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 IBN HALDUN UNIVERSITY
ALLIANCE OF CIVILIZATIONS INSTITUTE DEPARTMENT OF CIVILIZATION STUDIES
MASTER’S THESIS

Eylül 2021, 110 sayfa
Uygur'dan Fas'a kadar tüm İslam Doğu toprakları, kökleri aynı geleneğe dayanan geleneksel makam müziğinin yayılmasıyla bereketlenmiştir. Tarihsel coğrafyada böylesine geniş bir dağılım, İslam'ın ve savaşların kaldıracı ve kültürel ticaretin aktarılmasıyla mümkün olmuştur. Bu tez, müziğin Maveraünnehir'den Anadolu'ya yayılımını İran müziği ve Osmanlı müziği odaklı incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Bu araştırmamızda ağırlıklı olarak tarih boyunca hanedanların önemli şehirlerinde ve saraylarda gelişen İran ve Türk Geleneksel Makam müziği üzerinde durulmuştur. Müziğin bu coğrafyada yayılmasında saray müzisyenlerinin ve müzisyen göçmenlerin rolü çok önemliydi. Maveraünnehir bölgesinde 'Herat' ve 'Semerkant', Anadolu'da ise 'Bursa' ve 'İstanbul', farklı müzik ve kültürlerin yayılması ve etkileşiminde önemli şehirler arasındaydı. Makami müziğinin öncülleri olarak bilinen Farabi, Ebu Ali-Sina, Safiyüddin Urmavi, Abdülkadir Maraghi gibi büyük müzisyenler müziğin Maveraünnehir ve Anadolu’ya yayılmasında önemli rol oynamışlardır.
Bu nitel araştırma, temel olarak tarihsel belgesel içerik analizlerine dayanmaktadır. Ağırlıklı olarak belgesel araştırma ve içerik analizi metodolojisini kullandım. Verilerim ayrıca kullandığım birincil ve ikincil kaynakların birleşimiydi ve kültürel antropoloji alanına ait olan kültürel yayılma teorisini inceledim.
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Tarihsel kaynaklara ve müzikal analizlere göre, Osmanlı müziğinin İran müziği ile daha çok Timurlu ve Safevi dönemlerinde etkileşim içinde olduğu, müzikal analiz ve aralıklar, tetrakordlar, dastgahlar ve makamlar açısından mukayeselere göre yapıldığı sonucuna varılabilir. Üç interval için; “Tanini”, “Bakiyye” ve “Mujannab”, Türk müziğinde Mücnnab'ın irili ufaklı olarak ikiye ayrıldığını, İran müziğinde ise tek bir Mücennab olduğunu söyleyebiliriz. Her iki müziğin de Tetrakordlarına gelince, Türk müziğindeki “Kurdi” ve “Chargah” Tetrakordlarının İran Klasik müziğindeki “Dashti” ve “Mahour” Tetrakordlarına benzediği açıktır.
İran Klâsik müziği ile Türk Klâsik müziğinin, makam müziği olarak bilinen, aynı ya da çok özdeş müzik kültürü ve geleneğini taşıdığı ve tarih boyunca beslenmiş ve gelişmiş İranlıların, Türklerin ve Arapların ortak müziği olduğu sonucuna varılabilir.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Anadolu, İran Müziği, Kültürel Yayıl, Makam Müziği, Maveraünnehir, Osmanlı Müziği
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ABSTRACT
FROM TRANSOXIANA TO ANATOLIA;
INVESTIGATING THE DIFFUSION OF IRANIAN AND TURKISH MUSIC

The whole territory of the Islamic East, from Uighur to Morocco, has been fertilized by the distribution of traditional Makam music which rooted in same tradition. Such a wide distribution in historical geography has been made possible by the leverage of Islam and wars and by the transmission of cultural trade. This thesis aims to investigate the diffusion of music from Transoxiana to Anatolia with the focus on the Iranian music and Ottoman music. In this research, we mainly focused on Iranian and Turkish Traditional Makam music which had been developed in courts and important cities of dynasties through history. The role of court musicians and musician immigrants was crucial in diffusion of music within this geography. ‘Herat’ and ‘Samarkand’ in Transoxiana region and ‘Bursa’ and ‘Istanbul’ in Anatolia were among important cities in diffusion and interaction of different music and cultures. Great musicians like Farabi, Abu Ali-Sina, Safi al-Din Urmawi, and Abd al-Qadir Maraghi which were known as Makami music predecessors, had significant role in the diffusion of music from Transoxiana and Anatolia.
This qualitative research is mainly based on historical documentary content analyses. I mainly used the methodology of documentary research and content analyses. My data also was the combination of primary and secondary sources I also used and examined the cultural diffusion theory which belongs to cultural anthropology field.
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According to historical sources and musical analyzes, it can be concluded that the Ottoman music had been interacted with Iranian music mostly in Timurid and Safavid periodsaccording to musical anylysis and comparison in Terms of Intervals, Tetrachords, and Dastgahs and Makams, it can be concluded that for the three of Intervals; “Tanini”, “Bakiyye”, and “Mujannab”, we can say that while in Turkish music Mujnnab is divided into two big and small Mujannab and in Iranian music there is only one Mujannab. Coming to the Tetrachords of Both music it is obvious that “Kurdi” and “Chargah” Tetrachords in Turkish music are similar to the “Dashti” and “Mahour” Tetrachords in Iranian Classical music.
It can be concluded that the Iranian Classical music and Turkish Classical music both carry the same or very identical musical culture and tradition which is known as makam music, and it is common music of Iranians, Turks and Arabs which has been fertilized and developed through history by the cultural interactions and exchanges in this region.
Keywords: Anatolia, Cultural Diffusion, Iranian Music, Makam Music, Ottoman Music, Transoxiana.
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DEDICATION
I dedicate my thesis work to my family and many friends. A special feeling of gratitude to my loving parents, my wife and my son whose words and presence encouraged me a lot during this process.
I also dedicate this dissertation to my friends who have supported me throughout the process. I will always appreciate all they have done, especially dear Mr. Rajeev Kumar for helping me develop my skills inwriting process.
I also dedicate this work and give special thanks to my music master, dear Professor Nevid Musmir for his endless helps and support.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I wish to thank my committee members who were more than generous with their expertise and precious time. A special thanks to Dr. Vahdettin Işık, my thesis advisor for his countless hours of reflecting, reading, encouraging, and most of all patience throughout the entire process. I would like also to Thank my thesis juries, dear Dr. Erhan Özden, and dear Dr. Ubeydullah Sezikli for giving me very helpful feedbacks on my thesis.
I would like to acknowledge and thank the members of Alliance of Civilization Studies Institute in Ibn Haldun University for their continued support. I would like to thank all Professors and teachers of university specially, dear professors Dr. Recep Şentürk, Dr. Heba Raouf Ezzat, Dr. Önder Küçükural whose helped me directly and indirectly through our courses by teaching us how to think and act independently in appropriate way in the academic research.
Rohoullah Vakilzadeh Dizaji ISTANBUL, 2021
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
ÖZ .................................................................................................................................İİ
ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................. İV
DEDICATION.............................................................................................................. Vİ
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ........................................................................................ Vİİ
TABLE OF CONTENTS .........................................................................................Vİİİ
LIST OF TABLES ...................................................................................................... X
CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION ................................................................................. 1
1.1. RESEARCH QUESTIONS.................................................................................... 4
1.2. THE AIM, METHODOLOGY, AND VALUE OF THE STUDY .................................. 4
1.3. LITERATURE REVIEW ..................................................................................... 5
1.4. THEORIES OF DIFFUSION................................................................................. 6
1.5. CULTURAL DIFFUSION.................................................................................... 7
1.6. DIFFUSION OF INNOVATIONS .......................................................................... 9
CHAPTER II IRANIAN MUSIC ............................................................................. 18
INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................ 18
2.1. CHARACTERISTICS OF IRANIAN CLASSICAL MUSIC ...................................... 19
2.1.1. Radif .................................................................................................... 19
2.1.2. Dastgah ................................................................................................ 20
2.1.3. Avaz..................................................................................................... 21
2.2. MIDDLE EAST MAKAM MUSIC PREDECESSORS ............................................ 22
2.2.1. Abd al-Qadir Maraghi ......................................................................... 24
2.2.2. Abu al-Nasr Farabi .............................................................................. 33
2.2.3. Abu Ali Sina (Avecinna) ..................................................................... 40
2.2.4. Safi al-Din al-Urmawi ......................................................................... 42
2.3. IRANIAN MUSIC IN TIMURID PERIOD……..……......... ……………………….45
2.3.1. Music in Timur’s Court ....................................................................... 45
2.4. IRANIAN MUSIC IN SAFAVID PERIOD ............................................................ 48
CHAPTER III THE INTERACTION OF IRANIAN MUSIC WITH OTTOMAN MUSIC ....................................................................................................................... 52
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3.1. OTTOMAN MUSIC ......................................................................................... 52
3.2. THE EXCHANGE OF IRANIAN MUSIC AND OTTOMAN COURT MUSIC ............ 55
3.3. IRANIAN-AZERI (TURK) MUSICIANS IN THE OTTOMAN COURTS .................. 57
3.3.1. Abd al-Aziz Maraghi ............................................................................ 57
3.3.2. Abdul Aziz’s son Mahmood................................................................. 58
3.3.3. Nur al-Din Abd al-Rahman .................................................................. 60
3.3.4. Fathullah Shirwani................................................................................ 61
3.3.5. Hasan-Jan Chalabi ................................................................................ 62
3.3.6. Turak Bey (Durak Bey) ........................................................................ 62
CHAPTER IV THE COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF IRANIAN CLASSICAL MUSIC AND TURKISH CLASSICAL MUSIC....................................................... 64
INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................ 64
4.1. THE INTERVALS OF IRANIAN MUSIC ............................................................. 67
4.1.1. Tetrachords ........................................................................................... 71
4.1.2. The Range of Iranian Music ................................................................. 72
4.2. THE INTERVALS OF TURKISH MUSIC ............................................................ 73
4.2.1. Tetrachords ........................................................................................... 74
4.2.2. Pentachords .......................................................................................... 74
4.3. COMPARISON OF INTERVALS, TETRACHORDS, AND MAKAMS ...................... 76
4.4. DASTGAH AND MAKAM................................................................................ 78
CHAPTER V CONCLUSION .................................................................................. 90
BIBLIOGRAPHY ...................................................................................................... 93
CURRICULUM VITAE ............................................................................................ 98
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LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Abd al-Qadir’s works in Kar Style ............................................................. 30
Table 2: Abd al-Qadir’s works in Aghir Semai Style ................................................ 30
Table 3: Abd al-Qadir’s works in Yuruk Semai Style ............................................... 31
Table 4: Abd al-Qadir’s works in Beste (Composition) Style ................................... 32
Table 5 ........................................................................................................................ 68
Table 6 ........................................................................................................................ 73
Table 7 ........................................................................................................................ 77
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CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION
Middle Eastern music, or the music of the Arabs, Turks, and Iranians, despite different languages and cultural differences, we can see that this music rooted in single brilliant tradition, because of the unifying element of Islam religion. Because Islam has historically found music to be problematic, there is little religious ceremonial music, yet it has not kept back secular music, enriching it with a strong religious element. Music (and dance) have only been utilized for worship by individuals who follow particular practices, such as Sufism; within the mosque, however, activities resembling music (but not considered music per se) have been limited to the call to prayer (adhan) and the singing of the Quran.
In the Middle East, folk music and art music are less distinct than in other parts of the world, owing to the fact that folk music, like art music, has long been the domain of professionals (including women), and the two traditions are mainly based on comparable concepts. Soloists, either alone or with a small group, are common in both. The rhythmic method is likewise similar, being closely tied to prosody principles but also utilizing rhythmic modes known in Arabic as īqāʿāt. Nonmetric improvisations are a common feature of both forms of music. The melodic and tonal composition of performances, which is based on an Arabic system of modes known as maqam, is similar in folk and art music.
The whole territory of the Islamic East, from Uighur to Morocco, has been fertilized by the distribution of traditional makam music which rooted in same tradition. Such a wide distribution in historical geography has been made possible by the leverage of Islam and wars and by the transmission of cultural trade. focusing the story on Iran in this research, we divided it into eastern and western parts of Iran. The eastern part of Iran means Khorasan and Vararood (Transoxiana) and the western part of Iran means the capital of Sasanid in Ctesiphon. The path and history of music culture in these two areas are as follows:
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1) The Lakhmians of Hirah in southern Iraq were puppets of the Sassanids who exchanged the art of Ctesiphon after Islam with the Hejaz and then with the Levant and Damascus. 2) With the fall of the Umayyads and the transfer of the Abbasid throne to Baghdad, a branch of Abbasid music was taken to Andalusia by the Abu Uhlam Ali Ibn Zaryab (d. 5 AH) to the court of the Maghreb Umayyads. 3) With the collapse of the eastern part of Eastern Rome in the battle of Malazgerd (in the year 9 AH) by Alb Arsalan and the founding of the Roman Seljuks, followed by the establishment of the Ottoman state (in the year 6 AH) and the movement of Iranian musicians to their court, Iranian music began to interact with ottoman music and it follows that Turkish classical music with Iranian Turkish origin entered Egypt in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. 4) In the eastern part of Iran, the background of music began with the Parthian civilization in Khorasan and Vararood or Transoxiana. With the arrival of Islam in Central Asia and the battles of the Samanid government with the Qarakhtaeans in the east of that land and later with the coming to power of Khwarezmshahis and Ghorians, the way of Iranian music art was opened to interact with Uighur and Kashmir. 5) What is called Andalusian Nobat music today is a sequel to the music of the Abbasid period in Baghdad, and what is today called the Twelve Uighur Mughams and Kashmiri Sufi music is the musical heritage of Transoxiana that entered the Uighur and Kashmir lands through Islam. What is called Ottoman Turkish music today is a sequel to the music of the Ilkhanids, Timurids, and Qaraquyunlus, and what is called Egyptian classical music is a sequel to Ottoman, Syrian, and Iranian music.
The historical geography of music throughout the Islamic East shows that the two main areas are at the heart of this vast culture, which has been dispersed to its more eastern and western parts by the levers of Islam or wars or cultural exchanges. The two main centers of music were Khorasan and Vararoud (Transoxiana) in the east and music in the Ctesiphon plateau in western Iran. The history of music in the eastern and western regions of these two areas shows that the music of those people did not use the music of the eastern and western areas of Iran before its historical dispersion by the lever of Islam or wars or cultural exchanges. The musical commonalities of this vast realm reflect their long-standing solidarity.
Concerning the interaction of music in the western part of Iran with Syria, Ottoman Turkey and Egypt we can say that the western region of Iran and the Ctesiphon throne
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are the center of the western realm, which after Islam covers the lands of Hejaz, Syria, Andalusia and Egypt. The music of western Iran belongs to the Sassanid era and before that all the scattered cultures of western Iran, which had placed the civilizations of The Medes, Susa, Elam, Kutian, Lulubian, etc. under its umbrella, are placed. We consider the beginning of musical distribution in this realm as the Sassanid and early Islamic period.1
Regarding the interaction of Iranian Music with Ottoman music in the Timurid and Safavid periods, considerable material is available. Walter Feldman dates the history of Turkish Music from the time of Abd al-Qadir Maraghi, which is the first reason for the historical connection of Turkish Classical Music with Iran. Feldman goes on to say that the earliest nucleus of Turkish instrumental Music dates back to Timurid period Music and Transoxiana music from the time of the Timurids.2
Both Turkish and Iranian Classical music are rooted in 13th century music theories, like Safi al-din Urmawi’s music theories. This kind of music is known as makam or maqami or scientific music. Halil Inalcik in his book “Has bağçede ayş-u tarab” states that the tradition of “majlis-e ‘ishrat”, the most touchable place for the Ottoman elite’s leisure life, is basically an extension of pre-Islamic and post-Islamic Iranian culture in terms of both structure and content. Therefore, he suggests that classic poetry and arts like music which were an indispensable element of majlis-e İshrat mostly is derived from Iranian Turks tradition. The origin of Turkish classical music or Ottoman Court music is from Iran and more precisely from Azerbaijan Province of Iran which is belongs to Azeri Turks. Grand Master Abd al-Qadir Maraghi, who lived during the Timurid period, is a master of Islamic classical music who is also influenced by the ancient Greek period. Maraghi has theoretical works and writings on Islamic music. At that time, the Ottomans especially during the reign of Sultan Murad (15th century AD), the Ottomans wanted to attract this excellent musician from different cultures and areas to the Ottoman courts to fertilize their court music and later they invited the son of Abdul Qadir Maraghi, Abd al-Aziz, to Istanbul. During that period, other musicologists also came with him. They brought their specific music to ottoman courts and contributed to Ottoman music by their works and books. Indeed, it was the time
1 Mohsen, Hajjarian, “the Diffusion of Iranian, Turkish, and Arab music”, Iranian Anthropology and Culture Journal, 2017.
2 Feldman, Walter, Music of the Ottoman Court. Makam, Composition and the Early Ottoman Instrumental Repertoire, 1996, Verlag Fur Wissenschaft und Bildung, Berlin, Germany.
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when ottoman music and so-called Iranian music which also had been produced and fertilized mostly by Iranian Turk or Azeri musicians, began to interact or exchange with each other.3
1.1. Research questions
• Main Question
• Has the Ottoman music been interacted with the Iranian music?
• Specific Questions
• How the Ottoman Music has been interacted with the Iranian Music?
• When (in which period/s) Ottoman and Iranian music had exchanges with each other?
• What are the similarities and differences between the Iranian and the Turkish Classical music?
1.2. The Aim, Methodology, and value of the Study
My current interest focuses on cultural relations of nations and people, and for specific, I am so interested in Musical distribution or diffusion among different cultures and societies, and I believe that we can assume music as an important element in cultural relations and exchanges among different societies. As we know there were always fights between Safavid and Ottomans in that period, and we always heard about the conflicts between these two states, while among people or in people's side, it was totally different and instead of conflict and wars there were cultural exchanges and relations which show that ideologies of states cannot help desperate people from each other. So, it is valuable to know that culture and for specific one of its crucial elements “Music” is much more powerful and stronger than any other elements in making and bringing peace in the world.
This qualitative research is mainly based on historical documentary content analyses. I mainly used the methodology of documentary research and content analyses. I examined how Iranian Music during the Safavid and Timurid period had been
3 İnalcık, Halil, Has bahçede Ayş u Tarab, (İş bankası kültür yayınları, 2010), p. 10-20.
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distributed through the Ottoman Court Music, by using mainly historical documentaries content analyses. In this research, in order to find a relation between these two types of Music, I particularly focused on analyzing historical documents in Safavid and Timurid era and also, analyzed Iranian and Turkish Music notes and tried to find their musical similarities and differences.
My data is the combination of primary and secondary sources, which have been discussed by Iranian, Turkish, and western Scholars. My primary sources are the books or historical manuscripts from that period which had been written by Musicians and Historians, and some rare old song track notes remained from the late Ottoman era. My secondary sources are the books and articles related to the issue published by scholars recently, and further the Iranian and Turkish Classical song tracks which is known as Ottoman and Iranian medieval music sequences.
1.3. Literature Review
In the early twentieth century, German-language anthropologists attempted to turn multi-interpretations into a general theory by understanding some of the historical realities in the distribution of cultures. Scientists in the field, In November 1904, two German and Austrian historians, Fritz Graebner, curator of the Polonies Museum, and African Museum curator Bernhard Ackermann, gave two lectures that expressed their views from the viewpoint of Adolf Bastin. In their theory, they suggested expanding the circular issues of culture to study the cultural geography of history. The theory holds that the widespread cultures of the world each have a focus that has shifted around the features of that circular focus over time. Different cultures within focus on specific culture can interact and exchange with each other and could impact each other as well. For example, Central Asian culture has once been one of the most important centers of world culture whose characteristics, such as language and Music and traditions, have been transferred to other lands, and Central Asia culture also affected and shaped by the impact other and previous cultures like Greek and Egypt cultures. They borrowed the basic idea of cultural distribution or diffusion from Reitzel, who was both a geographer and a social Darwinist. Reitzel (who died in 1904) emphasized the migratory distribution of culture in both time and place. Research by François Boas in the United States and calling into question the idea of cultural distribution has led Reitzel to completely reject the issue of empiricism in the distribution of cultures. By
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declaring the issue of cultural dispersion in history to be inexperienced, Reitzel, Grabner, and Akerman’s view became historical speculation on the dispersion of culture4.
1.4. Theories of Diffusion
Diffusion is inherently a process-oriented concept. Diffusion is the movement of a physical element, a concept, a value, a social activity, or an attitude from one population to another. Diffusion is a rare phenomenon that can be used in the physical, natural, and social sciences, as well as the arts. The social sciences, especially rural sociology, anthropology, and communication, are most closely associated with diffusion. Diffusion thinking provides a logical framework for describing and possibly explaining a wide range of changes, from the introduction of internet technologies to the proliferation of belief systems.5
Work relating to the principle of diffusion may be classified as theory. There is, without a doubt, no single, unified, deductively structured set of propositions commonly regarded by social scientists as defining the primary mechanisms of diffusion that could be used in all substantive fields. However, there are numerous distinct collections of propositions, some of which have been well-tested over decades, that describe various diffusion phenomena in various content areas. Indeed, Everett Rogers (1983) developed a systematic theory in the field of innovation diffusion that is widely accepted, frequently tested, and has been applied to other subject areas such as disaster research and technology transfer. The fact that the definition does not necessarily define material is part of the problem with formalizing diffusion theories (rather a framework or process to structure thinking). It cannot, however, be tested empirically without being linked to anything. Diffusion research focuses on something (a technology, a concept, a practice, an attitude, etc.) that is being disseminated. As a result, diffusion research that would guide hypothesis development has remained dispersed through various scientific literatures, making it difficult to bring together. These circumstances do not allow for the easy gathering of data that would aid in the
4 Gingrich, Andre, The German-Speaking Countries, in The Rise of Anthropology in Britain, in One Discipline, Four Ways: British, German, French, and American Anthropology, University of Chicago Press, 2005, Chicago, USA, pp 92.
5 Dean, John 1997 "The Diffusion of American Culture in Western Europe since World War Two." Journal of American Culture 20:11–32.
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development of a general theory of diffusion. Thus, while Rogers (in press) has begun to cross content spheres, one must look to the growth of formal theory in sub-areas.
In the history of diffusion research, at least three patterns or theory families can be identified. For several years, according to Rogers6, these cultures remained largely distinct, with no overlap and cross-fertilization. Since the late 1990s, there has been a decrease in the level of study and theoretical isolation, resulting in increased knowledge among perspectives and some incorporation of empirical findings into more general theoretical statements. (1) Cultural diffusion; (2) invention diffusion; and (3) group action are the three theory families.
1.5. Cultural Diffusion
Edward Tylor's (1865) treatment of cultural change contains the first social science use of the word diffusion. Anthropologists have long tried to understand the similarities and differences between cultures, especially those that were close geographically. Tylor's work on culture change was the first to suggest the concept of diffusion as a way to describe the presence of similar culture elements in different groups and to comprehend the gradual alteration of elements within the same group. Diffusion emerged as an alternative to evolution as a basis for understanding cultural differences and transition as the twentieth century began. Cultural distinctions, according to evolutionists, originated from individual invention. Diffusion supporters promoted it as a more practical explanation, stressing that characteristics and institutions could be passed between groups through touch and interaction.
Historical Development. The most extreme stance on cultural diffusion was devised by English anthropologists W. J. Perry and Elliot Smith. These scholars believed that human civilization began in Egypt and spread throughout the world from there. Fritz Graebner (1911) argued in Germany that crucial elements of culture, such as toolmaking, arose in a limited number of geographically isolated communities. Culture circles ("kulturkreise"), which are groups of communities with similar cultures, were founded on this theory. Graebner and others in his tradition concentrated on the distribution of collections of elements or cultural complexes, as opposed to British diffusionists who stressed monitoring the movement of single culture elements.
6 Rogers, Everett 1962, 1995 Diffusion of Innovations. New York: Free Press. P.39.
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Diffusion is credited to American anthropologists for creating a social scientifically workable definition. Diffusion, according to Franz Boas (1896), is a viable mechanism for cultural exchanges between geographically adjacent areas. His viewpoint was influential in the philosophical shift away from early British anthropologists' deterministic view of diffusion. Students of Boas, Alfred Kroeber7 and Robert Lowie8, formed a position known as mild diffusionism, which is now generally accepted in anthropology. In accounting for cultural change and distinction, this role allowed for the coexistence of a variety of change and transition mechanisms—independent innovation, acculturation, and so on—along with diffusion.
Cultural Diffusion Theory. Cultural diffusion is the real development of a given social organization or actual execute as far as hypothesis development, while upgrade dissemination is the trade or development of the possibility that an establishment or carry out is fixated on. Scholars have enumerated hypotheses, established concepts, and checked empirical work in the cultural diffusion literature with the aim of recognizing propositions that have been tested repeatedly and have not been found to be incorrect. Indeed, starting with early twentieth-century anthropologists' work, there are at least five widely accepted and empirically validated arguments that make up what is known as cultural diffusion theory. To begin with, borrowed elements are normally altered or adapted in the new host community. Second, the act of borrowing is contingent on the element's ability to be incorporated into the new culture's value system. Third, elements that are incompatible with the dominant normative framework or religious belief system of the new society are likely to be rejected. Fourth, the borrower's usefulness determines whether or not an element is accepted. Finally, communities that have borrowed in the past are more likely to borrow again in the future. These assertions are the "central propositions" of culture diffusion theory; each has been qualified and expanded upon over time, and corollaries have been created.9
Diffusion is currently viewed as a tool for cultural transition that accounts for a significant portion of every culture inventory. The empirical record has debunked the
7 Kroeber, Alfred 1923 Anthropology. New York: Harcourt. P. 126.
8 Lowie, Robert 1937 The History of Ethnological Theory. New York: Rinehart and Company. P. 58.
9 Stahl, Ann 1994 "Innovation, Diffusion and Culture Contact." Journal of World Prehistory 8:51–112.
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deterministic, linear interpretation of diffusion. In the field of cultural anthropology, the idea of culture diffusion as a means of comprehending cultural inventories is well-established. As the twenty-first century begins, one of the most contentious issues among cultural anthropologists is the concept of culture, rather than the acceptability of culture diffusion. Diffusion theory is still widely used in archaeology, especially for tracing culture inventories for groups over time.10 Initially, sociologists were interested in using cultural diffusion theory to examine cultural transition (primarily in terms of nonmaterial culture) in the United States. Initially, anthropological theory was used11, but the sociological emphasis shifted over time to understanding social psychological motivations and mechanisms that sustain the diffusion process.12 Recently, sociological research on culture has been divided, with one category focusing on social psychological problems in culture sense13 and the other on systemic (mathematical or statistical) models of culture processes themselves14. Neither party has put much emphasis on diffusion theory as a tool for tracking or identifying the content-outcomes of cultural change.
1.6. Diffusion of Innovations
The propagation of an idea, process, or introduce within a single social group or between multiple groups has traditionally been the subject of innovation diffusion. Diffusion is, for the most part, described by scholars in this tradition as the mechanism by which any invention is transmitted within a social structure. The concept of a time dimension representing diffusion rate and the importance of the individual adopter (or non-adopter) reflecting the position of social influence are also significant.
The study of innovation diffusion started with a narrow focus, expanded to dominate the field of rural sociology for a period, declined in prominence for many years, and then sparked widespread interest across a variety of disciplines. There are three types
10 Posnansky, M., and C. R. DeCorse 1986 "Historical Archaeology in Sub-Saharan Africa." Historical Archaeology 20:1–14.
11 Chapin, F. Stuart 1928 Cultural Change. New York: Century. P. 10-15.
12 Park, Robert, and Ernest Burgess 1921 Introduction to the Science of Sociology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. P. 20.
13 Wuthnow, Robert, and Marsha Witten 1988 "New Directions in the Study of Culture." Annual Review of Sociology 14:49–67.
14 Griswold, William 1987 "A Methodological Framework for the Sociology of Culture." Sociological Methodology 14:1–35.
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of people who research innovation diffusion: those who concentrate on the substance or the particular innovation being disseminated, those who focus on theoretical elaborations of generic concepts of diffusion, and those who are concerned with developing structural models to track diffusion. The literature has seen a lot of cross-fertilization in the last decade, though mathematical modelers appear less frequently in the work of other diffusion scholars. While the study of innovation diffusion theory has its origins in rural sociology, it has recently become more interdisciplinary, with significant advances made in the field of communication in particular.
Historical Development. Thomas Valente and Everett Rogers published the definitive history of the diffusion of inventions as a model (1995). The origins of innovation diffusion can usually be traced back to Gabriel Tarde (1890), who was the first to discuss the concepts of adopters and the role of social influence in adoption, as well as to define the S-shaped curve associated with the rate of adoption. Bryce Ryan's Iowa State University-based study of hybrid corn seeds15 study of the acceptance and use of ham radio sets are two of the most influential empirical studies on invention diffusion. Following this groundbreaking work, the study of innovation diffusion and, in particular, theory production, has been conducted in the sense of rural sociology for more than two decades. The location of rural sociologists in land grant institutions charged with the dissemination of agricultural innovations to farmers16 and the communication and stimulation provided by the North Central Rural Sociology Committee's (a regional professional society) formation of a special subcommittee tasked with tasked with tasked with tasked with tasked with tasked with tasked with tasked with tasked with tasked with tasked with tasked with tasked with tasked.17
Most academics believe that contemporary perceptions of innovation diffusion arose from hybrid corn seeds, specifically Bryce Ryan and Neal Gross's research on adoption (1943). Most of the issues that would occupy diffusion researchers and builders of innovation diffusion theory for decades to come were eventually identified by these studies: the position of social influence, the timing of adoptions, the adoption process itself, and interactions between adopter characteristics and perceived characteristics of
15 Ryan, Bryce, and Neal Gross 1943 "The Diffusion of Hybrid Seed Corn in Two Iowa Communities." Rural Sociology 8:15–24
16 Hightower, James 1972 Hard Tomatoes, Hard Times. Cambridge, Mass.: Shenkman
17 Valente, Thomas 1995 Network Models of the Diffusion of Innovations. Cresskill, N.J.: Hampton. P. 254.
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the innovation. Rural sociologists vigorously established a body of empirical evidence on the diffusion of technologies from the middle 1940s to the 1950s. The majority of these studies remained agricultural in nature, focusing on the spread of new crop management technologies, hybridizations, weed sprays, pest management methods, chemical fertilizers, and machinery. A popular criticism of this era's studies is that many of them seem to be near-replicas of Ryan and Gross' work, with the only difference being the basic innovation studied. Although these studies appear to follow a similar approach and have a linear understanding of diffusion, they also have a solid base of empirical case studies. Indeed, the replications that these studies reflect aided the more advanced theoretical work that began in the early 1960s18 and continued through the 1980s.19
The loss of the central role of rural sociologists in innovation diffusion research began in the 1960s. This was due in large part to changes in the field of rural sociology, but it also reflected the growing participation of researchers from other disciplines, resulting in a shift in the number of rural sociologists working on innovation diffusion. Rural sociologists, like other social scientists at the time, started to devote more time to the study of social issues and the effects of technology after more than two decades of intensive studies on the diffusion of agricultural technologies. Indeed, rural sociologists started to assume that the crucial questions about innovation diffusion had already been answered around 1960, according to Crane.20 While rural sociologists launched a series of international diffusion studies on agricultural change (particularly in Latin America, Asia, and Africa) in the late 1960s, research on the diffusion of innovations was no longer dominated by members of that field by 1965. Of course, rural sociologists have continued to study the effects of technical advancement diffusion, as well as the diffusion of conservation activities and other ecologically oriented developments.21
The influx of academics from a number of disciplines researching a variety of particular technologies sparked the expansion of empirical testing of innovation diffusion tenets. This started in the 1950s with research on the spread of kindergartens
18 Rogers, Everett 1962, 1995 Diffusion of Innovations. New York: Free Press.
19 Rogers, Everett 1988 "The Intellectual Foundation and History of the Agricultural Extension Model." Knowledge 9:492–510.
20 Crane, Diana 1972 Invisible Colleges. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
21 Fliegel, Frederick 1993 Diffusion Research in Rural Sociology. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood.
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and driver education courses, as well as Richard Carlson's (1965) analysis on the spread of modern math. The field of public health has made a significant contribution. Extensive tests of the diffusion of a new drug (the antibiotic tetracycline) were launched by Elihu Katz, Herbert Menzel, and James Coleman, first in a pilot study.22 and then in studies of four Illinois cities (Coleman, Menzel, and Katz 1957; Coleman, Katz, and Menzel 1966). This study significantly increased our understanding of interpersonal diffusion networks, especially their impact on adoption. Since the public health researchers were unaware of the agricultural diffusion research, the drug studies truly reflected an independent replication of the concepts of innovation diffusion established by rural sociologists, as Elihu Katz, M. L. Levine, and Harry Hamilton (1963) pointed out. Other public health research looked at the distribution of new vaccines, family planning, and medical technology.
Diffusion research in three fields, business marketing, communication, and transportation-technology transition, has increased significantly since the late 1960s. The characteristics of early adopters of new products, as well as the involvement of opinion leaders in the adoption process, were the focus of marketing research.23 This literature is almost entirely focused on consumer goods, which include everything from coffee brands and soap to touch-tone phones, computers, and internet services.
Work on innovation diffusion performed by communication theorists, on the other hand, has been much more theoretically driven. During the 1960s, universities in the United States started to create separate communication departments.24 Scholars in these new departments adopted this method of research as a staple of their work since diffusion of innovations was commonly regarded as one type of communication mechanism. This research tradition began with studies of the diffusion of news events25, and has since expanded to include studies of the diffusion of a broad range of unique developments.26 The radical refinement of formalized theory of innovation diffusion has been largely credited to scholars working in this tradition. Everett Rogers has remained at the forefront of communication theory progress, revising and
22 Menzel, Herbert, and Elihu Katz 1955 "Social Relations and Innovation in the Medical Profession." PublicOpinion Quarterly 19:337–352.
23 Howes, David 1996 Cross-Cultural Consumption. New York: Routledge.
24 Rogers, Everett 1994 A History of Communication Study. New York: Free Press.
25 Deutschmann, P. J. , and W. A. Danielson 1960 "Diffusion of Knowledge of the Major News Story." Journalism Quarterly 37:345–355.
26 McQuail, Denis 1983 Mass Communication Theory. Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage. P. 194.
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expanding his 1962 book Diffusion of Innovations with co-author Floyd Shoemaker to produce Communication of Innovations in 1971. Rogers renamed the book Diffusion of Innovations, broadened the theoretical foundation, and included diffusion studies and thinking from other disciplines. Rogers and other communication researchers have researched the diffusion of a wide range of target material components, phenomena, and other intangibles, but they have also continued to publish theoretical statements on communication channels, diffusion networks, interpersonal control, and the innovation decision process. Finally, since the 1970s, geographers, engineers, and others have been working on technology diffusion and transition problems. The spread or propagation of technology27 and the emergence of network models of innovation diffusion have been the primary focus of such studies.28
Theory in Innovation Diffusion. Everett Rogers' theoretical work culminated in the collection of insights from the rural sociology tradition, aided the transition to communication perspectives, and now serves as the cornerstone of what is becoming a more cross-disciplinary emphasis on innovation diffusion. He makes a two-fold contribution. To begin, he compiled inventories of findings from a variety of disciplines and forms of innovation. These inventories sparked the emergence of a non-discipline-bound concept of innovation diffusion. Second, Rogers built and refined theoretical frameworks to describe the key characteristics of innovation diffusion. Theoretical study has solidified a core of knowledge and values that have been commonly established (and empirically tested) as the foundations of innovation diffusion. Eighty-one generalizations (propositions) in Rogers' theory have been empirically tested.
The invention principle the innovation-decision method, innovation characteristics, adopter characteristics, and opinion leadership can all be captured by diffusion. The system on which diffusion research is based is the innovation-decision mechanism. It describes how a decision maker (representing any unit of analysis) decides whether or not to adopt, reinvent (modify), or reject an innovation. There are five stages to this phase. The decision maker senses the presence of the invention and learns about its role at the start of the process. The decision maker develops a positive or negative
27 Sahal, Devendra 1981 Patterns of Technological Innovation. Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley.
28 Valente, Thomas and Everett Rogers 1995 "The Origins and Development of the Diffusion of Innovations Paradigm." Science Communication 16:242–273.
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attitude toward the innovation during the persuasion stage. The third level, judgment, is concerned with the decision-option makers of whether or not to consider the invention. Following a decision to approve, the fourth stage is implementation, which entails putting the invention to use (in either its accepted form or some modified form). During the final stage of confirmation, policy makers evaluate an accepted innovation, collect input from key stakeholders, and decide whether to keep using it as is, change it (reinvention), or reject it. While some have criticized the stage model as being too linear, Rogers has convincingly argued that current formulations allow for interpretative and predictive versatility, avoiding the historical problems with stage models in social science.
Different technologies have different acceptance rates and, as a result, different adoption probabilities. That is, they move at different speeds through the innovation decision-making phase. The literature shows that five characteristics of inventions have an effect on whether or not they are adopted. The congruence of an invention with the existing standards, principles, and perceived needs of a potential adopter is referred to as compatibility. Higher levels of compatibility are linked to a higher chance of adoption. On the other hand, innovation sophistication is negatively related to acceptance. Adoption is positively linked to the degree to which an innovation's usage is apparent to the social community, which is known as observability. The degree to which an invention is considered to be "better" than the concept, practice, or feature it replaces is referred to as relative advantage. Adoption is more likely when there is a greater relative advantage. Finally, trialability—the degree to which an invention can be tested—improves the likelihood of acceptance.29
Adopter characteristics are the third aspect of diffusion of innovation theory. Individuals are classified into adopter groups based on how quickly they embrace a new technology. Nine socioeconomic variables, twelve personality variables, and ten personal contact traits have been shown to influence adoption decisions, according to Rogers.30 Early adopters are more likely to have a high socioeconomic status, a high tolerance for confusion and transition, low levels of fatalism and dogmatism, high
29 Rogers, Everett 1988 "The Intellectual Foundation and History of the Agricultural Extension Model." Knowledge 9:492–510.
30 Ibid, p. 260.
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social integration, high exposure to mass media and interpersonal communication networks, and regular involvement in knowledge seeking, according to the literature.
The question of interpersonal control arises from identifying the characteristics of people who embrace innovations. Information flow, opinion leadership, and diffusion networks are all discussed in the creation of propositions about the role of interpersonal power in the innovation decision process. Knowledge flow has been modeled as a "hypodermic needle," a two-step flow (to opinion leaders, then other adopters), and a multi-step flow over time. Currently, information flows are thought to be multi-step in nature and are defined in terms of homophily and heterophily, which refers to how similar or dissimilar pairs of interacting potential adopters are. The degree to which one member of a social system can influence the attitudes and behaviors of others is referred to as opinion leadership. This definition is currently being explored in relation to spheres of influence, where an individual may be either a leader or a follower depending on which part of the diffusion network is being discussed. The diffusion network, also known as the contact network, is the systemic stage in which social influence occurs. The development of research techniques and tactics for such networks has received a lot of attention.31
Collective Behavior
Although the word "diffusion" is not widely used in the field of collective behavior, it is significant in understanding crowds, fashion, and certain aspects of disaster behavior. Analytic interest is often focused on the spread of feelings, social practices, or physical elements through a collectivity. Human activity in disasters is a new and multidisciplinary field of research. There has been a question in this area about diffusion in the traditional context of following ideas and activities across networks. The implementation of protective measures and the transmission of alert messages have been the primary research foci32, with the aim of research being the creation of general theories of protective behaviors as well as more successful protection of endangered populations. Following that, Gustave LeBon (1895) and Gabriel Tarde (1901) looked at crowd behavior in terms of social contagion, or the rapid spread of emotions among people who are interacting. Despite the fact that Floyd Allport (1924)
31 Wigand, Rolf 1988 "Communication Network Analysis." In G. Goldhaber and G. Barnett, eds., Handbookof Organizational Communication. Norwood, N.J.: Ablex Publishing.
32 Lindell, Michael, and Ronald Perry 1992 BehavioralFoundations of Community Emergency Planning. Washington, D.C.: Hemisphere Publishers.
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and Herbert Blumer (1939) expanded and formalized the principle of contagion, convergence theory has largely replaced it as a theory of collective behavior or crowd action.33
Diffusion processes have been used to describe changes in clothing. Alfred Kroeber34 investigated fashion cycles, which he claimed spread in a systemic manner through cultures.
In the analysis of crowd action or collective behavior, all three diffusion theory traditions converge. Gabriel Tarde35 built on Edward Tylor's idea of cultural diffusion in suggesting imitation as an explanatory mechanism for crowd behavior. Katz and Lazarsfeld36 shifted their emphasis from the initial concern with fashion revolution across networks to social influence. Social psychological motives were firmly founded by Herbert Blumer (1969) as the foundation for fashion behavior. Current fashion theory tends to emphasize social psychological approaches, with fashion diffusion questions remaining on the periphery.37
There are also some academic researches related to my thesis issue in this field. In one Research about “THE IRANIAN ORIGIN DISCOURSE IN THE CLASSICAL TURKISH LITERATURE BASED ON HAS-BAĞÇEDE 'AYŞ U TARAB”38, bünyamin Taş explains how Halil Inalcik states that “the tradition of majlis-e ‘ishrat, the most touching place for the Ottoman elite’s leisure life, is basically an extension of pre-Islamic Iranian culture in terms of both structure and content”. Therefore, he suggests that classic poetry and art which was an indispensable element of majlis-e ‘ishrat mostly derived from Iranian tradition. This study aims to discuss the fundaments for the discourse of origin as stated by Halil Inalcik in Has-bağçede 'Ayş u Tarab.
33 Turner, Ralph, and Lewis Killian 1987 Collective Behaviour. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. P. 19.
34 Kroeber, Alfred 1919 "On the Principle of Order in Civilization as Exemplified by Changes of Fashion." American Anthropologist 21:235–263.
35 Tarde, Gabriel 1890 Les Lois de l'imitation. Paris: Alcan. ———1901 L'opinion et la foule. Paris: Alcan. P.45.
36 Katz, Elihu, and Paul Lazarsfeld 1955 Personal Influence. New York: Free Press. P. 241.
37 Davis, Fred 1985 "Clothing and Fashion as Communication." Symbolic Interaction 5:111–126.
38 TAŞ, Bünyamin. (2019). HAS-BAĞÇEDE 'AYŞ U TARAB'DA KLASİK TÜRK EDEBİYATININ İRANÎ MENŞEİ TEZİ. Dokuz Eylül Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi.
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Another Article by Famous Author Walter Feldman with the focus on “The Emergence of Ottoman Music and Local Modernity”39 issue, he argues that Ottoman new music included a combination of Persian, Turkic, and Byzantine components. In this Article by Walter Feldman who has many articles and books related to Ottoman Music, discusses Ottoman Music and how this Music has been affected by multicultural roots included a combination of Persian, Turkic, and Byzantine Musical components. And this matter makes it much more important for me to assume this article as one which could help and contribute to extend my ideas in my Thesis writing
In one another Article by Recep Uslu about “NEW FINDINGS ABOUT FAMOUS MUSICIAN Abd al-Qadir Maraghi”40, he talks about Abd al-Qadir Maraghi which was amongst the most famous and prominent theorists of Ottoman Turkish Music and had big influence on contributing Iranian Music into Ottoman Court Music. He was the most important representative and performer of systemic school. This Article focuses on the new findings revealed from his work and therefore the things overlooked by the researchers. the actual fact that the usage of the term “uncertain” still preserves its place in encyclopedias for his date of birth actually reveals that some information written by Maraghi himself has gone unnoticed. This Article is made by new findings about Maraghi's life made by various researchers to date and a few other new findings.
39 FELDMAN, W . "The Emergence of Ottoman Music and Local Modernity". YILLIK: Annual of Istanbul Studies 1 (2019 )
40 Uslu, Recep. (2015). ÜNLÜ MÜZİSYEN ABDÜLKADİR MERAGİ HAKKINDA YENİ BULGULAR. Rast müzikoloji Dergisi.
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CHAPTER II IRANIAN MUSIC
Introduction
Music in Iran has a long history and dates back to ancient era. Iran has a rich and diverse music traditions and traditional Iranian music is considered as one of the components of Iranian culture and art. Also, almost all Iranian ethnic groups have their own local music. There are exists two types of music in Iran; 1-Iranian Traditional Music. 2- Iranian Folklore Music. The first style of music has been developed in urban areas and during dynasties in the courts, while the folklore music has been developed and evolute in rural and non-urban areas. In this research, I will focus on the Iranian Traditional Music. Also, the term “Iranian music” itself refers to the music which encompasses and created by the influences and interactions of different cultures and ethnicities like Turks, Arabs, Turkmens, and Persians which through history lived together in same geography and territory. So, it should be clear that with the term Iranian music here in this research, I do not mean any nationalistic point of view, but rather by Iranian music, I mean the music which belongs to all these cultures and has been fertilized in Iranian geography and territory during different dynasties and periods.
From the fourth to the ninth century AH, Iranian music was in good condition. Most scientists and philosophers in their books and treatises have devoted a topic to music. Among them were “Abu Nasr al-Farabi, Abu Ali-Sina, Safi al-Din Urmawi, Qutb al-Din Shirazi, and Abd al-Qadir Maraghi”. In the old books of Iranian music up to the ninth century AH, the words "maqam", "pardeh" and "shedd" have been used. Traditional Iranian music, also known as original Iranian music, Iranian classical music, or Dastgahi music, including instruments, songs, and chants, have been circulating in the Iranian text from the years BC to the present day.
In Traditional Iranian music, the letters of the alphabet were used to name the “Pardeh” or “fret”, and “songs”, and there were also twelve main makams or positions, which are:
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1- Ushhak 2- Nava 3- Boselik 4- Rast 5- Hosseini 6- Hejaz 7- Rahvi 8- Zangoleh 9-Iraq 10-Isfahan 11-Zirafkand 12-Bozorg
These twelve positions were performed from seventeen degrees or themes or tonalities. In addition to the above-mentioned makams, there were 24 branches or corners, which are:
1- Dugah 2- Dahgah 3-Chahargah 4- Panjgah 5-Ashira 6- Nowruz Arab 7- Mahour 8- Nowruz Khara 9-Bayati 10-Hesar 11-Nahoft 12-Uzal 13-Ouj 14-Nirz (Neyriz) 15-Mubaraqa 16-Rakab 17-Saba 18-Homayoun 19-Zavol (Zabol) 20-Isfahanak 21- Baste Negar 22-Khozi 23-Nahavand 24-Mohayyer.
The word "Dastgah" has been used in Iranian music since the Qajar period, which is synonymous with the word "makam". During the reign of Nasser al-Din Shah Qajar, the Radif of Iranian music was compiled by musicians, the most important of which are the Radif of Mirza Abdullah and the Radif of Aghahosseingholi.41
Hormoz Farhat as a musicologist considers modern traditional music as a legacy of the Qajar period and believes: "Radif music is our whole music, the best example of which was performed by Mirza Abdullah and Agha Husseingholi, who were great musicians of the late Qajar period, and others brought it to international music. [3] The current row of Iranian “Radif” music includes seven main “Dastgah” called: "Shoor", "Sehgah", "Chahargah", "Mahour", "Homayoun", "Nava", "Rast Panjgah" and five “Avaz” which called: "Abu Atta", "Afshari", "Bayat Turk", "Dashti" and "Bayat Isfahan".42
In the following I will try to briefly explain the terms “Radif”, “Dastgah”, and “Avaz” in Iranian Classical music.
2.1. Characteristics of Iranian Classical Music 2.1.1. Radif
Today's Iranian Dastgah music remains from the period of Agha Ali Akbar Farahani (Tar43 player of the period of Nasser al-Din Shah) in Qajar period. Mr. Ali Akbar
41 Nettl, Bruno, The Radif of Persian Classical Music: Studies of Structure and Cultural Context in the Classical Music of Iran, (Elephant and Cat, 1987), p. 10-20.
42 Mirzaei, Shahab, "Hormoz Farhat: Iranian Music through History" Article, (BBC Persian website, December 2, 2009).
43 Tar is an instrument which is in used Iranian Classical music
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Farahani was invited to the court by Mirza Taghi Khan Farahani (Amir Kabir) to publish Iranian music. Then Mr. Gholam Hossein (nephew of Mr. Ali Akbar) taught this music to two sons of Ali Akbar Khan named Mirza Husseingholi and Mirza Abdullah, and what is more used and famous than the ancient music of Iran today, the classification of music by these two masters in the form of their music and teachings Is called the "Radif music".
Radif is actually a collection of melodic examples in Iranian music, which is almost synonymous with the word repertoire in Western music. A Radif set is a set of musical examples from each “Gushe”44 of a “Dastgah” that expresses the ratio of the notes used in that “Gushe” and its emotional mood.
The collection and compilation of the Radif in its present form has started from the end of the Zand dynasty and the beginning of the Qajar dynasty. That is, in the early Qajar period, the maqami system of Iranian music became a system of “Radif-e Dastgahi” or “Row of Dastgahs” and multiple “Dastgah” was replaced by seven “Dastgah” and five “Avaz”.45 2.1.2. Dastgah
Each Iranian musical Dastgah is a sequence of different “Pardeh” or “Fret” of Iranian music, the selection of which conveys a special sense of passion to the listener. Each “Dastgah” is made up of a large number of music “Gushe” or “Branch” and is usually presented in such a way that they start from the Dastgah’s Pish-daramad46, go to the “Ouj” or “peak of the notes” or opposite “Gushe” or “Branch” of the “Dastgah” in the middle of the performance, then finally, descend to the final “Gushe” and by presenting the “Tasnif”47 it becomes to the end of the Dastgah. Iranian traditional
44 Gushe is Persian word synonym for Branch, and it is used as the Branch of main Dastgah (musical system) in Iranian Classical music.
45 Kamal Portrab, Mostafa, A new look at the theory of Iranian music by Alinaghi Vaziri, (Nay and Ney Publication, Tehran, 2015), p. 15-20.
46 Pish daramad is synonym for overture, each Dastgah begins with Pish daramad at the beginning of the music.
47 Tasnif is one of the forms of Iranian Classical music, and it can be considered as the Persian equivalent of Ballad.
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music includes seven “Dastgah” and six “Avaz”. The seven Dastgah of Iranian traditional music are:48
 Shour Dastgah
 Segah Dastgah
 Chargah Dastgah
 Homayoun Dastgah
 Mahour Dastgah
 Nava Dastgah
 Rast Panjgah Dastgah 2.1.3. Avaz
Avaz or Vocal in Iranian music is usually a part of the Dastgah that can be called a sub-Dastgah. The Avaz is the same or similar to the Dastgah in terms of notal distances and can have different Shahed Notes (Tonic tones) and Stop Notes. For example, the Dashti Avaz belongs to the Shour Dastgah and is of the fifth degree, and for example, if we consider the Shour as “Sol” Note, it has the Shahed note and the Stop Note "Re". Thus, in the Shour Avaz, the melody rotates on the note "Re" while maintaining the distances of the Shour Dastgah, and finally stands on the same note. In general, each song returns to the main Dastgah Stope Note (here, Shour) after a temporary stop on its own stop. There are 5 Avaz belonging to the Iranian Dastgah music and they are:49
 Avaz of Abu Ata, belonging to Shour Dastgah (Second degree)
 Avaz of Bayat Turk (Bayat Zand), belonging to Shour Dastgah, (Third degree)
 Avaz of Afshari, belonging to Shour Dastgah, (Fourth degree)
 Avaz of Dashti, belonging to Shour Dastgah, (Fifth degree)
 Avaz of Bayat Kurd, belonging to Shour Dastgah (Fifth degree)
 Avaz of Bayat Isfahan, belonging to Homayoun Dastgah, (Fourth degree)
48 Kamal Portrab, Mostafa, A new look at the theory of Iranian music by Alinaghi Vaziri, (Nay and Ney Publication, Tehran, 2015), p. 21.
49 Kamal Portrab, Mostafa, A new look at the theory of Iranian music by Alinaghi Vaziri, (Nay and Ney Publication, Tehran, 2015), p. 30.
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2.2. Middle East Makam Music Predecessors
The Middle East is geographically the land that today stretches from Asia near Lebanon and North Africa to Egypt to the Indian subcontinent. This region has been considered by historians and researchers in various fields such as sociology, anthropology and art historians from the past to the present. The Middle East has been the home of the first governments and peoples since the centuries before Christ, who enjoyed good urban and welfare facilities.
One of the remarkable points of this geographical region is its cultural and artistic diversity, which has led to the creation and invention of various sciences and arts. Before the rise of Islam, the people of this region lived for most of the historical period under the rule of a single empire, which was enough to create common cultural roots.
The myths and beliefs of human beings had the most important impact on the art of that time, as can be seen in historical documents. Among them, we can mention works such as the buildings of Babylon, which are a combination of the magnificent architecture of that time and a mythical view of the universe. There are no significant documents about the music of that time, but with the sound characteristics of today's instruments in each region, one can imagine what the instruments were like.
With the rise of Islam, art and especially music underwent a new transformation and led to the emergence of Islamic art as a common expression in the Middle East.
This area can be divided into three main parts; Iran and Turkey, which were located between the west and east at that time, were a gateway to ancient Rome, and Egypt as the most important civilization of North Africa, which played an important role in the excellence of Islamic art.
After the collapse of the Sassanid Empire and the rise of Islam, the Iranian, and Turkish artistic experience were used in the direction of Islamic culture, which led to the significant development of Islamic art in a short time. The composition of Iranian and Turkish architectural structures appeared in most mosques, and other arts also gave their holdings to Islamic culture.
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The religion of Islam, due to the creation of brotherhood, equality and the use of equal rights for all sections of society at that time, caused art and especially music to come out of the control of courtiers and the upper strata of society and ordinary people to deal with it.
The characteristic of Islamic art was its simplicity and purity, and the whole structure of a work ended only in a single point. For example, by looking at an architectural work of the early first century AH, one can understand that everything in the universe is mortal and only the one God is permanent.
Barbat was the main Iranian instrument of that time, which can be proved by examining the great poems such as Hafez, Rumi and the letters left in the stories of One Thousand and One Nights.
Historians consider this kind of music to be one of the main roots of Andalusian art, and the reason for this is the migration or exile of middle east musicians and artists of that time to the south of present-day Spain.
With the lack of media in its present form, the most important factor for influencing the culture and art of a region was having political and military power and having rich cultural support.
Farabi and Abu Ali Sina were among the scholars in the Islamic Renaissance who wrote treatises in the field of music that can be considered the basis of modern Western music. Now, with the passage of time and the rise of social and cultural ups and downs, this type of music or makami music has introduced itself as one of the important musical pillars of its region.
Art and culture of Turkish civilization (Turkey) with its rich resources in the form of Islamic art reached its glory and peak. Every day merchants came to turkey from different places, trading Eastern silk for Western silver, alongside the hot slave market of the time. One of the factors for the multiculturalization of this region was the overcrowding and the interaction of customs and culture that led to the emergence of nascent civilizations at that time.
With the rise of Islam, Ottoman civilization, which was influenced by the artistic roots of the different and various cultures, played a role as one of the main pillars of Islamic
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art. Mosques and religious sites were built alongside Islamic beliefs, influenced by Roman and Greek architecture.
The Turkish state’s interest in art in line with beliefs has led art to suffer the least damage, despite the many tensions such as the Crusades, as evidenced by the splendor and stability of Istanbul's Sultanahmet Mosque.
The multicultural nature of the region has given rise to music with different melodies and fidelity to its past roots. These include religious music, court music, and folk music which is the combination of different cultures and music from all over the region. this was the result of interaction of mostly Arab, Turkish and Iranian music in this region which was fortified and developed after the rise of Islamic Civilization.
In Timurid courts, There were some famous musicians and musicologists who are known as the predecessors of this kind of music ( Makami music ) like Farabi, Abu Ali Sina (Avicenna), Abd al-Qadir maraghi, and Safi al-Din Urmawi. In the following I will explain each of them in detail.
2.2.1. Abd al-Qadir Maraghi Abd al-Qadir al-Maraghi b. Ghaybi 50(1360-1435) was born in Maraghe city in today’s East Azerbaijan Province of Iran, near the city of Tabriz. He was poet, musician, and artist of the ninth century AH. His title is the second teacher in music. In addition to being a master oud player, he was also proficient in calligraphy, poetry and painting, and memorized the Qur'an.
Abdul Qadir refers to his father as "Ibn Ghaybi" or "Ghias al-Din al-Ghaybi" and gives us very little information about him. In Habiba al-Sir, Khwandmir mentions the name of Abdul Qadir's father as "Safiyuddin" or “Safi al-Din” and introduces him as a skilled man related to the nobility and the court. At the same time, Abdul Qadir does not mention his father's name "Safi al-Din" in any of his works. Also, the contents of the narration narrated by Khwandmir do not correspond to the date of life and death of Abdul Qadir's father. Abdul Qadir introduces his father as a man of faith, meaning and knowledge. He exaggerates in praising the scientific and moral virtues of his father, as
50 عبدالقادر غیبی مراغه ای
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he writes in his description: "... in all kinds of sciences he had a high and high rank, especially in this science and practice, as if no one had reached it."51
Maraghi considers his father to be his only teacher in music and writes about learning music from his father: "Because I had memorized the Qur'an, they wanted me to acquire a little knowledge of this servant, so that I could sing it with good melodies as I recited the Qur'an."52
Abdul Qadir Maraghi lived at a time when the Jalayirs, ruled parts of Iran and Iraq. This dynasty came to power after the collapse of the Ilkhanate dynasty and ruled for almost a hundred years. The most powerful king of Jalayir was Sheikh Owais, to whom Abdul Qadir gained special prestige during the reign of his sons. In his book Jamiu-l Alhan, Maraghi claims that he can make one regular day, which was the most difficult form of composition at that time. Meanwhile, some music masters, including Khajeh Rezvanshah, say that such a thing is impossible, and that Maraghi may have composed these songs before. Maraghi suggests that the musicians and the audience tell him the verses, the rhythm, the position, and the rhythmic round of the turn to be made every day, and Maraghi makes one turn on the same day according to their wishes. Eventually this happens and Maraghi wins the bet and is favored by the Sultan himself.53
With the invasion of Timur to the western regions of Iran, the Al-Jalayer dynasty leads to complete extinction. Timur marched on Azerbaijan in 787 AH. Abdul Qadir escapes from Tabriz to Baghdad with Sultan Ahmad. In 796 AH, Baghdad was conquered by Timur. Sultan Ahmed fled to Egypt, but Maraghi and many other artists fell into the hands of the Timurids.
Abdul Qadir was sent to Samarkand with a group of artists. Maraghi is honored and supported there by Timur's grandson and crown prince, Ghiasuddin Muhammad. Maraghi says in the description of the periods that he built the Matin circle at the request of this prince. After staying in Samarkand for some time, apparently Maraghi went to Tabriz with Miran Shah or on his orders. Miran Shah, who was once one of
51 Arian Rahmanian, Explanation of Abdul Qadir’s Jamiu-l Alhan book, (Roudaki Publication, 2018), p. 20.
52 Ibid, p. 30.
53 Ibid, p 33.
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the bravest sons of Timur and had shown a lot of bravery, after a while, due to excessive drinking or falling from a horse, became disturbed. Apparently, protest reports about his behavior were sent from Tabriz to Timur, which eventually led to Timur's anger. Eventually, Timur decided to go to Tabriz himself to deal with the situation in Tabriz and the western regions of his territory. Timur went to Tabriz in 802 AH. Since the reports mentioned the reason for Miran Shah's ugly behavior as a result of his association with those around him and his nephews Laabali and Nabab, Timur dismissed Miran Shah and ordered that all his nephews be executed. Apparently, Abdul Qadir was able to escape from Tabriz in the guise of Qalandars and finally reach Baghdad. Baghdad was recaptured by Sultan Ahmad Jalayer at this time. In 803 AH, Timur invaded Baghdad and captured it. Sultan Ahmad Jalayer fled to Mosul but Abdul Qadir was arrested. When he was taken to Timur, Maraghi suddenly recited the Qur'an, and since he had a very beautiful voice, Timur was impressed and gave his life. Then Timur says to him with a loving look and a smile: "Abdul grabbed the Mushaf out of fear."54
After this incident, Timur sent Maraghi back to Samarkand. From this time until the death of Timur and the rise to power of Shahrokh, little is known about the days of Maraghi. With the coming to power of Shahrokh, the state of art and artists received a lot of attention and Maraghi was no exception. According to Dolatshah Samarkandi, four artists were present in the capital of Shahrokh, Herat, each of whom excelled in his art and was the only era.
Apparently, thirty years of the end of Abdul Qader Maraghi's life have passed in Herat and in Shahrokh's court. The study of Maraghi's works and Shahrokh Nabast's special attention to artists in this period is evidence that Maraghi lived a free and turbulent life during this period. Maraghi has dedicated several works to Shahrokh, the most important of which is Jame'at al-Alhan. Maraghi finally died of the plague in Herat in 838 AH. Abdul Qadir had three sons named Nur al-Din Abdul Rahman, Nizamuddin Abdul Rahim and Abdul Aziz. According to Abdul Qadir, Abdul Rahman and Abdul Rahim, they were twelve and seven years old at the time of writing Jamiat al-Alhan.55 He also emphasizes that he has worked hard in educating them, especially in teaching
54 Arian Rahmanian, Explanation of Abdul Qadir’s Jamiu-l Alhan book, (Roudaki Publication, 2018), p. 70.
55 Ibid, p 80-90.
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music, and has tried to pass on all his knowledge to them. Abdul Aziz, Maraghi's youngest son, is apparently more talented in music than the other two brothers and has left his mark. He authored a book called Naqaw al-Adwar and dedicated it to the Ottoman Sultan Mahmud II. Abdul Aziz's son, Mohammad, was also a musician. He also wrote a book called Maqsad al-Adwar and dedicated it to Sultan Bayazid II of the Ottoman Empire.
So, it is crucial to know that Along with Farabi, Abu Ali Sina, Safi al-Din Urmavi, and Qutbuddin Shirazi, he is considered as one of the greatest theorists of Iranian music. Maraghi worked at various stages of his life in Baghdad, Basra and finally in Herat with Shah Rukh Shah Teymouri. Today, In the turkey, his character has gone far beyond his main role as a musician, composer and theorist and has become a myth. Today, there are about thirty pieces in the repertoire of Ottoman music attributed to him, and many musicologists consider them to be of historical origin. The surviving songs are mostly in the forms of "work" and "role", but Maraghi himself says in his treatises that he has composed several "regular turns", a series form that itself contains several internal parts such as verses, lyric poems and songs. An important part of his treatises is devoted to extracting and explaining the potential step of the musical system of time and the method of handwriting melodies. Introducing rhetorical cycles and types of forms is another subject he studies. In his treatises, Maraghi describes the characteristics of the common instruments of his time, such as the fiddle, the flute, the oud, the lute, the long-handled lutes such as the soul-enhancer, the musician, and so on.56
2.2.1.1. Abd al-Qadir’s Famous Works
Abd al-Qadir has four major works known on music theory. All of his three major surviving works were written in Persian language. His most known and important treatise is the Jami al-Alhan57, which means Encyclopedia of Music. Its manuscripts have been preserved at the Bodleian Library and the Nuruosmaniye Mosque Library in Istanbul. In 1405, its first manuscript was written, and Nur al-din Abd al-Rahman was revised by the author in 1413. And the second manuscript was written in 1415.
56 Rwanaqi, Muhammad, explanation of Jami al-Alhan, (Tehran, 1920), p 20-30.
57 جامع الالحان
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Abd al-Qadir’s second work was the Persian book named Maqasid al-Alhan58, which means Purports of Music. It is in history that this book was dedicated to the Ottoman Sultan Murad II.
A third major work of him was also a treatise on music, the Kanz al-Tu.af which means Treasury of Music. It was contained the Abd al-Qadir’s notated compositions, and it has not survived unfortunately.
And his last work was the Sharh al-Adwar59, which was the Commentary book on the Kitab al-Adwar60 of Safi al-Din al-Urmawi, who was a famous musicologist and musician. It is also can be found in the Nuruosmaniye Mosque Library in Istanbul.
2.2.1.2. Abd al-Qadir Maraghi’s Compositions
This great person who found some musical instruments and reformed those known up to that time, recorded his works with "Abjad Note" and enabled them to come to the present day. These works set an example for composer music lovers who came after him in terms of composition technique and formulation. There is no work of Instrumental or Saz music. Although he stated in each of his works that he composed a lot of works in this way, they disappeared since he did not take notes. He has a total of 30 oral works in different makams and Patterns (usuls), including 13 kar61, and embroidery, composing, semaî, sengin semaî and aksak semaî. The most well-known ones are the "Kâr-ı Muhteşem" or “glorious Kar” in the random mode, which he composed with the “usûl Devr-i hindi” “Indian cyclical Pattern” or, and the "Kâr-ı Şeşâvâz" and "Haydarnâme" in segâh makam. Most of his works have been lost with the lost of his great work Kenzü'l-Elhan. There is also an opinion that these works belong to others.
As a result, Abd al-Qadir is a good composer as well as a good theoretician. It is stated in various sources that he played the oud very well. For him, Devlet Shah says "He is a first-class composer who plays the oud well." Looking at all these things, he is a productive artist. It is known that he has a beautiful voice and is a masterful singer
58 مقاصد الالحان
59 شرح الادوار
60 کتاب الادوار
61 Kâr is the biggest form of non-religious Turkish music, comes to various meanings such as "work, power, cultivating art". In Turkish music, it became the name of one of the oldest and most artistic forms of oral composition.
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(gûyende). It can be said that Hoca Abdülkâdir is one of the greatest music lovers who helped to shape Turkish Music, to be styled, and to regulate theology. He wanted to bring Ottoman music more easily usable, closer to classical and folk music tradition. This great master, the beginning of the classical school, has influenced the music lovers who came after him for centuries. His works that have survived to the present day are still played and sung as the most text works of our classical repertoire.62
The notes of 22 works composed by Abd al-Qadir Marâghi in different forms, maqams and usages have survived until today. The casting and indexes of these works are shown in the tables below.
Casting of Abd al-Qadir’s compositions
We can divide Abd al-Qadir’s musical works into four styles; 1-kar style. 2-Composition Style. 3-Aghir Semai. 4-Yuruk Semai.
Works of Abd al-Qadir Maraghi in Kar Style; Abd al-Qadir Maraghi has 10 known Kar. The first line is the lyrics of these Kar, the well-known poets of the lyrics, the authorities and procedures to which Kar belong are as follows;63
First Lines of Works
Lyric’s Poet
Makam
Pattern Buti darem ki gerd-i gul zi-sunbul sayeban dared Hafez Shirazi Ajam Muhammas
shaha zi lutf eger nazar-ı suy-I ma kuni
……………………
Huseyni
Muhammes Gul bi-ruh-i yar hosh nebashad Hafez Shirazi Mahoor Hafif (light)
Guzeshte arzu ez had be pay-I bu-i tu mara
Hafez Shirazi
Nihavend-I Kabir
Devr-I Reavn
62 ÖZALP, M. Nazmi, History of Turkish Music (Compilation), Volume 1, (Ankara: TRT Music Department Publication, 1986), p.131. 63 Karaman, Sibel, Abdülkâdir Merâgî’s “Kâr”s In Terms Of Style And Pattern, (Selçuk University’s Türkiyat Araştırmaları Journal, 2009), p. 389.
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Kafer tu kuja ve ilmi Edvar kuja …………………… Panjgah Aghir Sengin Semai
Ah ki kuned kavmi beyakin
……………………
Rast
Devr-I Revan Ehinnu shevkan ila diyari …………………… Rast Duyek
Numuneist begush-i sipihr halka-i hor
……………………
Rast
Duyek Ey shehenshah-ı Horasan ya İmam ibni’l humam …………………… Segah Hafif
Ez shevk-i lika ashk-ı cemalest u Didim
……………………
Segah
Hafif
Table 1: Abd al-Qadir’s works in Kar Style
Source: Abdülkâdir Merâgî’s “Kâr”s In Terms Of Style And Pattern (2009) ; Karaman, Akbulut (2009).
As you can see in the Table 1, there are 3 Kar which we know their Poets out of 10 Kar, others are unknown. three of them are in Rast Makam, two of them are in Segah Makam, and others are in Ajam, Huseyni, Mahoor, and Great Nihavend Makams, respectively.
Works of Abd al-Qadir Maraghi in Aghir Semai Style; There are 2 known works of Abd al-Qadir Maraghi in the form of “Aghir Semai” or "Heavy Semai". The first lines belonging to the lyrics of these works, the well-known poets of the lyrics, the makams and methods to which the compositions belong are as follows:
First Lines of Works
Lyric’s Poet
Makam
Pattern Bi to, nafasi Khosh Nazadam, Khosh naneshastam Hafez Shirazi Panj-gah Aksak Semai
Ey mah-e man dar maktab-ast
………………
Rast
Aksak Semai
Table 2: Abd al-Qadir’s works in Aghir Semai Style
Source: Abdülkâdir Merâgî’s “Kâr”s In Terms Of Style And Pattern (2009) ; Karaman, Akbulut (2009).
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According to Table 2, one of the work’s poet in the form of "Heavy Semai" by Abd al-Qadir is belong to “Hafez Shirazi”, an Iranian famous Poet. Of these two works, one was composed in the makam "Pençgâh" and the other in "Rast". Again, both of these two “Ağır Semai” s are in “Aksak Semai” Pattern.64
Works of Abd al-Qadir Maraghi in Yuruk Semai Style; There are 5 known works of Abd al-Qadir Maraghi in the style of "Yürük Semai". The first lines of the lyrics of these works, the names of the known lyrics, and the modes and Patterns to which the compositions belong are as follows:
Table 3: Abd al-Qadir’s works in Yuruk Semai Style
Source: Abdülkâdir Merâgî’s “Kâr”s In Terms Of Style And Pattern (2009) ; Karaman, Akbulut (2009).
According to Table 3, we only know one poet of the 5 works in the form of "Yürük Semai". These 5 works were composed in the makams of “Arazbar”, “Bestenigâr”, “Irak”, “Rast” and “Rahavi” respectively. As can be understood from the form, all the works are in the style of “Yürük Semai”. 64 Karaman, Sibel, Abdülkâdir Merâgî’s “Kâr”s In Terms Of Style And Pattern, (Selçuk University’s Türkiyat Araştırmaları Journal, 2009), p. 390.
First Lines of Works
Lyric’s Poet
Makam
Pattern Tanam-ı jamal-i yar burdim ………….. Arazbar Yuruk Semai
Darvish reja-yı (nagehanipadishahi)
nakonad
Fasihi
Bestenigar
Yuruk Semai
Har shab nigaranest meh-I nov ta to bar-ayi ………….. Irak Yuruk Semai
Ahu biya mirzem ahu
biya
…………..
Rast
Yuruk Semai Gar siyahi chunin buved cheshm-I tu ber helak-I ma ………….. Rahavi Yuruk Semai
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Works of Abd al-Qadir Maraghi in Beste or Composition Style; There are 5 known works of Abd al-Qadir Maraghi in the “Beste Style” or "Composition Form". The first lines belonging to the lyrics of these compositions, the well-known poets of the lyrics, the makam and Patterns to which the compositions belong are as follows:
First Lines of Works
Lyric’s Poet
Makam
Pattern Ruzigarı bud yar-Iman ……………………. Nihavend-I Kabir Devr-I Revan
Amed nesim-I subh-dem tersem ki azaresh kuned
…………………….
Rast
Duyek Derd-mend-i Eshq bi derdi nemidaned ki chist ……………………. Rast Devr-I Revan
emshab ki ruhash cheragh-I bazm-I man bud
…………………….
Rast
Hafif Seyr-i gul-i gulshan bi-tu haram-ast ……………………. Rast Fer
Table 4: Abd al-Qadir’s works in Beste (Composition) Style
Source: Abdülkâdir Merâgî’s “Kâr”s In Terms Of Style And Pattern (2009) ; Karaman, Akbulut (2009).
According to Table 4, none of the lyric poets of Abd al-Qadir’s work in the style of "compositions" are known. four of these five works were composed in the mode or makam of "Rast" and the other in "Nihavend-i Kebir" mode. Again, two of these five works in the style of "Composition" are in the pattern of "Devr-i Revan", the others are "Düyek", "Light" or “Hafif” and "Fer".
As we already mentioned, Abd al-Qadir Maraghi was amongst musicians who had crucial role in transmitting, diffusion, or distributing Iranian-Azeri musical culture into Ottoman courts, and Ottoman court music. Abd al-Qadir himself also was the product of previous famous musicians who directly and indirectly had affected him in understanding and making new music theories. these musicians, also indirectly had crucial role in distribution of Iranian music into Ottoman courts, indeed. So, in this
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section, I will introduce briefly some of them, since many music scholars believe that they had very big influence not merely in Iranian or Ottoman music, but rather in the whole middle-eastern musical heritage. 2.2.2. Abu al-Nasr Farabi
From ancient times to the Middle Ages, the various disciplines of science and art in the minds of thinkers have branched out from a unit called the humanities, and scientists of this period such as Euclid, Nicomacheus, Ptolemy and Plutarch in the Greek world, St. Augustine and Boise in the Latin world. In the Islamic world, al-Qindi, Farabi, and Ibn Sina have established the various scientific, literary, and artistic disciplines of their time in one unit. The sum of these disciplines formed general philosophy and music was studied along with mathematics.65
This is why we see that Farabi, the greatest philosopher of the Middle Ages and the Islamic world, has mastered and written books in all fields of theoretical sciences of his time, such as philosophy, logic, ethics, politics, physics and chemistry, mathematics and music.
He was known as a first or great teacher in music in his era, while many knew him also as second teacher at Philosophy. Farabi was born in Farab city (today’s Ortar city in Kazakhstan) in 870, and after finishing his elementary studies, he went to Baghdad and lived there for a while, and after that he went to Sham or Damascus, and till the end of his life, he lived there. He died at 950. One of the main reasons why Farabi was counted as a second teacher is the valuable descriptions he wrote of Aristotle.
He was the first person in the Islamic period who write a book on the art of music in which he discussed the laws of sound and mathematical relativity, and the treatise "Ota" as well as the book "The Great Music" or “Al-Musiqi Al-Kabir” survives today.
In the book "Al-Musiqi Al-Kabir", Farabi has collected the materials written by the ancients about music and has compiled the study and rules of the basic principles of music based on scientific principles. These rules are so measured and coherent that
65 Berkeshli, mahdi, “Farabi and music”, Roudaki Journal, No 39, p. 2-3, 1972.
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even after him, those who have written in this art of the book have accepted his writings as an indisputable principle and have only followed his thoughts.
According to music experts, Al-Musiqi al-Kabir is the most important source and the richest reference on music in the East. Abu Nasr al-Farabi in Al-Musiqi al-Kabir, which he has written in two volumes, deals with music from a completely scientific and practical point of view, the physical principles and rules governing it, and the laws of multiplication and mathematical relativity of sounds. In fact, Al-Musiqi Al-Kabir is a critique of the music knowledge of its predecessors, especially the Greeks and Farabi. In this book, it reveals the shortcomings and mistakes of music knowledge, and solves its unknowns.
Al-Farabi first introduced the harmony of sounds into music, and was later discussed by Ibn Sina, and al-Farabi's Al-Musiqi al-Kabir became the most important and authoritative source of scientific research for scientists and musicians in the next century. Farmer writes of Farabi's innovations: "Farabi's writings show that this scientist has excelled in the basics of the art of music."
Al-Farabi was the first scholar to discuss the dynamics and intensity of the sounds in the treatise Al-Musiqi al-Kabir, and to consider musical symbols for them. Farabi's position in music science is so high that he should rightly be considered the father of Iranian music knowledge and the Islamic world. His books were used by Muslim scholars in Iran and other Islamic countries for many years and were taught in schools.66
Farabi lived at the end of the reign of the Abbasid caliphs and during their period of weakness. This period has been the inheritor of brilliant civilizations whose historical developments have pushed them downhill and the music of those civilizations, like its other manifestations, has weakened it. The Torah mentions thousands of singers and musicians who used flutes, winds, and percussion instruments in praise of Jehovah in temples during religious festivals with a variety of instruments, from harps and psalms to other types of instruments. In Egyptian inscriptions, thousands of musicians with various instruments can be seen, which is a sign of the existence of large orchestras in the worship of the gods or in leisure parties on boats on the Nile. In Greece there were brilliant periods of music development that were performed and performed in ancient
66 Berkeshli, mahdi, “Farabi and music”, Roudaki Journal, No 39, p. 10, 1972.
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theaters. There have been various modes of tragedy that have been criticized by Greek critics and beauticians for not performing properly. Especially in Iran until the late Sassanids there were brilliant periods of music. The names Barbad, Nakisa, Sarkesh and Bamshad are well-known. In Khosrow Parviz hunting ground in Bostan arch, countless musicians can be seen in the royal stirrups with various instruments.
Farabi mentions the famous singer Fahlebod in the king Khosrow II period as a first-rate artist. Iranian poets have written poems describing battles, feasts, and hunting grounds from groups of musicians and singers, as well as various handicrafts and various instruments whose names have survived. It is unlikely that with all these different singers, musicians and musical instruments in these periods of brilliant music civilization, music remained in its infancy. Perhaps there was a kind of line of music. What is certain is that in the Farabi era, music was declining in quantity and the various musical instruments used were forgotten and only a few were left. Unlike Islam, Islam did not accept music as a means of propagating the religion, and only allowed it as a call to prayer and recitation of the Holy Qur'an, and sometimes in a rudimentary manner at weddings.
In this era, the Iranian rulers who were the messengers of the caliph, with little help, sought to free themselves from the yoke of foreign domination and took the initiative in reviving the ceremonies of the Sassanid court. In the feasts, artists were encouraged and the people of literature and art gained a high status with them, and this in itself led to the development of music and coming out of complete secrecy, but because in any case it was religiously condemned by the public, its development on low-pitched instruments and was restrained.
Saif al-Dawla was one of the most important figures of the Middle Ages who ruled Aleppo, Damascus and Mosul during the reign of the powerful Abbasid Caliph. He was a sultan with a culture, power, knowledge and art and a delicate poet who attracted many scholars and artists. He had gathered about himself and Farabi was among them in terms of knowledge and art. Farabi's skill and mastery in playing story have been told. The story of Farabi and Saif al-Dawla Majlis is well-known, that "in his circle, he took a piece of wood from his barn and put it together, blurred it and played it. "And they cried, so turn away. He robbed everyone of sleep and left the parliament himself."
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If this promise is exaggerated to some extent, it nevertheless proves Farabi's practical skill.
Unfortunately, there is no writing about the practical music of Farabi's time, with the help of which it is possible to get information about it, but it can be seen that always and everywhere, a kind of folk music based on local songs has been common among people to relieve boredom and pleasant listening. In private communities and caravanserais, basic instruments and songs were played and sung. This music has its own local color in every city and country. In contrast to this type of music, a kind of masterful and skillful music based on the traditions of ancient Iranian music has been available to the people of taste and the master of art. The kind of music that Farabi calls the old "Khorasan" and "Rawasin" of Khorasan, which was performed so skillfully on the instrument that it was not possible to imitate it by singing, or the kind of music that is used to express certain feelings or Imagination is used and Farabi classifies them into the second and third types and has been made and paid for a specific purpose and Farabi finds a complete example of it in the works of Ishaq Mosul. "Music is a work made by men and performed by women," Farabi quotes Ishaq Mosul in his definition of music. He reports that there was a specific sign or line of music, and the composer enlisted the help of his students to write it. It is known that Zaryab, a student of Mosul, a famous musician who took Iranian music to Spain, hired two young musicians and woke them up at night to prepare and record the song he thought he had. Obviously, this type of music was composed and played by composers and musicians called Batkar and reason, and was performed with great artistic skill, and was based on precise rules and regulations that were discovered by theorists such as Farabi and Ibn Sina. And has been compiled.67
Farabi has four books in music:
1- The great music book68
2- Book in the calculation of events69
3- The book in silver70
67 Berkeshli, mahdi, “Farabi and music”, Roudaki Journal, No 39, p. 10-15, 1972.
68 کتاب الموسیقی الکبیر
69 فی احصاء الایقاع
70 فی النقره
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4- The book of words in music71
Among Farabi's writings, only the great music book is available, which fortunately is more important than his other books in this field.72
A brief overview of the book "The Great Music"
At the beginning of this book, after mentioning the reason for writing, which is described below, we read:
"Three steps are necessary for the complete acquaintance of man with any theoretical science:
1- Full identification of the principles of that science
2- The ability to deduce the results of those principles in the factors in that science
3- The ability to identify misconceptions in that science and analyze the ideas expressed by others in order to properly separate from the wrong and correct the mistake and correct them.
Based on this, we wrote our theoretical music in two books:
In the first book, with our own method and without mixing it with the methods of others, we have fully provided what is needed to reach the basic principles of this science. And in the second book, we have mentioned the opinions of famous theorists who have entered music before us and whose books have come to us, and we have explained what seems vague to us, and we have carefully described the opinions of those whose writings we think We have analyzed and pointed out their mistakes.
The first book is divided into two parts. The first part is the penetration of music and the second part is the essence of the subject.
The first component has two articles.
And the main component has three parts (technical). In the first part, the principles of music and all the factors that are generally related to this art are given. Most of the
71 کتاب کلام فی الموسیقی
72 Berkeshli, mahdi, “Farabi and music”, Roudaki Journal, No 39, p. 10-15, 1972.
38
previous authors whose books have reached us, as well as our contemporaries who are satisfied with them, have limited their studies in music to this section.
In the second part, we have described the musical instruments of our time and shown how the principles stated in the first part can be implemented by these instruments in stages. We have clearly stated the share that can usually be taken from each of these instruments. Also, what can be obtained from the capabilities of these devices, but the habit is not current on it. In the third part, how to make special songs is discussed.
"Each of these three sections is included in two articles, and the first book has eight articles in total, and the second book has four articles, and all of our work in music is in twelve articles."73
From Farabi's writing, it becomes clear how Farabi's theoretical music is divided. From the title of the book "Al-Musiqi Al-Kabir" and the above introduction, it is inferred that this book itself consisted of two books. The first book in eight articles and the second book in four articles. On the other hand, since after the completion of the eight articles of the first book, the phrase "the book is finished" appears, it can be assumed that the book of Al-Musiqi al-Kabir includes eight articles of the complete book itself. And the second book is written separately from this book, and perhaps the same "Kalam fi al-Musiqi" is attributed to Farabi, which has not been obtained so far, and if the luck of musicologists helps and this book is found one day, many of the darkness of Iranian traditional music will be clarified.
In any case, Farabi's great music book has two parts. The first part of the introduction to music and the second part of the main topic consists of three parts, each in two articles and the book of great music has eight articles in total. If they compile a list of topics discussed in this book, it becomes more than four hundred topics and conveys the importance of this book.
It is appropriate to briefly mention two important topics here, one is the types of music and the other is the composition according to Farabi:
In terms of types, Farabi divides music into three, both in terms of performance and songwriting. Part 1: It is a lively music that is more common and pleasant and calming
73 Ibid.
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for human beings without stimulating and attracting artistic attention and is used to relieve fatigue.
The second type is pleasant for human beings, and in addition, it stimulates our imagination and image by creating different feelings, and creates images of objects in the mind. This kind of music instills thoughts in us and expresses them in such a way that they are imprinted and formed in our minds. This type of music can be called emotional (passive).
The effect of the first type on the ear can be compared to the effect of a decorative role on the eye. If the effect of the second type is similar to the effect of a pictorial painting on the eye. A decorative role is pleasing to the eye only, while a painting also depicts the institutions of beings, their desires, actions, and morals and spirits.
The third type is a type of music that is a reaction to the human state of mind and can be called imaginative. This type of music stimulates our imagination, especially if it is accompanied by poetic narration or other forms of erroneous speech. In this case, its effect is intensified.
As for composing, he says:
“When a person has acquired an innate ability to distinguish a good song from a bad one. Recognize "gentle" from "non-gentle" and separate the agreeing and opposing notes and combine the musical notes in such a way that he has access to the ear and in the composition of the song in general, practical music It has its second effect (the first effect is its execution). To reach this base, one must have a sensitive and precise ear, the ability to understand and imagine naturally. For a musician to be part of this group of artists, it is enough to be able to compose a song without interpreting or judging it.
There are also musicians who can improvise, that is, play improvised songs that are not already in their minds. The song is formed in them when they feel a certain sound, for example, they whisper a few notes themselves or hear a whisper from another. Such artists are no less than the first category. For them, musical institutions are such that the song is formed at the moment they intend to compose while playing, and only a slight caress of the ear is enough to move them.
Another group of composers have even greater imagination. The melody or the factors that combine it play a role in their minds for them without the need for an external
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stimulus of sound sensation and without caressing the ear. Their will alone is enough to create a musical work and a transition from their imagination.”74
According to Farabi, the gift of creating music can be divided into three divisions:
The first is the gift that the artist needs with the help of a sensory factor to create the song.
The second is the gift that the artist does not need any outside help to make the song, but he is still not able to argue and justify what he has made.
The third is the gift that the artist possesses to a degree of the ability of the image to be able to justify and argue what he creates, and Ishaq Mosul has been in this category.
As can be seen, the division of music into three types is still acceptable today and applies to all types of music available to any nation.
It is very remarkable about composing that Farabi considers improvisation as a kind of composing and does not underestimate its importance as composing, and this is the same truth when a musician reaches a level of skill that can express his imagination. Visualizing on an instrument is in fact composing itself when composing.
Therefore, it is not true at all that it is said that if a row of Iranian music is played for 12 hours in a row, it will not be more than 12 hours. Conducts Iranian music and the row is a "method" that is used to bring the musician to the level of improvisation. 2.2.3. Abu Ali Sina (Avecinna)
Ibn Sina, also known as Abu Ali Sina, or Pour Sina. and also known as Avicenna in West (980 – June 1037), was an Iranian Scientist and Scholar who is regarded as one of the most significant physicians, astronomers, thinkers and writers of the Islamic Age, and the father of modern medicine. He also has very famous writings and books about music.
What Ibn Sina has written about music and left for us can be studied in many ways: His writings on music are primarily methodologically noteworthy because they can be
74 Berkeshli, mahdi, “Farabi and music”, Roudaki Journal, No 39, p. 10, 1972.
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a guide for scientific research in music. As we can see, he avoids quoting material mixed with fiction and mythology, and in his book "music science community"75 such things as the state or invention of the oud can be made by (Qabil ibn Adam) or an instrument made of iron or copper.76 Ibn Sina's other reference is to the works of ancient Greek philosophers and idiots, or occasionally quoting the sayings of people such as Ptolemy and Euclid of Pythagoras, as some of his predecessors, Farabi and others, have done.
Another point is the "precise" calculations that Ibn Sina used in his valuable work, "Javami al-Ilm al-musiki" and in fact considered the theoretical and scientific aspects of music as accurate knowledge. Therefore, it would not be an exaggeration to say that what he says about the dimensions and proportions of music, or the accuracy with which he uses the basic definitions of music, is unique or rare in its kind. As his discussion of the connection between music and poetry and the comparison of the two great arts may be one of the earliest researches on the music of poetry, especially since in those days more attention was paid to the practical aspect of music, and music as less accurate knowledge.
Undoubtedly, many musicologists after Ibn Sina have benefited directly or indirectly from his works, for example Ibn Zillah, a special disciple of Ibn Sina, although in the only surviving book “al-Kafi fi al-musiqi” It is not quoted by the master, but the contents of his book show very well that he used the works of Ibn Sina and sometimes even quoted and adapted almost the same phrase as " Javami al-Ilm al-musiqi "77 and perhaps only quoting works from Farmar.
Safi al-Din al-Urmavi (1216-1294) is the second great music scholar of Iran after Farabi. All of them have often quoted the contents of Ibn Sina's "Society of Music Science" in topics such as melody, intensity, weight, dimensions and rhythm.78
Abd al-Qadir al-Maraghi (1360-1435) also repeatedly cites the sayings of Ibn Sina in his works, and the example of Safi al-Din al-Urmavi and Qutb al-Din al-Shirazi, who divided the chord into 17 parts, is related to the commentary mentioned by Ibn Sina. The melody brings the factors of intensity and weight and the proportion of dimensions
75 جوامع العلم الموسیقی
76 Maraghi, Abd al-Qadir, Jami al-Alhan, (Tehran, 1987), p.18.
77 Ibn Zilla, Hussain, al-Kafi fi al-musiqi, volume I, (Cairo, 1964), p.44.
78 Shirazi, Qutb al-Din, Dhurrat al-Taj, Vol I, (Tehran), p.19.
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and the like to them almost like Ibn Sina. In order to show the high value of music, theory, and the difficulty of the community between science and practice, or the map of practical music, which he calls art, he quotes the famous saying of Ibn Sina about music: "Where is science, who died?"79. But while criticizing that Ibn Sina apparently did not deal with practical music, he criticizes it and says: "Sheikh Abu Ali was perfect in the operation of every art, but in the operation this art was astonished"80 and he repeatedly relies on this point. In music, there should be a society between science and practice, and somewhere he writes that Ibn Sina's definition of song has been challenged.
Of the various and relatively numerous works attributed to Ibn Sina, five of his works are either entirely in music or some of them are devoted to music, as follows: The Book of Healing81, The Book of Salvation82, The Encyclopedia or Wisdom of Aalii83, An introduction to music as an art84, the book of Lawahiq85.
2.2.4. Safi al-Din al-Urmawi
Safi al-Din Abd al-Mu’min Ibn Abi al-Mafakher Yousef Ibn- Fakhir Urmawi, known as Safi al-Din al-Urmawi was born in Urmia city which today is located in west Azerbaijan province of Iran. He was born in 1216. He was renowned musician, Calligrapher, writer on the theory of music, and also, he was a pioneer of Montazemi school. In his early ages, he immigrated to Baghdad in Iraq with his family, and spent whole his life in Baghdad.
We can divide the life of Safi al-Din Urmawi into three phases. The first period was the life of Musta’sim (1216-1258), the second period was the Mongol invasion of Baghdad and the period after (1258-1263), and the third period was the life of the
79 Maraghi, Abd al-Qadir, Jami al-Alhan, (Tehran, 1977), p.66.
80 Ibid, p.118.
81 کتاب الشفا
82 کتاب النجاه
83 حکمه العلاِیی
84 المدخل الی صناعه الموسیقی
85 کتاب اللواحق
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Juveyni period (1258-1294). In the times of Khalifa Mustansır and Musta’sim, he was considered the greatest of calligraphers and musicians.86
We know that the contribution of Safi al-Din al-Urmawi is so crucial and has significant role in the chain of theoretical works in the history of Arabic, Iranian, and Ottoman music starting with al-Kindi. He continued his studies in sciences in al-Muntazamiyyah school in Baghdad, and also, was renowned as celebrated calligrapher and writer of literature. He was also a good physicist and a performer of the Oud (oriental lute). He was very famous by his compositions abroad, Safi al-Din invented two musical instruments and also trained lots of students in the fields of calligraphy and music. "Old Orient Sound System with 17 Notes which was systematized by Safi al-Dīn was considered as one of the best sound systems by some writers. It is thanks to this system and other achievements that he was claimed as Zarlino of the Orient”.87
Safi al-Din Urmawi has some famous works on theory of music; the most famous ones are Kitāb al-adwar (The Book of Musical Modes) and alRisala al-sharafiyya fi al-nisab al-ta līfiyya. These books were the sources for many writers who wrote about the theory of music for several centuries after his time. There are some authors who benefited from his works; Qutb al-Dīn Mahmud al-Shīrāzi (d. 1310), Abd al-Qadir b. Ghaybi al-Marāghi (d. 1435), Fath Allāh Mūmin al-Shirwāni (d. 1486), Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Hamid al-Lādhiqi (d. 1494) and Alishah b. Haci Buke (d. 1500).88
One of Safi al-Din's famous works is Al-Adwar Fi Al-Musiqi, also known as the abbreviated Al-Adwar. In this book, Safi al-Din has studied Iranian music from the point of view of music theory and has described characteristics such as frets and melodies in the framework of the theory of cycles. He also describes how to tune instruments such as the barbat. After Ibn Sina's writings on music in Shafa, al-Adwar is the oldest available book on the scientific theory of Iranian music. This treatise is also a document on the use of strings. Fifth in the oud instrument in the time of Urmawi, which was not common in the time of Ibn Sina. Other new aspects of Al-Adwar treatise include the use of the alphabet to accurately describe the seventeen intervals in the step of Iranian-Islamic music, the precise explanation of the twelve
86 Nuri, Mehmet, Safi al-Din Urmawi and his book al-Adwar, (Istanbul, 1999), p.25.
87 Arslan, Fazli, Safi al-Din Urmawi and the theory of music, (foundation for science technology and civilization Journal, 2007).
88 Ibid.
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positions of music, and the precise description of weight in the popular music of the time.89
This treatise is written in 15 chapters and is very concise. In his works, Abd al-Qader Maraghi refers to the "commentators of the eras" which shows that this work was highly regarded immediately after its writing and was explained by later musicians. Among the old translations and commentaries written in Persian on this work are the commentary of Shahab al-Din Sirafi, the translation and commentary of Abu Ishaq Inju, the commentary of Nasrullah Ghaeni, the commentary of Abdul Qadir MaragheI in Persian (called "Zabda al-Adwar"), which will be completed later. He also wrote a book called "Zawaid al-Fawayed", a description of Lotfallah Samarkandi and a Persian translation by a person named Mohammad Ismail from Isfahan, which was commissioned by Mirza Aga Khan Nouri.90
Safia al-Din's second famous book is Sharafiyah treatise. He wrote this book around the year 665 AH (equivalent to 1267 AD) and presented it to his student Sharafuddin Harun Joveyni. Safia al-Din was acquainted with Nasir al-Din al-Tusi through the Joveyni family, and it is probable that al-Tusi aroused his interest in Greek science; As in al-Adwar, Safi al-Din was not influenced by the science of Greek music, but in the treatise of Sharafiyah there is this influence. It is also possible that Safi al-Din wrote his second book under the influence of Farabi (especially Kabir music).
Sharafiyah's treatise is more detailed than Al-Adwar and consists of five articles. Among those who translated or described this treatise was Cara de Woo, who translated the treatise briefly into French. Also, Rudolf in Lange, who published a complete translation into French in 1937, and Qutbuddin Shirazi actually wrote the treatise Dara al-Taj Laghar al-Dabbaj in the description of Sharafiya's treatise. One of the characteristics of Sharafiya's treatise is the simultaneous use of "Afa'il" and “Atanin” which is for the structure of the rhythm of pieces of music. In earlier works, such as Farabi, only “Atanin” was used to describe the rhythm of music, and “Afa’il” were used only for pronouns (weight of poetry).91
89 Neubauer, Eckhart (2012).” Safi al-Din Urmawi”. In Bearman, P; Bianquis, Th; Bosworth, CE; van Donzel, E; Heinrichs, WP. Encyclopaedia of Islam (2nd ed.). 12 April 2019.
90 Tabatabai, muhit. "Safiauddin Urmavi". Music Journal (No 10 and 11): 44–59. 1940.
91 Ibid.
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So, as we can see, there are many musicians who benefited from Safi al-Din Urmawi’s works on the theory of music, and among them, we can see the name of Abd al-Qadir Maraghi who had big influence on Ottoman music. So, we can say that Safi al-Din Urmawi also indirectly had a crucial impact on Ottoman music.
2.3. Iranian Music in Timurid Period
Timur's reign in Iran for some reasons such as his politics or artistic taste, was the beginning of the revival of culture and art, after a long period of stagnation, it was a time in which new fate had been occurred for artists in his time and its effects on cultural life remained in the lands which were under the control of the Timurids for a long time. After the death of Timur in 807 AH and coming to power of Shahrokh, he replaced Samarkand, as a gathering place of artists, especially musicians such as Abd al-Qader Maraghi. After Shahrokh's death, although the political and military power of the Timurid survivors was on the verge of collapse, great artistic and literary movements took place in their small courts, and famous musicians emerged, no doubt that this emergence was due to the support of two artistic figures; Sultan Hussein Bayqara (911-842 AH) and the Minister of Art, his friend Amir Ali Shir Navai (844-906 AH). The respect and well-being of artists during the reign of Sultan Hussein Bayqara, especially musicians and painters, led to astonishing progress in these two fields of art; In a way, painting in his heart was to some extent a mirror to show and reflect the art of music, by talented painters such as Ruhollah Mirk and Kamaluddin Behzad. 2.3.1. Music in Timur’s Court
In the eyes of Timur, conquered Iran was considered the essence of wealth, art and culture, which, taking advantage of its rich and cultural achievements, sought to turn the Transoxiana into a cultural-artistic nucleus and thus increase its prestige. This is clear from his tireless efforts for the prosperity of his capital, Samarkand.92 Despite the fact that most of Timur's time was spent in successive wars and campaigns, he was "fascinated by the people of industry and good profession".93 and for this reason, after conquering every city and region, he moved its artists of the regions to Samarkand.94
92 Golden, Peter, Central Asia in World History, (Oxford University Press, 2011), p.8.
93 Ibn Arabshah, Ahmad ibn Mahmood, Astonishing Life of Timur, (Tehran Publication, 1977), p.297.
94 Ibid, p.310.
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By inviting and accepting Musicians from everywhere, he turned this period into one of the brightest periods in the history of Iranian music.95 Following his conquests, Timur removed a large group of musicians from the court of Sultan Ahmad Jalayer and after the conquest of Baghdad in 795 AH. In his court, he admitted the presence of a prominent musician such as Abdul Qadir Maraghi in the court of Timur in Samarkand.96 Sharafuddin Ali Yazdi reports in this regard: “it has been said that the wives of Sultan and his son Ahmad Ala Al-Dawlah moved to Samarkand with artists from the respected guilds and craftsmen of Dar al-Salam, each of whom was professional in their professions. According to what he said, they were arrested and Khajeh Abdul Qader Maraghi, who was very famous, and was quoted in the leading music of the period, was moved to Samarkand”.97
Undoubtedly, Abolfazl Kamal al-Din Abd al-Qadir ibn Hafez Ghaybi Maraghi had a great influence on the growth and development of the art of music in the Timurid period. In a way that Timur and Shahrokh considered him very high and contemporary scholars have considered him as one of the most important theoretical music scholars of this period and the last great musician and heir of Iranian traditional music.98
Timur, with the origin and roots of nomadism, always, whether on war trips or after conquer and presence in Samarkand, for reasons such as to get rid of the difficulties of successive campaigns and reduce the suffering of soldiers away from home and family and show authority And its own political-military stability, by itself and by the enemy, like the Genghis dynasty, had held continuous ceremonies, for instance, during its conquests, he held great celebrations and glorious banquets with the presence of music artists. However, Natanzi in his book states that the purpose of these banquets is only to have a good time not anything more.99
In commemoration of a celebration after Timur arrived at the Dar al-Saltanah in Samarkand in 807 AH. It is stated that: "The melodious singers and the sweet-tongued singers, in Persian and in the order of Ajam and the Arabic rule, began to compose,
95 Subtelny, Maria, Timurid in transitions: Turko-persian politics and acculturation in Medieval ran, (Leiden, Brill, 2007), p.28.
96 Ibn Arabshah, Ahmad ibn Mahmood, Astonishing Life of Timur, (Tehran Publication, 1977), p.23.
97 Yazdi, Sharafuddin Ali, Zafarnameh vol 1, (Tehran museum and parliament pub, 2002), p.735.
98 Sarmadi, Abbas, encyclopedia of Iranian and Islamic world Artists, (Hirmand, 2010), p.40.
99 Natanzi, Moein-al-din, Muntakhabu-l Tavarikh, (Asatir Publication, 2004), p.294.
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enrich and play a role, and sang the song and the hymn to the chandelier."100 (Hafiz Ebru, vol. 2, p. 1028). In addition, the performance of music by bands at Timur celebrations and banquets was a common occurrence, As Clavijo reports in more details in his travelogue: "A group played the drums and the elephants were dancing by the song and made amazing noises, and in the booth where Timur was sitting, a group of musicians gathered and They played the voices of their various instruments ”.101
After holding glorious celebrations in the presence of Clavijo (the ambassador of Spain), Timur seems to have had other purposes, such as showing the power and stability of the peace of his realm; Hence, the musicians were also a factor in making the event magnificent.
In addition, musicians were likely to have attended important political and military meetings to soften serious political rallies and express joy at a national political decision. According to Samarkandi, in the great Qorilta, in which the princes of the court, one of the descendants of Genghis Khan, in order to bring the savior to his house, in 807 AH. Were formed, musicians of various instruments were present. Also, in the marriage celebration of several princes, including Prince Algha Beyk, son of Shah Rukh, the presence of groups of musicians has been narrated.102
Apart from court gatherings, the musicians of this period also had an active presence in the field of military music and battle ranks and campaigns, and in military battles they played martial instruments such as drums, dahl, serena, naqara and barghu103.104
Apparently, in this period, the tambourine (with musical instruments such as nafir and drums) was considered as a symbol of authority, as in the Ghaznavid period, playing the tambourine had such a position that Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni was one of It counts the unique privileges of the sultan and sometimes the granting of these symbols (drums and other) by the sultans to the rulers under him has expressed the sultan's love and affection for that emir; Because according to the law of the Shah's uniqueness, no one
100 Hafiz abru, Abdullah ibn Lutfullah, zubdetu-l tavarikh,Vol.2, (Cultural Ministry of Iran publication, 2001), p.1028.
101 Ibid, p.257.
102 Ibn Arabshah, Ahmad ibn Mahmood, Astonishing Life of Timur, (Tehran Publication, 1977), p.219.
103 A musical instrument which is similar to Nafir instrument but does not have holes on it.
104 Jafari, Jafar ibn Muhammed, jafari’s History and Great or Kabir History, (Qom, 2014), p.61,74,85.
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had the power to take over matters that were exclusive to the sultan, and giving Nafir and drums by the sultan to the emir was a special privilege for that emir.105
It is worth noting that despite Timur's support for artists, his cruelty was not specific and general, and he severely punished anyone who felt that he was somehow disrupting his rule, even artists from This punishment was not exempt; As in the event of 802 AH. It is stated that during this period, Miran Shah, the son of Timur, after falling from a horse in Azerbaijan and suffering from mental disorders, "he drank wine so much in Tabriz, as his temperament deviated from the law of moderation, and his behavior became so bad with everyone”.106 Upon hearing this news, Timur quickly left for Tabriz and subsequently ordered the assassination of his son Miran Shah's associates. It seems that in the meantime, Khajeh Abdul Qadir, who was sentenced to death, survived this and escaped, and after a while, he rejoined Timur and then Shahrokh's servants.107
As mentioned, so far, the most important music centers of Iran were located in the western regions, especially in Tabriz and Baghdad, but in a short time these centers due to the decline of political power and economic, moved to Samarkand, which was in the light of the support of Timurid rulers, the grounds for the growth of science and especially art, due to the favorable conditions of this region, more than other places were provided. Contemporary scholars generally consider the music of the Timurid court to be a continuation of the previous musical tradition in the court of Al-Jalayer which was finally transferred to Isfahan, the capital of the Safavids, with the conquest of Herat by Shah Ismail I Safavid. Becomes.108
2.4. Iranian Music in Safavid Period
The coming to power of the Safavid dynasty was the period of decline of scientific music in Iran. The power of Shah Ismail, the founder of the Safavid dynasty, was the result of the convergence of Sufis and their converging tribes. Shah Ismail defined
105 As’adi, Hooman, Musical Life in the Timurids Era from the Samarkand to herat, (Mahoor, 2001), p.26.
106 Nawai, Amirali Shir, tazkare-ye Majalisu-l Nafayis, (Tehran, 1985), p.122.
107 Ibn Arabshah, Ahmad ibn Mahmood, Astonishing Life of Timur, (Tehran Publication, 1977), p.109.
108 As’adi, Hooman, Musical Life in the Timurids Era from the Samarkand to herat, (Mahoor, 2001), p.28.
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joining the Shiite madhab as the common denominator of Safavid supporters; And in this passage, the jurists and scholars were raised to the most just foundation and the greatest position. The opposition of the ulema109 to the music of Tarab, which was the theme of the Timurid period and the most common type of music of that time, provided the ground for the rejection of the totality of music and all its aspects in the Safavid court and, of course, among the general public. Before the establishment of new political and social structures, it was always the court of kings and the court of sultans and the threshold of rulers, the center of the community of artists and the center of gravity of poets and writers.
With the exception of Shah Abbas I, all the kings of the Safavid dynasty strongly opposed music and poetry, and suppressed the small flares left by national music. After the disillusionment of poets and musicians with the court of the Safavid kings and the degradation of their status and prestige in the eyes of the masses, groups of these artists were deported and unwittingly emigrated to the neighborhood countries, especially the courts of the Ottomans and Gurkhas of India.
If during the overthrow of the Ilkhans and the massacre of the Timurids, we witnessed the emergence of musicians and poets like Abd al-Qader Maraghi and Hafez Shirazi, we do not see the emergence of any poet or musician in the 220-year period of the Safavid dynasty. The execution of a group of musicians by Shah Tahmasb Safavid is an example of the state of this art during the Safavid rule. Music in these eras was, after all, sample of humiliation. With the exception of Shah Abbas I, all Safavid sultans hung the sharp razor of enmity with poetry and music on their backs.
In the decree of Shah Tahmaseb to the governors of the provinces, in the year 936 AH, it is stated: “Except for the Naqqareh Houses of Homayouni, which has been located in our dynasty, they should no longer play the sorna and saz, and if it turns out that they built a musical instrument and even a daf (dayereh), they are condemned ...”. Shah Tahmaseb was hanged one of the musicians of his time, for serving his son, Sultan Haidar Mirza. After this, according to the order, he killed all the musicians and singers.
Shah Abbas I, unlike other Safavid sultans, was eager to hear the melody and welcomed musicians. What is more, Shah Abbas Safavid, in moral characteristics, was a group of opponents. A concoction of forgiveness, gentleness, generosity and taste,
109 Islamic Scientists
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with a mixture of misery, violence, cruelty and oppression, was gathered in the personality of this Safavid sultan. According to Iskander Bey, the author of the book Alam-e-Arai Abbasi: “This prince, contrary to the rule of the people of the time, mixed water and fire with each other and gathered the opposites together.”
Shah Abbas defeated all the enemies of Iran and established security in the country, which was shaky. The settlement of Iran on the land of this Safavid sultan is approved by all. With intelligent measures and rational measures, prosperity and industry, art and trade in Iran during the time of Shah Abbas, reached the highest level. Isfahan, like a shining jewel, became the center of art and industry and the origin of technology and trade. Shah Abbas, who himself wrote poetry, painted, played instruments and composed songs, had made Isfahan a heaven for artists, craftsmen, and architects. Shah Abbas favored and supported music masters who did not have happy times during the time of his predecessors. Whenever he became bored with politics and graduated from real estate, he would sit in the parliament and spend hours listening to instruments and singing. In these gatherings, Shah Abbas, who did not lack the art of playing and the secrets of singing, sometimes played the instrument and sometimes composed songs. Iskander Beyk Turkmen, the special secretary of Shah Abbas, writes in the tenth article of the Abbasid world of ideas: "In music and the science of periods and words of action, they are the best of the times and some of his compositions are famous among the masters of Tarab, famous and well-known.”
However, the popular music of Shah Abbas and his followers was mostly the music of Tarb and Mirth. The musicians who made their way to the court of Shah Abbas were mostly on the delegation of Mo'in al-Aish110. Most of the melodies played in the court of this powerful Safavid king were the special melody of the Houses of Tarb and Ishret.
The only flames of music in the Safavid dynasty were ignited during the reign of Shah Abbas I. Except for Shah Abbas, the other Safavid sultans were not compatible with music, and those who practiced this art were humiliated to the utmost humiliation. The art of Iranian music, which after the transition from the era of Sultan Hossein Bayqara and the Minister of Arts, Amir Alishir Navai, was left without support and was caught in the wrath of Shah Tahmaseb and the unkindness of Sultan Mohammad Khodabandeh, with the blessings of Shah Abbas, took a breath and took life again.
110 Popular cheerful-style Musician
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What is more, after the death of Shah Abbas and the coming to power of the other sultans of the Safavid dynasty, the days of hardship of the musicians began again. In the meantime, the role of Ta’ziyeh111 and religious music in preserving and protecting Iranian music cannot be ignored. In the midst of the tumultuous and incompetent successors of Shah Abbas, the arena narrowed the field to Iranian music, the melodies of this efficient art were manifested and found meaning in the sayings of the reciters and the laments of the praisers and the song of the mourners.
The first official mourning ceremonies were formed for the infallible Imams, especially Hazrat Aba Abdullah Hussain PBUH, during the rule of Al-Buwayh in Iran. The Buyids recognized the mourning of the martyrs in the provinces of Iran that were under their control. During the Safavid period, when the Shiite religion was recognized throughout Iran, Muharram mourning ceremonies were held in a more glorious manner. At a time when music was at its lowest status, the use of Iranian musical instruments and melodies and the continuation of this issue, led to the preservation and dissemination of national music.
This bad situation for musicians and artists in Safavid era forced some of them to immigrate to neighboring empires courts to continue their artistic life, some of them immigrated to Ottoman courts and some other also immigrated to Gurkhas of India. And this was the time when the interaction of Iranian music with lately ottoman court music began. And it happened by the immigration of artist and for specific famous musicians to the court of ottomans.
111 Religious mourning
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CHAPTER III THE INTERACTION OF IRANIAN MUSIC WITH OTTOMAN MUSIC
The Ottoman Empire with an Islamic identity is one of the most powerful civilizations of human society that ruled the Mediterranean region from 1299 to 1922. At the height of its power (16th century AD), the empire included parts of Asia Minor (modern-day Turkey), the western parts of the Middle East, parts of North Africa, parts of southeastern Europe, and the Caucasus. At the peak of their power, their territory reached 6.5 million square kilometers (seven times that of present-day Turkey). The Ottomans had a special view toward art, especially music. This scholarly attention gradually led to the formation of a kind of music in human history that is unparalleled and today is known only as Ottoman music. Interestingly, a prominent Iranian musician such as Abd al-Qader Maraghi had crucial effect on the Ottoman court music and thus part of Iranian musical culture survived under the Ottoman shadow. Abd al-Qadir's son and grandson also lived in Bursa and Istanbul, the capital of the Ottoman Empire, for the rest of their lives. Common Ottoman musical instruments was including the Ney, the Qanun, the Dayire, the oud, and a stretching instrument called the Yayli Tanbur. The way the melody circulates in this music is such that it is familiar to Iranian and Arabic ears, and at the same time, it has a strange mood.
Today, Ottoman music does not play a primary role in Turkish musical culture, but instead, it gave life to an almost pure Turkish music called Turk Sanat music or Turkish Classical music forms which is rooted in Ottoman music.
3.1. Ottoman Music
It is very hard to talk about the history of Ottoman music, because we do not have adequate sources for this purpose. First, we should find a true definition of what consist of Ottoman music and what is non-Ottoman music. Also, the term “Early Ottoman
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Period” is not true definition, since it describes the period before and after Abdul Qadir Maraghi (1360-1435), who is known as one of oldest and founder musicians of the Ottoman Music. It is actually is not true to use this term for two different reasons, first for the fact that the Ottoman Empire was not big enough to affect the middle eastern medieval musical world (13th-15th century) because of the Iranian and the Byzantine influence, and second, for the fact that the Arabs and the Iranians were dominant in terms of music theory and musical consideration by approximately the end of 17th century. It seems that Iranian culture was responsible even after the constitution of the Ottoman Empire and it is much more interesting that the Greeks considered the Ottoman music as Arabo-Iranian music.112 After establishing Turkish Republic in 1924, they considered Ottoman music as Turkish in order to establish a unified ideology for the new state.113
Beside Ottoman music style, there was another kind of music existing among people, but not in the courts. folk music (Halk müziği) represents the music of the common people and mostly is prevalent in rural areas in the different regions. It was in contrast with the music in the Ottoman court which was composed and performed under the courtship of the imperial authority. So, we can say that Ottoman music includes all kind of music which thrived during the Ottoman Empire despite many of them possess certain ethnic minorities elements that distinguish them from other genres. Finally, we should mention that Ottoman music is not mere Turkish music, except the tracks which were composed along the years of the Turkish Republic, and Ottoman music is rather consists of Azeri, Persian, Turkish, Armenian, Greek, Jewish, and Arabic musical elements which were combined and finally they together unified as a single musical tradition called Ottoman music. So, in this research, I will not use the term “Turkish” for Ottoman music genre, because it cannot at all describe and define a widely multi-cultural tradition.
Ottoman music was created in the ‘Fasıl Style or form which itself was based on unity of mode. The works or melodies which is composed with “the same melodic structure” or “makam”, or musical mode, and can be played in such a particular order is called Fasil. Thus, in a Fasil Style, there would be melodies for both voice and
112 Popescu-Judetz E., & Sirli A. A., Sources of 18th Century Music: Panayiotes Chalathzoglu and Kyrillos Marmarinos Comparative Treatises on Secular Music, (Istabul, 2000), p9.
113 Wright O., Words Without Songs: A Musicological Study of an Early Ottoman Anthology and its Precursors, (London, 2013), p 6.
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instrument (Saz). What is important in this style is that the basis of it should be formed within same melodical structure, and after that according to the shape or form, it can be ordered in appropriate way. Generally, it is necessary to have two Beste or (poetic forms) and five Semai composed which becomes complete Fasil. These all should be accompanied by lyrics. In the following, I will briefly mention the structure of a complete Fasıl as one of important forms of Ottoman music:
a) Introductory Taksim playing with saz or an instrument.
b) Peşrev.
c) The first Beste or Kar.
d) Second beste.
e) Ağır Semai.
f) Şarkıs.
g) Yürük Semai.
h) Saz Semai.
Since our purpose in current research is mainly to understanding the Interaction of Iranian music with Ottoman music, in the following, I will focus more on Iranian-Azeri immigrant musicians in the Ottoman courts. by the term “Iranian -Azeri”, I mean musicians who were live in the Safavid and Timurids territories and at the same time their ethnicity was Azeri Turk. And the main influence of Iranian music in that period was the music that had been composed by Azeri musicians such as “Abdul Qadir maraghi” or “Safi al-din Urmawi”. And this is very important to know that when I talk about the Interaction or influence of Iranian music on Ottoman music, indeed, I mean the impact of those Azeri musicians who were live in this territory which today known as Iran, so I named them Iranian-Azeri musicians. Thus, the term Iranian music itself refers to the music which encompasses and created by the influences and interactions of different cultures and ethnicities like Turks, Arabs, Turkmens, and Persians which through history lived together in same geography and territory. So, it should be clear that with the term Iranian music here in this research, I do not mean any nationalistic
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point of view, but rather by Iranian music, I mean the music which belongs to all these cultures.
3.2. The Exchange of Iranian Music and Ottoman Court Music
Regarding the distribution of Iranian Music in the Timurid and Safavid periods to the court of the Ottoman sultans, considerable evidences is available. Walter Feldman gives the reader many sayings about the historical connection between Iranian music and Ottoman music in his famous book “The Music of the Ottoman Court. Makam, Composition and the Early Ottoman Instrumental Repertoire”, and here I will mention some examples of it. He says that during the reign of Sultan Suleiman, Hassan Jan, a musician from Iran, was one of the leading musicians who brought him to the Ottoman court from Isfahan with his father and left the influence of Iranian music.114 Feldman says that there is another musician named Kurkut with whom two Iranian musicians named Zainul Abedin and Hassan Khan played the oud next to him in the court of Sultan Salim (1520).115 Feldman quotes Asad Effendi from the book ‘History of Singers (1725) ‘as referring to an Iranian oud player named Mohammad Awad in Ottoman Turkey.116 He adds that Iranians were the most important musicians of Turkish music in the sixteenth century and beyond, and that many oral works of Iranians have survived in older Turkish music.117 Another wave of of Iranian musicians immigrants entered Turkey was during the reign of Sultan Murad IV(1623-1645), with the conquest of Yerevan and Tabriz in 1634 and the conquest of Baghdad in 1637. Seventeenth-century sources did not record the names of many Iranian musicians who were brought to Turkey, but only referred to them as "Ajami".118 Numerous names of Iranian lawmakers can be seen in the history of Ottoman music.119 Feldman notes that the oldest pioneering form seen in Turkish music belongs to Iranian musicians who composed between 1650 and 1700.
114 Feldman, Walter, Music of the Ottoman Court. Makam, Composition and the Early Ottoman Instrumental Repertoire, (Berlin, 1996), p. 66.
115 Ibid, p. 46.
116 Ibid.
117 Ibid, p. 66.
118 Ibid.
119 Ibid, p. 156.
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The form of singing in Ottoman Turkey was the "sharki"120 form that existed until the early twentieth century. This form initially used Iranian lyric poems and gradually its words became Turkish. Feldman on the history of the evolution of Turkish music from Iranian to Turkish says that a fundamental change in the composition of Ottoman music between 1600 and 1700 was parallel to the evolution of music genres, performance and musical organization in the same period. The change in Turkish music led to the first change in the series of arrangements that took place throughout the realm of Iranian Turkish culture between 1700 and 1800, and perhaps even earlier. Changes in the formulations resulted in the expansion of a special type of ensemble that was not in line with the wide range of Maqam music.121 The singer improvised the first line of the sonnet or quatrain and then began the "chapter". In contrast to approaches to Turkish and Iranian music in improvisation, Dimitrie Cantemir also focuses on the method of teaching performance. He says that Iranian music students were still active in the Ottoman court in Istanbul at the end of the seventeenth century.122 Cantemir distinguishes the features of the Iranian "division" or “Taksim” from the improvisational variations in music and says that the Iranian "division" is cut and pre-composed. Iranian musicians were both singers and musicians, compose "Taksim" from "Pashro".123 At this time, the apparatus or musical system was emerging in Iran, and on the other hand in Turkey, "Season" or “Fasil” revealed its position. Iranian music was based on the cyclical format in the order of the corners, but in Turkey the forms were based on the "cyclical of the season"; Ottoman music, on the other hand, focused on long forms of "principles" that were separate from the prosodic weights.124
Feldman dates the history of Turkish Music from the time of Abdul Qadir, which is the first reason for the historical connection of Turkish classical Music with Iran. He divides the historical trend of Turkish Music into seven periods, the first of which is from the classical period of 1350 AD, the end of the Middle Ages, when most of the articles were written in Persian; the second period, the period of the rise of the Ottoman
120 Sharki or Sharqi means Eastern
121 Feldman, Walter, Music of the Ottoman Court. Makam, Composition and the Early Ottoman Instrumental Repertoire, (Berlin, 1996), p. 105.
122 Ibid, p. 276.
123 Ibid, p.286.
124 Feldman, Walter, Music of the Ottoman Court. Makam, Composition and the Early Ottoman Instrumental Repertoire, (Berlin, 1996), p. 496.
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Empire, Transfer period, 15th-century treatizes such as Shirvani treatise, Sidi, Badr Shah, Khidr Ibn Abdullah, Ahmad Shokrallah. The third period, from 1580 to the Middle Ages, Beginning of the New Age, 1650 Ali Afki to 1680 Evliya Chalabi; Fourth period, 1717 to 1730, Asad Effendi, Harton, Font on, French tourist, Khedr Agha. The Fifth Period, 1870 New Age, Abbe Toderine, Abdul Qadir Dede, Hampherson, The Modern Period Hashem Bey, 1875 Mondali Najib Pasha. The seventh period, the Republic of Turkey 1922, Turkish Classical Music, 1921 Rauf Yekta. Feldman goes on to say that the earliest nucleus of Iranian instrumental Music changed its way with Turkish Music and Herat music from the time of the Timurids.125
3.3. Iranian-Azeri (Turk) Musicians in the Ottoman Courts
The chaotic situation of Artists and for specific Musicians in the Safavid court, forced some of them to immigrate to neighboring empires courts. On the other side, the Ottoman empire and its rulers in that era, valued artist a lot in their courts. And for Iranian musicians who knew Turkish language, it was great opportunity for them to immigrate and continue their artistic career in the Ottoman courts. So Iranian Turks or Iranian Azeri Artists were among first immigrants to the Ottoman lands. Because they already were acquaintance with Turkish culture and language and art, and beside this, they knew Persian language and culture, when Persian language and culture had significant importance in Ottoman courts. Thus, get acquainted with these two cultures, gave them great opportunity to continue their artistic activity in the Ottoman courts. And these immigrations paved the way for later impact of Iranian Music or indeed Azerbaijani Music on Ottoman Music. In the following, I will mention some of famous Iranian-Azeri musicians which have been immigrated to the Ottoman courts in Safavid era.
3.3.1. Abd al-Aziz Maraghi
Famous scholar of eastern music Abdul Qadir Maraghi, had presented his famous book” makasidu-l alhan”126 to Sultan Murad II on the occasion of his coronation in 1421. Some historians says it was presented by Abdul Qadir himself to Sultan Murad
125 Ibid, p. 29-40.
126 مقاصد الالحان
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II, but actually it was presented by his son Abdul Aziz, and Abdulkadir himself had never been to Bursa. Abdul Aziz was the youngest son of famous musician Abdul Qadir maraghi. He immigrated from his hometown Herat to the court of Sultan Murad II in Bursa, and he presented his musical treatise “Nakavatu-l Adwaar” beside his father’s masterpiece “makasidu-l alhan” to Sultan Murad.127
Abdul Aziz himself was a very well-educated musician, and Sultan Murad had gifted him a valuable gift of “haci temirhan” village for of his talent and his contribution to the art of his court. Abdul Aziz, who had high musical talent, over the years, he was an artist who was admired in the Ottoman palaces and courts even during the Sultan Fatih period. Indeed, he was well trained in music by his father Abdul Qadir.128
Abdul Qadir always criticized the lack of professional and good performers and musicians in his era, and he had many valuable music transcripts which nobody could able to play or perform them. So, he tried his best to educate his sons in music well. Abdul Aziz also was the result of this well education, indeed. He wrote the book ‘Nakavatu-l Adwaar’ and had some musical inventions. He mainly got his ideas about music from his father Abdul Qadir, but he added also some ideas to them. For instance, he added two new branches to 24 branches of 12 ‘makam’ or classical musical system which was derived from Abdul Qadir’s famous book ‘makasidu-l alhan’. Abdul Aziz invented and added two branches of ‘shahi’ and ‘safa’. Shah in Persian and Turkish languages mean the king, so as the name implies, he presented this to the king of the court.129
However, fate was such that the musical tradition of Abdul Qadir Maraghi passed down to the Ottomans through his son, Abdul Aziz, and that Abdul Aziz's son, Mahmud continued this path.
3.3.2. Abdul Aziz’s son Mahmood
Mahmood was the son of Abdul Aziz maraghi, and was one of best musicians in that period. He was specialist in music and playing oud instrument. He was amongst the best musicians in the courts of Sultan Beyazit II (1481-1512), and Sultan Suleyman
127 İnalcık, Halil, Has bahçede Ayş u Tarab, (İş bankası kültür yayınları, 2010), p. 48
128 Ibid
129 Ibid, p.50
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Kanuni (1520-1566). He was the author of ‘Maqasid al-Adwar’130 and has dedicated it to Bayazid II. ‘Maqasid al-Adwar’ was formed of an introduction (mukaddime) and
eight chapters. In comparison to the book of his father, Hâce Abdulaziz the topics here are really taught in a shorter, "concise" way. Mahmood received the highest salary among the musicians of the Ottoman court; That is, 47 ounces per day while others got the wages of 25 ounces per day.131 which shows Mahmoud 's high position among the musicians of the Ottoman court. By comparison, it can be assumed that Abdul Aziz was also so adorable in the Ottoman court.
He summarized his grandfather’s musical theories and convey it to others. Mahmood was very brilliant in playing oud and performing music. In the following, I will mention another member of this artist family in ottoman courts, Nureddin Abdurrahman. He was the uncle of Abdul Qadir’s oldest son, and he was very good oud player and we will get some important information also about the Oud instrument.132
130 مقاصد الادوار
131 Mohafez, Arash, Ajamlar; compositions appointed to Iranian musicians in the treatises of Ufki and Dimitri kantmir, (mahoor publication, 2013), p. 19
132 Bedlisi, Idris ibn Hesam al-Din. Hasht Behesht (Eight Heaven). Manuscript. Istanbul. Esad Efendi Manuscript Center No 2197. Sheet 524 A, last sentence- 524 B, 14th sentence.
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Figure 1: Hasht Behesht (Eight Heaven). Manuscript By Idris Bedlisi. Istanbul. Esad Efendi Manuscript Center No 2197. Sheet 524 A, last sentence- 524 B, 14th sentence.
3.3.3. Nur al-Din Abd al-Rahman
We don’t have much information about Nur al-Din Abd al-Rahman or Nureddin Abdurrahman’s life, but we can see his name in both Abdul Qadir’s and his grandchild, Mahmood’s books. Mahmood in his book ‘Maqasid al-Adwar’ explains that Abdurrahman was a professional Oud instrument player. He was known as ‘Hace’, which means vizier or dignitary person, and this confirms that he was very respectful and famous performer and musician like other members of his family in ottoman courts. Mahmood, first gave some precise information about the history of Oud’s development: “previously Oud had four strings, and it was known as ‘ud-I kadim’ or ‘Traditional Oud’. Then Farabi famous scholar added a string more to it, and it became five strings, and it was known as Ud-I Kamil or Complete Oud.”133
Mahmood Maraghi himself also contributed a lot to the development of Oud Instrument. He added two other strings to existing Oud and it became 7 strings. he named this new Oud ‘Mozayyan al-Aswat’ which means the beauty of sounds. The main feature of the seven-stringed oud was that the open strings corresponded to the vocal sequence of any eight-freted makam, that is, each string was like a makam pitch and tuned according to the pitch of that sound. Thus, it was possible to play the eight-pitched makams on the open strings of the seven-stringed oud (for example, Uşşâk, Nevâ, Buselik, Rast, Hüseynî, Hicâzî, Rahâvî or Zengüle).134
According to the Information about the creation of new positions in the art of music, It takes place in treatises written in different periods. There was 84 circles / makam based on the theory which invented by Safi al-Din Urmevî, one of the most important musicians. Then Abdul Qadir Maraghi formed 91 circles on the foundation. Mahmood Maraghi, following their methods, added 9 new makam series and thus increased the number of makams to 100.135
133 İnalcık, Halil, Has bahçede Ayş u Tarab, (İş bankası kültür yayınları, 2010), p. 52.
134 Ibid.
135 Ibid, p. 54.
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Abdul Qadir, his son Abdul Aziz, and his grandchild Mahmood Maraghi from a same family had very crucial role in the transmitting of Iranian medieval music theory and for specific Abd al-Qadir’s music theory into Ottoman court music. They were familiar with Turkish, Persian, and Arab civilizations and languages and accordingly their cultures and music, so they contributed a lot by their books and performs to the knowledge of music in that era. Indeed, their musical activity played a crucial role on transmitting musical heritage to next era and period.
3.3.4. Fathullah Shirwani
Fathullah Shirwani was amongst famous scholars and musicians in Ottoman courts in the 15th century. He was the author of a journal ‘Majallatun fi- Musika’136. He was born in Shamakhi in 1417, a city which is located in today’s Azerbaijan republic, but in 15th century, it was the part of Iran’s or Timurid’s territory. He learned his earlier educations in Samarkand city with Ulug Bey who was a famous astranaut in Timurid’s era. He also learned mathematic science with ‘Bursali Kadizade Rumi’ who was famous mathematician from Bursa city in Turkey. In this time, Kadizade offered Fethullah Shirwani to continue his education in Anatolia and then Fethullah decided to go to Anatolia to continue his education and career there in Ottoman Courts.137
When he was in Samarkand, he heard that Abdul Qadir maraghi was died, and after that he began to write a copy transcription of Abdul Qadir’s book ‘Sharh al-Adwar’ in 1435. He came to Anatolia and Kastamounu city in the period of Sultan Murat II, and stayed with Candaroglu Ismail Bey. Then he left Kastamounu and went to Bursa in 1453, and in that time he wrote the book ‘Tafsir Ayat al-Kursi’ and dedicated that to chancellor of Bursa Court Chandarli Halil Pasha.138
His most famous work is “Majallatun fi al-Musiqi”, which he wrote in an introduction and two parts in theoretical music and presented to Sultan Muhammad Fatih. In this treatise, he discusses the sounds, Makams, rhythms in music and talks about Farabi, Ibn Sina, Safi al-Din Urmavi and Abdul Qadir Maraghi and their theories in music and articles, and descripted the book of “Sharh al-Adwar” which had been wrote by Safi al-Din Urmavi, And the book “Maqasid al-Alhan” by Abdul Qadir Maraghi. To write
136 مجله فی الموسیقی
137 İnalcık, Halil, Has bahçede Ayş u Tarab, (İş bankası kültür yayınları, 2010), p. 55.
138 Ibid.
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this work, Shirvani has used the book of Ibn Sina's Healing and the treatise on music or the treatise on attachments in the book of salvation, and the books of Al-Sharifiyyah and Al-Adwar by Safi al-Din Abd al-Mu'minin Urmawi.139 in his work, Fetullah Shirwani, revealed information about the music that developed from the Ancient Greek period to its own era.
Actually, in this period (1512-1520) Sultan Selim played a significant role in flourishing the art and science in Ottoman courts by bringing Azeri musicians and scholars, specially from Tabriz to Istanbul, and Istanbul became the center of Turk Muslims scholars and artists.
3.3.5. Hasan-Jan Chalabi
Hasan Chalabi (1490-1567) was amongst those musicians who Yavuz Sultan Selim brought them from Tabriz to Istanbul. He was Muezzin, Quran reciter and Hafiz, singer, performer, and composer. His father Muhammad also was the Muezzin of Safavid’s founder Shah Ismail Khatayi. After Chaldiran’s war between Ottomans and Safavids and conquest of Ottomans, Hasan chalabi and his father was amongst those who Sultan Selim brought them to Ottoman court in Istanbul. After Sultan Selim era, and in Sultan Suleyman’s period (1520-1566), also they were among the relatives of the court and they received good salaries from the court.140
He was the master of musicians in the court, he was teacher and raised many students in the court. He also composed three famous Ottoman music song in Huseyni makam musical system (1-“Şukufe-i zar”, 2-“Gulşen-i zar”, 3-the third we don’t have song’s name). he also had two sons and a girl, but neither of them became musicians. His oldest son became historian and famous Islamic scholar known as Sheykh al-Islam in Ottoman court.141
3.3.6. Turak Bey (Durak Bey)
Turak Bey Chalabi also was from an Azeri region and most probably he was from chalabi village, a small village near Tabriz city which today is located at the center of
139 Ibid, p. 56.
140 İnalcık, Halil, Has bahçede Ayş u Tarab, (İş bankası kültür yayınları, 2010), p. 60.
141 Ibid.
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Tabriz. He was agent in the period of Sultan Selim II and at the same time, he was musician, Kemanche Instrument Player, and poet. He also wrote the book “Saz-name”. he was very famous for his kemanche plays and poetries. He also conducted a concert like gathered in Sultan Selim II period in the court, and he performed with his brother Kaya who was musician, and became very famous among that era’s musicians.142
In his book “Sazname”, he mainly explains about all music instruments which had been used in Ottoman Empire territories. He had very crucial role in later understanding of instruments and their evolution process in this territory.
We get acquainted with some of famous Azeri-Iranian musicians who immigrated to Ottoman courts from Iran in Safavid era. So, as I already mentioned, due to the welcome of the Ottoman sultans in attracting scholars and artists, they migrated to that land and settled in scientific centers and the capital of the Ottoman state such as Qastamoni or kastamounu, Bursa, Edirne and Istanbul to engage in scientific and artistic activities. There were various reasons why these immigrants were attracted to the Ottoman Empire. First, Anatolia was a land conquered by the Seljuk Turks and then the Ottomans. The sultans of these two governments needed Muslim scholars and artists to implement Islamic rules and spread the intellectual and narrative sciences in the conquered lands. At that time, two important scientific centers of the Islamic world were located in Iran and the Sham(Damascus) and Egypt regions, and scholars from both regions migrated to Asia Minor. Second, the Ottoman sultans were trained as heirs to the Roman Seljuk rule among scholars who were fully acquainted with the Persian language and culture. Especially after the conquest of Istanbul, Sultan Muhammad the Conqueror and his successors encouraged scholars, craftsmen and artists to migrate to Istanbul in order to spread the scientific and cultural glory of the city. Also, Sultan Salim I, in continuation of the policy of cultural and economic development of Istanbul, after defeating Shah Ismail in the Battle of Chaldran and conquering Tabriz, took a large number of Iranian scholars, artists and craftsmen from Tabriz to Istanbul.
142 Ibid, p.61.
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CHAPTER IV THE COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF IRANIAN CLASSICAL MUSIC AND TURKISH CLASSICAL MUSIC
Since Makami music is considered as same traditional kind of music in most of middle eastern cultures like Arab, Iranian, and Turkish cultures, we can say that both Turkish and Iranian Classical music are rooted in 13th century music theories like Abu Nasr al-Farabi and Safi al-din Urmawi’s music theories and also earlier music theories which Iranian, Arab, and Turkish music all rooted in that same culture. So, we can say that while Iranian music lost some of its attributes after the Qajar period, and the music name changed from Makami system into Dastgahi system, Turkish Classical music preserved the old Makams. This fascinating story had been started by immigration of Some famous Iranian musicians to Bursa, Istanbul, and other Ottoman cities courts, after the conquest of Istanbul by Ottoman empire. By immigrating to Istanbul, Bursa, and other Ottoman cities, these musicians also brought their culture and for specific their musical culture to that court. And this was the time when interaction of Ottoman music and Iranian music began.
Thus, in order to understand that both Iranian and Turkish Classical music are rooted in same musical culture, we should compare and analyze the similarities and differences between Iranian Classical Music and Turkish Classical Music in musical scales. In order to achieve this goal, in this section, I will compare it in two division. Firstly, I will compare the Intervals of Iranian Classical Music and Turkish Classical Music. And then, I will try to compare Makams or modal system in both Iranian and Turkish Music.
Introduction
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The twentieth century Iranian musicologists struggled once writing about music theory. There are two contradict points of view within the theoretical approach of Iranian music. One is totally innovative and tries to just imitate western music theory in its adaptation equal temperaments, and on the other hand, the alternative is traditional one and is predicated on traditional schools.
The first one uses western music as a model was Ali-naghi Vaziri. He was the most famous scholar of this approach. he's also the primary person to transcribed Radiff of Iranian Classical music.
The second view tries to revive the recent music tradition so as to trace the identity of this music. This cultural/historical approach was pioneered by Mehdi Barkeshli and Majid Kiani. The second approach is much more successful than the primary within the concept of creating a theory. because by trying backward in history, they tried to research and analyze the idea of Iranian music with conserving its features. the alternative distinguished Scholars of this approach are Hormoz Farhat, Mohammadtaghi Maoudiye, Hossein Alizade, Dariush Safvat, Taghi Binesh and Dariush Talaii and Hooman Asadi.
There are some foreign scholars who wrote regarding Iranian musical genre throughout the era before Iran’s Islamic revolution. These were Bruno Nettl, Ella Zonis, Margart Caton and Jean. These Scholars tried to outline the system of Iranian music from their own perspective. The emic view is incredibly different from etic view in Iranian music.
The modal system of Iranian Classical music is called Dastgah, And the repertory of Iranian Classical music is called Radiff. This term is innovated recently. We can say that Radiff is kind of collection of all existing Dastgahs. It has two types or versions; instrumental (Saz) and vocal (Avaz). Both of these terms are defined in different ways and different point of views. Hormoz Farhat defines Dastgah system as a system of grouping, in which it is divided into two different groups; the primary and the auxiliary. According to Hossein Alizade another famous musicologist, Dastgah is a collection of small tracks of various modes. Majid Kiani also believes that Dastgah is the collection of gushes (branches) that their order and organization shapes the structure of Dastgah. Hooman Asadi is among other well-known Iranian music Scholars, he believes that the two crucial elements in Dastgah are the cyclic modes
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and peripatetic melodies. If we want to give a unite definition based on all these definitions, it can be said that Dastgah is the collection which is divided into two groups of primary and secondary. About the radiff also exist different definition. Bruno Nettl believes that the collection of Dastgah is a single system which called radiff and this is the result of influences of western music. He also argues that Radiff is a repertory of Iranian Classical music which used as a model for improvisation. Hosein Alizade also believes that radiff is the organization of gushes in one Dastgah. Safavat defines Radifs as same as Alizade, in his point of view, Radiff is the collection of gushes or branches that their organization shaped the structure of Dastgah.
This repertory was the basis for education and performance. it's a model for improvisation .in the beginning, it was only for Tar instrument and Se-Tar instrument, however latterly it was used for all other instruments. There were two major or main instrumental versions:
1-Mirza abd-Allah
2-Agha Hossein-Gholi
The structure of Dastgah is created by some melodic pieces with totally different length called gusheh (Branch). Dastgah is split into two teams for their modes:
1-primary; that are shour, mahour, homayoun, nava, segah, chahargah and rast-panjgah
2-secondory; which is termed avaz and they, derived from two primary groups shour and homayoun, these are: bayat-e-tork, afshari, abu-ata, dashti and Isfahan.
This repertory is learnt through oral transmission. thus, there are differing kinds of interpretation in relevancy to the School and instruments since every school is different from the other.
Turkish music is also based on makam, which has its origin rooted in the thirteenth century of the systematic school theories. The intervals in Turkish music have not shifted so much from the original treatises. each interval is the whole or complete step and is the same as western music. This interval has been divided into nine equal parts; each part called a comma. There are also three another interval, which two of them are close to the half step, and the third one is slightly smaller than the whole step.
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The half step has four commas. the opposite two intervals have five commas and eight commas. The arrangement of those intervals forms the various tetrachords. In Turkish music each tetrachord has a name. the entire step is termed Tanini. As mentioned, it's nine commas. The four-comma 0.5 step’s name is Bakkiye. the opposite two intervals are brought up as Mojannab. they're divided into two types. The one slightly smaller than step is called Büyük mücenneb or Great Mojannab and has eight commas whereas the other has five commas is called Küçük Mücenneb or Small Mojannab.
Compared to Turkish music the system of dividing intervals in Iranian music isn't that complex. In Iranian music whole steps and half steps are notated identical as in western music, and there are extra intervals that are peculiar to Iranian music.
Intervals in Iranian music are divided into cents. the entire step isn't divided into nine Commas as Turkish music. The names of the intervals are identical as in Turkish music. the entire step is termed Tanini and therefore the interval is called Bakiyye. the opposite intervals between the whole step and half step that exist in Turkish music also exist in Iranian music however they are not named but are notated. In the following, I will try to explain and compare Intervals, tetrachords, and pentachords in both Iranian and Turkish music in details.
4.1. The intervals of Iranian Music
There are some various points of views toward the Iranian music intervals and theory which in some aspect they have in common and some other they are different. In the following, I will mention some of these views.
Mahdi Barkeshli is one of the famous Iranian Classical music scholars. His theories are mostly based on Farabi, Safi al-Din Urmawi and Abd al-Qadi Maraghi’s musical theories. For instance, Farabi in his interval theory used Pythagorean interval mode, and this model in fretting is based on Limma143 and Comma144. According to this theory, each octave consists of two tetrachords plus one whole tone. and Each tetrachord included five tone and four intervals. The intervals names are based on the four finger position names145:
143 Limma= 90 cent
144 Comma= 24 cent
145 Barkeshli, Mahdi, Farabi’s Scientific Thoughts about Music; collection of his speeches, (Tehran, 2015), p. 25.
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1.Motlag (Open string)
2.Sababeh (Indicator finger)
3.Wosta (middle finger)
4.Bencer (Ring finger)
5.Khencer (Small finger)
Pythagorean tetrachord consists of two Limma and a Comma which means; 90cent+90cent+24cent.
In order to make a scale, the same intervals should repeat plus a Comma at the end. Thus, according to this point of view Iranian music scale is adopted the Pythagorean scale concept.
Barkeshli believes that all the whole tones and half tones in Iranian music are fixed, and they are equal to intervals used in Pythagorean classification. In his view, there are three inconstant tones; 89, 120, and 181. He argues that the 120cent intervals are the feature of Iranian music. He categorizes Iranian music intervals as following146;
The Half Tone:
1.Limma= 90cent
2.Limama +Comma=90cent +24cent
3.Limma+ Limma= 90cent+90cent
The whole tone:
Limma+ Limma+ Comma= 90 cent + 90cent+24cent
Thus, existed five whole tone and two half tones in one octave. Thus, Barkeshli concluded that the Iranian music scale consists of 22 intervals.
Half Tones
Whole Tone
Interval
Cent
Interval
Cent
Limma
90
Limma+Limma+Comma
90+90+24
Limma + Comma
90+24
Limma + Limma
90+90
Table 5
146 Ibid.
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According to Hormoz Farhat, one of famous Iranian music contemporary theorists, existence of scales in Iranian music is denied. Thus, according to his view, the idea of octave scale which is created in recent times, aims to impose the theory of Iranian classical music get in line with the principles of western music.147 He believes that Scales can be seen artificially, but they don’t represent it at all. According to his theory the intervals of Iranian Music are: (See; Table 6)
1.Major Second (Whole tone) 204cent
2.Minor Second (Half tone) 90cent
3.Major nuclear tone160cent
4.Minor nuclear tone 135cent
5.Annexed tone 270cent
Iranian music’s foundation is based on Tetrachord and pentachords. and octave is not important in Iranian music. The number of intervals which used in Iranian music is seventeen, but all of them are not used at the same time. Darioush Safvat is one of well-known Iranian music theorists. He argues that intervals in Iranian music are as follows148:
¾=45 cent. 1+1/4=265 cent, 1=204 cent
Indeed, most of the experts agreed that in Iranian music there is 17 intervals, but the numbers and structure are debatable among them.
147 Farhat Hormoz, Encyclopedia Iranica, Iranian Studies, Vol.31, (Tehran,1998), p.36.
148 Safvat, Dariush, National Music of Iran, (Niksar, 2008), p.20.
Interval Name
Cent
Major Second
204
Minor Second
90
Major nuclear tone
160
Minor nuclear tone
135
Annexed tone
270
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There is also another approach which believes that old Makams can be traced in Iranian Classical music. This approach is based on Safi al-Din Urmawi’s theories.149 The cycle of melodies or Devr (Dowr) in old makams is consist of two tetrachords (Zelarbae) plus one complete or whole tone (Tanini) at the end. After Safi al-Din Urmawi era, the whole tone is divided into two Bakiyye (B)150 and Fazl(F)151. Based on this theory and division, the complete cycle or Devr (Dowr) included 17 intervals. So accordingly, in the old Iranian music there were three types of Intervals:152
1.Tanini (T)
2. Bakiyye (B)
3. Mojannab (C)153
According to Safi al-Din Urmawi’s theory, there are different tetrachords and pentachords, and he classified them into different groups. He argues that there seven type of tetrachords which six of them are used in Iranian makam or Dastgah system:
1. T.T.B (Tanini. Tanini. Bakiyye)
2. T.B.T (Tanini. Bakiyye. Tanini)
3. B.T.T (Bakiyye. Tanini. Tanini)
4. T.C.C (Tanini. Mojannab. Mojannab)
5. C.C.T (Mojannab. Mojannab. Tanini)
6. C.T.C (Mojannab. Tanini. Mojannab)
And also, there are twelve type of pentachords which six of them are used in Iranian Dastgah system:
1. T.T.B.T (Tanini. Tanini. Bakiyye. Tanini)
2. T.B.T.T (Tanini. Bakiyye. Tanini. Tanini)
3. B.T.T.T (Bakiyye. Tanini. Tanini. Tanini)
4. T.C.C.T (Tanini. Mojannab. Mojannab. Tanini)
149 Kiani Majid, Seven Dastgahs of Iranian Music, (Tehran,1989), p.43.
150 Half tone
151 One Comma
152 Nakhjavani, Sanaz. “Comparison of Iranian and Turkish music makam, master thesis.”, Istanbul Technical University, 2010.
153 Major Half Tone
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5. C.C.T.T (Mojannab. Mojannab. Tanini. Tanini)
6. C.T.C.T (Mojannab. Tanini. Mojannab. Tanini)
According to Safi al-Din Urmawi’s theory, if we combine these tetrachords and
pentachords we will get the 89 cycles. He also mentions twelve makams, which we
can see the intervals of six makam of Iranian Traditional music among them.154
Ush-shagh: T.B.T.T.B.T.T
Nava: T.T.B.T.T.B.T
Buselik: T.T.T.B.T.T.B
Rast: T.C.C.T.C.C.T
Huseyni: T.T.C.C.T.C.C
Hejaz: T.C.T.CC.T.C
4.1.1. Tetrachords
In the following, I will discuss the melody progression which is formed in tetrachords.
These tetrachords are as follows:
1- C.C.T
Figure 1: Shour tetrachord
2- B.T.T
Figure 2: Dashti Tetrachord
154 Kiani Majid, Seven Dastgahs of Iranian Music, (Tehran,1989), p.50.
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3- C.C.B
Figure 3: Chargah, Chakavak Tetrachord
4- C.T.C
Figure 4: Old Isfahan Tetrachord
5- T.T.B
Figure 5: Mahoor Tetrachord
4.1.2. The Range of Iranian Music
Figure 6: Iranian Music’s Range
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Some musical notes have important role in the Dastgahs or modal system of Iranian music with their own name, and we call it Shahed Note or witness note, which is the note that during a melody progression, we hear it much more than other notes. We also have Ist Note or stop note, this is the note that the melody finish with it, and the Motaghayyer or variable is the note which changes regularly with the relevance to the intention of the melody progression.
4.2. The Intervals of Turkish Music
Turkish Makam Music intervals is divided into five groups155:
1- Bakiyye
2- Küçük mücenneb (small scale mojannab)
3- Büyük mücenneb (big scale mojannab)
4- Tanini
5- Artık ikili
Interval Name
Comma Value
Sharp
Flat
Abbreviation
Comma
1
F
Eksik Bakiyye
3
-
-
E
Bakiyye
4
#
B
Küçük mücenneb
5
S
Büyük mücenneb
8
K
Tanini
9
T
Artık İkili
12-13
-
-
A12-A13
Table 6
Bakiyye is the smallest interval among others. Indeed, there are two other smallest intervals than Bakiyye, but they are not used; Comma and Eksik Bakiyye.156
155 Arel, Saadettin, Türk Musikisi Nazariyyat Dersleri, (kült. Bak, 1993), p. 9.
156 Arel, Saadettin, Türk Musikisi Nazariyyat Dersleri, (kült. Bak, 1993), p. 23.
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According to Arel, there are also six tetrachords and six type of pentachords in Turkish makam music.
4.2.1. Tetrachords
1.Chargah T.T.B
2.Buselik T.B.T
3.Kurdi B.T.T
4.Rast T.K.S
5.Ushshak K.S.T
6.Hijaz S.A.S
4.2.2. Pentachords
1.Chargah T.T.B.T
2.Buselik T.B.T.T
3.Kurdi B.T.T.T
4.Rast T.K.S.T
5.Huseyni K.S.T.T
6.Hijaz S.A.S.T
In the figure 7, you can see the Tetrachords and Pentachords in Turkish makam music, based on Sadettin Arel’s theory.
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Figure 6: Tetrachords and Pentachords
According to Arel, there also some other Tetrachords and Pentachords in Turkish music157;
1-Saba Tetrachord - K.S.S
2-Segah pentachords - S.T.K.T
3-Huzzam pentachords - S.T.S.A
4-Penchgah pentachord - T.T.K.S
5-Ferahnak pentachord - S.T.T.K
According to him, Turkish makam music is divided into two division:
1- Basit or Simple Makams.
2- Murekkeb or Compound Makams.
Basit or Simple makasms are as follows: Chargah- Buselik- Ushshak- Kurdi- Suzinak- Rast- Huseyni- Neva- Hijaz- Humayun- Uzzal- Zirgule- Karjighar
157 Arel, Saadettin, Türk Musikisi Nazariyyat Dersleri, (kült. Bak, 1993), p. 23.
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There are some tetrachords and pentachords that mostly can be used in these makams like: Chargah tetrachord, Buselik tetrachord and pentachord, Kurdi tetrachord, Rast tetrachord and pentachord, Ushshak tetrachord, Huseyni pentachord and Hijaz pentachord and tetrachord.
On the other hand, compound makams are classified by Tonic Tones or Karar Perde, and in this regard, there are existed eight group for tetrachords and pentachords in compound makams158:
1- The makams which their the Karar Perde or tonic tone is on Buselik
2- The makam which their Karar Perde or tonic tone is on Se-gah
3- The makams which their Karar Perde or tonic tone is on Du-gah
4- The makams which their Karar Perde or tonic tone is on Rast
5- The makams which their Karar Perde or tonic tone is on Irak
6- The makams which their Karar Perde or tonic tone is on Ajam Ashiran
7- The makams which their Karar Perde or tonic tone is on Huseyni Ashiran
8- The makams which their Karar Perde or tonic tone is on Ye-gah
There is also another view which divides makams into three groups, according to their Tonic tone159: 1. Basit or Simple makams. 2. Murekkeb or Compound makams. 3.Şed makams.
4.3. Comparison of Intervals, Tetrachords, and Makams
Already, we discussed in detail about Iranian and Turkish music Intervals, Tetrachords, Pentachords, and melody Progression, and now in this part, in order to get the complete vision about the similarities and differences between both Iranian and Ottoman Turkish music, I will compare briefly both music in three aspects. First comparing Intervals, second Tetrachords, and finally Melody progression and Makams.
By concentrating on both music’s intervals, it will be much clearer that due to the common theoretical bases, there are existed same kind or type of intervals within both Iranian and Turkish music.
As I already discussed above, the intervals of Iranian music are (see. Table. 8):
158 Ibid
159 Yavuzoglu, Nail, Turk Musikisinde Makamlar ve Seyir Ozellikleri, (Istanbul,2009), p. 35.
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1.Tanini
2.Bakiyye
3.Mujenneb
4.Plus Tanini
In Turkish music also we can see almost the same type of intervals:
1.Tanini
2.Bakiyye
3.Plus Dual (Artı Ikilik)
4.Big scale Mujenneb (Büyük Mücenneb)
5.Small Mujenneb (Küçük Mücenneb)
Iranian Music
Turkish Music
Tanini
204 Cent
Tanini
9 Comma
Bakiyye
90 Cent
Bakiyye
4 Comma
Mujannab
135-160 Cent
Small Mujannab
Big Mujannab
5 Comma
8 Comma
Plus Tanini
270-265 Cent
Artık İkili
12-13 Comma
Table 7
As we can see in the table 8, there are some differences in intervals. For example, in the Mujenneb interval that is just one Mujenneb which consist of two Bakiyye and this is equal to 180 cents. And this interval is same in Turkish music as Big Mujenneb. There is also another different interval in Iranian music which is interval smaller than Bakkiye and equal to 45 cent. This interval is also in Turkish music could be compare to Eksik Bakiyye.
Tetrachords
There are some tetrachords which are same in both Turkish and Iranian music:
T.T.B
Iranian music
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Figure 7
T.T.B
Turkish music
Figure 8
B.T.T
Iranian music
Figure 9
B.T.T
Turkish music
Figure 10
4.4. Dastgah and Makam
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A makam is a series of trichords, tetrachords, and pentachords which construct a Scale with a particular tonic, and dominant notes, and a melodic progression (ascending, descending, or mixture of both). Some examples of makams in Turkish music are; çargah, uşşak, buselik, kurdi, rast, and hicaz.
On the other hand, in Iranian music Dastgah is fairly modern concept which gets its roots from tradition. Dastgah is in fact a system or sequence of “Gushe-ha=Branches”. Each gushe or branch is a melodic skeleton of a makam, it is much more like what in turkish music they call “Seyir”. Each of these gushe or branches is learnt orally from a teacher or master, and learner should immitate it in perfect way with all its ornaments, rythmic patterns, and trills. For example, Mahoor is a very big dastgah, containing more than 30 gushe or branches. It could be broken down into few main micro-systems. although It is very hard to compare each micro system to a makam since it might contain more than one makam, many of which don't exactly correspond to a Turkish makam, but we can find some similarities between their names and in some case by their intervallic structures. For instance: Arel-Ezgi Chargah Makam in Turkish music shares the same intervallic structure as mahoor.
As I mentioned above, the exact conformity of makams to dastgah is very hard, but to some extent by hearing, it is possible to find out some similarities between both. Thus, in order to compare this, we need to divide them into two groups:
1. Makams and Dastgahs which have the same name.
2. Makams and Branches or Gushes which have the same name.
In the following, the results can be seen, and the focus in this comparison is on the Daramad or Prelude of each Dastgah:160
 Dastgah Segah (see fig.11) is similar to Segah makam in Turkish music (see fig.12)
160 Nakhjavani, Sanaz. “Comparison of Iranian and Turkish music makam, master thesis.”, Istanbul Technical University, 2010.
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Figure. 11 – Dastgah Segah
Figure. 12 – Segah makam
 Dastgah Mahour (see fig.13) is similar to Arel Ezgi Chargah Makam (see fig.14)
Figure. 13 – Dastgah mahour
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Figure. 14 – Arel Ezgi Chargah makam
 Dastgah Homayoun in Iranian music (see fig.15.1) is similar to Hicaz makam(see fig. 15.2)
Figure. 15.1 – Dastgah Homayun
Figure. 15.2 – Hicaz makam in Turkish music
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 Dastgah Shour (see fig.16) is similar to Uşşak (see fig.17) and Huseyni makam (see fig.18)
Figure. 16 – Dastgah Shour
Figure. 17 – Uşşak makam in Turkish music
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Figure. 18 – Huseyni makam in Turkish music
 Dastgah Rast-Panjgah in Iranian music (see fig.19) is similar to Rast makam in Turkish music(see fig.20)
Figure. 19 – Dastgah Rast-panjgah
84
Figure. 20 – Rast makam in Turkish music
 Avaz Abu-ata in Iranian music (see fig.21) is similar to Uşşak makam in Turkish music (see fig. 22)
Figure. 21 – Avaz Abu-ata
85
Figure. 22 – Uşşak makam in Turkish music
 Avaz Bayat-e-turk (see fig.23) is similar to Uşşak makam(see fig. 24)
Figure. 23 – Avaz-e Bayat-e Turk in Iranian music
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Figure. 24 – Uşşak makam in Turkish music
 Avaz Afshari (see fig.25) is similar to Karcigar makam (see fig.26)
Figure. 25 – Avaz-e Afshari in Iranian music
87
Figure. 26 – Karcığar makam in Turkish music
 Avaz Dashti (see fig. 27) is similar to Uşşak makam (see fig. 28)
Figure. 27 – Avaz Dashti in İranian music
88
Figure. 28 – Uşşak makam in Turkish music
 Avaz Isfahan (see fig 29) is similar to Hicaz (see fig. 30)
Figure. 29 – Avaz Isfahan in İranian music
89
Figure. 30– Hicaz makam in Turkish music
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CHAPTER V CONCLUSION
According to historical sources and musical analyzes, it can be concluded that the Ottoman music had been interacted with Iranian music mostly in Timurid and Safavid periods. Thereafter, Turkish Classical music or Türk Sanat müziği in turkey, and Dastgahi music in Iran has been formed as a continuation of Ottoman music and Iranian medieval music respectively. As we discussed in this research, Iranian music in Timurid and Safavid Period was the product of Great musicians’ theories like; Abu Nasr al-Farabi, Safi al-Din Urmawi, and Abd al-Qadir maraghi. And among these musicians, Abd al-Qadir maraghi had crucial role in shaping Iranian music. Safavid era was the period of decline of Scientific music in Iran. Shah Ismail defined joining the Shiite madhab as the common denominator of Safavid supporters; And in this passage, the jurists and scholars were raised to the most just foundation and the greatest position. The opposition of the ulema or Islamic Scholars to the music of Tarab, which was the theme of the Timurid period and the most common type of music of that time, provided the ground for the rejection of the totality of music and all its aspects in the Safavid court and, of course, among the general public. Therefore, this situation degraded the positions of musicians in Safavid Courts and forced them to emigrate mostly to the Ottoman Courts. Abd al-Aziz Maraghi was the youngest son of Abd al-Qadir, was apparently more talented in music than the other two brothers and has left his mark. He was amongst the Iranian artist immigrants in Safavid period, and immigrated to Bursa for continuing his career in Ottoman courts, where musicians and artist were highly valued. He authored a book called Naqaw al-Adwar and dedicated it to the Ottoman Sultan Mahmud II. Abd al-Aziz's son, Mohammad, was also a musician. He also wrote a book called Maqsad al-Adwar and dedicated it to Sultan Bayazid II of the Ottoman Empire. So, the initial interaction or exchange of Iranian music with Ottoman music began with the emigration of musicians like Abd al-Qadir Maraghi’s son, who was educated in music by his father. Thus, Abd al-Qadir’s music theories and works distributed in Ottoman courts by his son Abd al-Aziz and grandson
91
Mahmoud, and later became more widespread by other Iranian musician who migrated from Iran to the Ottoman courts.
In this research, I analyzed, and compared both Ottoman music and Iranian music. According to this comparison, it can be concluded that the both classical music in 13th to 16th centuries had the same theoretical roots, and Ottoman music has been interacted with Iranian medieval music. We know that Iranian Classical music changed within Qajar Period while Turkish Classical music preserved many features of Ottoman music. By analyzing both music we can say that the music in Timurid and almost Safavid period was very similar to Ottoman music, but gradually this kind of music in the early 18th century within Qajar period lost some of its main in Iranian Classical music and instead it developed in Turkish Classical music.
In the chapter 3, I analyzed and compared Iranian and Turkish Classical music in Terms of Intervals, Tetrachords, and Dastgahs and Makams. There are some similarities and differences that we can see in Interval comparison. For the three of Intervals; “Tanini”, “Bakiyye”, and “Mujannab”, we can say that while in Turkish music Mujnnab is divided into two big and small Mujannab and in Iranian music there is only one Mujannab.
Coming to the Tetrachords of Both music it is obvious that “Kurdi” and “Chargah” Tetrachords in Turkish music are similar to the “Dashti” and “Mahour” Tetrachords in Iranian Classical music.
In the term of Dastgah and Makam, we can compare some Dastgahs in Iranian classical music to Makams in Turkish Classical music which are as follows:
 Dastgah Segah (see fig.11) is similar to Segah makam in Turkish music (see fig.12)
 Dastgah Mahour (see fig.13) is similar to Arel Ezgi Chargah makam (see fig.14)
 Dastgah Homayoun in Iranian music (see fig.15.1) is similar to Hicaz makam(see fig. 15.2)
 Dastgah Shour (see fig.16) is similar to Uşşak (see fig.17) and Huseyni makam (see fig.18)
 Dastgah Rast-Panjgah in Iranian music (see fig.19) is similar to Rast makam in Turkish music (see fig.20)
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 Avaz Abu-ata in Iranian music (see fig.21) is similar to Uşşak makam in Turkish music (see fig. 22)
 Avaz Bayat-e-turk (see fig.23) is similar to Uşşak makam(see fig. 24)
 Avaz Afshari (see fig.25) is similar to Karcigar makam (see fig.26)
 Avaz Dashti (see fig. 27) is similar to Uşşak makam (see fig. 28)
 Avaz Isfahan (see fig 29) is similar to Hicaz (see fig. 30)
Thus, it can be concluded that the Iranian Classical music and Turkish Classical music both carry the same or very identical musical culture and tradition which is known as makam music, and it is common music of Iranians, Turks and Arabs which has been fertilized and developed through history by the cultural interactions and exchanges in this region. Islam as a common religion also played significant role in diffusion or distribution of same culture and traditions and for specific identical music type by the means of social, cultural, and religious interactions and exchanges among Muslims.
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CURRICULUM VITAE
Personal Information: Name - Surname: Rohoullah Vakilzadeh-Dizaji
Education:
MA in Civilization Studies, September 2018- June 2021, Ibn Haldun University, Alliance of Civilizations Institute- Istanbul, Turkey
MA in Sociology, September 2016- June 2018, Tabriz University-Tabriz, Iran
Dissertation Title: “A Sociological Study of Tendency Toward Modern and Traditional Music Forms among Students of University of Tabriz and its related Socio-Economic Factors”.
BA in Social Sciences, September 2012 – June 2016, Payame-Noor University (pnu)-Tabriz, Iran
Experience:
Teaching Fellow- Comparative Theories and Methods (SPS103) Course, Ibn Haldun University
Autumn, 2020
Persian Language Course Instructor at Umran Green School Foundation, Since 2020
Social Sciences Teacher at Misagh Secondary School – Tabriz, Iran, Since 2019
Social Science Teacher at Salam Secondary School – Tabriz, Iran