Joan. She was

already legally queen of Spain; yet due to her mental problems224, Charles was the ruler

in force as the co-king for both of the kingdoms. However, she refused rebels’ offer.

Finally, Charles gave in to the demands of the nobles and the royalists succeeded in

separating the noble support behind the rebellion. Rebellion was suppressed in 1522.

224 She was named Juana la Loca, Joan the Mad.

74

At that moment, the Treaty of Noyon of 1516, which was nothing but “a

deceiving appearance”,225 failed in keeping peace and open hostilities re-started between

Habsburg and Valois. The imperial forces were more successful than their rivals.

Habsburg contingents succeeded in expulsing French from the Duchy of Milan, while

on the other hand, French expedition to Navarre ended up fruitless. Furthermore, in

December 1521, Leon X (r. 1513-1521) was dead and his successor was Adrian VI (r.

1522-1523), Charles’ tutor. Both the secular and spiritual authority of Europe was now

united under these two Flemish. Charles succeeded to form a Europe-wide alliance

against France in 1523, consisting of his brother Ferdinand, Henry VIII, Venice, Adrian

VI, and other Italian states like Milan, Florence, Genoa, Siena and Lucca.226

Furthermore, he gained the loyalty of the French connétable, Charles de Bourbon who

turned against his king due to a dispute over his dominions. In 1524, French army was

pushed back in Lombardy and the way to invasion of France was open for the imperials.

Yet, instead of following the route of Lyon where Charles de Bourbon would assure the

loyalty of his former subjects, Charles preferred to attack from Provence. His armies

were stopped in front of Marseille.227 François, on the other hand, marched beyond the

Alps with a new army and besieged Pavia. When the Habsburg contingents arrived on

25th February 1525, the battle was decisive. The French king would be the prisoner of

his former connétable and would directly be transported to Spain.

The emperor was now stronger than ever; however, the peace would not be

assured so easily. In France, the regent, Louise de Savoie (d. 1531), the mother of

François, had nothing to do but to ask help from the Ottomans on the eve of the decisive

225 Brandi, p. 65.

226 Brandi, pp. 196-7.

227 Reinard, p. 375.

75

Hungarian campaign of 1526.228 Finally, an agreement was reached between two rulers

in January 1526. Yet, the more this Treaty of Madrid was favourable to Habsburg

interests, the harder it was to execute it.

At the beginning, François left two of his sons to the emperor and parted for

Paris where he promised to ensure the return of the contested territories of the Duchy of

Burgundy. Nonetheless, such action would result in the disappearance of a coherent

kingdom. Thus, the execution of the agreement was not plausible. Furthermore, things

had changed. The Ottoman pressure would soon be felt on the eastern front. After the

battle of Mohacs, the death of Louis II of Hungary (r. 1516-1526) enabled Ferdinand as

the husband of the sister of the last king, to have claims on the Hungarian crown.

However, a direct threat to the Archduchy of Austria was also obvious. Apart from this

Ottoman pressure, Charles had lost his support in the European circle. English Prime

Minister Wolsey was not sharing the unrealistic dreams of Henry VIII on the partition of

France with the emperor. His primary objective was to hinder the growing power of the

master of the Low Countries and of Spain.229 Moreover, desire of Henry VIII for the

annulment of his marriage would create enmity between two dynasties. Catherine of

Aragon was the aunt of Charles, and the emperor was by no means eager to see that the

interests of his family be challenged. In addition, Wolsey was not the only one who felt

challenged by the growing power of the Habsburgs. Italian states also considered that a

Habsburg control in the South as well as in the North would upset the balances-of-power

228 She wrote in her letter: “Confugimus ad Te magnum Caesarem, ut tu liberalitatem tuam ostendas et

filium meum redimas”, Hammer, V, p. 113. A French ambassador reached Constantinople in late 1525.

See
smail Soysal, “Türk Fransız Diplomasi Münasebetlerinin
lk Devresi”, stanbul Üniversitesi

Edebiyat Fakültesi Dergisi, 3 (1951-2), p.66. For the reply of the Ottoman Sultan, see Halil
nalcık,

“Haçlılar ve Osmanlılar: Barbaros Hayreddin Pasa Fransa’da”, in Türk Denizcilik Tarihi, ed. Bülent Arı

(Ankara, 2002), pp. 127-8. For the french translation, see Annie Berthier, “Un Document Retrouvé: La

Première Lettre de Soliman au François Ier (1526)”, Turcica XXVII (1995), pp. 263-66.

229 Brandi, p. 201.

76

in the region. Finally, he had lost his support in Rome a long time ago. Adrian VI died

and Giulio de’ Medici replaced him as Clemente VII (r. 1523-1534) in November 1523.

He did not lose time to express his anti-Habsburg intentions.

Thus, the Leauge of Cognac was signed in 1526 among Italian states, Henry VIII

and François. François refrained from respecting the clauses of the Treaty of Madrid.

Thus, a new war started in 1528 with a joint French and English attack. French

contingents headed for South Italy where the Spanish viceroy could not perform a

proper resistance. He would soon be killed in a naval battle and leave the kingdom in

disarray. Naples was besieged by the French and the entire kingdom was about to fall to

the French control. Yet, Charles succeeded to remove the naval blockade by bribing

Andrea Doria and ensuring his volte-face on June 4. Next month, on August 16, the

siege was lifted when the French commander Lautrec was dead on the battlefield.

The result of this round of Habsburg-Valois rivalry was the confirmation of the

Treaty of Madrid except the restoration of Burgundy to the Habsurg dynasty. The Treaty

of Cambrai, this Paix des Dammes was signed in 1529 between the mother of François,

Louise de Savoie and the aunt of the emperor, Margareth of Austria. Peace was restored

in the heart of Europe at a time when the Ottoman armies were threatening Vienna.

77

2.5.2. Ottoman’s foreign policy analysis in the third decade of the

century:

Despite the diminishing Spanish threat and his recent victory against the

Spaniards in 1519, Khayr al-Din faced serious problems in the third decade of the

century. Even though the classical narrations indicate that Algiers was now a part of the

Ottoman Empire, during the period under examination, there was not much cooperation

between Khayr al-Din and Constantinople. Selim the Grim had accepted the

overlordship offer; neither his son Süleyman was indifferent to the corsairs. However,

the Ottomans were also busy with other projects. Hence, there was not a considerable

support to Khayr al-Din, even when he had to abandon Algiers. Fisher indicates an

Ottoman help in the re-conquest of Algiers in 1525230; nonetheless, this idea is without

foundation. Relationship between the core and periphery developed rather slowly, to the

extent that it can be concluded that Algiers’s incorporation in 1519 was a symbolic

gesture to the Ottoman Sultan in return for afore-mentioned grants. Recently enlarged

Ottoman Empire and re-defined Ottoman ambitions who would find its conductor in the

personality of Süleyman the Magnificent created a suitable environment for such a deal.

Selim was soon dead in 1520, yet only to be replaced by his equally striving son,

Süleyman. He was one of the most illustrated Ottoman Sultan known as Süleyman the

Magnificent in the Western sources231 and Kânunî in those of Ottoman.232 Süleyman

230 Fisher, p. 54.

231 Gilles Veinstein, “Süleyman”, EI2.

232 Cemal Kafadar indicates that such a title was started to be used in the late Ottoman historiography. He

pointed out that the earliest use was in Dimitrie Cantemir’s History of the Growth and Decay of the

Ottoman Empire, trans. N. Tindal (London, 1734-35), part I, book 3, p. 174. Cemal Kafadar, “The Myth

of the Golden Age: Ottoman Historical Consciousness in the post-Süleymânic Era” in Süleymân the

Second and His Time, eds. Halil
nalcık and Cemal Kafadar (
stanbul, 1993), p. 41.

78

decided to confront the Western World; most probably alerted by the ascension of

Charles to the imperial throne. Not only the usage of imperial title; but also the

possibility of the realisation of a united Europe forced Süleyman to intervene in the

West. “For the Ottoman rulers before Süleyman I, the Habsburgs were one of several

forces”233; yet the new Ottoman emperor did not fail to renew his agenda. His

immediate expedition was in 1521, against Belgrad, a key point for the conquest of

Hungary. Unlike his great-grandfather, Mehmet II, he succeeded in capturing the city.

This has been followed by the extirpation of the Knights of St. John from Rhodes and

thus assuring the security in the Aegean Sea. At this point, it should be stated that the

Ottoman expansion was probably discussed among the decision-makers of the empire in

1525.234 Surely, there would be an expedition to the West; but which route should be

followed?

At this point, it should be indicated that such a decision might have been taken

prior to 1526. Already in 1521, Süleyman was hardly persuaded not to lift the siege of

Belgrad in order to attack Hungary directly. The five-year gap between two expeditions

should then be considered due to the conquest of Rhodes in 1522, and the rebellion of

Hain Ahmed Pasa in Egypt in 1524. The rebellion will be supressed in the same year,

following a reform program which was executed by the Grand Vizier
brahim Pasa

himself who resided in the region for 5 months.

There were two basic options. With the advantage of the newly conquered

Belgrad, Hungary would be an easy prey. The kingdom was decentralised whose king

was not even a primus inter pares; the frailty of his father was the reason of his

233 Palmira Brummet, Ottoman Seapower and Levantine Diplomacy in the Age of Discovery (Albany,

1994), p. 10.

234 Halil
nalcık, “Haçlılar ve Osmanlılar”, p. 128.

79

ascension to the throne.235 The glorious days of the king Matthias Corvinus (r. 1458-

1490) was gone. Thanks to him and his father John Hunyadi (d. 1456), Hungarians have

resisted successfully to Turkish invasions in the fifteenth century.236 But things had

changed. After Corvinus’ reign the nobility had succeeded to get any concession from

the elected king. The special military tax that was introduced by Corvinus was

abolished; a careless step which resulted in the disappearance of the strong army which

was the backbone of resistance against the Ottoman threat.237 In 1514, a serious peasant

rebellion had devastated the country. The response of the nobility was the introduction

of an unlikely harsh code of laws, called Tripartitum. This proves the upper hand that

the nobles had in the country. According to this, nobles would not pay taxes, duties or

tolls and have military obligations only in times of defensive wars. King appeared as

their superior; nevertheless, only as long as he respected these rules of decentralised

nature.238

On the other hand, another possibility was an expedition from the sea, to be

directed against the kingdom of Naples, under the authority of Habsburg viceroys. There

was no unity in North Italy and possible alliances can easily be conducted. Italy has

been a scene of war since 1495; an Habsburg rule had been hardly consolidated in the

region. After all, was it not what Mehmet II would have done, had he not died

suddenly?239 He already considered himself Kayser-i Rum, the Roman Caesar, after the

conquest of Constantinople and he further desired to capture Rome in order to unify and

235 Denis Sinor, History of Hungary (New York, 1959), p. 134.

236 For details see Kelly DeVries, “The Lack of a Western European Military Response to the Ottoman

Invasions of Eastern Europe from Nicopolis (1396) to Mohács (1526)”, The Journal of Military History,

63 (July 1999), p. 545.

237 Sinor, p. 136.

238 Sinor, p. 142.

239 Halil
nalcık, “Mehemmed II”, EI2.

80

revitalize the Roman Empire.240 1480 expedition might have failed because of the

unexpected death of Mehmet II, the following civil war and the captivity of Sultan Djem

in Europe. Gedik Ahmed Pasa had succeeded to invade Otranto; and unless had the

afore-mentioned events taken place, Ottomans next target would have been Italy. Yet,

nalcık indicates that the conquest of Italy at that time was not easy due to the Venetian

defences in Dalmatian coasts and fleet in the Adriatic Sea. Morever, Italian coasts were

also fortified.241

The choice was an expedition to Hungary, probably because of the weak

situation of the decentralised kingdom. In addition, Halil
nalcık indicates that this was

due to the position of the French king in the international arena.242 According to Nasuh

Matruki, a contemporary source, the reason for the Hungarian expedition is the French

king who sought shelter from the Ottoman Sultan with izhâr-ı ubûdiyyet.243 We had

already mentioned that the mother of the French king had requested the Ottoman help by

writing a letter. In the response, Süleyman’s tone was promising:

mdi pâdisahlar sınmak ve habs olunmak aceb degildir, gönlünüzü hos tutup

azürde-hâtır olmayasız. Öyle olsa bizim âbây-ı kirâm ve ecdâd-ı izâmımız

nevverallâhu merâkidehum daima def’-i düsman feth-i memâlik için seferden

hâlî olmayub biz dahi anlarun tarîkine sâlik olub her zamanda memleketler ve

sa’b ve hasîn kaleler feth eyleyüb gece gündüz atımız egerlenmüs ve kılıcımız

kusanılmustur. Hak subhâne ve ta’âla hayırlar müyesser eyleyüb ve mesiyyet ve

iradeti neye müteallik olmus ise husûle gele. Bâki ahvâl ve ahbâr ne ise mezkûr

âdeminizden istintâk olunub ma’lûmunuz ola, söyle bilesiz244

The calculation was correct. Nobody responded to the call of the Hungarian

crown except Pope Clement VII, who was not powerful enough to contribute to a

240 Halil
nalcık, “Haçlılar ve Osmanlılar”, p. 128.

241 Halil
nalcık, “Haçlılar ve Osmanlılar”, pp. 128-9.

242 Halil
nalcık, “Haçlılar ve Osmanlılar”, p. 128.

243 Halil
nalcık, “Haçlılar ve Osmanlılar”, p. 128.

244 Halil
nalcık, “Haçlılar ve Osmanlılar”, pp. 127-8.

81

decisive extent.245 The situation of Hungary as the defence of Christianity against

Ottoman expansion was no longer important in the newly defined political agenda in

accordance with the Valois-Habsburg rivalry.246 Thus, even Charles V did not exhibit

the concern of his ancestors for the defense of Hungary.247 After the battle, the last

Jagellonean king, Louis died, leaving no heir but his brother-in-law Ferdinand, the

brother of Charles and his lieutenant in the duchy of Austria and the Holy Roman

Empire.

This death created a struggle over the Hungarian crown. There were two

pretenders. One was the brother of Charles V, Ferdinand who was his vicar for the

Empire.248 His legal situation was complicated. According to a treaty between the

penultimate king of Hungary, Ulászló (r. 1490-1516) and Emperor-Elect Maximilian in

1491; in case there remained no heir to the throne, Maximilian would be the regent.

Even though not ratified by the Diet, this agreement could have functioned as a pretext

for Ferdinand’s claims to the throne. Nevertheless, there were stronger claims; the

double marriage made also Ferdinand heir to the throne. In 1515 an agreement between

the same actors was concluded. According to this, Ferdinand was to marry the sister of

Louis, while Louis would take the hand of Ferdinand’s sister, Mary of Hungary.249 Since

Louis was dead, the crown would pass to Ferdinand. However, there was an

impediment. In 1505, anti-Habsburg clique succeeded to pass a law that prohibited the

245 For reasons of the failure of European States to provide help to Hungary, see DeVries, pp. 544-45.

246 Pál Fodor and Géza Dávid, “Hungarian-Ottoman Peace Negotiations in 1512-1514”, in Hungarian-

Ottoman Military and Diplomatic Relations in the Age of Süleyman the ,Magnificent, eds. Pál Fodor and

Géza Dávid (Budapest, 1994), p. 38.

247 Dukes of Burgundy has always paid a special attention to the issue. Duke of Burgundy, Jean sans Peur

fell prisoner of war in Nicopolis in 1396. Moreover, Philippe le Bon, in 1454-6 considered participating in

a crusade against the Ottoman Empire.

248 Also, Charles granted his Austrian possessions to his brother due to treaties of Worms in 1521 and

Brussels in 1522. For Ferdinand’s office in the Empire, see Belenguer, El Imperio de Carlos V, pp. 194-5.

249 Even though the agreement was signed in 1515, both marriages were consumed in 1521.

82

election of a foreign king to the throne. Furthermore, custom was the election instead of

inheritance for the royal tiara. The second contender was the leader of the anti-Habsburg

clique, Voivode of Transylvania since 1511, John Zapolyai (r. 1526-1540). His position

was far better than that of Ferdinand. He was the richest noble of the country with an

intact army since he did not participate in Mohacs. He was elected by the Diet on

November 1526; yet only to be followed by the election of Ferdinand by another Diet a

month later. Had he not hesitated, he would have crushed the hopes of Ferdinand.250

However, he gave his opponent time and the next year, Ferdinand not only succeeded in

appearing with new forces but also repulsing Zapolyai out of his kingdom. Zapolyai had

no option but to search for allies. Ottoman Empire was also an option, at least a realist

one, if not the most desired. Zapolyai thus resorted to this option and would then be

gradually reduced to an agent of the Ottoman diplomatic manoeuvres. His envoys were

in Constantinople, asking the protection of the Ottoman Sultan in 1527. 251 In return for

the dismissal of Ferdinand from Budin, Zapolyai accepted to pay a tribute and become a

vassal of the Ottoman Sultan.252 However, this alliance had its own advantages. In 1528,

he had already regained the recognition of nobles in Transylvania and Eastern Hungary.

After all, Ferdinand had its own problems. German princes were refusing to participate

in a war of aggression whose sole aim is to enhance the sphere of influence of the

Habsburg dynasty, the last thing they would desire. Charles V was in no position to help

his brother, either. In 1528, he was the one who was requesting help, when Naples was

250 Sinor, p. 152.

251 Hammer, V, pp.62-3.

252 “Böyle olıcak Yanus Voyvoda dahî Sultân Süleymâna haber göderüb söyle ki Pâdisâh-ı
slâm Beç

kralını Budimden çıkarub krallugun bana birecek olursa yıldan yıla Engürüs memleketinden haraç

tarîkiyle bu kadar bin altın vireyim dedi.” Lütfi Pasa, Tevârih-i ‘Ali Osman (
stanbul, 1341), p. 333.

“Ana binâen pâdisâhtan temennâ iderin sol sartla beni Budime begleyüb Budim içinde olan Firendmanus

adamların çıkarub bana teslim idecek olursanız yıldan yıla bu kadar bin altun harâc tarîkiyle vireyim.”

Lütfi Pasa, p. 336.

83

besieged by the French army. The real contribution of the Ottoman Empire was the 1529

campaign. Not only did Ottomans besiege Vienna, capital of Ferdinand; but also

crowned Zapolyai as the king of Hungary in Buda on their return to Constantinople.

The Hungarian problem would not be solved in the time period which will be

studied in here. Ottomans would pressurize Ferdinand once more in 1532. The problem

always remained one of the most important foreign policy issues of the Ottoman

Empire. After all, as will be seen, also this confrontation will play a significant role in

the career of Khayr al-Din. His elevation to the Grand-Admiralty of the Empire was

related to 1532 expedition. But this will be discussed later.

2.6. Khayr al-Din’s retreat from Algiers (1520):

Algiers would not be the subject of inter-state relations for some time. Neither

the Spanish pressure, nor the Ottoman help was there; corsairs’ position was still not

consolidated. Khayr al-Din was aware that he was encircled by hostile local rulers. What

he did was to intervene in the dynastic struggle in the kingdom of Tlemsen. According

to Gazavât, two brothers of the king of Tlemsen had arrived from Morocco

accompanied with an army in order to gain the crown. However, they were defeated.

There was not much to do, but to take shelter in one of the two powers that were trying

to increase their sphere of influence in the region. Abdullah went to Oran in order to ask

for Spanish help, while Mesud was at the court of Khayr al-Din. Khayr al-Din acted

84

swiftly; as his troops approached to the city, the ruler of Tlemsen fled from the city.253

However, within a couple of months relations between Mesud and Khayr al-Din

worsened, mostly due to problems of tribute.254 Mesut started to act like a “second

Pharaoh”255 and it was the time for its replacement. Khayr al-Din, this time, helped the

second contender, Abdullah in return for a tribute of 10.000 ducats per year.256 Mesud

followed the example of his dethroned brother and the troops of Khayr al-Din replaced

him with Abdullah.257

In addition to the Tlemsen expeditions, Khayr al-Din retook Tenes in the spring

of 1520, where his fleet also succeeded to defeat a 15 sailed Spanish squadron which

was trying to reinforce the town.258

After these conquests, Khayr al-Din divided his kingdom into two administrative

bodies like once Oruç did259, to which he appointed two local chiefs as governors.

Ahmed bin al-Kâdî, the long time ally of the corsairs, was given the eastern part, of

which Khayr al-Din had the responsibility in the past; while Muhammed bin Ali,

became the governor of the western part.

The king of Tunis was not discouraged by the defeat of Tlemsen. He had already

allied with the ruler of Tlemsen and was actually trying to seduce the most precious ally

of Khayr al-Din, Ahmed bin al-Kâdî.260According to Gazavât, bin al-Kâdî refused the

previous offer and it was his son who accepted the offer.261 Yet, such a claim went

253 Gazavât, pp. 118-20, fos. 144b-149a.

254 Gazavât, p. 121, fol. 150a.

255 Gazavât, p. 121, fol. 150b.

256 Galotta, “Khayr al-Din”, EI2.

257 Gazavât, p. 123, fol. 153a.

258 Galotta, “Khayr al-Din”, EI2.

259 Gazavât, p. 95, fol. 99b.

260 Hess, The Forgotten Frontier, p. 66.

261 Gazavât, p. 125, fol. 157b.

85

unnoticed in other sources. In one way or another, such an alliance was concluded to the

detriment of Khayr al-Din. It is not certain why such a clash appeared between two exallies,

apart from a speculation from Sandoval. According to him, Ahmad bin al-Kâdî

deserted Oruç on their retreat from Tlemsen. Thus, Khayr al-Din considered him

responsible from his brothers’ death even though he did not express it overtly for a

while. One day, when he accused him of deserting his brother, bin al-Kâdî left the city262

and naturally responded favourably to the tempting alliance offer of the ruler of Tunis.

However, this story cannot be considered reliable since Sandoval’s account generally

tends to rely on legends and fiction when dealing with the internal politics of the region.

Furthermore, were it to be true, Gazavât would touch upon the subject.

Another blow for Khayr al-Din would be the desertion of one of his lieutenants.

Kara Hasan, who was also the garrison commander in Cherchel, had also joined the

alliance. There are two versions for explaining his volte-face. One version claims that

this was due to a personal clash between Khayr al-Din and Kara Hasan which occurred

after a discussion in the Divan.263 On the other hand, Sandoval claims that this clash was

due to the fact that Khayr al-Din imprisoned Kara Hasan accusing him with cowardice.

Even though, he later pardoned him, Kara Hasan did not forget the insult.264

Khayr al-Din found himself in a difficult situation. Gazavât records many

victories he managed to have against this alliance; yet their validity is conjectural.

Probably they were once again created to lessen the humiliation of the withdrawal.

Khayr al-Din was not defeated in an open battle. Bin al-Kâdî succeeded in besieging

262 Sandoval, I, p. 139.

263 Gazavât, pp.130-1, fos. 168b-169a.

264 Sandoval, I, p. 139.

86

Algiers; yet since “the war of castle is not like the war of horses”265, he had to come to

terms with Khayr al-Din and to withdraw.266 However, Khayr al-Din decided to leave

the city, discouraged especially after discovering a local plot against him at the

provocation of bin al-Kâdî.

The withdrawal from Algiers should be dated 1520267, while Gazavât claims that

three years passed between the withdrawal and the re-conquest.268 According to this,

since the re-conquest dates 1525, thus the withdrawal should be in 1522. The same

account is repeated in Katip Çelebi.269 However, in this context, Gazavât cannot be

considered reliable since his chronology is already full of mistakes. Moreover, it is

known that Khayr al-Din had launched expeditions against Collo in 1521, and

Constantine and Bone in 1522,270 from his base at Djidjelli.271

2.7. Re-consolidation of Khayr al-Din’s power in the region (1521-1528):

He decided to settle in Djidjelli with his navy of 9 ships, from where he would

lead his men for the following half decade. There he continued to compete for the

hegemony of the region. In 1521, he conquered Collo and 1522 Bona and Constantine.

In 1523, he met with other corsairs like Sinan the Jew272, and Aydın Re’îs273 in Djerba.

265 Gazavât, p. 130, fol. 167a.

266 Gaid, p. 30.

267 G. Yver, “Djidjelli”, EI2.

268 Gazavât, p. 130, fol. 167a.

269 Katip Çelebi, Tuhfetü’l-Kibâr fi Esfâri’l-Bihâr, ed. Orhan Saik Gökyay (
stanbul, 1973), p. 54.

270 A. Gallotta, “Khayr al-Din”, EI2.

271 G. Yver, “Djidjelli”, EI2.

272 Ebreo or Judio in western documents.

273 Cacciadiavolo or Cachidiablo in western documents.

87

With these new allies, he increased his power drastically. Now with a navy of 41

fleet,274 he was ravaging the coasts of Western Mediterranean.

In 1525, he decided that he was then powerful enough to bid for Algiers once

again. Apart from the afore-mentioned military successes, he strengthened his position

with a local alliance he made with another Kabylia tribe. Abd al-Aziz of Banu Abbas

was now allied with Khayr al-Din. The scene was set and it would be once again the

population of Algiers who decided the time for the action. They did as they had once

invited Khayr al-Din to Algiers since they were not content with the diminishing

revenues as a result of the lack of corsair spoils. When bin-al Kâdî prohibited the

entrance of corsair ships to the port of Algiers, Khayr al-Din decided to attack. Bin al-

Kâdî did not prefer to be besieged and decided to challenge Khayr al-Din outside the

city. The battle was decisive. Khayr al-Din enjoyed an easy victory while bin al-Kâdî

was slain by his own soldiers who in return for 4.000 doblas had betrayed him. Khayr

al-Din was once again the ruler of Algiers. Yet, even though Bin al-Kâdî was removed,

his accomplice might cause problems in the future. Khayr al-Din decided to show no

mercy for his ex-lieutenant and descended upon Cherchel immidiately. The population

responded to his offer and submitted Kara Hasan with his 13 men and he shared the

same fate with his ally.

The next thing he did was to make sure that the ruler of Tlemsen, Abdullah pay

the tribute that he did not pay during his exile from Algiers. He had to resort to

aggression, since Abdullah whose loyalty to Khayr al-Din was not more than his other

274 Galotta, “Khayr al-Din”, EI2.

88

two brother refused to pay it. As a result, Khayr al-Din attacked Tlemsen and not only

secured the tribute, but also doubled it.275

Khayr al-Din spent the following years in consolidating his position in the region

by re-conquering the cities of Tenes and Constatine.276 In addition, Sanuto records that a

lieutenant of Barbarossa conquered Bona once again, based on a letter dated September

3, 1525.277 Also, the same year, there might have been a failed expedition to Djerba.278

Furthermore, his lieutenants in the sea were ravaging Christian coasts. He was well

aware of the fact that his position would never be secure as long as he was not immune

to the Spanish pressure and a possible cooperation between Spaniards and the local

population. And it was obvious that he would not be able to secure this immunity as

long as a Spanish presidio was facing his base in Algiers.

It is hard to say how the return of Khayr al-Din was evaluated in the Habsburg

decision-makers. Yet, given the start of Ottoman aggression that resulted in the

disappearance of the last Jagellonean king of Hungary and paved the way for incessant

incursions and political interventions of Constantinople, North Africa was not the

primary issue. Charles V was in a relatively favourable situation thanks to the capture of

the French king François in February 1525 and the consequent Treaty of Madrid.279

According to this agreement, he did not only force François to ratify his dynastic rights

over the disputed territories including Burgundy, but also had him accept to participate

in his future schemes against the Ottoman Empire. In the 20th article of the treaty, this

275 Galotta, “Khayr al-Din”, EI2.

276
lter, p. 89.

277 Sanuto, XXXIX, p. 464.

278 According to this, the Sheikh of the island was unpopular and the corsairs wanted to use the dissention

and division in the island. Having firstly retreated to the inner lands of the island, the Sheikh had finally

prevailed since he was able to attract the support of the local Arabs. Also, corsairs had no experience in

the land. Sanuto, XXXIX, pp. 464-5.

279 For the full text of the agreement, see Sandoval, II, pp. 138-159.

89

help was written down in details. Its aim will be according to the 20th and 22nd articles

will be to “reach universal peace… and consequently intend an undertaking against

Turks, other infidels and heretics.” Even though the mention to infidels could certainly

be considered that corsairs were also acknowledged in the treaty, obviously the primary

preoccupation of the emperor was the Ottoman Empire at that moment rather than the

petty state of the corsairs. The agreement also intended to include other Christian

powers, a common attribute of a Crusade plan. With the mediation of the Pope, their

participation should be encouraged and a call for a crusade should be made at least for

the following three years.

However, it should also be added that these two were not considered necessarily

separated. Even though the level of cooperation between Constantinople and corsairs

were not to a serious extent, the text implies the foreseeing of certain collaboration

between corsairs and the Ottoman Empire. Actually, by the time the treaty was

conducted, Ottomans’ next target was not obvious. Whether they would prefer to

pressurize Habsburgs from Southern Italy or whether to abuse the weak situation of the

kingdom of Hungary was not definite. Consequently, the 22nd article indicates a possible

joint attack of corsairs and the Ottoman Empire against Italy280.

Yet, such an operation was not realized. Ottoman Empire will be occupied with

the destruction of the kingdom of Hungary and later intervening in the consequent civil

war between Ferdinand and Zapolyai. On the other hand, the rivalry between François

and Charles V could not be prevented after the release of the French king. Treaty of

Madrid was never implemented; its clauses being unrealistic. As indicated earlier, a

280 Even though it does not indicate so, obviously such an attack was expected to address the Southern

Italy.

90

peace could not be consolidated until 1529, the year Khayr al-Din conquered Peñon of

Algiers.

Yet, thanks to his rivalry, Charles V succeed to find himself a new ally that

would prove helpful in the naval balance of power of the Western Mediterranean. In

1528, at a critical moment of the war, he assured the volte-face of the Genoese admiral

Andrea Doria from his employer François.281 Just like Charles de Bourbon a couple of

years ago, the French king had lost an important ally; without his alliance, French naval

power would not cause any concern for Charles V in the Mediterranean. Aside from the

naval support, this agreement “had reopened to the imperials also the port of Genoa, reconquering

the dominion of the city.”282

According to Sandoval, Andrea Doria had already problems with François.283 He

was not satisfied with the amount as well as the regularity of the payments. Furthermore,

French king chose a certain Antonio Rupefocaldi as his Admiral-General for the navy

instead of the Genoese admiral. Moreover, he did not keep his promise to return Savona

to Genoa. Under these circumstances it was hard to resist the tempting offer of the

Habsburgs. According to his asiento with the emperor, Genoese independence would be

guaranteed with the restored Savona. Doria will receive 6.000 ducats for every ship in

exchange with the obligation to man each of them with 37 soldiers. Most important of

all, Genoese merchants were given the right to trade everywhere within Habsburg

281 Doria was born belonging to a small branch of one of the four important families of Genoa. After

having served to the Papal States when he was young, he turned out to be a mercenary-captain and gained

a considerable reputation by fighting against the newly emerging Muslim corsairs in the area. He did not

accomplish much, due to the limited resources of Genoa; yet his role in the Habsburg-Valois rivalry

cannot be underestimated.

282 Brandi, p. 261.

283 Sandoval, II, pp. 316-7.

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dominions.284

This would help the situation of Charles V against corsairs as well. He was

suffering from the lack of a sufficient number of galleys. Neither had he the expertise

and resources to build a new fleet especially given the deforestation of the Western and

Central Mediterranean and the consequent timber problems.285 Thus, such a help would

also help to the defences of the Iberian littoral.

284 Sandoval, II, pp. 316-7.

285 José Luis Betrán, “La llegada de los Austrias al trono”, Historia de España Siglos XVI y XVII : La

España de los Austrias (Madrid, 2003), coord. Ricardo García Cárcel, p. 76.

92

CHAPTER 3 (1529-1535):

AT THE SERVICE OF THE SULTAN

3.1. Introduction:

Two important events took place in 1529 that paved the way for a new era in

which the place of Khayr al-Din should be redefined. Firstly, Khayr al-Din succeeded in

removing the Spanish pressure on Algiers by conquering the Spanish presidio, Peñon.

Following this success, he would not only rise to the prominence of an international

actor in the sixteenth century international balance of power system, but also be

appointed as the Grand Admiral of the Ottoman Navy in 1534. Secondly, in 1529, direct

confrontation between the Habsburgs and the Ottoman Empire commenced with the

siege of Vienna. Before that date, the Ottoman Empire had already crushed the kingdom

of Hungary, the buffer state between the Ottoman Empire and the traditional Habsburg

province, Archduchy of Austria. Yet, for the first time in 1529, this struggle was

transformed into direct confrontation. This would affect the fate of the corsairs in two

ways. Firstly, since the core lands of Charles V are far from the Ottoman lands,

assistance of the corsairs became more valuable than ever with the augmentation of the

conflict. They would be useful for the interests of the Ottoman Empire since corsary was

93

creating serious problems for Habsburg dominions in South Italy and the Iberian

Peninsula. Thus, what might have happened in 1526, happened in 1529: Corsairs

became an active and important part of the Ottoman-Habsburg rivalry. Secondly,

corsairs did not only prove themselves useful in the Ponente. Behind the appointment of

a simple corsair like Khayr al-Din to an important rank like Grand Admiral, there was

not only a signal of growing Ottoman ambitions concerning the Western Mediterranean,

but also a simple necessity. The Ottoman fleet failed in confronting imperial fleet in the

Adriatic Sea and the able corsair would be called to the capital for that reason.

In 1535, the corsair power in the region became a serious threat for Charles V.

Even though the Ottoman pressure was contained and a truce between the Sultan and at

least emperor’s brother Ferdinand was concluded in 1533, corsairs’ pressure was

troublesome. The Ottoman Empire might have diverted its attention to the East, but its

decision-makers were wise enough to not only entrust the imperial fleet to a man of

calibre, but also order him to continue his operations in the Western Mediterranean.

While the Ottoman armies were occupied with the affairs of the East, its reconstructed

navy under the command of Khayr al-Din enjoyed a quick victory over the ruler of

Tunis and conquered the city.

This was one of the most important moments for the corsairs. The geographical

situation of Tunis was more menacing than any other city in North Africa. Charles

whose hands were relatively free felt obliged to undertake an expedition despite the

negative attitude of his advisors. The importance he attributed to the event was obvious

by the fact that he led his imperial troops in person. Apart from this attitude, his future

94

plans also demonstrated his intentions and long-term policies that he had in his mind for

the region; yet European politics would delay the execution of such a plan.

3.2. The conquest of Peñon of Algiers (1529)

In 1529, Khayr al-Din finally decided to attack Peñon of Algiers. Siege

commenced, when the commander Martin Vargas rejected to surrender the ill-supplied

fortress. A relief force was expected.286 At that moment, Charles was relatively in a

better position in Western Europe than he was in the last year. His alliance with Andrea

Doria would relieve some of the pressure in the sea, while the peace with the Valois

would ensure his formal coronation. Yet, the organization of a proper resistance against

the Ottoman Empire which was besieging Vienna at that moment was a hard task. In

consequence, reinforcements did not arrive; neither the expected expedition of Andrea

Doria was realized even after the fall of the fortress.287 On May 27, the fortress could no

longer resist.

Barbarossa had now removed Spanish pressure on the city ensuring a safe

harbour for his navy.288 He also consolidated his position among not only his subjects,

but also other Turkish corsairs in the region. They had already attended to the siege of

286 Sanuto, LI, p. 77.

287 Sanuto, LI, pp. 11-12 indicates the possibility of an expedition by Andrea Doria following the fall of

the fortress.

288 Gaid, p. 32.

95

the fortress289; and with that victory they will start to operate under the aegis of

Barbarossa. Khayr al-Din was now the centre of the Western Mediterranean piracy.290

The conquest of Peñon will not be the only corsair victory in 1529. A fleet under

the command of Captain-General of the Spanish Fleet, Rodrigo de Portundo who was

returning from Genoa where it had disembarked Charles, encountered a corsair fleet of

14 ships under the command of Aydın Re’îs whose destination was the Balearic

Islands.291 The result of the conflict was disastrous for the imperial fleet. Portundo died,

6 of his 8 galleys were caught including the Spanish flagship Capitana, while another

one was burned292. Spanish fleet was stronger at the beginning, yet 5 of its galleys

remained in the rearguard and this denied them a uniform attack.293 Furthermore, Lane-

Poole indicates that Portundo did not use his advantage of fire arms. According to him,

he did not fire a single gun for he did not wish to sink any ships. He wanted to have the

prize money for the fugitive Moors which he presumed that they were on the ships.294

In the Iberian Peninsula, a state of panic prevailed. Empress would admonish his

husband that the balance of power in North Africa was changing, and both the Iberian

coasts and the Spanish fortresses like Oran and Bougie would be under the corsair threat

were serious precautions not introduced. She added that Barbarossa had grown stronger

289 Gaid, p. 32.

290 Gaid, p. 33. Sandoval also records the commencement of the cooperation. According to him,

Barbarossa invited Sinan and Ali Caraman and they arrived with their fleets. The result of the invitation

was the arrival of 70 ships. See Sandoval, II, pp. 379-380.

291 Lane-Poole, pp. 57-8. Even though Katip Çelebi indicates that Khayr al-Din sent the fleet after having

been informed that Charles was being transported; this is unlikely. He might have been informed since

Charles did not leave the Peninsula secretly. However, such a daring expedition could neither be executed,

nor be worth the risks taken. See Katip Çelebi, p. 55.

292According to a letter written by Duc of Calabria to the Empress, see Arıkan and Toledo, pp. 200-1.

Even though Lane-Poole indicates that the people of Algiers saw seven royal galleys; according to this

letter, this number should be six since the seventh galley was burned. Lane-Poole, p. 58.

293 Arıkan and Toledo, pp. 200-1. Sanuto indicates the number of ships that remained in the rearguard as 4

instead of 5. Sanuto, LII, pp. 208-9.

294 Lane-Poole, pp. 57-8.

96

than ever with ships he gained “from us” and the contributions of other corsairs that had

now rallied around Barbarossa’s flag.295 The defeat was truly disastrous; it was “the

most signal and notable victory that Barbarossa has had over Spaniards in a battle”296, if

not “the greatest defeat that has ever been suffered by Spain in a galley war.”297

The following year, Andrea Doria’s most expected response would come.

Instead of attacking Algiers, he descended upon Cherchel where he was able to surprise

the fort and liberate the Christian slaves in the city. Doria disembarked 1.500

harquebusiers and corsairs numbering 500 had to withdraw to the inner castle leaving

the city defenceless. He entered the city, liberating 1.000 Christian slave and acquiring 9

corsair ships. However, imperial soldiers did not obey the signal for onboard and

continued ransacking the town, creating a suitable opportunity for a corsair

counterattack. When this was realized, Doria refused to take the remainders to the ships

and left them to their destiny. 314 of them would fall into the hands of the corsairs while

Doria with the booty he gained decided to return to Genoa.298 Barbarossa, having had

the recent news was waiting for the imperial fleet in the island of Provenza where he

calculated that Doria must have come in order to re-supply his galleys.299 Yet, Doria

preferred to return to Genoa.300

295 Arıkan and Toledo, p. 2. Also for an example of increasing corsair pressure on Habsburg dominions

during 1529-1530, see Lucilia Tomás Dias, Julio Luis Quílez Mata, and Ana María Buil, “La Piratería en

el Litoral Tarraconense Durante el Siglo XVI” in El Mediterráneo: Hechos de Relevancia Histórico-

Militar y sus repercussiones en España, V Jornadas Nacionales de Historia Militar (Sevilla, 9-12 de

Mayo 1995), dir. Alberto Díaz Tejera (Sevilla, 1997), pp. 562-3.

296 Fisher, p. 59.

297 Henry Kamen, Imperio: La Forja de España como Potencia Mundia, (Madrid, 2003), p. 85, fn. 32

citing Roger Bigelow Merriman, The Rise of the Spanish Empire in the Old World and in the New, III

(New York, 1918), p. 296.

298 Sanuto, LIII, pp. 286, 325.

299 Sanuto, LIII, p. 322.

300 Sanuto also expects him to descend upon Algiers; yet he did not risk such an expedition. See Sanuto,

LIII, 286.

97

3.3. Ottoman Habsburg rivalry: 1529-1533

The rivalry between François and Charles had ended in 1529 with the Treaty of

Cambrai whose clauses were similar to those of Madrid excluding the unrealistic clause

on the restoration of the Duchy of Burgundy to the Habsburgs. At the same time,

Ottoman armies, relying on the alliance with the contender for the Hungarian crown,

John Zapolyai, were invading Hungary once again.301 He received the crown of St.

Stephen from the Ottoman Sultan in Buda. Ferdinand could not provide a serious

resistance. Yet, soon it was discovered that the restoration of the crown to the favoured

candidate was not the only objective of the campaign. Ottoman armies would soon

appear in front of the gates of Ferdinand’s capital.

Charles could not offer much help for his brother. Despite the conclusion of the

Habsburg-Valois War in 1529, there were other issues. In 1530, he assured his official

coronation in Bologna by pope Clemente VII; being the last emperor crowned by the

Pope. Then, he tried to resolve the religious dispute that had shaken the already fragile

unity of the empire for more than a decade. After the Diet of Spire of 1529, protestant

princes were growing restless than ever; the League of Smalcalda would be signed in

1531. Under these circumstances, now relieved by external struggles for a while, what

301 Here it shall be noted that the real intention of the Ottoman Empire was not to conquer the kingdom of

Hungary directly; but to contain Habsburg’s ascension to the throne. Yet this should not mean that they do

not have long term plans on the future of this kingdom; however, they might have chosen to rule over the

kingdom indirectly by reducing it to the status of a semi-autonomous tributary state as was the case with

other Ottoman provinces like Wallachia and Moldavia. It was considered that it would be difficult and

expensive to establish direct control on the other side of the Danube. See Halil
nalcık, The Ottoman

Empire, Classical Age: 1300-1600 (London, 1973), p. 35. The real incorporation would be realized after

Zapolyai’s death. Halil
nalcık also considers the Hungarian policy of Süleyman one of the two-phased

Ottoman conquest. Halil
nalcık, “Osmanlı Fetih Yöntemleri”, in Sögütten stanbula, eds. Oktay Özel and

Mehmet Öz (Ankara, 2000), 447. For the original version of the article, see “Ottoman Methods of

Conquest”, Studia Islamica, 2 (1954), pp. 103-129.

98

Charles could do best was to consolidate his brother’s position within the empire. In

1531, he induced the electors to elect him King of the Romans, his second and heir in the

Empire.

The result of the siege of Vienna is uncertain. For the Ottomans, the siege was

lifted because the campaigning season was over. Yet, at least, it should be accepted that

necessity was acknowledged at that time that the public opinion should be appeased.

Next year, there will be no more campaigns; but feasts in the capital.302 On the other

hand, the Christian world considered the event not a relief, but a victory. Victory or not,

Ottomans were expulsed, and the immediate danger was contained. However, in 1532,

the decision-makers in the Ottoman capital decided to confront Habsburgs once again.

The aim of this campaign was not the conquest of Vienna, but to induce Charles

for an open field battle.303 However, armies did not face each other. The Turkish

incursions succeeded to ravage the Central Europe until Liechtenstein; yet there was no

response on behalf of the emperor. The Ottoman armies had to withdraw without

gaining a decisive victory.

In 6 years, 3 campaigns were directed against Hungary; and the success of the

last two was open to discussion. If the aim was to inflict a decisive defeat over the

Habsburgs, it failed; since neither was Vienna taken nor did Charles appear on the

battlefield and thus suffered no more than humiliation.304

302 Cemal Kafadar, “The Ottomans and Europe”, in Handbook of European History 1400-1600, eds.

Thomas A. Brady Jr., et al. (New York, 1994), p. 611.

303 Hammer, V, p. 98.

304 Cemal Kafadar, “The Ottomans and Europe”, p. 610.

99

In 1533, Ferdinand’s envoy in Constantinople had finally succeeded in assuring

a truce between two powers.305 The stalemate in Hungary was satisfactory for the

Ottomans, since not only the Habsburg expansion in the area was contained; but also

was the majority of the kingdom assured for the Ottoman candidate to the throne. Since

the emperor did not wish to challenge his rival on the battlefield; there was not much

need for another costly, yet fruitless campaign against Hungary. There was also an

eastern front. Thus, the Ottoman armies will molest the Safavid borders, while the centre

of the Ottoman-Habsburg rivalry will shift from Central Europe to the Western

Mediterranean, elevating Khayr al-Din to a high official in the Ottoman Empire.

Khayr al-Din’s elevation to an important international actor can be dated as early

as 1510s, when he was sending envoys to the Ottoman Sultan, conducting diplomatic

manoeuvres in the region, hurting Spanish reputation by the defeats he inflicted upon

them. Yet, this importance shall not be exaggerated. After the death of Arudj in 1518,

corsairs in the region were mostly concerned with local affairs. Khayr al-Din had to

leave Algiers in 1520 to come back five years later. Corsairs had continued to cause

problems on the sea, yet, during this period, they had no role of which I could find

documentation, in high politics, properly speaking in neither Habsburg-Valois rivalry,

nor that of the Ottoman-Habsburg.

Yet, this would change with the conquest of Peñon of Algiers. Now the complete

master of Algiers, his power increased immediately. As will be seen below, his

lieutenants inflicted a defeat upon the same fleet that transported the emperor to Italy for

his coronation, on its return. Furthermore, within a few years, Barbarossa would initiate

cooperation with the French king which would be followed by another one between the

305 Even though Brandi asserts that it was a pace perpetua (Brandi, p. 348), it was a truce.

100

latter and the Ottoman Empire. Actually, he was the one who instigated the

correspondence between the French King and the Ottoman Sultan.306 After his conquest

of Tunis, he would send another delegation which also carried the letter of Süleyman to

François. In exchange, the envoy of François, Jean de la Forêt would reach

Constantinople via Algiers. All these can prove the intermediary position of Barbarossa

in this alliance of utmost importance. Again, Barbarossa would be informed by Charles’

intensions in 1535 by French agents.307 Charles was also aware of the situation. François

had always tried to conceal the fact that in spite of being the “Roi Tres Chrétien”, he

was actually collaborating with the infidels. However, he was not successful. Would the

emperor not have to ask from Pope to pressurize François to give shelter neither to

Barbarossa, nor to his men in his ports and not to provide them with provisions? Again,

did he not ask Pope to do so in order to realize the “bad intentions and sinister deeds” of

François, rather than actually hoping to achieve such help, thus indicating pessimistic

view of François’ intentions?308 Even Gazavât indicates a letter written by the emperor

to the French king supplicating to stop collaborating with the corsair.309 The French king

might have contributed to the imperial fleet in 1530, when Doria was preparing to attack

Cherchel.310 But this time, François left no room for doubt. He refused to help the

emperor for the Tunis expedition, “because of the treaties he had with the Turk and

Barbarossa”.311

306
smail Soysal, p. 71.

307 Sandoval, II, pp. 488-9. This information is provided by the French ships that the imperial fleet met on

its way to Tunis. Sandoval, II, pp. 499.

308 Sandoval, II, p. 484.

309 Gazavât, p. 177, fol. 259a.

310 Gazavât, p. 1777, fol. 259b.

311 Sandoval, II, p. 488.

101

According to Brandi, this cooperation between the corsair and the French king

had forced Charles to recast his Mediterranean policy.312 Charles V himself accepted the

growing importance of Barbarossa in this period. “Barbarossa with the enmity he has to

our kingdoms and coasts, particularly more than any other infidels, as a subject of the

Turk (i.e. Ottoman Sultan), and sent by him with the navy which he leads as his Grand

Admiral, with the intelligence that he has with the king of France” was harder to

reconcile since it would be “necessary to offer and certify him that we would help and

favour him to become the master of Africa, especially the Western parts.”313 Charles

would come to an agreement with the pope for the defence of the Italian coasts in

1533314; yet would that suffice to contain such a perilous collaboration? Barbarossa was

surely a more serious concern for Charles than he had ever been before.

Increasing importance of the corsairs and their elevation to a level of

international attention can also be observed in international treaties. In both the Treaty of

Madrid and that of Cambrai, there was no explicit indication of the corsairs as a

common enemy. The term used is “turks and other infidels”.315 On the other hand,

during the Habsburg-Ottoman negotiations in 1533 between
brahim Pasa and the envoy

of Ferdinand, Cornelius, Algiers and corsairs became an important issue. Cornelius

offered
brahim Pasa an interesting exchange. Coron could be returned to the Ottomans

if Ferdinand’s rights over Hungary were acknowledged and Algiers returned to its

former owners.316
brahim Pasa also acknowledged the importance of the corsairs. From

his attitude, it was explicit that during the negotiations, he considered them as useful

312 Brandi, p. 341.

313 Sandoval, II, p. 481.

314 Brandi, p. 339.

315 Sandoval, II, pp. 149, 339.

316 Hammer, V, p. 110.

102

tools for his ends. He claimed that he could neutralize Barbarossa for 3 months in order

to make sure that Charles could send separate envoys to Constantinople.317 He further

claimed that Barbarossa was ordered to act in obedience to the French king, thus using

him as leverage in the bargaining.318

3.4. Khayr al-Din’s promotion:

When the Ottoman forces were penetrating through Central Europe in 1532,

what Charles would do at least was to try to divert warfare resources of the Ottoman

Empire. Habsburgs were already expecting a naval frontier from their adversary319; thus

Charles ordered Doria to undertake an expedition in the Adriatic Sea against the

Ottoman possessions.320 Doria, after having failed in conquering Modon,321 successfully

invaded Coron, Patras and Lepanto. The Ottoman Sultan had already foreseen such a

possibility and sent a fleet to the Adriatic Sea.322 Yet the Ottoman navy could not

impede the imperial fleet since they had to return to the capital because of the lack of

provisions. An Ottoman source indicates that the admiral of the fleet was “a frequenter

of the tavern and a drinker of wine”. This comment might be a simplification; still its

tone proves that the Ottoman decision-makers calculated that this defeat was due to the

lack of skill on behalf of the Ottoman admiral. It was after all, because of his

317 Hammer, V p. 115.

318 Hammer, V p. 115.

319 Sandoval, II, pp. 430-1.

320 Sandoval, II, p. 452.

321 Peçevi, Tarih-i Peçevi (
stanbul, 1283), p. 172.

322 “Pâdisâh-ı
slâm Sultân Süleymân dahi sefere gitmeden bunun tedârikin itmis idi. Ya’ni bir ulu

donanma denize göndermis idi.” Lütfi Pasa, p. 343.

103

“stupidity”.323 This defeat also demonstrated to the Ottomans their fragility of the

Ottoman supremacy on the sea. The next year Ottomans sent a relief force as well as a

navy in order to re-capture Coron. Yet, another failure would follow.324 Hence, the

decision was made in the Ottoman capital: Khayr al-Din should be called.

Khayr al-Din received an imperial letter sent by the Sultan and brought by Sinan

Aga. 325 He left Algiers in August 1533 with the company of Moulay Rashid, the brother

of the ruler of Tunis.326 He left the administration to his adopted son, Hasan327 with a

garrison of 4.000 soldiers.328 En route, he did not miss easy preys. He sacked Alba and

gained 8 of 13 wheat ships that were heading to Sicily.329 Upon his arrival330, he enjoyed

a grand ceremony and an audience by the sultan to whom he offered his presents: “21

male slaves, 2 tavashis, silver artefacts such as decanters and mugs, coloured clothes, a

crown of coral, two clocks, and velvet, satin, woollen, and brocade clothes to the Sultan

on 12 Cemziyelevvel 940 (29 November 1533)”331 He introduced Rashid to the Sultan.

Süleyman gave him 20.000 akçe and a robe of honour (hil’ât).332 He was not only

323 “Lâkin bas ve bug olan kimesne har’âbat ehli ve sâribü’l-hamr olub gemilerin tedârikin idemeyüb

hamâkatından gemileri bozub kendü
slâmbola dönmüs idi. Ana binâen kâfir dahî meydanı hâlî bulub bu

hadiseleri itdi.” Lütfi Pasa, p. 343.

324 “Pâdisâh-ı ‘âlem-penâh evvel nahâr olıcak nice pâre gemi donanmasın idüb dahî Koron üstüne

gönderdi. Ve karadan dahî yeniçeri ve beglerden niçe beg gönderdi. Ta kim varub Koronı kâfir elinden

alalar. Lâkin alamayub vurulurdı. Koron alınmayacak kâfirler girü gemilerle gelüb Koronda olan kâfirlere

zâhire ve yeni yardımcılar getürüb pâdisâh-ı ‘âlem-penâh gemileriyle anda olan ‘asker mâni’ olmayub bir

mikdâr gemiler alısub zafer bulmadılar.” Lütfi Pasa, pp. 343-4

325 Gazavât, p. 193, fol. 292a.

326 Sandoval, II, p. 470.

327 Sandoval, II, p. 469

328 Sandoval, II, p. 709.

329 Sandoval, II, p. 470.

330
dris Bostan indicates that the arrival of the corsair is dated in a Papal document as November 9,
dris

Bostan, “The Province of Cezayir-i Bahr-ı Sefid” in The Kapudan Pasha, His Office and His Domain, ed.

Elizabeth Zachariadou (Rethymnon, 2002), p. 244, based on Arıkan and Toledo, p. 264. However, in the

same source, the letter’s dispatch date from Constantinople is given as November 9 – December 15. And

it is not explicit that the arrival date is November 9. Yet it should be noted that Arıkan and Toledo does

not quote the whole document.

331 BOA, Kamil Kepeci, 1863, p. 68, cited by
dris Bostan, p. 244.

332 BOA, Kamil Kepeci, 1863, p. 75, cited by Bostan, p. 244, fn. 26

104

appointed as the Grand Admiral, Kaptan-ı Derya333, but also the Governor-General,

Beglerbegi of Algiers.334 At that moment, the Grand Vizir
brahim Pasa was in Aleppo

and Khayr al-Din had to go to Aleppo in order to meet him there.335 In January, he

reached to his destination. Afterwards he returned to the capital for supervising the

preparation of a new fleet.

The expectations of the Ottoman Empire from Khayr al-Din were obvious.

Ottoman navy was not strong enough to confront the enemy. It is not that the Ottomans’

naval power was insignificant at that moment. Ottomans were a sea power since the

reign of Orhan I. Colin Imber might have indicated that Orhan had no naval force since

he had to resort to the help of the Byzantine Emperor in order to rescue his son from the

captivity of the corsairs336; however, according to Halil
nalcık based on a contemporary

source, Cantacuzenus, Orhan had a navy as early as 1333 in his blockade of

333 “Pâdisâh-ı ‘âlem-penâh dahî vâfir hazz eyledi andan Hayrü’d-Din Pasaya kürk kaftân giydürüb

Kapudân-ı Deryâ eyledi”, Gazavât, p. 203, fol. 311b. The office Kaptan-ı Derya should be considered an

administrative responsibility. Its basic duties were the administration of the Arsenal, supervise raw

materials and supplies for the navy, to govern the province granted to him by leasing their tax revenues to

private tax-collectors, mültezims, so that the expenses of the navy can be met. See Salih Özbaran,

“Kapudan Pasha”, EI2; in addition, for a study on Barbarossa’s duties in that office, see Gilles Veinstein,

“La Dernière Flotte de Barberousse”, in The Kapudan Pasha, His Office and His Domain, ed. Elizabeth

Zachariadou (Rethymnon, 2002), pp.181-200. The term “Kapudan” had its Latin origin ironically while

its match, Admiral in the Western languages had that of Arabic. It derives from the Latin word

“capitanus” or “capitaneus”. Yet, it has top be added that the Persian origins of the word has been

speculated. See György Hazai, “A Propos de l’Histoire du Titre Kapudan Pasa”, in The Kapudan Pasha,

His Office and His Domain, ed. Elizabeth Zachariadou (Rethymnon, 2002), pp. 3-6.

334 “Hayrü’d-din Pasa Magribden
slâmbola gelüb pâdisâh-ı
slâmın elin öpüb ‘âli piskesler çekti. Ve

pâdisâh-ı ‘âlem-penâh ana deryâ beglerbegiligin virüb ve adı Hayrü’d-din Re’is iken Hayrü’d-din Pasa

oldu.” Lütfi Pasa, p. 344.

335 “Müsârun-ileyh donanmasıyle rikâb-ı hümâyûn-ı pâdisâhîye gelüb yüz sürdükde cümle ahvâl-i

memâlik ve ‘ibâd-ı ser’asker-i
slâm-ı mekârim-mu’tâdın ârâ-yı sâ’ibeleriyle görülmek fermân olunmagın

müsârun-ileyh dahî Halebe gelüb huzûr-ı mevfûrlarına mülâkî oldılar. Bir sulb ve sâdık enva’ ihsâna lâyık

kimesne oldugı ve sâhâne fâhir hil’atlar giydürüb dahî yine kendüye Cezâyir memleketin beglerbegilik

‘ünvânıyla ‘inâyet buyurdılar re’is iken nâmı beglerbegi olub kadri ‘ayyuka irisdi.” Peçevi, pp. 175-6.

336 Colin Imber, “Before the Kapudan Pashas: Sea Power and the Emergence of the Ottoman Empire”, in

The Kapudan Pasha, His Office and His Domain, ed. Elizabeth Zachariadou (Rethymnon, 2002), p. 49.

This fact can only prove the debility of the naval forces of that time, not their inexistence.

105

Nikomedia.337 Naval power played an important role in the Ottoman conquests. Murad I

conquered the Biga peninsula with the cooperation of the land and sea forces.338 A

further development occurred when Bayezid I incorporated the Turkish principalities of

Western Anatolia. Naval activites of begliks like Menteseogulları339, Aydınogulları,

Saruhanogulları and Karesiogulları were significant since the beginning of the

fourteenth century.340 According to
nalcık, their naval activity had succeeded to

eliminate the effects of the Papal blockade against the Islamic world that was

proclaimed in 1291, following the fall of Akka.341 Hence, the incorporation of the fleets

belonging to these Western Anatolian begliks enhanced the efficiency of the Ottoman

navy.342 Yet, same
nalcık indicates that, still Ottoman navy was not able to bid for a

naval supremacy. Gallipoli, Ottoman primary naval base at that time was protected by a

wall in order to enable Ottoman navy to undertake hit and run tactics. Obviously, this

proves that the Ottomans could not compete with Venetian navy at that time.343 Mehmet

I would challenge the Venetian supremacy, yet unsuccessfully. Pietro Laredano

succeeded to destroy the Ottoman fleet.344 Mehmet II would also rely on the power of

the navy during his conquests in the northern Aegean Sea.345 Yet, his struggle to be the

337
nalcık, “Osmanlı Deniz Egemenligi”, p. 52.

338 His admiral,
ldutan is buried at the naval base in Aydıncık.

339 See Paul, Wittek, Mentese Beyligi, trans. O.S. Gökyay (Ankara, 1944), pp. 44-6, 56-7, 72-3.

340 See Halil
nalcık, “The Rise of the Turcoman Maritime Principalities in Anatolia, Byzantium and

Crusades”, Byzantinische Forschungen, IX (1985), pp. 105-126; Halil
nalcık, “Batı Anadolu’da

Yükselene Denizci Gazi Beylikleri, Bizans ve Haçlılar”, in Türk Denizcilik Tarihi, ed. Bülent Arı

(Ankara, 2002), pp. 73-90.

341
nalcık, “Osmanlı Deniz Egemenligi”, p. 53. Also see Serafettin Turan, Türkiye-talya liskileri I:

Selçuklulardan Bizansın Sona Erisine (Ankara, 1990), pp. 141-184.

342
nalcık, “Osmanlı Deniz Egemenligi”, p. 53.

343
nalcık, “Osmanlı Deniz Egemenligi”, p. 53.

344 Halil
nalcık, “Mehemmed I”, EI2.

345 Halil
nalcık, “Mehmed II”, A.

106

master of the two seas (Hakanü’l-Bahyreyn)346 remained unfulfilled despite his efforts

to dominate the Aegean Sea between the years 1456-1479.347

The first real Ottoman challenge to the Venetian supremacy was the 1499-1503

War348 during the reign of Bayezid II, who according to Kissling was the first Ottoman

emperor to realize that he had to establish a naval policy.349 The result of the war was an

“uneasy peace”350 for the Venetians.

The Ottoman decision-makers would appreciate the collaboration of Khayr al-

Din who was an expert on naval affairs since they calculated that his alliance would be

useful for the enhancement of the naval forces of the empire.351 The pressure of Andrea

Doria in 1532 proved that the navy would need a reform as well as able captains in order

to cope with the enemy. Corsairs had the ability to undertake both missions. According

to a letter addressed to the Doge of Venice, Barbarossa was called to the capital and

granted the office since it was expected from him the protection of the entire sea and the

conquest of Algiers and of its vicinities.352

346 Mehmed II was using the title Sultânü’l- Berreyn ve Hakanü’l-Bahreyn, if a translation is essential:

The emperor of the two lands and the master of the two seas. In this context, berreyn were Anatolia and

the Balkans while Bahreyn were the Black Sea and the Aegean Sea. See
nalcık, “Osmanlı Deniz

Egemenligi”, p. 55

347 Halil
nalcık, “Fatih ve Ege Denizi” in Türk Denizcilik Tarihi, ed. Bülent Arı (Ankara, 2002), p. 92.

348
nalcık, “Osmanlı Deniz Egemenligi”, p. 53.

349 H. J. Kissling, “II. Bayezid’in Deniz Politikası Üzerine Düsünceler: (1481-1512)”, in Türk Denizcilik

Tarihi, ed. Bülent Arı (Ankara, 2002), p. 111.

350 Norwich, p. 385.

351 According to the version of the letter that can be found in Gazavât, it is possible to understand the

motives of the Ottoman decision-makers for recruiting Khayr al-Din. “söyle bilesin ki eger ‘avn ü ‘inâyeti

rabbânî olursa murâd-ı sâhânem
spanya Kralı mel’ûna bir iki samar virmekdür.
mdi sen mücâhid

kulum ol taraflarun ahvâlin bilmekle emr-i serîfim vusûlında isti’câlen südde-yi sa’âdetime gelüb

hâkpâyuma yüz süresin, zîrâ bu e’imme-yi mühimme husûsında bana lâzımlu kulumsın.”, Gazavât, p.

193, fol. 292b.

352 “külliyen deryâ cânîbinin hıfz u hırâseti ve Cezâyirin ve kenarların zabt ve siyâneti”, Archivio Stato di

Venezia, Sala Regina Margherita, Turchia Firmani, Seri 4 XXXVI, No: 6. Even though in the beginning

of the document, the date is 4 Mazzio 1535, it was corrected by Gökbilgin as 16-26 Mart 1535. M. Tayyib

Gökbilgin, “Venedik Devlet Arsivindeki Türkçe Belgeler Kolleksiyonu ve Bizimle
lgili Diger Belgeler”,

pp. 54-5.

107

It was not the first time that the Ottoman Empire was resorting to the cooperation of a

corsair. For instance, Kemâl Re’îs not only participated in the Agriboz campaign in

1570 under the command of Mahmud Pasha; but also did he fight with the Ottoman

navy against the Venetians during the 1499-1503 Ottoman-Venetian War.353 Concerning

our period, cooperation between the core and the periphery had already started. The

agreement of 1519 was mentioned before. Furthermore, even if it is hard to understand

its real extent, the capital had always been informed by the developments in the Western

Mediterranean. Sanuto records the call for Sinan Re’îs from Constantinople while

Barbarossa remained in Algiers in 1530.354 According to two registers in Sanuto of

February 1531, Barbarossa sent gifts to the Sultan and the Sultan wanted to make him

his captain in the Western Mediterranean. Sanuto did not also fail to note that he was

told not to attack the Venetians.355 Also, it could be deduced from several entries that a

possible promotion of Khayr al-Din was already being discussed in Western Europe.

According to these speculations, Ottoman navy backed by Barbarossa would undertake

an expedition in the Adriatic Sea. Its objective was uncertain and speculated. The

commander of the navy would be the “Pasha of the Gallipoli”356, (who was also Kaptanı

Derya), yet Barbarossa would be the commander-in-force since he was more

experienced.357 Katip Çelebi also indicates that Barbarossa plans to come to

Constantinople in those years.358

353 Nejat Göyünç, “Kemâl Re’îs”, EI2.

354 Sanuto, LIV, pp. 228-9.

355 Sanuto, LIV, pp. 281, 348.

356 Until 1533, Gallipoli was the centre of the beglerbegilik of Rumeli and its sandjak-begi was the

commander of the fleet. Halil
nalcık, “Gelibolu”, EI2.

357 Sanuto, LV, pp. 615, 617-8, 692; Sanuto, LVI, pp. 91, 207-8, 229-30, 270-1, 313, 318.

358 Katip Çelebi, p. 59.

108

However, it does not mean that Barbarossa was welcome for everybody in the

Ottoman Empire. At this point, it should be noted that Gazavât records an anti-Khayr al-

Din clique who was not content with the appointment of a corsair to a high rank within

the Ottoman administrative system.359 These “bazı münafıkân” would not be successful

in their lobbying; however, their existence should be noted.

With this promotion, the petty corsair state in North Africa became part of the

Ottoman Empire to a more extent than a symbolic act of incorporation would provide in

1519. With this promotion, corsair now became a part of the Ottoman administrative

system. He would no longer be a simple corsair whose conduct of Holy War is

collaterally beneficial for the Ottoman Empire. Both he and his lieutenants would

become a part of the imperial ranks and play an important role in the rivalry between

two powers in the sixteenth century. Since the scope and time period of this thesis is not

to cover the whole issue, the later administrative development of the North African

states (with also Tripoli and Tunis) will be left outside of the analysis.

Promotion and incorporation should have changed the core-periphery

relationship rapidly to the detriment of the latter’s autonomy. Interesting it would be to

note that as soon as the promotion took effect, Ottoman capital started to exert a certain

level of control over corsair activities. In the summer of 1534, Venetians presented an

‘arz to the sultan in which they complained about corsary against the ‘ahdname granted

to the Serenissima Repubblica.360 According to this, two corsair captains, Kulaksız

Ahmed and Cuhud361 Sinan’s activities in the Adriatic Sea should be punished.

359 Gazavât, p. 204, fol. 313b-314a.

360 Topkapı Sarayı Arsivi, E. 5934, cited by M. Tayyib Gökbilgin, “Venedik Devlet Arsivindeki Türkçe

Belgeler Koleksiyonu”, pp. 143-6.

361 Sinan Re’îs was called the Jew, Judeo. This should be a distorted form of the word.

109

Kulaksız, who was the Captain of Modon, according to the document, had destroyed

several ships, belonging to the Republic. In addition, he captured two big ships (göge)

on their way to Venice carrying cereals362 and other commodities. Then he took one of

the captains, a certain Agosto, to Modon and obtained a hüccet from the kâdî in order to

prove that he did not acquire anything from the captain. Even though Agosto managed

to escape, he would still demand compensation. The other captain, Nadalin, was less

fortunate, he was decapitated with some of his men363 by the corsair. Sinan Re’îs’

attitude was more mediocre. He caught 13 ships364 and despite the efforts of the

Venetian provvedditore, refused to restore the seized goods.

Ottomans’ response to the Venetian petition proves that a level of control over

the corsairs existed as early as 1534. Sultan had already assured the Signoria that

Barbarossa was ordered to refrain from damaging Venetian possessions.365 An imperial

hatt-ı hümâyun would be sent to Barbarossa366 in which he was ordered to investigate

the issue and in case of its validity, to punish the violators and compensate the victims

since their actions would be contrary to the ‘âhdnâme granted to Venice.367 Thus,

corsairs would be considered under the obligation to observe the Ottoman foreign policy

as this direct intervention in the internal affairs of Khayr al-Din’s state can prove. They

362 Cereals were generally transported from Anatolia to Venice. This trade became an important issue such

that separate clauses were spared in international treaties for its regulation. In fact, Venetians were always

concerned about such a trade. Since its importance is obvious in a world in which the basic means of

substance was wheat, every state has to be concerned with its provision. Braudel, I, pp. 300-4.

363 Nadalin nâm reîsin basın kesüp ve dâhi gemi yazıcısının ve yedi nefer rençberlerin bile basların

kesüp”.

364 “irüli, uvaklı gemilerimizi deniz yüzünden basub”

365 ASV, Documenti Turchi, Busta 3, no. 315.

366 ASV, Documenti Turchi, Busta 3, no. 330. For an Italian translation, see No. 331; M. Tayyib

Gökbilgin, “Venedik Devlet Arsivindeki Vesikalar Külliyatında Kanuni Sultan Süleyman Devri

Belgeleri”, Belgeler: Türk Tarih Belgeleri Dergisi, I (July 1964), p. 188.

367 “Venedik begleriyle olan ‘ahd-i hümâyûnum kemâkân mukarrer olup anların vilâyetine ‘ahd-i serîfime

muhâlif dahl olunmaga emrim yoktur.” For further documentation on the issue, see ASV, Documenti

Turchi, Busta 3, no. 332 with its Italian translation in no. 333.

110

were under the direct authority of the Ottoman Sultan and since Ottoman Sultan “does

not have an order” for such violation, acts of this sort should be contained.

However, such collaboration would not only mean new responsibilities for the

corsairs. Ottoman decision-makers also considered them a part of their armed forces and

expected from other states to cooperate with them as they did with the Ottoman Empire

itself. The example of France is obvious. What can be added is the fact that it was

overtly asked from Venice to collaborate with Khayr al-Din.368 The tone of

Constantinople would become more serious six months later since the Venetians should

have helped the corsair who recently had to evacuate Tunis, rather than simply

informing the difficulties of him to Constantinople. Their eternal friendship should have

included the Grand Admiral of the Ottoman Empire.369

3.5. Conquest of Tunis (1534):

At a time when the Ottoman forces were engaged in the East, campaigning

against the Safavids, such an expedition would be a diversion and trouble for Charles

who was not included in the truce signed between Constantinople and Vienna.

368 “Sizin gemileriniz dâhi anlar ile bile olub yek-dil ve yek-cihet olub düsmana müte’alik olan harâmi ve

korsan gemilerini ele getirmek bâbında hüsn-i ittifâk ve ittihâd üzere olasız.” ASV, Sala Regina

Margherita, Turchia Firmani, Seri 4 XXXVI, No: 6; M. Tayyib Gökbilgin, “Venedik Devlet Arsivindeki

Türkçe Belgeler Kolleksiyonu ve Bizimle
lgili Diger Belgeler”, p. 55. Also see ASV, Documenti Turchi,

Busta 3, no. 315.

369 “Sizün kadîmi sadâkatinizden ve dostlugunuzdan böyle mi umulur idi hakîki dostluk buydu ki bunun

gibi haber ma’lumunuz oldukda kat’en te’hir itmeyüb pâdisah-ı ‘alem-penâh hazretlerinin ugrunda kemâl

makdûrınızı derîg itmeyüb geregi gibi mu’âvenet ve müzâheretde bulunaydınız yohsa mücerred haber ile

dostluk ma’lum olmaz” ASV, Documenti Turchi, Busta 3, no. 343. For an Italian translation see no. 344;

Gökbilgin, “Venedik Devlet Arsivindeki Vesikalar Külliyatında Kanuni Sultan Süleyman Devri

Belgeleri”, p. 162-3. Also see ASV, Documenti Turchi, Busta 3, no. 336 and for its Italian translation no.

337.

111

Khayr al-Din spent the winter of 1534 in the dockyards of Istanbul in order to

prepare the imperial fleet for the forthcoming expedition.370 On August 1, he left the

capital with his new navy that was reinforced. Bostan records that his navy was

consisting of 100 ships: “35 bastardas, 53 galleys, 6 kalyatas and 7 rowing boats and

24.400 men, consisting of alatcıs, oarsmen, and warriors and 270 artillerymen. 371

First he attacked Italian coasts in order to conceal the real objective of his

expedition.372 He first plundered San Lucido, where he had taken prisoner nearly the

entire population. He then went to Cetraro having been informed that there was the

construction of galleys. However, he found the town deserted and only thing he could do

was to burn the 6 imperial galleys he found.373 From there he reached the Tyrrhenian

Sea, ravaging the Golf of Naples. In Sperlonga, the devastation was enormous. 162

houses were completely destroyed while 74 of them were damaged. Apart from the

booty, a significant amount of slaves were captured; only 24 people were freed due to

illness and age. In Fondi, the population was informed of the arrival of the corsairs and

thus succeeded to place their precious belongings within the castle walls. On August

7,374 corsairs inflicted a serious damage on the city, burning 1.200 houses, killing

hundreds of people and taking 500 slaves. From there, corsairs headed further North

until the mouth of Tiber. According to Bono, contemporary records indicate that he

370 According to Lane-Poole, “the period of Turkish supremacy on the sea dates from Hayreddin’s winter

in the dockyards”. Lane-Poole, p. 83. Even though an exaggeration, it still may be considered to witness

the importance.

371
dris Bostan, “The Province of Cezayir-i Bahr-ı Sefid”, p. 246 based on BOA Kamil Kepeci, 1863, p.

204. Also he wisely adds that the Venetian documents verify the total number, 100, based on Arıkan and

Toledo, p. 265. On the other hand, Sandoval records 80 galleys with 20 small ships, 800.000 ducats and

8000 soldiers alongside 800 janissaries. Sandoval, II, p. 473. Katip Çelebi indicates 84 ships. Katip

Çelebi, pp. 64-65.

372 Bono, op.cit., pp. 140-2, Gonzalo de Illescas, Jornada de Carlos a Túnez, Madrid, 1804, 41pp.,

http://www.cervantesvirtual.com/historia/CarlosV/7_2_illescas.shtml.

373 Sandoval, II, p. 473.

374 Sandoval, II, p. 473.

112

would not find any impediments if he decided to attack the ancient capital of the Roman

Empire. Illescas records that there was a great turbulence in the city since the corsair

might have sacked it. Clemente VII was about to die and Cardinals had to exhaust the

Papal treasury to finance defensive preparations in the city. Yet, the cunning corsair

directly headed for Tunis since his intention was to deceive his adversaries in order to

conceal his real objective.375

Finally, he appeared in front of Bizerta, the seaport of Tunis on August, 15. The

port surrendered since Barbarossa declared the company of the brother of the ruler of

Tunis, Moulay Rashid. The people in La Goletta had rebelled against the governor and

expelled him from the city. Khayr al-Din was welcome. On August 22, the same attitude

prevailed in Tunis. People were enthusiastic about the news of Rashid’s arrival. The

ruler of Tunis, Moulay Hasan did nothing but to kill or blind his relatives and then head

for the Spanish presidio in Oran for requiring military assistance.376 The population was

favourable to the invasion presuming that Khayr al-Din would put Moulay Rashid to the

throne as he promised. Yet, Khayr al-Din had taken this brother of Moulay Hasan to

Constantinople and left him there. When the people of Tunis realized that they were

deceived, they took up the arms. In addition, they sent a delegation to the former ruler.

Moulay Hasan also joined the rebels and Khayr al-Din found himself besieged. He

decided to confront the enemy and succeeded in suppressing this insurgence in which he

killed 3.000 in addition to a 5.000- 6.000377 injured. It was not possible for them “to

resist cannon and muskets”.378 Finally, the city-dwellers had to accept the sovereignty of

375 Illescas, Jornada de Carlos a Túnez.

376 Illescas, Jornada de Carlos a Túnez.

377 Sandoval, II, p. 474.

378 Katip Çelebi, p. 66.

113

the corsair under the name of the Ottoman Sultan in exchange for an uncertain promise

of re-establishing Rashid in Tunis very soon.379 Khayr al-Din also did not punish the

population since he was in need of local assistance. He would need supplies.380

3.6. Charles’ Tunis Expedition (1535):

It was a serious blow to the Spanish prestige in the region. What made the

conquest of Tunis more perilous such that the emperor himself would undertake an

expedition was the geographical proximity of the city to the Habsburg dominions in

Southern Italy, namely the kingdoms of Sicily and to a lesser extent that of Naples.

Algiers was also an important foothold in North Africa, but the conquest of Tunis would

facilitate corsairs’ operation significantly since it was a key point controlling the trade

between the Eastern and Western Mediterranean. That was why Knights of St. John in

Malta was lobbying for such an expedition.381 Charles himself indicated that

Barbarossa’s leaving this kingdom “would not be a little relief for our kingdoms of

Sicily and Naples and coasts of Italy and other islands”.382 According to him, if Tunis

remained to Barbarossa, all the shores from Messina to Gibraltar would be under the

corsair threat “unless they are of French”383. If he was left alone there, he might increase

his power in the region by concluding alliances with the local rulers and with the

support of the newly gained Turkish forces and navy. Presidios would be in danger, and

379 Illescas, Jornada de Carlos a Túnez.

380 Sandoval, II, p. 474.

381 Danismend, II, p. 175.

382 Sandoval, II, p. 477.

383 Sandoval, II, pp. 498-9.

114

an expedition should be carried out as soon as possible, especially when Süleyman was

busy in the East with the Safavids.

The importance of such an action should be considered carefully since at a time

of financial problems, Charles forced every possible resource in order to be able to

launch this expedition. Tunis could be a second Algeria and given the geographical

proximity, it could be very harmful to the Sicilian coast whose production of grain is of

utmost importance in a world where issues of grain trade is administrated by clauses of

international treaties. In addition, as the Defensor Fidei and the champion of a religious

propaganda, in a time of relative stability when Ottoman expansion halted in the central

Europe as a result of the 1533 armistice, he needed to fulfil his obligations. “…not only

the imperial idea, but also the more elementary sense of obligations of a sovereign and

of the humanity imposed on Charles the necessity of fighting”.384 Charles himself

declared that “the honour of a tribute to God, the well-being of Christianity, the

necessities of his states, his own honour, and reputation demanded from him such an

expedition”385 Karl Brandi insisted on his eagerness for this expedition asserting that he

was not so eagerly interested in repulsing the Turkish pressure in the central Europe in

1532. He was on the field in 1532, “in retard and nearly unwillingly”386. Brandi even

concluded that the emperor demonstrated special attention for the continuation of the

peace with France in order to be able to undertake this expedition.387 He would not

follow the advices of the Archbishop of Toledo, Cardinal Juan de Tavera.388

384 Brandi, p. 348.

385 Brandi, p. 354.

386 Brandi, p. 355.

387 Brandi, pp. 351-2.

388 Brandi, p. 354.

115

Charles was relying on local elements. The first thing he did was to send a spy to

the city, called Luis de Presendes, whose fate was execution since the Morisco that

accompanied him from Spain informed him to Barbarossa.389 Nevertheless, instructions

given to him would blatantly demonstrate Charles’ priorities in the region. His primary

aim was to be familiar with Barbarossa and the ruler of Tunis with the help of his

disguise as a merchant. If the ruler of Tunis was in the city, he should invent a way to

provoke enmity between him and the corsair and try to induce him to expel Barbarossa

from the city. He should create “dissention, suspicion and other forms of discontent”

between Barbarossa and his entourage,390 in order to divide their opinions and create

discord. Such discord would result in his destruction.391As a result of it, Barbarossa

should be expelled with the most possible damage to himself, his forces and his navy in

order to facilitate his destruction later. On the other hand, if the ruler of Tunis was

expelled from the city, he should be encouraged to invade it. Help from the emperor

should be guaranteed; yet the ruler of Tunis should be reminded that Tunis was tributary

to the emperor.392 When success was realized, a further cooperation between him and

the corsair should be prevented. He should guarantee that the ports of Tunis would be

closed to Barbarossa. These negotiations should be done discreetly since Barbarossa

might come to terms with Moulay Hasan if he realized a possible cooperation between

him and the emperor.

Additionally, he might try to induce the local population to turn against

Barbarossa. Such a task would be easy given their fragile loyalty. He was instructed to

389 For instructions given to him, see Sandoval, II, pp. 477-482.

390 “Those who were most acceptable to him, whom he valoured the most”. Sandoval, II, pp. 478.

391 “due to the little faith, affection or constancy infidels demonstrate to each other”. Sandoval, II, pp. 478.

392 “It would be necessary to ask from these kings, to remain our tributaries for such an aid and help”.

Sandoval, II, pp. 480.

116

offer Christian renegades residing in the city a good treatment, pardon for their great sin

-i.e. renouncement of Christianity- and a safe return to Europe in return for their

cooperation. Also bribing the local population would be useful. 393

Charles started preparations as soon as possible. He sent letters to Italy to his

Genoese admiral, Andrea Doria and the viceroy of Naples, Pedro de Toledo ordering

that they work in collaboration in order to provide food provisions and artillery for the

navy.394 Furthermore, he wrote to the Pope and the French king asking for their

participation in this expedition “with the most possible speed and amount”.395 Pope

should write to François, for the acquisition of 6 galleys and an open declaration of the

cessation of cooperation with Barbarossa. François should declare Barbarossa his

enemy. The French king rejected both of the proposals while Pope agreed to give 12

galleys and a quarter of the beneficios from the Church revenues.396

It would be an international expedition, yet with a predominantly Italian

character since the defence of the Italian coasts was the objective.397 The imperial fleet

would consist of 82 galleys according to Sandoval. Alvaro de Bazàn, the Commander-

General of the Spanish Fleet, would bring 15 galleys, while the Grand Admiral of the

Imperial Fleet, Andrea Doria would attend with his 19 and his cousin Antonio’s 5

galleys. Pope, as he had promised, would contribute 12 galleys under the command of

Virginio Ursino. The contribution of the Habsburgs was not limited to the galleys of the

Spanish fleet. 6 galleys from Naples would be under the command of Garcia de Toledo

393 “Moors, Jews and other persons who would be a part of and useful for the realization of the aforementioned

effects”, Sandoval, II, p. 479.

394 Sandoval, II, pp. 483-4.

395 Sandoval, II, p. 484.

396 Sandoval, II, p. 488.

397 Kamen, Imperio, p. 95

117

while 10 from Sicily under the command of Berenguel de Requesens. Furthermore,

imperial allies would participate in the expedition. Genoa would contribute with 9

galleys, Monaco with 2 and Knights of St. John in Malta with 4 under the command of

Aurelio Botigela.398 Apart from these forces, Portuguese were also present under the

command of a Portuguese royal, the infant Louis, with 24 caravels.399 Furthermore, with

other ships of minor size, the total volume of the navy exceeded 300 ships.400

The numbers in the land forces of the emperor were also indicated by Sandoval.

According to this, the imperial fleet would carry 26.000 paid soldiers, 2.000 cavalry of

diverse nations and c. 16.000 armed adventurers with 10.000 marines. The total number

was equal to c. 54.000.401 According to Kamen, there was some thirty thousand in the

army,402 this number being logical when irregular armed adventurers were excluded.

Illescas still gives certain numbers. According to this, the emperor had 8.000 soldiers in

Barcelona in addition to 700 cavalry which were his personal guards. The Portuguese

prince Luis also brought 2.000 soldiers with him. Furthermore, there were 5.000 Italians

and 8.000 Germans that was embarked from Genoa.403

At the head of the expedition, there were two Italians. Doria was the Admiral of

the naval forces while Vasto was the commander of the army.

On the other hand, it is hard to examine Barbarossa’s forces. Even though for

imperial forces, numbers could be based on a Spanish chronicle, such a source is

398 Sandoval, II, p. 498. Also Henry Kamen gives likely percentages. According to him out of the same

total number, 82, 18 percent were Spanish ships, 40 percent were Genoese ships whose majority belonged

to Doria and the remaining 42 percent were the ships coming from Italian states. Kamen, Imperio, p. 95.

399 Sandoval, II, p. 490. Illescas numbers them as 25. See Illescas, Jornada de Carlos a Túnez.

400 Sandoval, II, p. 496. According to Illescas, their number was actually more than 700. Illescas, Jornada

de Carlos a Túnez..

401 Sandoval, II, p. 510.

402 Kamen, Imperio, p. 95.

403 Illescas, Jornada de Carlos a Túnez.

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inapplicable for Barbarossa’s forces. It had already been indicated the total number of

his soldiers -24.400- before he left Constantinople; however, given that he was engaged

in armed conflicts before he conquered Tunis, it is not possible to indicate an exact

number for that moment. According to Sandoval, the corsair had 7.000 Turks, 800

janissary and 7.000 archers, 7.000 spearmen and 8.000 Arab cavalry in Tunis and

furthermore a garrison of 1.000 corsairs that was left in La Goletta.404 However, these

numbers should be an exaggeration. The total of them exceeds the number originally

indicated by the Ottoman sources for the commencement of the expedition. They were

the estimates of an outsider, thus unreliable. Furthermore, Sandoval could not be

objective in this manner since his basic duty is to glorify the deeds of Charles. It was

probably already hard to accept that the emperor was actually leading an expedition in

person against a corsair of humble origin. At least he could exalt the victory that the

Defender of the Faith gained against this infidel. Anyway, he would increase this

number later when both armies confronted each other in an open battle. He would

pronounce 80.000 infantry accompanied by 20.000 cavalry.405 Illescas also indicates the

same total.406 Strangely enough they are not alone to do so since Charles himself

indicated the same numbers in a letter addressed to Marquis de Cañete, the viceroy of

Navarre.407 It is still an exaggeration since such an army would be hard to feed and

supply. However, at least it is obvious that there was a common exaggeration on the

Spanish side. On the other hand, Hammer indicates that Barbarossa had confronted the

imperial army after the conquest of La Goletta with 7.200 soldiers while 2.500 Arab

404 Sandoval, II, p. 502.

405 Sandoval, II, pp. 548-9.

406 Illescas, Jornada de Carlos a Túnez.

407 Sandoval, II, “Letter of Charles V to Marquis de Cañete dated 25 July 1535”, p. 556.

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cavalry abandoned the cause. Hence, the number he offered is 9700 at a later stage of

war.408 Gazavât on the other hand, indicates that after the appearance of Moulay Hasan

and the volte-face of the Arab cavalry, number of soldiers decreased to 5.000-10.000.409

After the defeat, this number would further be curtailed: 3.000-4.000.410 Yet, it is still

hard to conclude an exact number; what is possible is to understand that the numbers in

Spanish sources are exaggerated.

Barbarossa also started war preparations since he was informed of the real

destination of the imperial fleet. He strengthened fortifications, ensured supplies and

asked help from the ruler of Tlemsen and other corsairs. Yet, he did not have enough

time and resources for realizing an effective reconstruction of the fortifications. Since he

was aware that his situation was not strong, he decided to fortify the fortress of La

Goletta. He thought that the Emperor would not divide his forces and not directly lead

them to Tunis while corsair forces remained in his rearguard. If he did so, corsairs

would be able to jeopardize his lines of supply.411 Charles also would accept the

situation in a letter addressed to Cañete.412 “To facilitate the expedition, it would be

more convenient to lead on Tunis and besiege it, considering when this city is

conquered, in La Goletta, there would remain no resistance”.413 Yet, between the navy

and the Tunis there were 9 miles and it would be hard to supply the army, when a

fortified La Goletta was left behind. Khayr al-Din built walls along the port which he

had to complete with wood, bags of wool and with other materials connected and

408 Hammer, V, p. 148.

409 Gazavât, p. 210, fol. 326a.

410 Gazavât, p. 211, fol. 327a.

411 Sandoval, II, p. 504.

412 Sandoval, II, “Letter of Charles V to Marquis de Cañete dated 30 June 1535”, p. 526-9.

413 Sandoval, II, p. 526.

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chained together. This indicates the time problem even though Sandoval was surprised

by the efficiency of this lame construction. Furthermore, he ordered the construction of

a bridge over the canal both in order to facilitate the defence organization and the

mobilization of the artillery from one side to another. 414

An expedition to La Goletta must be undertaken from the north side since there

was not enough width between the lake and the bay. The land between the sea and La

Goletta could be used as a shelter. Barbarossa placed a fleet of 12 galleys there in order

to make sure that in case the imperial fleets suffers from a disaster, these galleys should

be able to follow the victory. 6 of them were left in the canal, their rows being taken out,

while the remaining 6 were waiting outside the canal.415 Furthermore, he sent 14 galleys

to Bona416 and 12 galleys to Algiers, all full of riches. Last but not the least; he took

some precautions in the city. According to Sandoval, did he not only bribe the

population with 200.000 ducats but also imprisoned the Christian slaves in the city in

order to prevent their possible uprising. Furthermore, he asked from those who did not

414 Sandoval, II, p. 505.

415 Sandoval, II, p. 505. Yet, Charles indicated their number as 10 or 11 in one of his letters to Marquis de

Cañete dated 30th June 1535. See Sandoval, II, p. 526.

416 Gazavât numbers them as 16. In addition, it claims that these ships numbering 20 at the beginning were

sent by Khayr al-Din to commit corsary. Then they attacked Sardinian coasts and had to retreat to Bona, -

when their number reduced to 16- instead of reaching to their final destination which was Algiers. The

winter had approached. “Cezâyire togrı giderlerken havalar kıs olmagıla Cezâyiri tutamayub dahî

pocalayub Beled-i Annâba –i.e. Bona- gelüb dâhil oldılar.” Gazavât, p. 209, fol. 324b. However, this

narration should be discussed. In my opinion, Gazavât tries to explain the fact that Khayr al-Din took

precautions against a possible defeat by diverting his forces. As was the case in the narration of Oruç’s

death, it tries to cover the facts. For otherwise, why should Khayr al-Din send some of his navy to engage

in corsary, when the imperial forces were approaching? It should be noted that in certain parts of Gazavât,

a similar attitude can be observed. Especially in times of defeat, not only did it include distorted numbers

–which we also encountered in Sandoval-; but also invented stories. In Chapter 2, we had already noted

how it tried to conceal the fact that Oruç was killed while he was running away. Furthermore, for the same

expedition, it indicated that Oruç sent some of his forces to Algiers while his position was less secure in

Tlemsen. “
ki yüz çadur benüm yanımda çok seydür”, Gazavât,p. 98, fol. 103b. The same thing applies to

this expedition. According to Gazavât, Khayr al-Din not only refused and sent back the reinforcements

from Algiers; but also sent some of his own soldiers with these reinforcements; which is the last thing to

do at such a moment. Gazavât, p. 207, fol. 320a.

121

wish to risk their lives to leave the city in order to lessen the number of people to

feed.417

The imperial fleet left Barcelona on May 30. They reached to the ancient city of

Carthage on June 16. Del Vasto had been sent to scout La Goletta and its vicinity with

22 galleys while the entire infantry totalling 15.000 with some of the artillery was being

disembarked. On June 17, disembarking was finalised with the landing of 8.000 Spanish

cavalry forces and the rest of the artillery and other war materials.418 The siege of La

Goletta started on 18th June.419 The emperor had decided to conquer the fortress before

going directly against Tunis.420 The first series of skirmishes were generally of minor

importance since corsairs evaded from leaving their shelter and the Emperor tried to

refrain from useless aggression. There were furthermore, issues of discipline right from

the beginning. On the second day, Emperor already had to issue an order in which he

prohibited burning down the houses, cutting the trees or committing theft. A further

problem was the voluntary regiments in the army; the same day they were ordered to

register their name for the army in order to assure the discipline.421

The siege was conducted with artillery bombardments and mutual skirmishes on

a daily basis. In addition to these skirmishes which generally took place in the olive

yards in the vicinity,422 there was constant artillery bombardment on both sides. The

commander of the garrison forces was Sinan Re’îs. He tried to repulse the attack several

times but he could not succeed. The advantage of the fortress was the presence of the

417 Sandoval, II, p. 502.

418 Sandoval, II, p. 500.

419 Sandoval, II, p. 506.

420 Sandoval, II, p. 504.

421 Sandoval, II, p. 503.

422 Sandoval, II, p. 511.

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little ships that were providing supplies to the fortress from Tunis through the lake.

Imperial forces, on the other hand, were facing serious supply problems.423

On June 22, there occurred a small skirmish between Moriscos and the imperial

forces.424 The next day, 1.000 infantry and 80 cavalry from La Goletta made a sortie in

which they succeeded in defeating a contingent of Italian soldiers. Italians were situated

in front of the trenches in order to guard it, where the artillery was being established.

When corsairs attacked, soldiers were already tired since they helped in the fortifications

during the night. Furthermore, they did not actually defend it; but rather leave for an

offensive fight.425 Corsairs faked a retreat and inflicted upon their adversaries a crushing

defeat. Andrea Doria tried to help the Italian contingents; however, reinforcements that

he sent arrived after corsairs had retreated to La Goletta. The count of Sarno, “the

colonel of 1200 Italian soldiers” was among the casualties426 and the bastion was lost.427

The same night, another attack was attempted to another bastion guarded by the

Spaniards. Even though the surprised and tired imperials suffered some casualties; this

time, the attack was repulsed.428 The same day, encouraged corsairs decided to attack

with two squadrons; 1.000 in the vanguard and a further 2.000 in the rear. First they

retreated having heard the alarm bells ringing in the imperial camp. Then, when the

imperials thought they had actually withdrawn, they appeared once again from where

they were hidden. Even though inflicting a surprise attack, corsairs had to withdraw

423 Sandoval, II, p. 506. For an example to supply problems, see Sandoval, II, p. 511. According to this,

the situation was such that a chicken cost 2 ducats while a cow 10. There was no fresh bread.

424 Sandoval, II, p. 512.

425 Sandoval, II, p. 527

426 Sandoval, II, p. 513.

427 Sandoval, II, p. 527.

428 Sandoval, II, p. 528.

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when the imperials could present a uniform defence.429 On June 25, a small group of

reinforcements had arrived from Italy and Spain. With the advent of Hernando de

Alarcón, the imperials decided to halt the skirmishes and concentrate on the construction

of the bastions with more forces.430

On June 26, Barbarossa tried to surprise the imperial forces by sending a

contingent of Arab cavalry through the olive groves; yet the expedition failed. The

imperials were informed of the surprise attack and they were already armed the night

before the attack.431 On June 28, bad weather hindered the military operations. The

strong winds had resulted in a sand storm which impeded the sight of both armies. The

sight between the land and naval forces was lost. At this moment, 200 corsairs made a

sortie from La Goletta in order to raise the sand such that the winds would take them to

the imperial camp and thus impeding their vision. Moreover, a larger contingent

attacked imperial bastions but the resistance prevailed.432 On June 29, Moulay Hasan

appeared with 200 Moors in his company433, a number probably lesser than expected.

Gazavât indicates that he promised to arrive with 50.000 – 60.000 Arab cavalry in his

letter to the emperor.434 He tried to hire some local mercenaries with 20.000 ducats that

429 Sandoval, II, pp. 515-6.

430 Sandoval, II, p. 517.

431 Sandoval, II, pp. 517-20

432 Sandoval, II, p. 521.

433 Sandoval, II, p. 522. Brandi numbers them 300. Brandi, op.cit., p. 357. Also, Charles indicated a

further reinforcement of 900-1000 Moors that was promised by Moulay Hasan in a letter addressed to

Marquis of Cañete, dated 30 June 1530. See Sandoval, II, p. 529.

434 Gazavât, p. 208, fol. 322b. Yet, the same source indicates that he kept his promise, even though he

arrived late. See Gazavât, p. 210, fol. 325b. However, Gazavât, in this context is less reliable since the

number mentioned is more than the ruler of Tunis could recruit in such short time. In addition, concerning

this expedition, Gazavât tends to distort facts. For instance, while Sandoval gives numbers for the

captured vessels (Sandoval, II, p. 543) backed by the letter of the emperor himself (Sandoval, II, pp. 543-

4.), Gazavât claims that Khayr al-Din had already sent imperial fleets back to Constantinople. He was

afraid to lose them. “Kim bildün, bir sey olursa adımuz pâdisâh donanmasi zâyi’ etmise çıkar. Hos hakîr-i

pür taksîr devlete on o kadar donanma yapacak mâl gönderdüm, ammâ hemân eyüsi gitdügidür”.

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he borrowed from Charles; but they did not appear claiming religious excuses for such

behaviour even though they had taken the money willingly.435 Hasan was not the perfect

ally. He could not provide an efficient armed force for the imperial army. Out of the

reduced number he could provide, there would remain only 12 or 15 at the end of the

war.436 Yet, despite his failure to provide soldiers, his contribution was decisive for the

imperial campaign. Illescas enthusiastically addresses to his usefulness. He was grateful

to his knowledge on the quality of the land, forces of the city, wells and cisterns which

was so dear to the ill-provisioned imperial army. Furthermore, Moulay Hasan helped in

constructing a military strategy. He advised the imperials to cut off olive groves in order

to refrain from an ambush. He then guessed that Barbarossa would prefer an open battle

and to leave the city in his rearguard instead of accepting the siege within the city walls.

He would put his Moorish troops in the vanguard, while he and his core forces would

wait behind them. Hence, in case of an easy defeat in the first line, the corsair would be

able to leave the field immediately.437

In the first three days of July, there was not much fighting. On the imperial side,

it was realised that skirmishes were nothing but the loss of time and resources. The main

target was the fortifications of La Goletta. Thus, there were only works of trenches and

bastions.438 Since there was nothing but sand in the region, there were also further

problems of raw materials for the construction. The construction would be realised with

timber; yet even for that there was the necessity of sending galleys 20 miles away.

Furthermore, neither did he lose remaining 20 ships since he also sent them to Algiers. Gazavât, p. 209,

fos. 323b-324a.

435 Sandoval, II, pp. 528, 530.

436 Sandoval, II, p.244.

437 Illescas, Jornada de Carlos a Túnez.

438 Sandoval, II, p. 529.

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Surely, corsairs did not consent to the pacific attitude of the imperials. They should

attack and try to impede construction, so they did. Yet, there was not much success on

their side; and the casualty would be less unless the imperial forces left their places so

eagerly. 439

On the 4th July, due to the lack of provisions for horses, the Emperor ordered the

Duke of Alba to escort them. Having been informed, corsairs decided to attack since

there would be fewer soldiers for the defences. What was less fortunate for the imperials

was the constant eagerness of the imperial soldiers for leaving their defensive formation.

Having seen corsairs out of La Goletta, they responded to the challenge. They succeeded

to drive corsairs until the fortress. There was fierce struggle. The imperials finally

decided to retreat since the casualties were considerable. The number of casualties

would increase during the abortive retreat.440

On 8th July, the consul of war decided to present the most serious problem for

the imperial army. Corsairs could successfully send forces and provision to La Goletta

from Tunis through the canal and this should be hindered. It was decided that during the

night, an investigation should be done near the canal in order to understand that whether

it would be possible to sail small ships.441 If they succeeded in such an operation, it

would be a great blow to the corsair efficiency. Not only would they be deprived from

provisions; but also would it not be possible for them to retreat safely in case of La

Goletta’s fall.442 However, this plan was not executed.443

439 Sandoval, II, p. 530.

440 Sandoval, II, pp. 531-2.

441 Sandoval, II, p. 534.

442 Sandoval, II, p. 535.

443 Sandoval, II, p. 537.

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On July 10, another spy was sent to Goletta and Tunis in order to seduce the

renegades in La Goletta and Moors in Tunis. Yet he shared the fate of his

predecessor.444 4 ships arrived from Sardinia with provisions; however, these would not

even suffice for the nobles.445 On July 12, Barbarossa attacked a watchtower at the

control of the imperials since he was informed at the weak situation there. However, his

forces had to retire before attacking when they saw the approach of the

reinforcements.446

Finally, the decisive hour had come. At the dawn of July 14, preparations had

started for a decisive assault. Charles and Louis of Portugal addressed the soldiers with

encouraging speeches. Land forces were divided into squadrons backed by artilleries.

There were 20 pieces of artillery with the Spaniards including a culebrina447 which was

more than 27-feet large. Italians would attack with 16 pieces. There was a small trench

in front of the imperial tent in which were situated 1.000 harquebusiers in order to check

the possible arrival of the reinforcements from Tunis.448

The navy was also divided into squadrons. Andrea Doria was bombarding the

tower, the new walls and the batteries of the coasts, while Virginio Ursino commanded

tother galleys.449 Emperor ordered Garcia de Toledo and Alvaro Bazán to go to the cape

of Carthage with 24 galleys in order to protect the rearguard of the army.450 After hours

of bombardment and firing 4000 cannon bullets, 451 at two o’clock,452 De Vasto and

444 Sandoval, II, p. 535

445 Sandoval, II, p. 536.

446 Sandoval, II, p. 537.

447 A large piece of artillery.

448 Sandoval, II, p. 539.

449 Sandoval, II, p. 539.

450 Sandoval, II, pp. 539-40.

451 Sandoval, II, p. 540.

452 “Two hours more than noon”, Sandoval, II, p. 541

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Doria decided that the time had come. By that time, Bazán also sent two messengers to

the emperor indicating that the batteries of the navy had inflicted severe damage on the

walls such that it would be possible to penetrate inside. With the permission granted,

both land forces and those of sea had conducted a final assault to which the fortress

could not resist, due to the newly opened cracks in the walls. Yet, the garrison

commander Sinan Re’îs with some of his men was able to withdraw to Tunis in

brigantines through the lake.453

There was not much to plunder for soldiers. Nonetheless, there were supplies;

imperial army had acquired 400 pieces of artillery and great amount of gunpowder, all

essential for the expedition. In addition, 42 galleys, 44 galeotas, brigantines and fustas

with a further 27 round sails were seized in the canal.454

After the victory, there were talks of retreat in the imperial camp. Since La

Goletta was seized including Barbarossa’s ships; his power had been curtailed, his

reputation reduced and thus the coastal security ensured. Withdrawal was a plausible

option due to the miserable condition of the army. Supply problems have already been

indicated. In addition, there was a considerable number of ill soldiers. The number of

infantry will not suffice given the lack of crossbows and Christian cavalry were not

strong enough to challenge 20.000 Arab cavalry with good horses. There were talks

among Charles’ officers: What were the chances of an army of 23.000 against such a big

city and 80.000 enemies? Furthermore, the heat and the consequent thirst were other

problems. The possibility of Barbarossa having poisoned the wells en route was also

453 Sandoval, II, p. 542.

454 Sandoval, II, p. 543.

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considered.455 On the other side of the conflict, Barbarossa stood firm; he was not

planning to retreat without losing a battle. If Emperor wanted more than La Goletta, he

should pay the price; Barbarossa’s plan would be to deprive the imperial army of

provisions.456

Charles insisted on the march to Tunis. The fortress in La Goletta was reduced to

a minor one in order to be able to defend it with fewer soldiers.457 Andrea Doria and the

navy remained in the port. Their task was the continuation of the supply provision.458

On 18th July, the signal for departure was given; however, it would be postponed

due to the unrest among the soldiers suffering from the lack of provisions. The emperor

ordered Andrea Doria to supply the soldiers with water and bread from his ships.459

Finally, the march started on 20th July. The imperial commanders were diligent on the

order of the march. The army was exhausted and there was only one person that they

could rely concerning the topography of the area: the former ruler of Tunis. In the front

of the army, there were two battalions of Spanish veterans from Italy,460 4.000 soldiers

each. In the right wing, near the lagoon, the commander was the prince of Salerno. In

the left wing, through the olive groves, Del Vasto was commanding. These two wings

were forced in prolonged formation since the land was stretched. The harquebusiers

were situated in the vanguard. Between two wings, the Emperor had left space in order

to put 12 pieces of artillery. In front of these battalions, the squadron of the “man of the

court”, 350 cavalries, with the imperial standard under the command of Charles V was

455 Sandoval, II, p. 545; Illescas, Jornada de Carlos a Túnez.. It should be noted that these numbers are

exaggerated.

456 Sandoval, II, p. 544.

457 Sandoval, II, p. 546.

458 Sandoval, II, p. 556.

459 Sandoval, II, p. 546.

460 Sandoval distinguishes Spanish squadrons as viejos and bisoños, old and new.

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marching. In front of the right wing there was situated c. 100 light cavalry for their

protection. An easy attack from the lagoon could be perilous for that wing. Behind these

two battalions, there was another battalion of c. 6000 Germans in short formation unlike

other battalions. Thus, they would be able to protect the back of the army. Behind this,

there was the army train and “unnecessary people of the army”.461 Furthermore, through

the olive groves Marquis of Mondéjar was commanding 300 jinetes462 and between

these jinetes and the army train, there were pieces of hand artillery. The

“inexperienced”463 Spanish infantry was protecting the rearguard in two squadrons

under the command of Cervellón, and de Grado. Duke of Alba was also accompanying

them with 200 spearmen. Former ruler of Tunis was accompanying the army train since

he did not want to expose himself to peril. The marines were excluded from the

expedition since they chose to plunder rather than fight, at the time of La Goletta’s

fall.464

They advanced 5 miles without encountering the enemy.465 The distance

between La Goletta and Tunis was 12 miles and there were no signs of water until the

wells on the eighth mile were reached.466 Barbarossa in order to jeopardize their march

decided to take the field against the forces of the emperor before they can reach the

wells. It appears that, it was clever to do so. First of all, Barbarossa was not willing to be

stuck inside the city walls and risk everything. That is why he had fortified La Goletta

and remained in Tunis and later left Tunis at a time when the imperial army was

461 Sandoval, II, p. 547.

462 A type of cavalry.

463 The word used here is “bisoño”.

464 Sandoval, II, p. 547.

465 Sandoval, II, p. 548.

466 Sandoval, II, p. 556.

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marching towards the city. In addition to that, given the fatigue and the lack of water

from which the enemy was suffering, such a stratagem would make a victory not only

possible, but also decisive. In case of the failure, the imperial army could no longer hope

for the relief of Tunis.

Finally, they were able to reach the wells before the imperial army. At that point,

Barbarossa stationed his men one mile in front of the wells, expecting Charles’ reaction.

In the front line, he situated his infantry, all armed in harquebus, in which he had all his

hopes with 12 pieces of artillery. 467 He situated cavalry forces on both sides. Unskilled

soldiers would remain in the vanguard. He was optimistic given the supply problems of

the army and the fatigue because of the hot and dry weather.468 Moreover, he either

blinded or poisoned the wells.469

The imperial army also took the field. Along the lagoon, in the right wing, there

were the forces of Salerno. Behind them were there the pikemen along the shore and

near them a German battalion. Left wing was still held by Del Vasto accompanied by

jinetes. In between these wings, there laid the artillery and around it the imperial

standard was being carried. Inexperienced Spanish troops and the Duke of Alba with the

spearmen were in the rearguard.470

When the battle commenced, it became obvious that the imperial artillery was

very efficient. Barbarossa had no choice but to attack, since it was not possible to

remain in defence. Yet, this attack was repulsed by the imperials. Furthermore, the

Moorish cavalry tried to outflank the imperial army by reaching the vanguard through

467 Sandoval numbered them 9.000. Sandoval, II, p. 550.

468 Sandoval, II, p. 550.

469 Sandoval, II, p. 551.

470 Sandoval, II, p. 549.

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the olive groves; however, “inexperienced” Spaniards resisted them. They withdrew

turning their back and the harquebus fire was costly. Barbarossa and his captains tried to

prevent the flight unsuccessfully. The defeat was certain.471

At that time back in Tunis, two renegades named Francisco de Medellín and

Vicente de Cataron472 opened the gates of the dungeons of the tower which hosted 6.000

Christians, provoking them against Barbarossa, claiming that he was planning to bury

them alive.473 Prisoners succeeded in gaining the control of the tower. Once the tower

was lost, Barbarossa felt his position very insecure and decided to leave the city to its

fate.474 Furthermore, he had lost most of his local contingents after the battle.475 He

parted for Bona with the remaining of his soldiers and his lieutenants, Sinan, Aydın and

Cafer. 476

On the next morning, imperial army started to march in formation since they

were not aware of the corsair’s retreat. The people of Tunis, on the other hand, had no

other option but to negotiate in order to prevent the sack of the city. They supplicated

from the emperor that for two hours no one enter the town and they furthermore offered

50.000 doblas to prevent the sack. Yet, the soldiers proved much more influential and

471 Sandoval, II, p. 551.

472 According to Illescas, his name was Francisco Catario. Illescas, Jornada de Carlos a Túnez.

473 According to Sandoval, such an offer was actually considered by the corsairs since their number

exceeding 20000 was threatening due to the possibility of a revolt as the imperial armies were

approaching to the city. Yet, Sinan Re’îs prevented the attempt by inducing Barbarossa to put them in

dungeons. This way, in case of defeat, it would be possible to burn them. Sandoval, II, p. 552.

474 Sandoval, II, p. 553. “Hayrü’d-Din Pasa girüsün özleyüb dönicek meger hisârda habs olan körükci

kâfirler bir tarîk ile habsden bosanüb hisârda olan müslümânları kırub hisârı zabt idüb kapusın Hayrü’d-

Din Pasa yüzine kapayub top ve tüfenge tutub hisâra yol vermediler.” Lütfi Pasa, p. 356.

475 Sandoval records that there remained 12.000 infantry and 3.000 cavalry from 100.000 soldiers. Even

though the numbers are exaggerated, still they would demonstrate the extent. Sandoval, II, p. 552.

Hammer had already indicated desertion of local contingents before the battle. According to him, 2.500

Arab cavalry had deserted Barbarossa’s army. Hammer, V, p. 148.

476 Sandoval records them more than 7.000. See Sandoval, II, p. 553. Illescas also gave the number of

7000. See Illescas, Jornada de Carlos a Túnez. Yet according to a letter of Charles V addressed to

Marquis de Cañete, viceroy of Navarre, 25 July 1535, their number is four or five thousand. Sandoval, II,

p. 556.

132

gained the permission for the sack of the city, something they considered their natural

right and prize after such a tiring expedition. Imperial army entered the city on 21st July;

they succeeded where St. Louis of France had failed 265 years ago.477 The city was

sacked brutally in which the famous library of Moulay Hasan was also burnt down.

On 6th August, Charles concluded an agreement whose conditions were harsh

with Moulay Hasan. According to this, the king of Tunis would cede his legitimate

rights over the cities of Bona, Bizerta, Africa and others that were once ruled by his

dynasty to the emperor. This clause is strictly important since it shows the emperor’s

growing ambition for the continuation of expansion in North Africa. The calculation

should be that this cession of legal rights would legitimize further Spanish expansion

against the afore-mentioned cities which were occupied by corsairs. Furthermore,

Moulay Hasan would cede La Goletta, realizing his weakness in defending it. The ruler

of Tunis and their successors should not welcome the enemies of the emperor and his

successors neither in their ports in their lands; neither would they accept Moriscos from

Spain. Also Moulay Hasan would pay the emperor 12.000 golden ducats in two

payments. There were benefits for the Christians in the city after this expedition of an air

of a Crusade. All the Christian slaves in the city 478 should be liberated and provided

free passage in order to facilitate their return to Europe. In the future, neither Moulay

Hasan nor his successors would consent to the capture of slaves from the lands subject

to the emperor and to his brother Ferdinand. The existence of churches would be

allowed and Christians could perform their religion in a pacific way. There were also

477 Sandoval, II, pp. 553-5.

478 Their number was 16.000. Sandoval, II, p. 555.

133

other clauses of secondary importance regulating the situation of Christians in Tunis and

their rights of trade. 479

Khayr al-Din’s retreat was further molested by the local bandits who were aware

of the fact that corsairs were carrying precious goods in their wagon.480 They succeeded

to rob “a good part” of the wagon that was left behind, killing 400 corsairs. Furthermore,

the famous corsair Aydın Re’îs who was wounded from his leg died on the way of

retreat.481 Finally, corsairs had succeeded in reaching to Bona where a small fleet of 14

galleys were left.482 Even though an imperial fleet of 15 galleys followed and reached

corsairs, their commanders Adán Centurion and Joanin Doria hesitated to attack and

withdrew.483 Andrea Doria was sent after him later; yet he could not catch Barbarossa.

Instead what he achieved was the surrender of Bona in which he stationed a garrison of

600 Spanish soldiers.484

The imperials then decided to return to Europe. Barbarossa had fled, yet it would

not be possible to chase him. Charles also insisted that it was the most suitable time.

With the reputation of victory, such an expedition should be undertaken against a

defeated and fleeing enemy. Yet, there were impediments which the emperor wrote to

Marquis de Cañete.485 The summer was ending and campaigning season was almost

over. Furthermore, the navigation between Tunis and Algiers was long, and thus the

479 Sandoval, II, 559-61.

480 According to Gazavât, Khayr al-Din was carrying 1.000.000 akçe when he fled from Tunis. Gazavât,

p. 211, fol. 328b.

481 Sandoval, II, p. 553. “Cachidiablo” in the text refers to Aydın Re’îs.

482 Sandoval, II, p. 502.

483 Sandoval, II, p. 559.

484 Sandoval, II, p. 563.

485 Sandoval, II, p. 562, ”Letter of Charles V to Marquis de Cañete dated 16 August 1535”.

134

risks were high. Charles was more prudent than he would be in 1541.486 Moreover,

soldiers were tired and their number was reduced as a result of deaths and injuries. The

heat was insupportable, and the problem of supplies was worsened with the presence of

the newly-freed Christian slaves. On the other hand, Barbarossa was doomed and he was

calculated to have no more than 28 galleys in his hand.487 They believe that it would

take some time for him to strike again; not necessarily a correct calculation. In another

letter addressed to the council and regidor488 of Ubeda, emperor gives the similar

reasons for the withdrawal: the lack of supplies, the fatigue of the troops, fever, the hard

task of feeding the great number of freed Christian captives and the need for repair in

the navy.489

The Tunisian expedition proved the intentions and plans of the emperor on the

region. It was already demonstrated how he was distracted with European affairs:

Incessant warfare with France, threatening Ottoman aggression, religious disputes in the

heart of his empire. However, it should not be concluded that he was not interested in

North African politics. This alone can be proven by the fact that he personally led an

expedition from which his advisors tried to dissuade him. Yet, he insisted on

undertaking such an operation that was considered by Kamen ”the most impressive

military expedition that Christian powers had organized in the long history of Western

486 Charles did risk an expedition after the campaigning season was over which resulted in total disaster

for the imperial forces. Ironically, it was against the corsairs: Algerian expedition of 1541.

487 According to this Barbarossa had only 15 galleys that he brought from Bona with 11 in Algiers in 2 in

Djerbe. Sandoval, II, p. 563.

488 Town councilor.

489 María Josefa Parejo Delgado, “La Política Mediterránea de Carlos I y Felipe II en la Documentación

Municipal Ubetense”, in El Mediterráneo: Hechos de Relevancia Histórico-Militar y sus repercussiones

en España, V Jornadas Nacionales de Historia Militar (Sevilla, 9-12 de Mayo 1995), dir. Alberto Díaz

Tejera (Sevilla, 1997), pp. 530.

135

Mediterranean.”490 Furthermore, the agreement between the emperor and the Moulay

Hasan was not the only proof of emperor’s unrealised intentions of furthering Spanish

expansion in the region. In a letter, after describing the importance of the city of Africa

in the region, emperor was complaining that it will not be possible to undertake an

enterprise in that summer. Nevertheless, he clearly indicates his intentions on the city.491

However, there were other issues. Bells were ringing for the next round in the

Habsburg-Valois rivalry following the death of the last of the Sforzas, and the emperor

would not be able to contemplate another move in the region until 1541. This lack of

continuity in the North African politics would jeopardize the security of the Habsburg

coasts.492 Corsairs were expulsed from a base where they would be able to reach Italian

coasts very easily. Furthermore, after the capture of La Goletta, the fleet of Barbarossa

was also captured by the imperials. The expedition was a relief for Tunis, and its success

could not be underestimated. Even after the conquest of La Goletta, let alone that of

Tunis, there were some who believed that this damage would suffice for corsairs. Even

though this might have been caused by the lack of enthusiasm for furthering the

expedition in such heat with problems of supply; still it reflects the truth. Yet, in the

greater picture, the equilibrium in the Western Mediterranean had not changed. Corsairs

started their operations as soon as they returned to Algiers and “the Mediterranean

coasts remained once again exposed to their raids and more than ever to their

vengeance”.493

490 Kamen, Imperio, p. 96.

491 Sandoval, II, “Letter of Charles V to Marquis de Cañete dated the last day of August 1535”, p. 566.

492 Betrán, pp. 93-4.

493 Brandi, p. 358. Also, see Betrán, p. 95.

136

However, at least, the corsair towards Tunis was successfully contained and the

status-quo ante established.

137

“Yo navegué ocho veces por el Mediterraneo”

Charles Quint, 1555, Brussels

CONCLUSION

The Place of Corsairs in the Ottoman-Habsburg Rivalry:

It is not easy to demonstrate the extent of the damage done by corsairs and more

important, how they were perceived such that they would affect the decision-making

process for both empires.

At a time when the European powers were confronting each other, what could

the effect of the petty state of Ottoman corsairs be in North Africa? Fernando of Aragon

had not paid too much attention to the issue due to his engagements in European politics

mostly based on the rivalry on the fragmented Italy. Charles was not more vigilant at the

beginning. Jimenez had already launched an expedition against Algiers when corsairs

succeeded to take the city. Even though both expeditions to Algiers in 1516 and 1519

failed; Spanish contingents succeeded to slay Arudj after expulsing corsairs from the

allied town of Tlemsen. Yet, these moves did not prove decisive and Arudj’s brother

would continue to cause problems for the Habsburg dominions.

There are two questions that might be asked at this point. What was the extent of

the damage done to the Habsburgs? And to what extent did Charles and/or his advisers

consider corsairs a real threat? Thus what was the Mediterranean policy of the Emperor?

138

Firstly, it has to be indicated that Charles could not cope with the corsair damage

and failed to contain it. This was mostly due to a lack of proper naval force on behalf of

the Habsburgs. Neither Castille nor Aragon had a standing navy. That was the reason

why Reconquista was conducted with land forces instead of trying to inflict attrition to

the vulnerable shores. Even the scouting was conducted with Genoese ships at that time.

The dynasty had never developed a sufficient fighting force before 1516; and the

constant shortage of finances would discourage them to do so in the future. Charles

himself did not refrain from confessing his debility: “Concerning the galleys, I do not

believe that Spain, Naples and Sicily can avoid maintaining them for the usual vigilace

of their states against Turks and Moriscos –i.e. corsairs-… It is thus necessary to have

these galleys armed, not only to repress the incursions of corsairs; but also with a

stronger reason, to be always able to repulse the enterprises of the French.”494 Had

French not attacked Naples in 1528 with the cooperation of Doria’s navy after

calculating that imperialists could not present a naval confrontation? Charles did not

have a navy even in 1538-9 when he concluded an alliance with Papacy and Venice to

undertake a naval expedition against the Ottoman Empire.495 Neither were there regional

fleets if excluding those with asientos, a contract between the emperor and the

entrepreneur which indicates certain conditions in exchange for the rental of the ships to

the Habsburgs. Not only Andrea Doria, but also Captain-Generals of the Spanish fleet,

like Portuondo and Bazán, were some sort of a sea condottieri rather than simple

military officials.

An important change would take place in 1528, when Andrea Doria had shifted

494 Jurien de la Gravière, Les Corsaires Barbaresques et la Marine de Soliman le Grand (Paris, 1887), p.

140.

495 Belenguer, p. 144.

139

from French side to that of imperialists. The details of the asiento were already

explained.496 Doria’s effect could not be underestimated since after the commencement

of this alliance, Habsburgs’ naval operations would extend until the Adriatic Sea.

Charles in his political testimony did not forget to address the issue. According to him,

importance of the Genoese ships cannot be denied. He wrote to his heir Felipe that he

had not “the intention of seizing Genoa neither for the time being nor in the future. You

–i.e. Felipe II- should at that time make sure that the city stays devoted to you… to

advise you at the cost of your money whatever it costs, to preserve the galleys of

Genoa.”497

Even though the efficiency of the imperial response was enhanced after 1528, so

did the power of the corsairs. In 1529, Khayr al-Din was able to conquer the Spanish

presidio in Algiers and consolidate its power in the region. Imperialists would respond

with an abysmal expedition. Doria was not less clever than Italian condottieri and he

was not willing to risk a direct confrontation unless he had to. In case of a total victory,

there would be no need for his forces and a further asiento would suffer from that fact.

Thus, he launched an expedition to Cherchel where he did not even bother to conquer

the inner castle but to release Christian slaves in the city. Sanuto also recorded that

Doria chose to refrain from confronting his adversary.498 Apart from the lack of a

response, Khayr al-Din was in front of Barcelona in 1532. The defences of the

Habsburg coasts were still problematic. Thus, even though Doria’s cooperation provided

a counterbalance to some extent, it was not decisive in the struggle.

Yet, still his importance is also blatant for his deeds were the reason behind the

496 See Chapter 2.

497 Gravière, p. 140.

498 Sanuto, LIV, p. 486.

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alliance between Algiers and Constantinople. As a result of the increasing activity of the

imperial fleet under the command of Andrea Doria and the conquest of Coron, Ottoman

decision-makers felt the obligation to call Khayr al-Din to the capital and promote a

simple corsair to a rank of considerable prominence.

Charles in his political testimony also addressed the issue of corsairs as

mentioned before. “The usual vigilance of their states –i.e. of Spain, Sicily and Naplesagainst

the Turks and Moriscos” was a hard task. Also from his instructions to his agent

for Tunis in 1535, his perception of the threat can be outlined. According to the

mightiest power in the Catholic world, the power of Khayr al-Din increased “as a

subject of the Turk -i.e. Ottoman Sultan- sent by him with the navy which he leads as

his Grand-Admiral” and because of “the intelligence which he has with the French

king”.499 Furthermore, the expedition of Tunis itself proves the extent that the Emperor

perceives a threat from the corsairs. True it might be that the Emperor neglected to

address the issue for two decades; yet it was due to the fact that his resources could not

match the responsibilities that his titles brought. Charles was dragged into European

politics for more than a decade and the only thing he could do to contain the corsair

threat was to conduct diplomatic manoeuvres and suffer from ill-fated naval expeditions

in the region. Yet, in the interim of European wars, as soon as he felt his hands free, he

insisted on launching an expedition which he would lead personally. According to him,

corsairs that were backed by Constantinople became a more serious threat than ever

especially after the conquest of Tunis. According to him, entire Habsburg shores in the

Mediterranean Sea from Messina to Gibraltar would be under the threat, if some

precautions were not introduced. If Khayr al-Din was allowed to consolidate his control

499 Sandoval, II, pp. 480-1

141

over the city, he would be able to further this conquest to the entire North Africa. In this

case, Spanish presidios would not suffice to contain such a threat.500

A more vigilant eye, that of the Empress, could observe the situation better, since

she was the one in charge of the Iberian kingdoms at the absence of the Emperor. She

supplicated to her husband to “pay great attention to the danger of the events that took

place in Africa, the kingdoms of Granada and Valencia, Andalusian coasts and islands

of Mallorca and Ibiza and to the immense expenditure that is necessary even for a less

than mediocre provisioning of these lands.” Likewise, she was inducing the Emperor to

undertake an offensive attack since this would cost less than creating a special fleet in

order to protect the afore-mentioned lands.501 The response of the Emperor should be

negative, given both the international situation of the time and the existence of another

letter of the Empress addressing the same issue, dated 5 months later, 14th April

1530.502 After informing Charles about the preparations of Barbarossa in Algiers, she

insisted on the necessity of taking steps for the defence of North African presidios

which were suffering from “brief provision and shelter” and remained prone to corsair

attacks.

Existence of the Moriscos in Spain created another problem for the security of

these coasts. It had already been indicated that the exiled Moriscos from the region were

the driving power behind the corsair activities in the region. Also, those who remained

in the Peninsula did not forget their co-religionists. The level of this cooperation has

500 Sandoval, II, p. 487.

501 According to the letter of Empress following the death of Captain General Portundo after his defeat

against Aydın Re’îs, dated 10th December 1529. Ernest Belenguer, Del Oro al Oropel: I. La Hegemonía

Hispánica en Europa, (Barcelona, 1997), pp. 65-6.

502 Belenguer, Del oro al Oropel, p. 66.

142

already been discussed by Andrew Hess.503 The fifth column of the Ottoman Empire in

the region would create problems for the Iberian kingdoms through out the sixteenth

century. Corsairs’ cooperation with the local population was evident since these corsairs

not only ravaging the Iberian coasts, but also transporting Moriscos to the North Africa.

In Gazavât also, there are several indications of this cooperation.504 It explicitly

describes the conditions under which Moriscos were living in the Peninsula, thus

depicting the task of their transportation as an act of auspices.505

The preoccupations of the people residing in these shores can be a good witness

on how the corsair threat was perceived. For instance, the people of Toledo admonished

the emperor on the corsair threat. According to them, the frontiers in the kingdom of

Granada were ill-provisioned in terms of soldiers who were badly armoured and

insufficiently paid. It would be wise to solve this problem since the recent fall of two

fortresses in the region demonstrated the necessity. 506 The interesting point here is that

the effects of the corsary had been felt even in a city like Toledo, remote from the

coastal frontiers.

Charles sufficed to present an unrealistic solution. 50 galleys will be built which

would guard the coastline. Each port in the region would construct a galley at its own

cost and such a power would ensure the security. This alone demonstrates the hardness

503 Hess, “The Moriscos”, pp. 1-25.

504 For instance, Gazavât, p. 67, fol. 45b; p. 78, fol. 66b ff.

505 For instance, consider the tone of the following narration. “
spanya yakasında Kırnata nâm mahalle

varub bir burun ucında pinhân olub yatdılar. Ol Kırnata didükleri tagda Endülüsler olurdı. Endülüs

didügimüz sol tâ’ifedür ki ashâb-ı Resûlu’llâh varub ol yirleri feth eylediklerinde cânları isteyen ümmet-i

Muhammedden vâfir Müslümân kalmıs idi. Sonra kâfirler fürce bulub tekrâr Müslümân ellerinden

almıslar idi. Mescidlerin yıkub yirine kelisalar yapmıslar idi. Müslümânların tâbi’ olanların harâca kesüb

olmayanları katl eylediler rahmetü’llâhi ‘aleyhim. Andan yeraltında mescidler yapub gizlice namâz kılub

‘ibâdet iderler idi ve oglancıklarına Kur’ân ta’lîm idüb gizlice okudurlar idi ev kızları olsa cebren ve

kahren kâfirleri alurdı,
slâm çogalmasın diyü birbirlerine virmezlerdi. Ve namâz kıldıkların ve Kur’ân

okudukların ve oruç tutdukların bilseler amân zemân virmeyüb orda yakarlardı.” Gazavât, p. 67, fols.

44b-45a.

506 Sandoval, II, p. 154.

143

of the task of coastal defence. 50 galleys should not be considered an exaggeration on

behalf of the emperor in order to soothe the worries of the local population. Also, in

1530, Sanuto recorded that a gentiluomo concluded that the emperor should put at least

40 galleys together in order to provide that his subjects will be defended against

infidels.507 Yet such an enterprise was far beyond the resources of the Emperor could

provide. 13 months later, Sanuto would record that Sinan Re’îs would decide to make

himself the “Master of the Seas” since there was not a strong navy to oppose him.508

Yet, Iberian coasts were not the only province that suffered from corsair

aggression. Habsburg dominions in South Italy would also be under the severe corsair

threat. Bono had also indicated the defence precautions in South Italy against these

attacks.509 Additionally, it had been indicated that corsair existence in Tunis would be

considered to create further problems for the region. Corsary could not be contained

before 1534 either. On his way to Tunis, Barbarossa did not hesitate to undertake

corsary in the region as described before.510 The viceroys of Naples and Sicily were not

more successful than their colleagues in the Iberian Peninsula regarding the containment

of the corsair threat. Yet, the limits of the corsair threat were also extended to further

North. Neither Tyrrhenian nor Ligurian coasts were immune to corsair threats.

According to Guglielmotti, “every sailor could see with his own eyes the desolation of

the Iberian, French and Italian coasts by the pertinacious infestations of the thieves”.511

The corsair ships in 1534, did not only ravage the southern coasts, but also appeared in

507 Sanuto, LII, p. 477.

508 Sanuto, LV, p. 206.

509 Bono, p. 193-217.

510 cited by Bono, p. 140pp. 140-2.

511 A. Guglielmotti, Storia della Marina Pontificia, III (Roma, 1886-1893), p. 191. For corsary in

Tyrrhenian Sea in 1526, see Guglielmotti, p. 277. Both cited by Bono, p. 140.

144

the mouth of Tiber. They were now a serious threat for Rome. Moreover, Aydın Re’îs

succeeded to defeat and kill the Captain-General of the Spanish fleet, Rodrigo de

Portundo in 1529 in the Ligurian Sea. The fleet had recently disembarked the Emperor

to Genoa which would be coronated by the Pope in Bologna. This success against such

an important fleet also proves that corsairs extended their activities to this important

area. Gravière is not more optimistic concerning the general framework: “This successor

of Caesars –i.e. Charles V- proves himself incapable of protecting his hereditary states

against the depredations of a bandit’s marine.”512 Moreover, according to Bennassar and

Vincent, “the naval links between Spain and Italy, evidently essential, especially the

route between Barcelona and Genoa was sometimes jeopardized by the daring

corsairs”.513 In this case, it should also be added that, the route between Barcelona and

Genoa was extremely important for communications in Charles’ empire. This was the

route which Charles had always chosen for his transportation to Italy. Hence, if it is

presumed that as the geographical centre of Charles V’s Empire, communication

between Habsburg dominions in Spain, Italy and Central Europe can only be secured via

this naval route;514 we may prove “the increasing political importance of the sea power

of the corsairs”.515

The account of Sandoval also reflects the pessimistic perception of the corsair

threat and its aggravation after the promotion of Khayr al-Din. Sandoval records the

conversation between Khayr al-Din and the Ottoman Sultan in Constantinople on the

future strategies of the Ottoman naval forces. First, he calls attention to the potential

512 Gravière, p. 27.

513 Bartolomé Bennassar and Bernard Vincent, Le Temps de l’Espagne : XVe-XVIIe siècles (Paris, 1999),

p. 123.

514 Bennassar and Vincent, p. 123.

515 Pfeffermann, p. 120.

145

contribution of the corsair to the Ottoman power since he was aware of the Spanish

coasts and defences. Moreover, his knowledge on the political situation in Italy and

North Africa was another factor. Sandoval records Khayr al-Din’s speech. The corsair

claimed that if he was adorned with a good navy, he would be able to defeat the imperial

navy. Furthermore, he would successfully drive the Spaniards out of North Africa since

their situation in the region was miserable. After conquering Spanish presidios in Oran,

Bougie and Tripoli and defeating the ruler of Tunis, a Spanish ally; it would be easy to

undertake an expedition for the re-conquest of the Iberian Peninsula as it had been done

by the Almohads before. In addition, a navy of such calibre would easily conquer

Mediterranean islands like Sicily, Corsica, Sardinia and Mallorca. Once Sicily is

conquered, Genoa will die out of starvation as well as other Italian states dependent on

Sicilian wheat. Hence, it would be easy for the Ottoman Sultan to conquer also the

Italian Peninsula.516

It is obvious that Sandoval cannot know the details of such a conversation.

Hence, most of these detailed descriptions were based on the imagination of the writer.

It does not have to be the imagination of the same Sandoval given that probably he

copied the story from another source. Still, it reflects the pessimistic attitude towards

such cooperation, so that the loss of Italy and Spain was feared. On the other hand, it is

not possible to encounter the traces of such plans in Ottoman sources.

516 Sandoval, II, p. 154.

146

Charles’ Mediterranean Policy

Even though he was a prince from Flanders, Charles never neglected the

Mediterranean in its political calculations. His vast empire had brought him a number of

responsibilities; and his resources were far below the required level. Thus, his

indeterminate policies concerning Mediterranean and North Africa cannot prove that he

relegated the issue to a secondary importance. His rivalry with the Valois had occupied

his forces throughout the third decade of the century. However, the same year that the

first round of this rivalry was over, Ottoman armies were besieging the traditional

Habsburg capital, Vienna. Hence, Charles was always busy with the more immediate

threat. He had to defend his dynasty’s rights over the contested territories like Duchy of

Burgundy and Kingdom of Naples. He had to prevent Valois aggression through the

northern borders of the nucleus of his empire.517 Moreover, he had to defend his

grandfather’s capital where he had placed his own kin as his lieutenant. The Empire had

already been suffering from the religious dissidence and the loose structure of

decentralised nature. With the Ottoman armies appearing in front of Vienna, the fate of

the Christianity, which he had to defend at all costs as its secular leader, was at stake.

Thus, it should be accepted North African policy was not considered a bigger

threat than these. However, especially after the consolidation of the corsairs in the

region finally in 1529, their importance grew ostensibly. The response did not arrive

until Khayr al-Din, now backed by the Ottoman power and prestige, decided to provoke

it in 1534. This was because Andrea Doria chose to disengage himself as much as he

could since doing otherwise would hurt his own business. As long as the threat remained

517 “Only my kingdoms of Spain can sustain me”, Belenguer, El Imperio de Carlos V, p. 115.

147

valid, the Emperor would need him. After all, he was a private entrepreneur whose

primary aim was to provide himself with good asientos rather than effectively to

suppress the enemy. The emperor, on the other hand, even though he was tried to be

discouraged by his entourage, did not refrain from undertaking a major expedition

against the corsairs in 1535. Charles had always suffered from the lack of money to the

extent that he would lease out his dominions’ future revenues (juros) in order to finance

his warfare. Did it not this lack of money prevent him from crushing Valois despite his

decisive victories? Did he not have to turn down the financial requests of his brother

even at the most troublesome moment of Ottoman menace? Would his constant policy

of leasing out revenues not result in the triple bankrupt of his son Felipe II? Hence, why

should he choose to undertake such a colossal expedition that would cost him enormous

amount of money at a time when there was peace in Europe and the Ottoman aggression

was temporarily contained? The only logical explanation would be that Charles

considered the threat one of primary importance.

Habsburgs had to face a multi-faceted diplomatic manoeuvring in the sixteenth

century. Apart from the mentioned struggles, the family had dynastical interests

throughout the whole Europe. Thanks to a cunning diplomacy based on marriages, the

family would reach its climax of its expansion. The queen of England, Catherine of

Aragon was the aunt of Charles. Charles’ sister, Mary of Hungary was the wife of the

last Hungarian king, while the other one, Isabella was the queen of not only Denmark;

but also all three Baltic states for a period of time. Leonor and Catalina would be sent to

the Portuguese palace. As a result of these marriages, there were other issues to be

settled. First of all, there was a strong Habsburg claim on Hungary. The last queen of the

148

kingdom was a Habsburg, as the last member of the dynasty was married to emperor’s

brother. Furthermore, Ferdinand had been elected to the crown by some nobles.

Habsburgs’ interest in the area was blatant even in the times of Maximilian since he

actually was the one who arranged afore-mentioned marriages. Yet, Charles could not

even come to the relief of Vienna, let alone support his brothers’ bid for the throne.

Secondly, King of England did not only turn against his old ally, but also decided to

divorce from the emperor’s aunt, Catherine of Aragon. The only thing Charles could do

was to pressurize Pope from releasing the permission for the annulment of the marriage.

Thirdly, Charles also failed to help his brother-in-law, Christian II (r. 1513-1523). This

ambitious king had reunited the entire Baltic lands in 1520 for the first time since 1387.

Yet, his success was short-lived since he would be deposed 3 years later. He had to ask

for help from the Habsburgs. He even renounced Protestantism; yet, Charles could not

do anything due to his busy agenda. Neither would he take any action when Christian

would be deceived and incarcerated by his adversaries in 1531. True, by that time,

Isabella was already dead; however legal rights of their children, thus of the members of

the imperial family had been usurped. In 1533, when Frederick I of Holstein (r. 1523-

1533) was dead, it was Dorotea, the nephew of the Emperor, who was the legal heir to

the throne. Emperor had no response, since as his prime minister noted, it was not worth

the pain.518

Gravière may have exaggerated when considering the destruction of Algiers as le

premier devoir of the emperor.519 However, at least it was one of them. Hence, our

conclusion should be that even though the issue of corsairs were not considered a threat

518 Belenguer, El Imperio de Carlos V, p. 386.

519 Gravière, p. 27.

149

as immediate as that of the Ottomans and of the Valois; however, it was not exactly

relegated into a second plan. The dynasty had imperial issues all over Europe; even the

remote and insignificant small-principality of Moscow had correspondence with the

emperor.520 Yet, even under these circumstances, Charles chose to respond to the call for

help from the ruler of Tlemsen; something he did not do for Christian II.

520 Belenguer, El Imperio de Carlos V., p. 395.

150

SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

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APPENDIX A

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159

APPENDIX B

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(Barcelona, 2002)

160

APPENDIX C

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earliest times to the and of the sixteenth century (Leiden, 1972)

161

APPENDIX D

Ferdinand von Habsburg

162

APPENDIX E

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APPENDIX F

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164

APPENDIX G

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APPENDIX H

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166

APPENDIX I

Khayr al-Din Pasha