826

 SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND SPATIAL TRANSFORMATİONS
IN
THE HISTORICAL CENTRE OF ISTANBUL AFTER 1980:
THE CASE OF TALIMHANE, BEYOGLU
by

ÖZET
Bu çalışma 1980 sonrasında Beyoğlu ilçesi içindeki Talimhane bölgesindeki değişim ve
dönüşümlerin nedenlerini irdelenmeyi amaçlamaktadır. Tarihi Yarımada ile birlikte
İstanbul’un tarihi kent merkezini oluşturan Beyoğlu ilçesi 1980’lerden başlayarak
1990’ların ikinci yarısından itibaren önemli dönüşümlere sahne olmuştur. Bu bağlamda
İstiklal Caddesi, Galata ve civarı, Asmalı Mescit, Fransız Sokağı gibi bölgelerde ekonomik
ve fiziksel mekanda önemli değişiklikler olmuş ve buna bağlı olarak kullanıcı grupları
değişmiştir. Bunun sonucunda bu alanların hepsi birbirlerinin dönüşümlerini etkiler hale
gelmiştir. Bu değişimlere olarak Talimhane bölgesinde, 2003-2004 yıllarında İstanbul
Büyükşehir Belediyesi Kentsel Tasarım Müdürlüğü kapsamlı bir kentsel tasarım projesini
hayata geçirmiştir. Bu yüksek lisans tezi kapsamında, yukarıda sözü geçen etkenler
çerçevesinde Talimhane bölgesinde fiziksel ve sosyo-ekonomik yapının değişiminin anket
ve mülakatlarla incelenmesi, İBB Kentsel Tasarım Müdürlüğü’nün alanda uyguladığı
projenin sonuçlarının tespit edilmesi hedeflenmektedir.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Kentsel dönüşüm, soylulaştırma, Barcelona, El Raval, kent
merkezleri, yenileme, küreselleşme
vi
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT.................................................................................... .………iii
ABSTRACT ........................................................................................................ .………iv
ÖZET ................................................................................................................... ..………v
TABLE OF CONTENTS .................................................................................... .………vi
LIST OF TABLES............................................................................................... ……….ix
LIST OF PICTURES............................................................................................ …..……x
LIST OF FIGURES……………………………………………………………..
1. INTRODUCTOIN ..........................................................................................
….…..xii
.………1
2. EXAMINATION OF URBAN TRANSFORMATION THEORY WITH
THEORETICAL AND IMPLEMENTATION DIMENSIONS………………..
..………6
2.1. DEFINITION, OBJECTIVE OF URBAN TRANSFORMATION
CONCEPT AND ITS DEVELOPMENT WITHIN HISTORICAL
PROCESS ………………………………………………………………… ..………6
2.1.1. Tourism-Based Urban Transformation Projects………………… ..……..13
2.2. BASIC COMPONENTS OF URBAN TRANSFORMATION
CONCEPT: SOCIAL, ECONOMIC, SPATIAL DYNAMICS…………….. ....……15
2.2.1. Social Dimension of Urban Transformation: Partnership and
Local Public Participation……………………………………………... ………15
2.2.2. Economic Dimension of Urban Transformation: Finance and
Public-Private Sector Partnerships……………………………………... ....……18
2.2.3. Environment and Spatial Dynamics in Urban Transformation…. ....……19
2.3. GENTRIFICATION AS A CLASS PROJECT AND AS A RESULT
OF URBAN TRANSFORMATION IMPLEMENTATIONS ……………... ....……21
2.3.1. Conceptual Perspective as for the Fact of Gentrification in the
Historical Process .................................................................................... ....……21
2.3.2. Factors Leading to Gentrification and Gentrifiers.................... ....……23
2.3.3. A Critical View to Outcomes of Gentrification............................ ....……26
vii
2.4. TRANSFORMATION AND GENTRIFICATION IN CITY CENTER
IN WESTERN EUROPE EXPERIENCE: EL RAVAL, BARCELONA ….. ....……29
2.4.1. Historical Development of Barcelona ………………………….. ....……29
2.4.1.1. Barcelona General Metropolitan Plan: PGM ……….. ....……31
2.4.1.2. Localized Planning Projects: PERI ……………….….. ....……33
2.4.2. Transformation Process of El Raval ……………………………. ....……39
3. ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND SPATIAL TRANSFORMATIONS IN
BEYOĞLU, THE HISTORICAL CITY CENTER OF ISTANBUL,
THROUGHOUT THE HISTORICAL PROCESS …………………………….
..……..51
3.1. SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND SPATIAL STRUCTURING IN THE
CITY CENTER OF İSTANBUL BEFORE 1850…………………………... ....……51
3.2. BEYOĞLU IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE BETWEEN THE YEARS
1850 AND 1923: SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND SPATIAL DYNAMICS ……
....……54
3.3. POLITICAL AND SOCIO-ECONOMICAL STRUCTURE IN
EARLY REPUBLIC PERIOD BETWEEN 1923 AND 1950 AND ITS
EFFECTS ON BEYOĞLU …………………………………………………
....……58
3.4. SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND SPATIAL DYNAMICS IN BEYOĞLU
DURING THE PERIOD BETWEEN 1950 AND 1980 …………………. ....……60
3.5. POLITICAL AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC DYNAMICS DURING THE
PERIOD BETWEEN 1980 AND 2000 AND THEIR REFLECTIONS ON
BEYOĞLU …………………………………………………………………. ....……62
3.5.1. The Period of Change for İstanbul between 1980 and 1990 and its
Reflections on Beyoğlu............................................................................. ....……63
3.5.2. Social, Economic and Spatial Dynamics in İstanbul and Beyoğlu
between 1990 and 2000........................................................................... ....……64
3.6. EFFECTS OF THE PERIOD OF PLANNING IN BEYOĞLU
DISTRICT ON PHYSICAL SPACE AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC
STRUCTURE ………………………………………………………………. ....……66
3.7. EVALUATION OF SPOT PROTECTS IMPLEMENTED IN
BEYOĞLU DISTRICT FROM 1980 TILL TODAY FROM THE
PERSPECTIVE OF URBAN TRANSFORMATION AND
GENTRIFICATION ………………………………………………………... ....……72
viii
3.7.1. Applications in the Period between 1984 and 1989…………….. ....……73
3.7.2. Pedestrianization of İstiklal Avenue ……………………………. ....……75
3.7.3. Pretty Beyoğlu Project ………………………………………….. ....……77
3.7.4. Tarlabaşı Regeneration Project ……………………………….... ....……82
4. SPATIAL, SOCIAL, ECONOMIC DYNAMICS OF TALİMHANE
QUARTER, BEYOĞLU DISTRICT …………………………………………..
..……..84
4.1. TALIMHANE THROUGHOUT HISTORICAL PROCESS: ITS
LOCATION AND CHANGING ROLE AND IDENTITY IN BEYOĞLU
...….…84
4.1.1. Historical Development of Talimhane........................................... ...….…86
4.1.1.1. İ.B.B (İstanbul Metropolitan Municipality) Beyoğlu
Talimhane Area Front Rehabilitation, Urban Design
Implementation Project ………………………………………… ....……90
4.2. SPATIAL STRUCTURE AND TRANSPORTATION ANALYSES IN
TALIMHANE ……………………………………………………………… ....……96
4.2.1. Transportation................................................................................ ....……96
4.2.2. Function Analysis........................................................................... ....……99
4.2.3. Number of Floors........................................................................... ....…..103
4.2.4. Building Year................................................................................. ....…..105
4.2.5. Physical Structure Analysis on Historical Buildings..................... ....…..105
5. RESULTS OF FIELD WORK ……………………………………………… ..…....108
5.1. DESCRIPTIVE INFORMATION……………………………………... ......…108
5.2. DETAILS ABOUT FITTINGS, OCCUPANCY RATES AND USERS
OF HOTELS ………………………………………………………………...
......…110
5.3. LAND SELECTION CRITERIA AND IMPACTS OF İBB PROJECT. ......…113
5.4. RESULTS OF OBSERVATION AND INTERVIEW ON THE AREA. ......…130
6.. CONCLUSION …………………………………..………………………… ..…....132
REFERENCES….……………………………………………………………… ...…....138
APPENDICES………………………………………………………………….....….......144
ix
LIST OF TABLES
Table 2.1. Evolution of urban transformation …………………………………. ..………8
Table 2.2. Conditions related to different partnership types ………………..…. ....……18
Table 2.3. Positive and negative aspects of gentrification ………………..…. ....……29
Table 2.4. Tourism by year ……………………………………………………. ..……38
Table 2.5. Number of immigrants by year ……………………………….....…. ....……38
Table 4.1. Breakdown of urban furniture placed …………………………..…. ....……91
Table 4.2. Talimhane land use analysis …..…………………………………. ..……99
Table 4.3. Ground floor function analysis of buildings in Talimhane……..…. ....…100
Table 4.4. 1st floor function analysis of buildings in …………………………. ....…100
Table 4.5. Analysis of floor heights ………………………………...…………. ..……103
Table 4.6. Physical condition analysis ………………………………….…..…. ....…106
Table 5.1. Analysis of reasons for establishment in Talimhane …………...…. ....…114
Table 5.2. Purpose of Visiting Talimhane ……………………...…………...…. ....…115
Table 5.3. Analysis on Satisfaction with the Location of Hotel …………….…. ....…118
Table 5.4. Analysis on the Results of İBB Project …………….………………. ....…122
Table 5.5. Satisfaction Analysis on Talimhane Area …………….……………. ....…126
x
LIST OF PICTURES
Picture 2.1. Baltimore Port …………………………………………………….. ....……10
Picture 2.2. Docks Region of London, Canary Wharf Building……………….. ....……11
Picture 2.3. Congress and Exhibition Hall at the bank of Clyde River in
Glasgow………………………………………………………………………… ....……12
Picture 2.4. Panoramic view of Montjuic area …………………..…………….. ....……36
Picture 2.5. Air Picture of El Raval…………………………………………….. ....……39
Picture 2.6. Raval district ……………………………………………………… ....……40
Picture 2.7. Raval district …………………………………………………….. ....……41
Picture 2.8. Planning of Ramble de Raval …………………………………….. ....……42
Picture 2.9. The new complex planned in Raval ……………...……………….. ....……43
Picture 2.10. MACBA………………………………………………….………. ....……44
Picture 2.11. MACBA…………………………………………………..……… ....……45
Picture 2.12. MACBA ………………………………...……………………….. ....……46
Picture 2.13. CCCB ……………………………………………………………. ....……47
Picture 2.14. CCCB …………………………………………………………... ....……47
Picture 2.15. Major structures in Raval district ……………………………….. ....……48
Picture 2.16. La Merce festival event in Raval district ………………………... ....……50
Picture 3.1. The Sixth Municipal Department designed by Barborini…………. ....……54
Picture 3.2. Pera Palace ………………………………….…………………….. ....……56
Picture 3.3. Galata in the second half of the 19th century ……..……………….. ....……57
Picture 3.4. The second half of the 19th century: View from Büyük Hendek
Avenue to the tower …………………………………………………………… ....……58
Picture 3.5. Taksim Barracks ………………………………………………….. ....……59
Picture 3.6. Taksim Barracks After Development Activities ………………….. ....……60
Picture 3.7. The situation before the opening of Tarlabaşı Avenue ………........ ....……74
Picture 3.8. The Opening of Tarlabaşı Avenue ………………………….…….. ....……76
Picture 3.9. Beyoğlu Before Pedestrianization …………………………..…….. ....……76
Picture 3.10. After Pedestrianization ……….................................................. ....……77
xi
Picture 3.11. Front Renovation Works ……………….……………………….. ....……78
Picture 3.12. Beyoğlu Sparkling Bright Project………………………………... ....……79
Picture 3.13. The situation of French Street before restoration………………… ....……80
Picture 3.14. The situation of French Street after restoration …………………. ....……81
Picture 4.1. Taksim Square …………………………………………………….. ....……87
Picture 4.2. Artillery barracks being demolished ……………………………… ....……88
Picture 4.3. İ.B.B. project.. …………………………………………………….. ....……90
Picture 4.4. Paving Renovation Activities in Talimhane……...……………….. ....……92
Picture 4.5. Renovation Activities in Talimhane ……………...……...……….. ....……92
Picture 4.6. View of Talimhane After the Project..…………………….………. ....……93
Picture 4.7. Front Renovation Activities in Talimhane ….……………..……… ....……94
Picture 4.8. Front Renovation Activities in Talimhane ….…………………….. ....……94
Picture 4.9. Talimhane Before the Project…………….………………………. ....……96
xii
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 2.1. Map of Barcelona ………………………………………………….. ....……29
Figure 2.2. PGM of Barcelona in 1974………………………………………… ....……32
Figure 2.3. Coastal Plan of Barcelona ………………………...……………….. ....……36
Figure 2.5. Air Picture of El Raval………………………………………….….. ....……39
Figure 3.1. Miniature by Matrakçı Nasuh……………………..……………….. ....……51
Figure 3.2. Urban Plan 1789-1878……………………………………………... ....……55
Figure 3.3. Park Arrangement of Prost no. 40, 2……………………………….. ....……67
Figure 3.4. Park Arrangement of Prost no. 2…………..……………………….. ....……67
Figure 3.5. Master Plan of İstanbul Metropolitan Area dated 1980 at a Scale of
1/5000…………………………………………………………………………...
....……69
Figure 3.6. 1994 Master Development Plan at a Scale of 1/5000 on Dolapdere
and Piyalepaşa Avenue and Surrounding Area ………………………………...
....……70
Figure 4.1. Location of Talimhane …………………………………………….. ....……82
Figure 4.2. Location of Talimhane …………………………………………….. ....……85
Figure 4.3. Aerial Picture of Talimhane……………………………….……….. ....……86
Figure 4.4. Champs de Mars …………….…………………………………….. ....……88
Figure 4.5. Transportation Analysis………………………...………………….. ....……98
Figure 4.6. Floor Function Analysis for Talimhane ………………..………….. ....…101
Figure 4.7. Function Change Analysis for Talimhane……………………….... ....…102
Figure 4.8. Floor Number Analysis for Talimhane ……………..…………….. ....…104
Figure 4.9. Physical Condition Analysis of Buildings………………...……….. ....…107
Figure 5.1. Analysis of Establishment Year …………….………….………….. ....…109
Figure 5.2. Classification of Touristic Facilities ………………………...…….. ....…109
Figure 5.3. Floor Analysis …………………………………….…..…..……….. ....…110
Figure 5.4. Analysis on the Number of Conference Hall …………….………... ....…110
Figure 5.5. Analysis on Occupancy Rates of Hotels ………………………....... ....…112
Figure 5.6. Seasonal Analysis by Occupancy Rate of Hotel……….…….…….. ....…112
Figure 5.7. Analysis of Local / Foreign Tourists …………….………….…….. ....…113
Figure 5.8. Distribution of business/conference visits by degree of importance. ....…115
Figure 5.9. Distribution of vacation travels by importance ……………………. ....…116
xiii
Figure 5.10. Distribution of culture-tourism travels by importance ……….…... ....…117
Figure 5.11. Distribution of shopping travels by importance …………..……… ....…117
Figure 5.12. Evaluation of the location of area ……….………………….……. ....…118
Figure 5.13. Evaluation of the prestige of area ……….…..….………….…….. ....…119
Figure 5.14. Evaluation of the security of area………………………………… ....…119
Figure 5.15. Distribution of vacation travels by importance ………………..…. ....…120
Figure 5.16. Evaluation of the ease of transportation provided by the area …… ....…120
Figure 5.17. Evaluation of proximity of the area to the Historical Peninsula …. ....…121
Figure 5.18. Evaluation of proximity of the area to the Bosphorus ……….…... ....…121
Figure 5.19. Evaluation of newly opened accommodation places ……….……. ....…123
Figure 5.20. Evaluation of cafes and restaurants opened in the vicinity ………. ....…123
Figure 5.21. Evaluation of the change in the number of visitors coming to the
area………………………………………………………………………………
....…124
Figure 5.22. Evaluation of the change in overnight accommodation prices of
hotels…………………………………………………………………………….
....…124
Figure 5.23. Evaluation of the change in coming tourist profile……………… ....…126
Figure 5.24. Evaluation of the central location of area ………………………... ....…127
Figure 5.25. Evaluation of the prestige of area ………………………………… ....…127
Figure 5.26. Evaluation of the return of the investment made ………………… ....…128
Figure 5.27. Evaluation of the change in real estate values …………………… ....…128
Figure 5.28. Evaluation of the investments around the area…………………… ....…129
1
1. INTRODUCTION
In the 1980’s and the post-1980’s, in both Europe and Turkey, crucial transformations
took place. Economic restructuring, commencing in the mid-1970’s, and neoliberal
policies, arising subsequently, brought forth radical changes in city economics spatially
and socially. As a result of the fact that in industrialized and developed countries, flexible
production and non-industrialization were adopted instead of Fordist production type, in
cities; especially historical city centers, and in areas, vacated due to industry, economic
loss and dilapidation in physical environment arose. Reduction of manufacturing, industrial
activities in these areas or elimination of them completely gave rise to population loss and
economic weakening. In the said areas, there was a change in the social structure, and these
neighborhoods transformed into areas, which were preferred by low-income income
groups. Urban transformation projects, implemented in the post-1980’s in these areas,
sometimes on a parcel sometimes as a regional basis, arose upon economic concerns unlike
urban restoration or rehabilitation examples before 1980’s (Hall, 1998). Urban
transformation projects, implemented in the post-1980’s, were developed for the purpose
of refunctioning of the said areas, and organization of them as the engine power of urban
economies. While examples of the process between 1980-1990 in European and American
cities were shaped within the said framework, it is observed that in the post-1990’s, more
participative urban transformation projects were realized (Roberts, 2003).
Urban transformation projects were criticized in general including the projects after the
post-1990’s in terms of implementation instruments, relevant results in physical
environment, and their economic impacts. The most encountered criticism in this respect is
the case of gentrification, which can be defined as exclusion of low-income groups with
settlement of high-income levels to the region as a result of the change in the social
structure due to improvements in the physical environment. In many transformation
projects, whose examples can be observed in Europe currently, it is possible to encounter
the said social structure change.
2
Despite the fact that they arose at a subsequent period when compared with the relevant
examples in Europe and America, similar processes are experienced in Turkey –especially
in Istanbul. When the incidents, coming to the foreground between 1980 and 2000 in
Istanbul, it is evident that impacts of neoliberal economic policies in the post-1980’s were
most powerful in Istanbul, efforts were made for planning the city as a “Global City” with
a series of laws and various projects; primarily with the Tourism Incentive Law. (Enlil,
2000; Keyder, 2000). Transformations, observed in Istanbul, arose in both legal and illegal
residential areas of the city, and were observed in the Historical Peninsula, Haliç and
Beyoğlu. In parallel with these transformations, reflections of the fact of gentrification in
various scales were observed in Istanbul. Within this framework, parts of the city of
varying magnitudes –sometimes in the whole street sometimes in one neighborhoodexperienced
the process of gentrification under leadership of various actors and processes
(Islam, 2003).
Whereas in the period after the year 2000, new laws, prepared within the framework of the
process of harmonization to European Union, and legislation amendments, ensured the
legal basis for bringing urban transformation projects, whose examples are seen in Europe,
into the agenda of local administrations. Whereas the location, where impacts of these
transformations and changes were observed, were the Historical Peninsula, Haliç and the
district of Beyoğlu. Istiklal Street, and Taksim, taking place in the district of Beyoğlu,
where entertainment, tourism and cultural activities are intensive, and which host many
local and foreigner visitors and tourists, and Talimhane region, situated next to it, have
entered into a process of transformation, starting from the 1990’s.
In the transformation process of Beyoğlu, decisions and projects, formed by the private
sector, central and local administration (Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality and Beyoplu
Municipality) in various times can be mentioned. Talimhane region became one of the
important districts on account of the fact that it is near to Taksim, Tarlabaşı, and Congress
Valley. Upon being announced as “a Tourism Region” with the decision of the Council of
Ministers in the year 1987, tourism functions started to select location in the region.
Talimhane entered into a process of dilapidation physically in the 1990’s; besides it held a
position, holding low value added activities, and which is deemed hazardous in term of
security.
3
In the year 2000 and afterwards, new transformations were observed. In the course of this
period, various projects came to the foreground in both Talimhane and in the near vicinity.
The said projects were sometimes realized; sometimes were interrupted on account of
disputes among actors within time as is seen in Tarlabaşı example. Likewise for Talimhane
as well, a series of projects were put into implementation. The first one is “Beyoğlu
District Talimhane Region Front-line Rehabilitation Urban Design Implementation
Project”, commenced by Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality Urban Design Directorate and
Beyoğlu Municipality for the purpose of arrangement of physical structure in the area in
the year 2004. This study was followed by the project, titled “Beyoğlu District Talimhane
Region Physical Arrangement and Pedestrian Arrangement”, commenced in the year 2005.
Within this framework, for the first time in Istanbul streets in the neighborhood were
arranged for pedestrians by establishment of a network among them and a series of urban
design implementations were realized and apart from them, through private security teams,
the security problem in the neighborhood was tried to be resolved (IBB, 1990).
The objective of this thesis within the framework of the process, summarized shortly
above, and the context, is to examine socio-economic and spatial impacts in Talimhane of
the projects and implementations in the post-1980’s period in Beyoğlu, and whether a
gentrification has arisen or not. Another objective of the study is to examine social, spatial,
and economic impacts of implementations of IBB Urban Design Directorate, which has
submitted its approval in terms of this post-graduate thesis, (real estate values, new
utilizations and investments in the region), and to make deductions in this regard. It is
targeted that these evaluations are taken as a basis in terms of upcoming projects and
implementations of IBB Urban Design Directorate.
Basic hypothesis and research questions related to the thesis: The basic hypothesis for
which this thesis study looks for an answer is the fact that various projects, implemented
within Talimhane and in the near vicinity creates a physical renewal in the physical region,
becomes a basis in the function and the social structure for relocation and gentrification,
and this tendency will go on by increasing gradually in the future. Through surveys and
interviews, made within the scope of the thesis, accuracy of this assumption is tried to be
examined.
4
In addition to the basic assumption of the thesis, a series of questions were asked for
resolution of impacts of urban design project, conducted by IBB Urban Design Directorate
in 2004 and 2005 as well as grounds for selection of location by hotels in the region
(accessibility, substructure, real estate prices etc.)
Research Method: Within the scope of the thesis study, periodical publications such as
post graduate thesis studies, Internet and printed resources and various books related to
urban transformation, gentrification theories, were scanned, and a research on literature
was made. Subsequent to resource scanning made for the purpose of determination of
spatial and socio-economic development of Beyoğlu and Talimhane in the course of
historical process, an interview was made with Beyoğlu Municipality, Talimhane
neighborhood headman, Principle Planning Office, which is the project owner of IBB
Urban Design Directorate as well as hotels, cafes, and restaurants in the region. Surveys
and interviews were made with the hotels, which selected location in the region. Within the
borders of the area, which is the subject matter of the study of IBB Urban Design
Directorate, there are 27 hotels in total. 3 of these hotels did not accept to conduct surveys
and interviews. Since the two of the remaining 24 hotels are common hotel enterprises, indepth
interviews were made with the front-office directors of 22 hotels.
Survey questions were established for the purpose of measurement of the data of physical
capacities of hotels (physical substructure, occupation/non-occupation, accessibility etc),
grounds of selection of location in the region, comments of hotels related to investment
plans of the hotels for the future, and the region. It was established for the purpose of
measurement of opinions of tourism enterprises with regard to the project, conducted by
IBB Urban Design Directorate in the region. While the survey questions were prepared,
ordinal, intermittent, ratio and likert scales were utilized. The surveys were filled in in the
course of the interviews made with the front-office directors of the hotels. Results of the
surveys were transmitted to SPSS programme, and were evaluated. Furthermore in the
region interviews were made with café and restaurant owners, and their opinions were
obtained with regard to transformations of commercial enterprises apart from the hotels in
the region (catering).
5
Within the scope of this thesis, following the introduction part, in the second section, a
contextual framework has been drawn with regard to urban transformation and
gentrification theories. On account of the fact that the thesis receives its theoretical basis
from two interrelated theories, the depth of the issue was tried to be kept within the
framework of basic titles as much as possible. At the end of this section, the transformation
project in El Raval region of Barcelona, similar to Talimhane- and partially Tarlabaşı- an
example to both urban transformation and gentrification issues and an issue of this thesis
were examined. In the third section, economic, social and physical environment changes of
Beyoğlu district were evaluated in the light of the processes, affecting Istanbul in the post-
1980’s period. Within this framework, various projects, affecting Talimhane indirectly,
have been touched upon. In the fourth section, crucial turning points, experienced by
Talimhane region, in the course of the transformation process have been touched upon, the
physical structure of the environment has been presented (data on transportation, building
stock). In the fifth section, results of the survey study and the interviews were discussed
in detail. Whereas in section six, the results and the evaluations took place.
6
2. EXAMINATION OF URBAN TRANSFORMATION THEORY
WITH THEORETICAL AND IMPLEMENTATION DIMENSIONS
2.1 DEFINITION, OBJECTIVE OF URBAN TRANSFORMATION CONCEPT
AND ITS DEVELOPMENT WITHIN HISTORICAL PROCESS
Urban transformation concept basically is defined as a comprehensive and integrative
vision and act for the purpose of ensuring development in economic, social, physical and
environmental problems of the urban area, which is subject to change (Roberts, 2000).
According to Turok, urban transformation comprises of three primary features (Turok,
2005, 57)
• It aims at changing the structure of a location and inclusion of the resident public
and other actors in the process.
• Depending on special problems and potential of the region, it includes various
targets and activities intersecting with the basic functional responsibilities of the
state.
• It is different from special corporate structure of the partnership and includes a
partnership structure among different stakeholders (partners).
Despite the fact that it differentiates physical, economic, social, and political conditions of
every city in terms of methods and strategies, with its structure based on people, location
and economy, every urban transformation model is designed with similar objectives. İnce
(2006, 9) states these objectives as below:
• To strengthen skills, capacities, and expectations of people by ensuring more
comprehensive social and economic opportunities, advanced welfare level, and
utilization of them.
• For the purpose of creation of more local employment opportunities, to increase the
level of employment;
7
• To boost the general attraction of the location for the purpose of attracting people,
who have the option of the location to be occupied, and to protect them.
Urban transformation projects should not be deemed as partial operations for the purpose
of resolution of problematic urban areas; they should be handled as comprehensive and
integrative process, disseminating to the whole city. Urban transformation is not a new
concept; however dynamics of this concept have put forth transformations in the course of
historical process depending on changing economic, social and spatial dynamics.
When urbanization dynamics are examined, as of the second part of the 18th century, as a
result of industrial revolution, and mechanization in agriculture, a massive immigration
began from rural areas to urban areas. In the course of this process, newly developing
industry was located in the urban fringes, waterfronts or locations near to raw material
resources. This process led to crucial spatial pressures in urban areas of European regions,
bearing impacts of Middle Ages and Renaissance (Benevolo, 1980). A similar urbanization
process was experienced in United States. The population of the country increased from 5
million to 76 million in 100 years; while the rural population was 300.000 people in 1800;
it reached 30 million in 1900 (Levy, 1997, 7). Whereas pressures arising in physical
location by the speedy population growth was tried to be resolved with utopias such as
Garden City of Ebenezer Howard, Broadacre City of Frank Lloyd Wright, Industrial City
of Tony Garnier, The City for Three Million Inhabitants of Le Corbusier, and Radiant City
in the first part of the 20th century (Hall, 1992).
The speedy process of change, experienced by cities in the second half of the 20th century
is summarized in the table of decades, prepared for the post-1950’s of Roberts (2000)
(Table 2.1). In the 1950’s, solution was sought for the growing population and housing
needs after the Second World War, cities were restructured, and suburbs were established
near to urban fringes. Main actors of this period were central and local administrations,
many projects were created by the private sector
(Roberts, 2000). In the 1960’s, growth continued near to urban fringes; however on the
other hand, early period rehabilitation studies were put into practice.
8
Table 2.1. Evolution of urban transformation
Resource: Özden, presenting from Roberts (2000) (2008) page 57
PERIOD 1950's 1960's 1970's 1980’s 1990's
POLICIES
Reconstruction Revitalization Renewal Redevelopment Regeneration
Basic Strategies
and Tendency
Reconstruction on
the basis of a
master plan and
expansion of
previous cities.
Growth of
suburbs.
Continuation of
1950’s, and
growth in
suburbs and
urban fringes.
Early period
rehabilitation
entrepreneurship.
Renewal of
basic regions of
the city, and
development
with
neighborhood
restoration
plans.
Various foundation
development and
redevelopment
project plans;
instigative projects;
non-urban projects.
Transition to
more
comprehensive
policies,
integrated
improvement
approach.
Actors and
Stakeholders
Central Local
administrations
Private sector and
contractors
More balanced
structure between
the public sector
and the private
sector
Apart from the
growing role of
the private
sector,
decentralized
structure of local
administrations
The fact that the
private sector and
offices come to the
foreground, and
growth of
partnership
structures
Partnerships as
dominant
approach
Spatial Action
Level
Approach at a
local and land
level
Regional
interventions
Regional and
local level at the
beginning;
subsequently
local level
emphasis
In the early 80’s,
land focused,
subsequently local
approaches
Redefinition of
strategic
perspective;
growth of
regional activity
Economic Focus
Partially
concerning private
sector,
predominantly
public sector
investments
Upon increase of
private sector
investments,
continuation of
the period of
1950’s
Lack of
resources in
public sector and
growth of
private sector
investment
Economic
structure, led by
public funds and
the private sector
A more balanced
financial
structure among
public sector,
private sector
and voluntary
institutions
Social Content
Development of
housing areas and
life standards
Improvement of
social structure
and welfare level
Community
based
(participative)
planning and
communities
skilled
Selective support;
with governmental
support, creation of
resolution for
problems of local
communities by
themselves
The fact that
roles of local
communities
bears
importance, and
its emphasis
Physical
Emphasis
Relocation of
interior parts of
provinces, and
development of
urban fringes
Apart from
continuation of
the approach of
the 1950’s,
parallel
rehabilitation of
current areas
Renewal of old
settlements more
comprehensively
Relocation and new
development basic
plans and
instigative large
scale projects
More humble
approach when
compared with
80’s; protection
of historical
heritage
Environmental
Approach
Landscape
greenifying
Selective
improvements
Environmental
improvement
and partial
innovation
development
efforts
Increase of the
level of attention to
large scale
environmental
approach
Development of
environmental
sustainability
opinion with a
larger
perspective
9
Roberts, defining this period as revitalization, (2000) states that cooperation between
public and private sector are arranged, efforts for development of social structure and
welfare level are put into practice, and previous spatial development approaches are
maintained. In the post Second World War Era, as a policy of elimination of debris in the
provinces in United States in 1950’s and 1960’s, and housing, urban renewal policies arose
(Levy, 1997). This state adopted renewal process -defined as Federal Bulldozer as wellcame
to an end in 1973, when 600.000 houses were demolished, and approximately two
million people had to leave their houses. Instead of demolished houses, 250.000 new
houses and commercial area of 20.8 million squ7are meters (224 million feet2) were
established (Levy, 1997, 187).
Urban renewal was included in the agenda of European countries in 1970’s. This period at
the same time was the time, when democratic and participative planning approaches were
adopted. In parallel with these developments, power of local administrations boosted;
however on account of lack of resources of public sector, impact of private sector on the
conducted projects and decision-making processes increased (Roberts, 2000; Özdemir,
2007b). As a result of restructuring of economy starting from the mid 1970’s on an
international scale, non-industrialization arose, and crucial changes happened in European
and American provinces socially and spatially.1. In the course of non-industrialization
process, city centers lost their economic functions, lost their populations, and started to
host the weakest social groups of society (Hall, 1998). As a result, in the post-1980’s, in
many European countries; primarily in United Kingdom, by taking relevant examples in
the United States as a basis, large scale projects, aiming at instigation of real estate markets
such as big commercial centers and malls, congress halls, sports facilities and attracting
tourists started to be implemented (Hall, 1998). Whereas the process in the United States
commenced with Charles Center, established in Baltimore at the end of 1950’s, and the
1 Hall (1998) collects this non-industrialization approach under four basic titles: when handled on a
periodical and sectoral basis, in industry a widespread employment problem, exceeding one year
arose. Northern England, industrialized regions of Europe and the middle and western region of the
United States, which were the locations preferred industrially intensively, were affected by this
change at the highest level. In the course of this non-industrialization process, factories were
closed by going bankrupt; in the country or in Far East countries, developing recently, for the
purpose of benefiting from cheap labor, force opportunities, investments were made. The ones,
who were affected by this change to the highest level, were the middle-aged, employed in the
industrial sector as well as youngsters and minorities (Hall, 1998, 32)
10
project in Baltimore port at the end of 1970’s, and Baltimore became a spot, visited by 30
million tourists each year (Özdemir, presenting from Judd, 1999, 36 2003). (See picture
2.1) The success of Baltimore became an example for other countries, and was taken as an
example in other European countries; primarily United Kingdom. (Hall, 1998).
Picture 2.1. Baltimore Port
Resource.http://image57.webshots.com/157/4/71/27/2510471270034295584BOEpjV_fs.jp
g (date of access 24.06.2009)
With economic disturbances caused by globalization in the 1980’s, public resources
decreased, free market economy was adopted; upon inclusion of the private sector in the
process, urban transformation projects entered into a different route when compared with
previous implementations. Large social houses, constructed after war, were inactive as a
result of decentralization of industry, projects began to be established on coastal lines,
where nonfunctional wharfs and docks are located (Özdemir, 2003). Public sector by
establishment of partnerships with private sector and taking high financial risks, supported
integrated projects such as housing, commerce on the grounds that they would upgrade
social and physical capacity of the area, and would attract new investments to the area;
11
however partial projects led to partial results, and were the targets of criticisms comprising
unequal utilization of public resources, and social injustice (Özdemir, presenting from
Newman and Verpraet, 1999, 2003). Another problem of large-scale projects, created in
the course of the said period, is the fact that they were profit oriented, they were not able to
create employment for local public, who were unemployed as a result of nonindustrialization;
furthermore public-private sector partnerships were not transparent, and
often bureaucratic processes were skipped (Özdemir, 2007; Loftman and Nevin, 1995).
Crucial examples of these projects are congress and exhibition halls at the bank of Clyde
River in Glasgow and Canary Wharf in the Docks Region of London (Hall, 1998).
Picture 2.2. Docks Region of London, Canary Wharf Building
Resource:http://media-2.web.britannica.com/eb-media/40/99940-004-D6D6E9B7.jpg (date
of access 20.06.2009)
12
Picture 2.3. Congress and Exhibition Hall at the bank of Clyde River in Glasgow.
Resource: http://www.acp2007.org.uk/Images/clyde_ext_portrait2.jpg (date of access
24.06.2009)
In the 1990’s, local public and civil society institutions were included in the cooperation of
public-private sector, the right of local public to take decision in the transformation process
was guaranteed with legal arrangements. Instead of solely economic and physical
improvement oriented projects, projects whose social and cultural targets were higher
started to be established. As is stated by Özdemir as well (2007a), within the scope of these
projects, production and employment of culture industries, which are also called creative
industries, are supported. Thus it is targeted through these projects that through cultural
consumption instead of consumption, contribution is made to urban and regional economy.
Whereas in the section below, for the purpose of making an explanation with regard to
transformation studies in Talimhane, which is called region of hotels of the district of
Beyoğlu, the issue of this thesis study, data and opinions on tourism-oriented urban
transformation projects and congress tourism, a crucial instigation for urban economies,
will be transmitted in general.
13
2.1.1. Tourism-Based Urban Transformation Projects
Despite the fact that emergence of tourism goes back to the 19th century in the world,
expectations with regard to contribution of tourism to urban economies became an issue,
taking place in the agenda of local administrations in the post-1980’s. Within this context,
“European culture city”, hosting Olympics, world football championship, music festivals,
and arts exhibitions, which are renewed every year, are deemed as crucial activities to
attract tourist groups. Another factor, strengthening marketing strategies, are incidents such
as “European culture city”, hosting Olympics, world student contests, world football
championship, music festivals, and arts exhibitions to attract large tourist groups
(Fainstein and Judd, 1999). Özdemir (2003) lists the grounds of the opinion of supporting
urban economies with tourism as below (Özdemir, presenting from Fainstein and
Gladstone, 1999; and Kotler et al 1993, 2003, 391-392):
1. Establishment of employment in tourism sector is cheap.
2. With multiplier effects, created by tourism industry, economic development is
encouraged.
3. There are contributions made by tourism to the environment and aesthetics in
the province.
4. Increase of number and quality of entertainment spots is positive for urban
dwellers as well.
5. In the face of the increasing competition between provinces, provinces have to
develop their economies through tourism.
6. It is possible to obtain high profits from local tax revenues and retail commerce
through tourism.
On the other hand, there are oppositions to economic growth of provinces with tourism
based strategies and policies. The thesis of these people can be summarized as below:
(Özdemir, presenting from Fainstein and Gladstone, 1999; and Kotler et al 1993, 2003,
392):
1. Impact of tourism on economic growth is not as much as stated.
2. When festival areas, successfully implemented in Boston and Baltimore, were
taken as an example and were implemented at city centers such as Ohio,
Richmond, Virginia, the expected visitor target was not reached, and high level
of loss was incurred in terms of investment. Thus success cannot be guaranteed
everywhere.
14
3. Estimated visitors for congress halls are lower than expectations, and in the face
of the increasing competition, these provinces have to continuously make
investments for continuity of services they render.
4. Despite the fact that revenue expected from tourism is obtained, a part of this
revenue has to be transformed to new investments for supporting tourism
industry.
5. Tourists give damage to nature and equipment in the environment.
6. Through support given to tourism, at hotels and restaurants, low wage service
sector employment is created. This is not an efficient investment type when
compared with other activities.
Non-industrialization and post-fordist production processes developed consultancy,
advertisement, marketing, banking, finance, production services in countries such as
Europe and United States, which are industrialized. Through distribution of these services
on the world, and creation of new markets, congresses and conferences, business trips held
an important position in the tourism sector. When compared with mass tourism in terms of
tourst numbers, they do not have a high portion; however the fact that expenses are
covered by companies lead to increase in expenses (Fainstein and Judd, 1999). This
opinion overlaps with the data of TÜRSAB, Association of Travel Agencies of Turkey.
Within this framework, the average expenditure, made in the year 2004 for the purpose of
congress tourism, is 1742 dollar; this amount is above the expenses, made in the course of
travels for vacation (TÜRSAB Research and Development, 2006)2.
44.1 % of organizations in congress tourism are held at congress halls, 35.6 % of them at
hotels with meeting rooms, 11.8 % of them at universities. It is known that in the world,
international congress tourism has a share of 150 billion dollars, and this share amounts to
30 % of international tourism and travel endorsement (TÜRSAB Research and
Development, 2006)3.
One of the most important issues in tourism-oriented strategies is as stated by Fainstein and
Gladstone (1999) disintegration and gentrification threat, created by tourism at the urban
2 According to the data of International Meeting and Congresses Association (ICCA), Istanbul ranks the 24th
with 37 congresses, organized in the year 2004. Barcelona ranks the first with 107 meetings, Singapore with
103 meetings, Vienna the third with 101 meetings. However as a result of the calculation to be made by
taking into account the activities to be made in 2005-2016, it is stated that Istanbul will upgrade to the level
of 15 (TÜRSAB Research and Development 2006).
3 According to the data of International Meeting and Congresses Association (ICCA), Istanbul ranks the 24th
with 37 congresses, organized in the year 2004. Barcelona ranks the first with 107 meetings, Singapore with
103 meetings, Vienna the third with 101 meetings. However as a result of the calculation to be made by
taking into account the activities to be made in 2005-2016, it is stated that Istanbul will upgrade to the level
of 15 (TÜRSAB Research and Development 2006).
15
area. It is stated that the method to eliminate the said disturbances is to bring forth a
solution to issues such as return of obtained incomes to public, and how the local public
will obtain a share from this development (Fainstein and Gladstone, 1999, 25).
2.2. BASIC COMPONENTS OF URBAN TRANSFORMATION CONCEPT:
SOCIAL, ECONOMIC, SPATIAL DYNAMICS
2.2.1 Social Dimension of Urban Transformation: Partnership and Local Public
Participation
As a result of economic policies, changing after 1970’s, content, organization, and finance
of urban transformation projects changed. Perception and definition methods of problems
within the scope of urban transformation changed, multiple-sector partnerships became
active. The fact that local public took place at each stage of the projects was handled as one
of the most important factors of success of the projects (Atkinson, 2005).
Multiple sector partnerships, comprising of public, private, and local sectors, have to
follow a balanced and coordinated administration for the purpose of realization of
successful transformation, and they have to take place in the project on the basis of the
target of common benefit. Despite the fact that the project is commenced on the basis of
the said targets, conflictual times were experienced and various strategies were tried in the
course of the process. Atkinson (2005, 88) defines positive aspects of partnerships as
below:
“a) Synergy - It means creation of synergy for bringing institutions and people
together for joining resources and obtainment of additional value. This can be
simply explained as below: 2+2=5
b) Transformation- Creation of a newly identified and coherent formation and
shared partnerships by coming together for a new formation (a transformation
partnership) and joining of common interests and identities of relevant parties.
c) Budget increase - Under some circumstances, this is the most basic grounds for
establishment of a partnership; In United Kingdom, access to transformation funds
16
is in general dependent on establishment of a partnership to which local groups are
included.
d) Such partnerships can sometimes be deemed as a method for elimination of
failures arising in market-based physical transformation experiences of 1980’s.
e) They can represent an approach, ensuring reduction of private sector, and thereby
facilitation of investment.
f) They can be deemed as a method, which will ensure a closer connection between
transformation and needs of marginal/excluded groups.
g) They can be deemed as a method of participation/integration to function as a
social solidarity and harmony.
h) They can be deemed as formation of social entrepreneurialism of self-help
culture within marginal communities.
i) They can be deemed as a method for direction of local public.
Therefore, instead of real-estate focused transformation projects within the scope of which
local public is excluded, implemented in the process between 1980 and 1990 and which is
highly criticized, partnership models, established by public sector, private sector, and
voluntary organizations, started to be adopted (Turok, 2005).
However as stated by Atkinson (2005) these partnerships are not totally unproblematic.
The fact that in transformation groups, having resource and data superiority, direct the
agenda on their own will, and lack of expression arising from the fact that it takes time for
excluded local groups to learn a new jargon/language in a new field despite the fact that
they have a participation potential become problems. In other words, local public cannot
become active participants of this transformation project. Whereas sometimes the fact that
low number of the same active local participants take place in different activities in the
transformation project brings forth “participation burden” on the said people. Sometimes a
contrary situation is in question. Some participants become almost “professionals” in the
participation experience to the transformation project, they constantly play an active role,
and they do not allow participation of new participants by perceiving them as threats to
their positions. (Atkinson, 2005).
Another problematic issue in participation of local public to transformation is to ensure
success in participation of local public and their encouragement.
In order for local public groups to take place in transformation projects with multiple
transformation projects, primarily a social substructure has to be established among the
17
said groups. Via social substructure, local groups can participate in decision making
processes in the project, and can play an effective role. On the other hand, through
projects, called quick win, specific problems are resolved in short term and with low cost,
and the importance attached to resolution of the problem by the public can be proven.
Under these circumstances, trust of local groups can be ensured, and they can be positively
encouraged (Atkinson, 2005).
Hague (2005) suggests that four basic conditions are adopted as criteria with regard to
partnership structures in the urban transformation process (See Table 2.2). Within this
framework, partnership types are determined according to assets, liabilities, driving forces,
and restrictives’ level of importance should be determined (Hague, 2005, 218). For
instance in the event that the level of current assets is high; however responsibility level
towards public is high, support of local public is obtained, and restrictive level is low,
transformation projects can be started by bringing together public sector, private sector,
and local public. Hague (2004, 218) states that the said model is a partnership type, used in
may transformation practices in housing areas in United Kingdom. In such partnerships,
financial restrictives become significant; besides the obligation to search for new funds or
constantly making attempts with low budgets become a burden within time (Hague, 2005,
220)
Assets Liabilities Driving
Forces
Restrictives Partnership Type
High Low High Low Private/Private
High Medium High Medium Public/Private
Low High Public Medium Public/Public
High High Local public Medium Public/private/local public
Table 2.2. Conditions related to different partnership types
Resource: Hague (2005), p. 218
In this partnership model, comprising of public-private sector and local public, if financial
resources are not sufficiently covered, the project can turn into a “bunch of words” in the
18
end, the private sector is not concerned with aspects of the project free from market
dynamics. However in such partnerships, “interpersonal and mediator” is a compulsory
quality. (Hague, 2005, 220-221). Hague (2005, 220-221) states that in the course of such a
process, the role of spatial planning has to be the fact that agreed objectives in the
partnership have to be shaped spatially, and adds that new employment opportunities or
owning a new house will be the issues for which the low income population will make
effort.
2.2.2. Economic Dimension of Urban Transformation: Finance and Public-Private
Sector Partnerships
One of the most important factors of urban transformation is finance. Urban
transformation is an economic incident apart from physical and social changes. The basic
system in public-private partnerships is based on the best completion of the project with
support of the private entrepreneurship, and the fact that expenses made and costs to arise
will be covered from the value to be established subsequent to the project (Eren, 2006).
Public private sector partnerships are divided into there financially. The first one is
financial liberality; within this framework, public sector ensures ease in issues such as
license, additional services, planning; whereas private sector covers construction cost
through sales (Eren, 2006, 76). The second method is Build-Operate-Transfer; services
needed by public are assumed by private entrepreneurship, private sector covers the service
amount from the service itself. The third one is joint ventures (Eren, 2006). It means
establishment of a partnership for business, whose result is indefinite and which comprises
of risks of winning and loss. These partnerships encourage commerce, housing, and
entertainment market. It is a partnership type, established for transformation of old
industrial areas.
Parties have to work clearly and depending on the feeling of trust in the course of the
project. In partnerships, issues that have to be attached importance apart from economic
concerns are flexibility (response to changing conditions), estimation (capacity of the
partnership to learn through experience by taking appropriate observation and evaluation),
organizational integration (joining different levels), and scope (capacity of all members to
19
reflect their objectives and opinions) (McCarthy, 2005).
As a result of public and private sector partnerships, private entrepreneurship by all means
aims at taking a share from the investment; whereas public sector aims at maintenance of
public monies, and ensuring public benefit. Under these circumstances, in order for sectors
with different expectations to establish successful partnerships, they have to cooperate on a
very sensitive balance, and they have to establish the balance of powers accurately.
When multi-purpose transformation projects are examined, it is evident that local
administrations assume leadership in projects, a balanced cooperation is established,
capital is provided, environment of trust is built for the purpose of activating estimates of
investors, institutional roles and responsibilities are made clear (Özden, 2008).
2.2.3 Environment and Spatial Dynamics in Urban Transformation
One of the factors, leading to urban transformation, is physical deformation of the
environment. Physical features of the region include the basic substructure, house stock,
physical conditions of structures, transportation means with the relevant province, and
electronic connections, and environmental quality. When all the said components wear out
within time, they cannot perform their functions, and physical environment needs renewal
(Jeffrey and Pounder, 2000, 86).
When physical transformation is explicated as a part of urban transformation, these titles
have to be analyzed, and decisions have to be taken (Jeffrey and Pounder, 2000, 87):
• Establishment of a vision related to urban area
• Features of construction stock
• Socio-economic changes and need for renewal in physical stock
• Determination of the place of transformation for physical space within
urban transformation
• Resolution of the problem of finance
20
• Determination of relevant actors, participation, institutional arrangements,
the party to perform the project and the mode of performance.
At the city center, functions of the traditional structure changed within time, through
decentralization of population and work areas, the need for urban transformation became
inevitable. Change and transformation of these areas in the city developed as a natural
process within time, and sometimes arose as transformation policies including many
participants (Öztaş, 2005). Therefore, definition of the role and the identity of the urban
areas in the city by agreement of all relevant actors, and establishment of appropriate
functions are appropriate. Subsequently, a comprehensive field analysis has to be made
with regard to physical structure stock. Sub-titles of this analysis are quality of physical
construction stock, open spaces, technical substructure, and services (electricity, gas, water
etc.), communication, transportation substructure, and environment quality (Jeffrey and
Pounder, 2000).
Upon reestablishment of the worn-out city structure within the scope of physical
transformation, integrative transformation of an area, its being a leader in terms of change,
establishment of additional investment resources to affect opportunities and integration of
socio-economic, and physical renewal processes should be ensured. Within the scope of
many urban transformation projects, it is evident that economic growth, and
sustainability/environment related issues conflict with each other. However Jeffrey and
Pounder (2000, 105) state that European Union attaches importance to following of
strategies to reduce impacts of economic investments on environment; on this account the
private sector in the investments it makes has to attach importance to realization of projects
for the purpose of minimization of environmental damages.
2.3. GENTRIFICATION AS A CLASS PROJECT AND AS A RESULT OF
URBAN TRANSFORMATION IMPLEMENTATIONS
21
In this section, definition of the concept of gentrification, which is a very comprehensive
and widely discussed subject matter, its development within historical process, emergence,
actors, positive-negative aspects of the process will be examined in general.
2.3.1. Conceptual Perspective as for the Fact of Gentrification in the Historical
Process
With globalization, Fordist production model was replaced with flexible production model;
thereby labor power and occupational structure changed, this change in labor force gave
rise to “the new middle class” (Ley, 1996). Changing technology led to social and
economic change, city centers were affected by this change, they no more adopted
industrial function, and turned into arts and entertainment center. Gentrification arose at
city centers as a result of the said processes.
Gentrification, which was for the first time conceptualized by the sociologist Ruth Glass in
the year 1964, is a derivative of the word gentry, which means noble. According to Chris
Hamnett, the name gentrification was given on purpose for the purpose of irony by Ruth
(Lees, Slater and Wyly, presenting from Glass, 1964 and Hamnett 1984, 2008).
Glass (1964) defines gentrification as below: “Many neighborhoods of London was
occupied by middle classes (high-meddle and low-middle) one by one. Worn out cottage
like houses, having two rooms on both downstairs and upstairs, were seized upon
termination of contracts of lease, and were turned into elegant and expensive houses. And
when this gentrification process starts in a neighborhood, goes on swiftly until the labor
class inhabitants vacates their locations and all the social structure of the neighborhood
changes”. (Lees, Slater and Wyly, presenting from Glass, 1964, 2008) Whereas Griffith
(1995) defines this process as below: “Gentrification basically is internal immigration of
middle and high-middle class families in cities to neighborhoods of low-income groups,
and their upgrading the quality of the housing stock in these areas”. (Griffith, 1995, 241).
22
Despite the fact that gentrification was named in London, as is stated by Smith as well
(1996), projects, which can be deemed as precursor of this process, arose in Europe and
United States. For instance, in the plan, designed by Baron Hausmann for Paris, for
opening of the prominent three-lane avenue at the city center, and construction of luxurious
houses in the surrounding, low-income groups in the region were transferred to another
region. Whereas in the United States, in New York and Washington DC, in the post-war
restoration period, for modern and luxurious house constructions at the city center, lowincome
groups were sent to other regions, and traditional structures were tried to be
demolished. This process was prevented –though partially- as a result of reactions of
architects, and professionals in various disciplines (Lees, Slater and Wyly, presenting from
Smith 1996, 2008).
Especially the definition, made by Glass after 1980’s, was insufficient, and multilateral
researches began to be conducted with regard to the process. Neil Smith, putting forth
economic structure of the process, explained gentrification as “Rehabilitation of housing
areas of labor class by middle class real estate purchasers, real estate owners, and
professional investors” (Smith, 1996); whereas Ley, touching upon gentrification with its
social aspect to a higher extent (1996), defines the process as below: “Gentrification
according to its original use is renewal of houses of low-income families by being
occupied by middle classes; however … this is a very restrictive definition. Social change
comprises of renewal as well as new structuring, and these two concepts are often seen in
the same neighborhood together” (İslam, presenting from Ley, 1996, 2003).
Gentrification was subject to different approaches within time, and was defined differently
within time; however Kenedy and Leonard (2001) mentioned four basic features defining
gentrification (Ergün, presenting from Kennedy and Leonard, 2001, 2006, 39)
1. Gentrification makes it necessary that low income groups move from the locations,
they reside, and this is in general an involuntary relocation. Original inhabitants,
who do not want to change location, have to move to another place on account of
fast increasing lease amounts or increases in property taxes, which they have
difficulty in paying.
2. Gentrification comprises of physical and social components apart from the result of
improvement of housing stock in the area.
23
3. Gentrification results in the change in the character of the area. This is the most
subjective feature of the definition; however is crucial. Gentrification attracts highincome
groups to the area; besides changes many social structures in the area.
4. Gentrification is in general defined on the basis of a housing area; the process and
relevant impacts are evident along the city and the region.
Gentrification, arising in the 1960’s by imposition of the meaning of rehabilitation of
housing areas, currently has transformed into a concept, comprising of many disciplines,
and expressing physical and social transformation (Ergün, presenting from Kennedy and
Leonard 2001, 2006).
2.3.2. Factors Leading to Gentrification and Gentrifiers
Due to adoption of Post-Fordist manufacturing style following ‘50s, urban fields had been
made free of industrial zones and the industry was replaced with service and entertainment
sectors. Particularly due to movement of industrial zones to non-urban fields following
Second World War, city centers started to reactivate leading to constitutional and social
restructuring. In the end of this process, a group possibly referred as new middle class
(bourgeoisie), who has spendable money, prestigious position and looks for activities and
does not have child, started to prefer city centers as their new living spaces (İslam, 2003).
According to Gonzalez, due to burst in birth figures following the war, mean age reached
to 20 year in ‘70s and 12 million young people were added to the population based on 50
% increase in number of people aged between 25 years and 30 years in the period from
'70s to '80s. This age group created a particular lifestyle characterized with late marriage,
double income, less children and willing for entertainment. Employed at qualified jobs at
city centers, this group caused start of the gentrification process due to increase in
employed female and desire to minimize the time spent between work and home (Ergün,
2006).
Hamnett (1980) stated that cultural preferences and traditions of this new middle class also
caused a series of changes in the city center. When considered from socio-cultural
24
perspective, cultural diversity, tolerance and dynamism in the city center were all reasons
for middle class preferring city center (cited from Hamnett, 1980 by İslam 2003). Ley
(1996) explained this conditions as follows: “preference of city center by a particular part
of middle class also implies a search for difference and refusal to mass productionconsumption
market” (cited from Ley, 1996 by İslam 2003 ). Deficiency of green fields
and children’s park in the city center is not regarded as a disadvantage due to very nature
of this group (cited from Ley, 1996 by İslam, 2003).
Another group started to use city center are artisans and subjects adopted bohemian
lifestyle, who converted fields previously used as warehouse, workshop and factory into
residence and working zones. With Post–fordism, differences and diversities in urban life
attracted attentions of this group and they refused suburban life style and consequently,
they led themselves towards city center due to desire to be unique and different. Another
reason for this group prefer residence fields in closer proximity to city center is the wish to
be closer to art activities in the city center. Moreover, when this group started to reside in
city center, galleries, cafeterias and clubs also started to move towards city center, which
caused a conversion in trade places (Ley, 1996; İslam, 2003; Ergün, 2006).
Factors leading to gentrification and explanations on this process were interpreted from
different perspectives by different economic theories. According to neoclassic view,
middle class directed to cheap housing in the city center due to high housing prices in
suburban fields, and city center was also preferred to minimize transportation costs due to
increased oil prices following oil crisis in '70s. From neoclassic perspective, subjects
preferring city center as residential zone resided in city center due to particular difficulties
rather than desire or preference (İslam, 2003).
Marxist theorists explained gentrification process using “rent gap” theory of Neil Smith.
Based on this theory:
“When lack of investment dominates a particular region for long time, the region
will enter into a process where available income means do not increase even if
investment is started again. For example, if a landlord renting the housing makes
additional investment on the building, he may increase rent rate as residents have
25
no further ability to pay. Due to overall disrepair of the region and lack of middle
class residing in the region, families with high income would not like to live in the
concerning region. In conclusion, a process is entered where residents are mostly
comprised of tenants and the further investment will have no additional return and
consequently the region becomes increasingly neglected and inter-regional rent
differences enlarges.”(Smith, 1996, 150).
Gentrification starts when rent difference reaches maximum level. Smith’s theory
encountered critics due to its economic axis and negligence of social, politic and cultural
factors (İslam, 2003).
“Value gap” has been originally defined by Hamnett and Randolf (1984), and the theory is
more convenient for Western European examples. Based on this approach, “particularly
during inflationist periods, sale of an estate will be more advantageous than renting the
estate when government intervenes rental rates for controlling inflation rates, rental income
earned by estate owners is below market values, as the capital obtained following sale may
be operated under market conditions.”(cited from Hamnett and Randolf,1984 by İslam,
2003).
As it can be observed above examples, several interventions employed by the government
may sometimes lead, directly or indirectly, to gentrification. Indirect means government
influences gentrification process include restriction on construction, tax policies,
employment structure created in the city center and subsidies offered to art sector. Direct
interventions involve decision on selection of locations for urban functions, rehabilitation
projects and infrastructure utilities. İslam (2003) reported that according to perspective of
Munt, government has no role in starting the process, but it contributes to the development
of the process, and Williams recognized a interventional and controlling role for the
government along the process via financial aids and urban policies.
Consequently, gentrification can be examined particularly in two groups including
production-oriented models linking the gentrification with housing supply and capital
movements and consumption-oriented models relating gentrification with preferences of
communities such as artisans, socio-cultural and demographic structure factors
26
2.3.3. A Critical View to Outcomes of Gentrification
Gentrification is still subject of controversy together with its content, actors and processes
and it is a chaotic process which is attributed many positive and negative critics including
many social, economic and cultural cases.
Most material outcome of the gentrification is that it provides a physical renewal in the
concerning region. Aging structures are restored, hometown is visually improved and
attracted attentions due to the restored and adorned historical buildings. Increasing interest
due to improvement in physical structure also influences tourism potential of the region
and consequently, the region is also boosted in this aspect. Increased tourism interest and
activity provides economic activity in the region (İslam, 2003).
Parallel to the gentrification, social structure is also changed, people from different income
groups and social classes start to live together. Thus, accumulation of poverty in particular
zones and ghettoization is prevented. However, as defined by İslam (2003), this process is
witnessed only at the initiation phase and the region is dominated by single income groups
throughout the process and ultimately, first low income group followed by artisans leaves
the region. In order to prevent this process, gentrification should be ceased at a particular
phase and progression should not be allowed (Ergün, 2006; İslam, 2003).
As a consequence of gentrification, there is a transition from tenancy to estate ownership.
Due to increased income arising from increased value and estate tax, income of
municipalities increases and they start to offer better service to the region. Concurrently, it
is also believed that problems of the region are more actively and effectively intervened as
residents of the region consciously look after the residential site (Ergün, 2006).
Although gentrification appears in the initiation phase as a beneficial process where
opportunities for physical improvement and combined residence of different income
groups are offered, the most significant problem, namely “displacement” occurs in the later
phases of the process. Social problems caused by housing stock and homelessness removes
27
all aforementioned positive features of gentrification and perspectives on the process is
completely shifted into a negative one (İslam, 2003; Ergün, 2006).
Displacement may occur in direct or indirect manner. Indirect displacement may be in the
form of intended sale of the estate by the power due to increased value of the region, but it
may also a forced displacement arising from increased expenditures and tax rates. When
direct displacement is considered, estate owners force tenants leave the estate immediately
after contract expires or tenants become unable to afford increased rental rates (İslam,
2003).
Immediately after displacement, low-income group comprised of displaced worker class,
unemployed subjects, elderly and mothers are forced to pay high rents due to deficient
housing policies of the government or they are forced to live under worse conditions in
comparison with pre-displacement conditions. This process is associated with
psychological problems (İslam, 2003). Kurtuluş (2005, 87) defined the process as follows:
“Most radical conversion in the residence is possibly realized by gentrification, as a
particular class dramatically looses the living space and spatial belonging for the
favor of another class. With increased wealth and intelligentsia of the city, new
urban identities of new professional are crystallized due to gentrifying spaces, while
poor citizens experience spatial belonging problems in their new residences.”
As previously defined, gentrification not only provides physical improvement, but it is also
associated with social problems. At the end of the process, problems of the social structure
are transferred to another region of the city rather than resolution of them. Removal of tax
advantages, employment of new luxurious housing taxes and rental rate controlling
procedures as well as increasing awareness of the society may alleviate the negativities
together with the intervention of municipalities. However, gentrification is today, in the
form of a process which enlarges the social gap and causes more severe problems rather
than providing an improvement, both in our country and developed countries.
28
Positive and negative aspects of gentrification are summarized in below table.
Positive and negative outcomes of gentrification
Positive Outcomes Negative Outcomes
Displacement due to increased rental
rates and value
Psychological problems secondary to
displacement
Stabilization of collapse regions Social reaction and discordance
Increase in estate values
Destruction of inability to purchase
cost-effective housing
Decrease in empty fields Homelessness
Increase in local tax income
Unequal distribution of local resources
by lobby activities
Promotion of new initiatives and
increased financial capacity Displacement of Trade/Industry
Increase in rates of local services or
change in location of those services
Reduction in unplanned urbanization
Pressures on poor regions and
surroundings due to displacements and
increased housing demand
Realization of social blend Loss of social diversity
Rehabilitation of the area under
sponsorship of the government or
without sponsor
Occupation of gentrified regions and
loss of population in such regions
Table 2.3. Positive and Negative Aspects of Gentrification
Source: Lees, Slater and Wyly, 200
29
2.4. TRANSFORMATION AND GENTRIFICATION IN CITY CENTER IN
WESTERN EUROPE EXPERIENCE: EL RAVAL, BARCELONA
2.4.1. Historical Development of Barcelona
Located on a coastal plateau limited by the mountain range of Collserola, the Llobregat
river and the Besos river, Barcelona, the capital of the Autonomous Community of
Catalonia, was founded in the 5th century as a Roman colony. Having displaced Arab
invaders who constituted a threat during that age, Barcelona became the strongest marine
colony of the Mediterranean Sea with its walls conforming to the texture of the middle age,
and was incorporated into Span in the 15th century. In the mid-19th century, the walls
surrounding the city were broken as defense was no longer required. Following the
collapse of the walls of middle age, the city was planned to be expanded for restructuring,
commercial-social needs and activities of the entrepreneur class; and, this expansion plan
was prepared by the engineer Ildefans Cerda as an example of early modernist urban
planning (Calavita-Ferrer,2004;http://geographyfieldwork.com/barcelona. htm).
Figure 2.1 Map of Barcelona
Source: http://www.bcn.cat/english/
30
While Barcelona was searching for new initiatives for development, an idea was brought
up which suggested converting the city into the most important production center of Spain.
The idea was supported by many modernist architects and politicians of the period, who
thought that this idea would develop the infrastructure of city which hosted capital owners
and working class instead of the noblesse and the middle class. In 1931, with the monarchy
having lost its status as the sole power and democracy emerging as the current regime in
Spain, intellectual and artistic movements in Europe also began in Barcelona, and
architects under the influence of modern movement attempted to influence architecture and
urban planning. One of the most effective consequences of these movements in terms of
urban planning was the plan called as Pla Macia, which was prepared for Barcelona in
1934 by GATPAC (Group of Artists and Technicians for the Progress of Architecture)
founded by Lluis Sert; however, the civil war which broke out in 1936 and the Franco’s
regime announced in 1939 obstructed implementation of this plan. Following Franco’s
policy based upon pressure, lack of knowledge and introversion for 36 years, the city
totally lost the connection with the European Avant-garde and suffered a cultural and
economic isolation (Calavita - Ferrer, 2004; Esteban, 2004).
An unsuccessful practice on the city due to the restrictions during the Franco regime was
the plan for the year 1953, which was made quite hastily, carelessly and without having
regard to the relationships between spaces; this plan was revised in 1964 and named “Pla
director de l’ Area Metropolitana de Barcelona”, and the term Metropolitan was for the
first time officially used for Barcelona. Improved through the intervention of nongovernment
professionals in the plan and formed as the outside boundary of Barcelona
during that period, counties such as Maresme, Valles Oriental, Barcelones, Garraf and Baix
Llobregat were incorporated into the plan (Calavita - Ferrer, 2004; Esteban, 2004).
With Franco allowing liberalization in economy by 1959, the speed of industrialization
rapidly accelerated with the accompanying growth in economy. Many problems came out
due to insufficient central policies in Spanish cities which became metropolitan along with
the economic growth. Initially, narrow streets and the concept of high-density settlement
was adopted in the suburbs, blocks with 6-7 floors were built instead of two-floor houses
with gardens, these blocks gradually increased in number to solve the lodging problem and
finally turned out to be problematic and ignored areas with 175 or even 375 houses per
31
hectare. Due to municipalities failing to keep up with the rapid increase in the number of
houses and population, infrastructure, traffic, ventilation and lighting problems arouse day
by day; illegal areas and marginal activities emerged in the city borders and in the former
city center. Owing to the insufficiency of public facilities and services in this terrain, these
areas became the focal point of urban complexity (Calavita - Ferrer, 2004; Esteban, 2004).
2.4.1.1. Barcelona General Metropolitan Plan: PGM
Lacking public areas and infrastructure within isolation and political vacuum, Barcelona
continued to survive as a gray and deserted city, while the neglected people began protests.
Meetings confidentially held within the absence of freedom, created a connection with
abstract links through attendance of disbanded parties, universities and professional
institutions, and finally became a resistance. With the media support on this social
movement, the social web turned into a forum in which urban relationships were discussed.
With the newly emerging group disengaged from war and well-organized communities, it
became possible to take new steps within the weakened Franco regime (Calavita - Ferrer,
2004; Esteban, 2004).
The architects, who had travelled to Europe and America, returned to Spain with books
and journals leaked into the country, which made political, economical and social
dimensions of planning fully open to question. With the increasing knowledge and
awareness, Barcelona Metropolitan Plan was prepared within Spain which was officially
still under Franco’s regime, though with professionals leaking out of the regime and taking
Milan Metropolitan Plan as basis and for the first time linking factors such as density,
concentration with statutory controls (Calavita - Ferrer, 2004, Esteban, 2004).
The plan prepared in 1974 and encompassing 26 municipalities and Barcelona under the
leadership of Antoni Solans, Albert Serrota and Miguel Pazca, was called PGM. Basically,
adopting the policy of decreasing urban density and improving the existing urban structure
and increasing public places, PGM was neither espoused by the private sector nor the
public at the beginning. Land owners who realized that their own lands were opened to
32
public use, and the private sector which was not satisfied with decreased building heights,
conversion of construction areas into green belts objected to the plan.
Figure 2.2 PGM of Barcelona in 1974
Source: http://geographyfieldwork.com/
Appointed as the mayor in lieu of Parciolas along with the democracy, Enric Moiso
attempted to build relationships with district organizations and backward quarters, yet he
received reactions and was removed from office due to wrong planning policies followed,
and replaced by Joaquin Viola (Calavita - Ferrer, 2004, Esteban, 2004).
Displaying a more reconciliatory attitude, Viola took decisions favored by these groups as
a result of such close relationships with sources of power and money; some of the areas
reserved as public domain were allocated for private use. Despite all of their actions and
interventions, the public failed to prevent such practices and with the support of private
organizations, asked the central government to remove Viola from office (Calavita - Ferrer,
2004, Esteban, 2004).
Assigned instead of Viola, Josep Mario Socias adopted the opinion that local groups are a
bridge between the politicians and the public, and relieved the tension by pursuing a policy
33
considering them and their demands. Juan Antoni Solans, who was regarded the father of
PGM, was appointed as the planning director by Socias. Expropriation activities gained
speed in Barcelona, which had just come through Franco period and tended towards
socialism. In line with the fall in land prices during the period, 221-hectare area was
acquired through 3 billion peseta, 86 hectares of which was allocated as park-garden, green
space, 70 hectares for schools and public service building, and 15 hectares for residences.
With the left wing gaining power and democracy emerging as the reigning regime upon
local elections held in 1980, PGM policy became clearer (Calavita - Ferrer, 2004, Esteban,
2004).
Appointed as the planning director after Solans, Oriol Bohigas acted as a catalyst,
providing opportunities for young architects and making them design hundreds of schools,
parks and plazas. Directly intervening problematic areas, he tried to solve the problems in
the quickest way at the lowest cost. Still effective in Barcelona, PGM was subject to
various modifications, which conformed to basic principles. The modifiable nature of the
plan, which was designed coherently from the very beginning, ensured the plan to survive
all these periods till today and remain the reference point.
2.4.1.2. Localized Planning Projects: PERI
Following the Franco period, Barcelona did not have a good urban profile with a
deteriorated city texture with a decrease in value, suburbs which failed to gain a value or
be integrated to the city, and its regressed economy However, by early 1980s which
witnessed the beginning of a period for candidateship, the profile of Barcelona started to
change, economic growth was ensured by attaching importance to economy, and an
innovation model with social, economic and urban links was adopted and implemented in
the city (Calavita - Ferrer, 2004, Esteban, 2004).
In line with democratization, the structuring within the body of city council was subject to
a change, and individuals from groups assigned in counter campaigns attended the
34
municipal council. Nevertheless, innovative architecture and ideas were supported with the
motive in respect of reviving urban values in Europe, a flexible approach was adopted
rather than a strict attitude. It was aimed to ensure that buildings of heritage nature would
reacquire function through public use such as school, library, office, cultural centre
(Calavita - Ferrer, 2004, Esteban, 2004).
In the newly adopted perception, the attempt was towards mitigating segmental approaches
while a holistic approach inclusive of all elements in the society was embraced instead.
The target was to make public interventions through the request and attendance of the local
community. By defining people who come from different cultures and form the city as one
of the elements constituting the identity of the city and rendering it special, higher amount
of care was paid to social and healthcare services; work and healthcare trainings, and
leisure activities were planned to overcome the social problem of ignorance, health
problems and high rate of unemployment. Professionals from many disciplines gathered
together, founded social service units and started working in a coordinated manner to fight
against social exclusion. In addition to these activities, it was aimed to create new social
outdoor areas in strategic locations in order to encourage social mix, these outdoor areas
were planned to be built long before development of new buildings (Calavita - Ferrer,
2004, Esteban, 2004).
Also, miscellaneous reforms were applied in economic terms for renovation of the city.
Tax incentives were arranged for compulsory sales of many buildings and renovation of
properties with the aim of renovation through the use of public funds. With the Olympics,
the significance of international activities was understood and this was utilized to increase
reputation, to attract private investments and to movitave and focus on work force of the
city. The buildings and the infrastructure built for the activities are quite qualified and
these have served for a dual objective in terms of short-term utilization of activities and
renovation of the corrupted terrains of the city in the long term. Starting from the concept
of innovative planning, it was targeted to introduce new areas for mixed use, also
containing service industry, offices and private housing projects and to spread commercial
and service industry throughout the city, and especially throughout the city center with a
view to gain dynamic communities. Furthermore, attempts were in place to reduce
unemployment to an extent through utilization of low-paid migrant workers and multiple
sub-contractors in construction industry (Calavita - Ferrer, 2004, Esteban, 2004).
35
Along with this innovation and international events, activities started for production of a
large number of projects at small and large scales. Small scale projects became more
intense as a result of the urban improvement efforts of democratic government which came
into power for the period between 1980 and 1986. These small scale projects were called
PERIS (Localized Planning Projects). As it can be understood from their name, these plans
aimed a particular terrain of the city and they cannot be considered at a larger scale. PERIS
rather refer to the means utilized to adapt large scale plans into small scales, yet these later
turned into plans including the public in parallel with the special situation of the terrain and
requests of the public (Calavita - Ferrer, 2004, Esteban, 2004). Assuming that urban plans
are the projects which are required to conform with the changing life of the city, PERIs are
found out to be the most important practices which ensure PGM to remain effective today.
With candidateship of Barcelona for Olympics in 1982, a series of new suggestions came
to the agenda. A large number of innovations at small scale with the motto “Plans for great
city” have become widespread over many areas of the city. With the Olympics, three
objectives were set out to develop the city (Esteban, 2004):
- To include the sea into the city
- To spread development and to enhance sports areas within the city
- To improve the transportation infrastructure, primarily road networks,
As it was not possible to find an area which can cover 3500 residences and sports buildings
planned to be built for use in the Olympics, 3 centers were planned for use in the Olympics
(Esteban, 2004).
The first of these is Montjuic. The plan was to integrate the Montjuic hill into the city by
changing it to one of the most important and big parks of the city, and to organize
Olympics celebrations here with the aim to keep the city in people’s minds. In order to
develop the terrain with its surroundings, constructions of Ronda de Dalt ring road and of
Horta Tunnel were simultaneously initiated; these constructions enabled the area to
develop and created a great many public fields and opportunities. The most striking one
among these is GATCPAC Pavilion. The second area is Diagonal. This area rather covers
sports facilities and is allocated for sports activities (Esteban, 2004).
36
Picture 2.4 Panoramic view of Montjuic area
Source: Personal Archive of Gözde Küçükoğlu
While all these plans at varying scales were being implemented for the Olympics, THE
METROPOLITAN PLANNING PROJECTS were initiated taking metropolitan parks and
road connections as basis, integral road networks were designed rather than fragmental
roads, and new bridges were built. Also by initiating the Metropolitan Park Projects,
monumental parks such as Torreblanca, Beso and Can Solei were created. (Esteban, 2004).
It was earlier stated that the idea of including the sea into the city was among the planning
decisions. With a view to apply the decision taken in this context, the Coastal Plan was
designed and put into effect. The sea shore of Barcelona has a length of 40 km according to
PGM plan. To reveal the potential of this shoreline, implementation of the Coastal Plan
was initiated in 1983.
Figure 2.3 Coastal Plan of Barcelona
Source: http://www.bcn.cat/english
37
Simultaneously with the implementation of Coastal Plan,
• People re-realized that the city’s attraction as the center of entertainment, and started to
make related demands
• The idea of re-creating beaches along the seashore emerged
• An idea was suggested related to bringing the shore again into use in the Olympics Village,
which was utilized for the Olympic Games.
1992 is a significant year in the sense that it was the date at which the Olympics started and
numerous private and public projects were completed within transformation of Barcelona.
With its international quality acquired after the Olympics, the city became a center of
attraction for international investors and people looking for a life quality; and, the second
renovation stage was initiated. Airports and harbours linking the city with the rest of the
world were re-organized and developed in the city which earned rather a global reputation
with 22@BCN and Barcelona 2000 Projects (Esteban, 2004;
http://geographyfieldwork.com/barselona.htm).
With the urban texture gradually becoming denser, empty areas turned into the most
precious ones in terms of real estate values. Under these conditions, the city council
allowed the private sector to be involved in the planning process, which accelerated
implementation of projects enhancing the image of the city (Esteban, 2004;
http://geographyfieldwork .com /barcelona .htm).
If we are to analyze the actions regarding the city after 1992, we encounter four big
projects. The first is Diagonal-Poblenou. The district, which was also in scope of PGM
plan designed in 1976, has a shoreline at a length of 12 km. The region which came to the
agenda again in 1988 was re-planned through participation of the public. The district was
completely opened to the sea in 1998. The second district is Sant Andreu – La Sagrera
district. This is a project which is not included in scope of PGM plan. Building of new
centers and re-settlement of industries are suggested. The plan made by Norman Foster and
regarded as a “fantasy” in 1993 constituted a basis for basic decisions regarding the current
plan. Construction of an important station for transportation, such as TGV, was planned.
The third district is Front Maritim. The project, which is not included in the PGM plan, is
the extension and a part of coastal line renewal projects. It is basically a project regarding
construction of houses along the seashore. The last project is Diagonal Mar, which will be
38
examined later in detail. The area was purchased from two companies called MACOSA
and IMPU for a very high price. Located on the sea shore, the area was made available for
private investors and allocated for construction of huge shopping malls and residences
(Esteban, 2004; http://geographyfieldwork.com/ barcelona.htm).
Statistically speaking of the results of all these urban transformation projects which
Barcelona has been through, below are the figures;
Table 2.4 Tourism by year
IMMIGRANTS
Year 1996 Year 2001
Number of Immigrants 29000 113000
Ecuadorian Moroccan Columbian Peruvian Pakistani Dominican
17.000 9.700 9.600 8.600 6.000 5.000
Table 2.5 Number of immigrants by year
Source: http://geographyfieldwork.com/barcelona.htm
1. Supported with tourism and industry, the city was placed among the top 6 cities of
Europe in terms of income.
2. Unemployment rate decreased to 6,5%.
3. The city was ranked the first in Europe in terms of life quality.
4. 80% of professions comprise service and commerce.
(http://geographyfieldwork.com/barcelona.html
TOURISM
Year 1996 Year 2001
Number of Tourists
Visiting the Area 6.3 million 8 million
Number of Hotels 167 203
Number of Beds 28.000 34.300
39
2.4.2. Transformation Process of El Raval
Meaning the suburbs in Arabic and derived from the word Rabadan, Raval is a part of the
Ciutat de Vella, which has a texture of the middle age and where the grid system consisting
of tetragonal islands creates open spaces between each other. El Raval, which used to be
the suburbs of Barcelona during the middle age, was then a part of the city with poor
settlement, mainly consisting of gardens, religion and healthcare buildings and markets
feeding the city (Calavita - Ferrer, 2004).
Figure 2.5 Air Picture of El Raval
Source: Google Earth
With the lowest urbanization density within the ancient urban fabric under the influence of
the Industrial Revolution, Raval went into the industrialization process. Textile industry
became a dominant sector between 1770 and 1840. In addition to textile, pollutant and
dangerous industries such as brick production, slaughterhouse and leather manufacturing
were also located in El Raval. With the increase in industrialization in Raval, the first
migration wave began from the other districts of Catalonia to Raval, changing Raval into a
district of residences (Bataller, 2003).
40
As a result of the efforts to respond to the increasing needs of countries struggling in the
Civil War between 1888 and 1929, industrial production displayed a growth, which
accordingly increased job opportunities and consequently the immigrant population.
According to the French geographer Pierce Viler, population density per square meter in
Raval was 103.60 persons by 1930 (Bataller, 2003). In order to respond to the rising need
for shelter owing to the increasing population, high blocks with common areas of use were
built at the court of each block, such as public bathrooms and faucets. Already living
within an unhealthy industrial district, the public settled in houses with unhygienic and
poor physical conditions, which brought along epidemic diseases and quite high mortality
rates in this district.
By 1854, when the walls of the city remaining from the middle age and surrounding the
ancient city were demolished, development of the city went beyond these walls. For the
sake of drawing away from Raval which had turned out to be an area of decline and from
deteriorated problems of the area, the middle class made their investments in newly
developing areas and departed from the city center. So, the city center was left to the poor.
Although the weight of industry had lessened in the district by the early 20th century, Raval
became one of the most popular settlement areas for migrant groups because of low rental
prices and structure of the district which could pave the way for illegal activities (Bataller,
2004; Sargatal, 2001).
Picture 2.6 Raval district
Source: www.flickr.com
41
With its changing economic and social structure, Raval changed into a place covered by
cheap cafes and bars with unfavorable events taking place, and into a shelter of local
prostitutes. Located close to shipyards and the port, South Raval, through its entertainment
functions, turned into an area having respectively a higher rate of illegal acts than the
northern part of the district, consequently with higher crime rates compared to the northern
part. Frances Madrid, a local journalist who visited Raval in 1920, called this district
Barrio China (Chinatown) after watching a movie related to corruptions in Chinatowns of
San Francisco. Raval has always been reported to be a focal point for the underground
world and illegal affairs of Barcelona (Sargatal, 2001).
Covered by old industrial plants for brick production, slaughterhouses and leather
manufacturing facilities in the north and prostitute houses, bars and hotels for the poor in
the south during 1950s, El Raval witnessed a quite serious increase in crime rates with the
drug trade spreading to the district in late 1970s, which was feared by people and finally
affected tourism in Raval in a negative way.
Picture 2.7 Raval district
Source: www.flickr.com
42
In line with the urban transformation process which Barcelona had been through, actions
related to the city center were initiated and projects were put into effect so as to solve
social, economic problems and security issues of Raval. Launched with a focus on
particular sections of the city during the democratization process, PERI (Localized
Planning Projects) Plans were also prepared for Raval in 1985. The PERI of Raval was
changed in 1995 and completed in 2000. The first intervention subject to the PERI of
Raval is the opening of Rambla de Raval. Since the former urban fabric consisted of dark
and narrow streets which made criminal acts easier to commit and security measures
harder to take, Rambla de Raval at a width of 59 m and a length of 317 m was opened
following destruction of 1384 residences and 293 workplaces which also served for a
reduction in the number of vehicles and traffic density in the region (Bataller, 2003).
Picture 2.8. Planning of Ramble de Raval
Source: http://geographyfieldwork.com/barcelona.htm
Literally meaning boulevard, Rambla was designed as
a public venue ensuring interaction of people from different cultures and ethnical groups in
43
social terms, though not being qualified as a square due to its spatial sizes. Planned as a
venue in which people would safely come together, Rambla was also designed with the
anticipation that it could be host many events (Bataller, 2003).
After the change of Raval into an area of decline, landlords who preferred to move from
Raval to newly developed districts rented their houses to young male immigrants working
in illegal and unqualified works in the center of the city. Regarding the immigrants to
accept living in those neglected and low-rental houses as an advantage, the landlords did
not need to apply any maintenance on their houses. Intervening in this situation, the central
government imposed sanctions on landlords to have them apply any necessary
maintenance on their houses; and to enable these sanctions, they provided financial
advantages for the landlords, such as tax discounts (Bataller, 2003).
Another intervention in Raval for structuring is a complex structure which was integrated
to the PERI of Raval in 2001, with 11.300 m² consisting of houses, 9400 m² consisting of
offices and 9300 m² consisting of hotels and trading areas, and also having a parking area
for 556 vehicles. Two blocks near Ramble de Raval, which are known as Illa de Raval, and
another piece of block were destroyed for construction of this complex. People who had
been residing in approximately 150 residences destroyed were each allocated a real estate
from the newly built complex.
Picture 2.9 The new complex planned in Raval
Source: http://geographyfieldwork.com/barcelona.htm
44
The urban transformation experienced by Barcelona was now under the control of the
cultural policy in mid-80s. With Barcelona being a candidate for the Olympics, projects
were dynamized and accelerated; the budget allocated for transformation on cultural basis
was increased when The Generaitat of Catalunia, Barcelona il Ajuntament and the
European Union were integrated to the urban transformation projects initiated by the public
sector. While 1027 million peseta had been allocated for cultural projects in 1980, this
figure was increased up to 59.162 million peseta in 2001 (Garcia – Ramon, 2004).
One of these cultural projects is MACBA (Museu d’Art Contemporani de Barcelona).
Located on the north of Raval and established under the partnership of Barcelona City
Council and MACBA Foundation, the Museum of Contemporary Art was quickly designed
by Richard Mier with the enthusiasm of being elected the venue of the Olympics in 1986.
In his presentation of MACBA in 1987, Meir compared the significance of MACBA in
urban terms to Pompidou Center, and mentioned that the change in Marais District in Paris
could be regarded as similar to that in Raval (Garcia – Ramon, 2004).
Picture 2.10 MACBA
Source: www.macba.org
Governed by three directors successively in five years from its opening, MACBA has been
through many transformations in respect of its location in the district and display methods.
Appointed in 1998, Manola Barja Villel became successful by applying the method
45
currently referred to as “MACBA Model”. By integrating the movements and trends of
1970s with new concepts and involving creative groups and the public in the practices,
Villel built the museum relationship with the public and thereby MACBA went beyond
being a classical museum. Supporting numerous independent exhibitions and artists by
objecting to globalization, MACBA has turned into a creative and effective dynamic
adding positive value to the city along with its public area used for performances and daily
activities (Garcia – Ramon, 2004).
Picture 2.11 MACBA
Source: Personal Archive of Murat Şahin
46
Picture 2.12 MACBA
Source: Personal Archive of Murat Şahin
Centre de Cultura Contemporania de Barcelona (CCCB), which is another major part of
culture-oriented transformation, was designed through support of Ilı Ajuntament Barcelona
and the public in 1987. A great many cultural projects were produced in CCCB which was
planned on basis of activity beyond visual arts with a concept of research center, opened in
1994 and located on a 4500 m² area. The most popular of these projects is Sonar Music
Festival. Attended by 459 artists from 42 countries in 2003, the festival was followed by
89000 persons (Garcia – Ramon, 2004).
47
Picture 2.13 CCCB
Source: www.flickr.com
Picture 2.14 CCCB
Source: Personal Archive of Murat Şahin
48
With its samples such as Soho, Pompidou taken into account during the process of cultural
transformation, Barcelona and El Raval were basically subject to a rather different
approach from these transformations. It was planned to create an effect on El Raval by
building a cultural network with MACBA, CCCB, Humanities Campus of the University
of Barcelona and small-scale activities (Garcia – Ramon, 2004).
Picture 2.15 Major structures in Raval district
Source: www.flickr.com
Following the stage of designing and rehabilitating physical spaces, a large number of
projects and policies were planned for increasing life quality and solving social problems
in El Raval which was surrounded with many problems such as economic challenges,
unemployment, real estate, social psychology and crime (Lopez, 2004).
Having a demographic structure predominantly consisting of Indian and Pakistani men,
and fewer Ecuadorian and Phillipine immigrants and retired Spanish- Catalan citizens in
2001, El Raval was reported to have a higher number of women and children according to
49
a research held in 2004; young population interested in living at the city center have also
participated this group currently (Lopez, 2004).
Owing to the increase in population of women & children and poor living conditions in
houses, programmes related to protection against tuberculosis and mother & child care
were developed. Prostitute houses as well as lodging houses and bars in poor condition and
allowing drug trade were closed down, and programmes related to protection against
AIDS, withdrawal from drugs & foreign substances and dissuasion from prostitution and
vocational courses were implemented. Having regard to the result of all these physical and
social interventions in the transformation process of Raval, it is seen that social integration
is yet to be realized although physical integration has reached to a certain level.
It has been observed that Rambla de Raval is rather used as a public area by grouped
Pakistani and Indian men while it is used as a transit area by women. Spanish and Catalan
people justified their refusal to use this area with disorderly behaviours and crowded
population of immigrants. Whereas, newly settled non-immigrant groups preferred to use
newly opened cafes and patios instead of public areas. Although these newly settled groups
state that they are not disturbed by the immigrants and even claim this multicultural
structure has brought dynamism and an exotic quality to the district, the social and cultural
gap between them and the immigrants is increasing as the non-immigrants do not use
public facilities, they send their children to schools out of Raval and the immigrants cannot
use the expensive social areas used by the non-immigrants (Ortiz and Prats, 2004).
With the transformation of Raval,
- “New public venues were created on a 10 hectare area.
- 2 new parks and 26 new squares were brought into service
- Over 4000 trees were planted
- 1700 new houses in total were opened to use, including 400 which were restored
- 439 lighting fixtures were mounted
- Flooring of 308 streets was renewed
- 6 new buildings with cultural functions were launched
- A new nursing home was brought into service
50
- A new sports center was built” (www.geographicfieldworks.com)
In addition to physical regenerations, concerts for the city party named La Melce,
celebrations of the end of Ramadan, closure of Asian Film Festival and many events are
organized in Raval. As a result of all these efforts, the district attracted tourists and
Barcelonan people, utilized much more than ever. However, the increasing interest
disturbed the real hosts of Raval who thought that Raval would lose its original identity,
and this opinion of them was followed by their reactions (Lopez, 2004).
Picture 2.16 La Merce festival event in Raval district
Source: www.flickr.com
As a critical point in the historical city center with a myriad of opportunities and values,
Raval has been through a contradictory process with all these urban transformation
projects. Economic, social and environmental change made Raval more famous and
attracted groups of high socio-economic level into the city. In conclusion, an increase was
recorded in value of real estates and residences, while Raval which had been struggling
with the problem of migration encountered with the danger of losing its marginal identity
and the risk of gentrification (Sargatal, 2001; Lee, 2004).
51
3. ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND SPATIAL TRANSFORMATIONS IN
BEYOĞLU, THE HISTORICAL CITY CENTER OF ISTANBUL,
THROUGHOUT THE HISTORICAL PROCESS
3.1. SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND SPATIAL STRUCTURING IN THE CITY
CENTER OF İSTANBUL BEFORE 1850
Galata (or Galatae) was the first settlement area in Beyoğlu due to having an international
port and being a strong commercial center. As it can be seen in the “Miniature of Galata”
by Matrakçı and the “Miniature of İstanbul” by Vavassanehan during the mid 16th century
and as mentioned in the travel book of Jarome Maurand, the neighbourhood was shown as
an area consisting of vineyards and orchards, covered by vineyard houses (Dökmeci and
Çıracı, 1990).
Figure 3.1 Miniature by Matrakçı Nasuh
Source: Kuban, 1998.
After the Ottoman conquest of İstanbul, Genoese and Venetian people entitled to freely use
Galata were residing in this district enclosed by a set of walls; however, churches and
commercial advantage in the district passed to the French with capitulation rights acquired
by them in the 17th century (Akın,1998). Trading developed in connection with the
52
capitulations led to an increase in warehouses and shops in the district; the inclined
structure of the neighbourhood prevented business places from extending upwards; instead,
the residents left their place and started to move to Beyoğlu (Dökmeci and Çıracı, 1990).
Firstly, the French Embassy building built in Galata moved to Beyoğlu in 1535, the French
having seized the control of Latin Churches were provided with bigger commercial
privileges, which made them more dominant in Beyoğlu and influential in the further
development of the district. With the capitulation rights granted to the other countries,
English and Venetian embassies also settled in Beyoğlu in the late 16th century (Dökmeci
and Çıracı, 1990).
Along with the dense non-Muslim population around the embassies, Muslims began to
settle in the district after building of Mevlevi monastery of Galata (Galata Mevlevihane) in
1491, and a Muslim Neighborhood was built at the point where Asmalımescit and
Kumbaracı Streets joint. With the opening of the guild of boy servants (iç oğlan) in
Beyoğlu, Muslim population became dense in Galatasaray and Asmalımescit (Dökmeci
and Çıracı, 1990).
In the 17th century, foreign tradesmen having shops in Galata were dominant in Beyoğlu
which they chose as the settlement area for themselves, while the embassies of the
Netherlands, Poland, Prussia were added to the embassies previously settled in the district.
Expanding towards Galatasaray, the borders of Beyoğlu stretched to the Golden Horn in
one direction and towards the slopes of Tophane in the other. Kömürciyan reported that
Fındıklı, Cihangir and Kasımpaşa were newly being developed in this century; and, the
district was structured with a large graveyard on the upper area of Galatasaray, and Galata
Mevlevihane, bazaars, bakery and public baths at the entrance of Beyoğlu, Turkish houses
on both sides down to Tophane, and houses, mansions and mosques lined on the slopes of
Cihangir (Dökmeci and Çıracı, 1990).
İstiklal Avenue, a pedestrian street which was then called “Gran Rue de Pera”, had the
image of a European city thanks to embassies and residences located on the Avenue. To
prevent frequently emerging fire incidents during this period, an order was issued in 1696
for houses to be made of clay and adobe brick, which had an influence on the structuring of
53
Beyoğlu in the subsequent periods. Another disaster in Beyoğlu other than fire incidents
was the plague in 1673. The plague caused residents in Beyoğlu to evacuate their houses;
moreover, the stagnation in Europe that failed to realize the required breakthrough in
industry during 17th century also affected Beyoğlu, which displayed a slower development
pace in this period. In these years, Beyoğlu was consisting of Asmalımescit and
Galatasaray predominantly settled by Muslims, and Dörtyol and Tomtom Quarters mainly
with Christian residents (Dökmeci and Çıracı, 1990).
With the Tulip Era of the Ottoman in the 18th century, an orientation towards Europe was
observed as well as the effects of such efforts. Buildings designed & drawn up in Europe
and consumables entered to the Ottoman empire, and the influence of Europe gradually
increased on the Ottoman Empire along with the desire to orient towards Europe and
change of Beyoğlu into the commercial center of France in the east; many Europeans
visited İstanbul with the transportation opportunities facilitated in the period of Selim III.
In addition to tradesmen, craftsmen, physicians, pharmacists and tailors also settled in
Beyoğlu. In order to meet the increasing demand of the population for housing, the area
between Galatasaray and Tünel was completely occupied, with the housing fabric
becoming denser on the slopes down to Tophane and Kuledibi, as can be seen in the
“Gravure of İstanbul” by Malling. Housing expanded to Taksim area by the late 18th
century (Çelik, 1996).
When the document dated 1765 pertaining to Sainte Marie Church is examined to
comprehend the social structure of Beyoğlu in the 18th century, it is found out that 73 out
of 261 registered residents were born in Beyoğlu, 17 were of German nationality, 33 were
French and 50 were from the Princes’ Islands; it was also recorded that the French who
used to be predominant within the foreign population were cast out and they left Beyoğlu
when the French Revolution broke out (Dökmeci and Çıracı, 1990). During this period,
urban planning activities were initiated for İstanbul; firstly, Kauffer’s plan was issued in
1822 as the earliest comprehensive study in its field, which was followed by Moltke’s plan
drawn up in 1837 in the period of Mahmud II. Orientation of Istanbul towards European
was reflected in the plan, which offered opening of new roads instead of narrow and
complicated streets, with a view to relieve the tramway traffic (İBB,1993).
54
3.2. BEYOĞLU IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE BETWEEN THE YEARS 1850 AND
1923: SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND SPATIAL DYNAMICS
At the beginning of the 19th century, Beyoğlu which had not completely been urbanized
yet with its narrow streets, started to expand in line with the increasing foreign trade
activities under the influence of Free Trade Agreement signed in 1838 and accordingly,
with the growing population. In order to respond to the needs of Beyoğlu, which was
turned into an international commercial center, the Municipality of İstanbul was founded in
1855 with 12 departments under the influence of France. Though being subject to the first
practice, Beyoğlu was named the “6th Department”. This name is based upon the fact that
the municipal unit known as "Sixeme arrondissement" (6th Borough) in Paris was the most
prosperous district of the city and Beyoğlu took this borough as an example. Aimed to
organize trading and to bring European urban services into the district, the 6th Department
primarily demolished the Walls of Galata, which served for integration of Galata and
Beyğolu by destroying the barrier between the two districts (Dökmeci and Çıracı, 1990).
Picture 3.1 The Sixth Municipal Department designed by Barborini
Source: http://www.mimdap.org/w/?p=2372
In scope of municipal practices, the paving was renewed in 1855; streets were illuminated
by oil lamps for the first time in Beyoğlu. Due to the Unkapanı Bridge built in 1836 and
the Galata Bridge built in 1845, the density and traffic in the district showed an increase,
55
and streets were expanded as a result of density. After the Great Fire of Beyoğlu which
broke out in 1870 and resulted in burning of 3500 houses, the urban texture was re-planned
and main roads were extended. Another project drawn for Beyoğlu during this period is the
Tramway Operating Project. The project stretching from Azapkapı to Beşiktaş was
followed by implementation of the subway project in 1874. Since Karaköy was in an
intense commercial activity and tradesmen choosing Beyoğlu as a residence district for
themselves caused traffic density, the third subway of the world after New York and
London entered into service between Karaköy-Tünel (Akın, 1998; Dökmeci and Çıracı,
1990).
Figure 3.2 Urban Plan 1789-1878
Source: Kuban, 1998.
Moving of the Palace from the Historical Peninsula to Dolmabahçe and Çırağan caused the
communities who wanted to be close to the government to move to Beyoğlu; the
population of Beyoğlu also showed a considerable increase in the second half of the 19th
century with wealthy families moving from Balat, Samatya and Fener to Beyoğlu. While
56
the population of minorities in Beyoğlu was 13.000 in 1830, this figure increased up to
40.000 in 1848 (Akın, 1998; Dökmeci and Çıracı, 1990).
Minorities that were predominant in Beyoğlu in economic and social terms were entitled to
acquire land with the Rescript of Gülhane and the Edict of Reform, which remarkably
increased building and rental values; and Muslims who were unable to cope with heavy
economic conditions left their place to wealthy Non-Muslims. While the rate of Muslims in
Beyoğlu was around 20-25% in 1882, Beyoğlu or Little Paris, as called by its residents,
which gradually went under the influence of Europe in the second half of the 19th century
or the beginning of the 20th century, hosting many social places such as opera halls,
theaters, cafes and book stores; and graveyards on both edges of Beyoğlu were removed
and turned into park areas, imitating the park areas in European cities (Dökmeci and
Çıracı, 1990). European style hotels were built to meet the accommodation need in
Beyoğlu which had become a center of attraction and a sightseeing place for Europeans in
parallel with social events and the growth in international trade. In mid-1800s, luxurious
hotels such as Hotel des Ambassodeurs and Compagnie de l’Hotel Imparal Ottoman were
built. Insurance maps drawn in 1905 listed a number of hotels in the district, mainly with a
neoclassical style, including Hotel de Paris, Grand Hotel Kroecker, Pera Palace, Hotel
Continental, Hotel St. Petesbourg, Grand Hotel de Londres, Hotel de Lyon, Hotel Modern,
Hotel Royal and Hotel Bristol (Çelik, 1996).
Picture 3.2 Pera Palace
Source: http://www.perapalas.com
57
As a result of the rapidly growing housing structure and population, two - three storey
houses in garden turned into big passages or stone buildings in form of residence above
stores aligned in row housing; and housing spread to Tarlabaşı within the same period
(Dökmeci and Çıracı, 1990).
Picture 3.3. Galata in the second half of the 19th century
Source: Akın, 1998
The changing socio-economic structure as well as Levantine and non-Muslim citizens who
became wealthy led to a change in building styles and spaces, with magnificent front
masses and monumental examples of residence built in this period (Akın,1998). With its
socio-economic change, Beyoğlu lost its green image and changed into both an
international commercial center and a European city center. By the end of this period, a
large scale plan named Lörcher’s Plan was designed in 1922, whereby land use and
transportation axes of the section covering a large part of the Urban Protected Area of
Beyoğlu were determined (İBB, 1993).
58
Picture 3.4 The second half of the 19th century: View from Büyük Hendek Avenue to the
tower
Source: Akın, 1998
3.3 POLITICAL AND SOCIO-ECONOMICAL STRUCTURE IN EARLY
REPUBLIC PERIOD BETWEEN 1923 AND 1950 AND ITS EFFECTS ON
BEYOĞLU
Having turned into the center of İstanbul with the commercial policies of the Ottoman by
the beginning of the 19th and the 20th century, and settlement of foreign groups coming
from Europe, Beyoğlu started to change after Lausanne Treaty signed in 1923, the
resulting termination of capitulations, fall of the Ottoman Empire and declaration of the
Republic. Termination of the capitulations upon Lausanne Treaty on July 24, 1923 also
ended efficiency of foreign capital; finally, big foreign companies, tradesmen, insurance
firms and bankers left Beyoğlu. After Ankara was declared as the capital, embassies
playing a critical role in Beyoğlu also moved to Ankara (Kuban, 1996).
59
An etatiste policy was followed with declaration of the Republic, and the policy of
nationalization led to statutory liquidation of foreign companies and monopolization of
railway, telephone and utility companies. With the economic change, the number of
minorities starting to leave Beyoğlu remarkably decreased due to Wealth Tax firstly
imposed in 1942, the Israeli State founded in 1947 and the population exchange with
Greece. Residences and social places evacuated by minorities until 1950s were occupied
by young Turkish businessmen and Turkish intellectuals who regarded Beyoğlu area as the
most developed and modern district of the city (Tekeli, 1994; Dökmeci and Çıracı, 1990).
The socio-economic change brought along spatial changes in Beyoğlu. As a result of the
regional Beyoğlu plan drawn by Prost, Taksim Barracks were demolished and re-arranged
including Taksim Park and Hilton Hotel; Talimhane area which was used as a drill field
was structured under the influence of Art Nouveau as the first planned texture of İstanbul.
Taksim Square was also re-arranged by placing the Republic Monument designed by the
Italian architect Kanoki (Dökmeci and Çıracı, 1990). During this period, Beyoğlu was still
the center of İstanbul with development of its surroundings, movie halls, restaurants,
patisseries, art galleries and luxurious stores.
Picture 3.6 Taksim Barracks After Development Activities
Source: http://wowturkey.com)
60
Picture 3.5 Taksim Barracks
Source: http://wowturkey.com
3.4. SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND SPATIAL DYNAMICS IN BEYOĞLU DURING
THE PERIOD BETWEEN 1950 AND 1980
Minorities leaving the city center and the country due to Wealth Tax and September 6-7
were substituted by Turkish citizens and businessmen; and Beyoğlu, though having
maintained its magnificence in 1950s, began deterioration in the rapidly urbanizing
İstanbul after 1950 due to a number of factors such as election of Menderes as the prime
minister, urban policies, and having just been through war and being a newly developing
country.
Covering 74% of the import volume of a newly developed country, İstanbul offered a wide
range of job opportunities for unqualified workers coming from the rural area, and with the
rapid increase in the population migrating from villages to the city for job opportunities,
urban population increased from 1.000.000 in 1950 up to 1.800.000 in 1960, up to
2.274.650 in 1970 and up to 5.000.000 in 1980 (Kuban, 1996).
Firstly, workers employed at the Golden Horn area and nearby areas seized state lands and
began occupying unoccupied tracts (Kuban, 1996). Having started at the Golden horn area,
squatting spread to industrial areas such as Eyüp, Bomonti, etc. due to policies considering
61
every migrant as a potential voter (Görgülü, 1998). Some part of these low-income groups
chose the city center as their shelter. After 1960s, the rural population settling in the areas
which were evacuated by the rich, began to turn the shops deserted by minorities into
production workshops disturbing residential life (Yakar, 2000). For this changed terrain,
Beyoğlu Master Development Plan was prepared in 1954 on a 3400 hectare land covering
an area from Sütlüce to Rumelihisarı, including Levent quarter and Mecidiyeköy (İBB,
1993).
Along with rapid urbanization, the settlement area in İstanbul which was 7000 hectares by
1945 increased up to 28.000 hectares in 1960 (Kuban, 1996). In 1970s, borders of the city
expanded to Gebze in the east and to Silivri in the west in line with the industrialization,
stretching on an area with a diameter of 40-45 km. The rapid growth in the city brought
along new transportation links; the wealthy class displeased with the socio-economic
change of the center moved to Nişantaşı and Şişli, and towards the slopes of Bosphorus
and Bağdat Avenue in the Anatolian Side in 1970s (Kuban, 1996; Görgülü, 1998). Central
business areas changing location along with settlement areas shifted to the point where the
extension of the historical center intersects ring roads, resulting in acceleration of the
decline at the deserted center (Dökmeci and Berköz, 1994).
Following the socio-economic and physical transformations it had been through, Beyoğlu
now had a rather different resident profile, with display of porn movies allowed in the
district after 1970s; social venues in the area such as cinemas and theaters closed down one
by one. By shifting the transportation to a one-way road, accessibility to Tünel was
decreased, which, as a result, created an area of decline covered by shops selling cheap
goods (Dökmeci and Çıracı, 1990).
In 1980s, the urban image and socio-economic structure of Beyoğlu was negatively
changed because of policies ignoring historical values, and wrong practices; the district
shifted from its Little Paris status to an inferior position with poor-quality entertainment
places.
62
3.5. POLITICAL AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC DYNAMICS DURING THE PERIOD
BETWEEN 1980 AND 2000 AND THEIR REFLECTIONS ON BEYOĞLU
Neoliberal policies adopted by Turkish government after 1980s and spatial reflections of
these policies naturally affected İstanbul and the historical center of the city. During this
process, central government decentralized their authorities in favour of local governments;
however, the arrangements made offered opportunities for particular planning powers to be
seized by the central government. To summarize the legal arrangements made during this
period, “Tourism Promotion Law” dated 1982 no 2634, “Code on Protection of Cultural
and Natural Properties” dated 1983 no 2863, “Law on Metropolitan Municipalities” dated
1984 no 3030, “Decree on Tourism Centers” dated 1985, “Environmental Law” dated 1989
no 2872, and finally “Coastal Law” dated 1990 no 2495 are the laws which will lay the
ground for major practices regarding urban regeneration (Özden, 2008, 296). Özden (2008,
296) additionally points out to numerous problems in application arising from the failure of
local governments to work in coordination with each other following the grant of powers
for designing master development plans or having such designed to the Metropolitan
municipality and district municipalities under the law regarding re-arrangement of the Law
on Metropolitan Municipalities enforced in 1984.
One of the potentially most effective approaches on İstanbul from the second half of 1980s
to the end of 1990s were the ideas and projects aiming to bring İstanbul to an important
position in the competition between the global cities. According to such perspective,
integration of İstanbul to the network of all world cities will be important not only for
İstanbul but also the whole country, and will also be an opportunity which must not be
missed (Keyder and Öncü, 1993). Efforts to direct İstanbul from a production-oriented
structure integrated into international markets to an finance and tourism- oriented urban
economy were combined with tourism centers allocated by tourism promotion law and
business and shopping centers (as an extension), paving the way for settlement choices
influencing the silhouette of the city such as Conrad Otel, Çırağan Palace Kempinsky,
Swissotel within a short time; the number of foreign-capital shopping malls and
hypermarket chains increased in the city and foreign capital investments started to shape
the spatial structure (Berköz, 2000; Özdemir, 2000, Tokatlı and Boyacı, 1999).
Such changes will be outlined in the following section.
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3.5.1. The Period of Change for İstanbul between 1980 and 1990 and its Reflections
on Beyoğlu
Emerging in 1980, globalization influenced the government represented by the Prime
Minister Özal in multiparty period in 1983 after the military coup of 1980. A rapid
development was experienced in economy with the release on financial restrictions and on
the control of exchange transfers and upon decisions on free import (Başat, 2007);
accordingly, İstanbul became a significant center for investments through its location and
potential for becoming a global image in line with the fast developing economy.
Banking, finance, media and communication industries experienced a remarkable
development with free market economy, while social groups in the city started to change
with newly emerging professional groups. Yuppies, meaning “Young Urban Professionals”
and young businessmen gradually increased in number. With highly different consumption
behaviours, the demand of this group to be in social relationships with persons in the same
social group after work hours and to do any physical and social activities in the same place
brought along different space structures (Uslu, 2004). With enforcement of the mass
housing law on March 1, 1984 to respond to such demands, formation of satellite cities and
sites began under the names “city” or “country” (Bali, 2002). 2. With the Bosphorus
Bridge put into service in 1988, transportation links between two sides increased, with
populations on these prestigious areas growing (Berköz, 1991).
Whereas, low-income groups began to settle in districts such as Ümraniye, Çamlıca,
Kısıklı, etc. by means of mass transportation opportunities provided after opening of Fatih
Sultan Mehmet Bridge. The same group occupied the hills on Sarıyer and Beykoz on both
sides of the Bosphorus as well as empty areas between Thrace - Anatolia highways.
Another impact of the opening of Fatih Sultan Mehmet Bridge is business centers on
skyscrapers stretching along Büyükdere Avenue and expanding towards Ayazağa and built
to meet the growing need for office resulting from the development. On the other hand, the
historical center containing a great many workshops, manufacturing shops and wholesale
business organizations moved from this area to newly built smaller industrial zones and
downtown sites; İkitelli Organized Industrial Zone was built within this period (Berköz,
1991).
64
İstanbul went through a period of change upon election of Bedrettin Dalan as the mayor on
March 25, 1984; Tarlabaşı Avenue was opened in 1988 as a part of the project adopted by
the central government to change İstanbul into a world city, and also efforts were made for
moving of Perşembe Pazarı (Thursday Market) at the Golden Horn to PERPA and cleaning
of the sea at the Golden Horn.
3.5.2. Social, Economic and Spatial Dynamics in İstanbul and Beyoğlu between 1990
and 2000
Socio-economic activity and globalization maintained their effects in 1990s, physical and
social differentiation continued in İstanbul which gradually became a center of
consumption. Having started with Galeria Shopping Mall which was opened to meet social
habits and demands of newly emerging social groups, the number of shopping malls
displayed a rise in 1990s, with indoor socialization and leisure areas such as Carrefour,
Capitol, etc. Urban areas comprising a large number of social activities such as Nişantaşı
and Bağdat Avenue were developed during this period (Özus, 2004).
Whereas, in Beyoğlu, İstiklal Avenue became a shopping area and a cultural axis through
pedestrianization of the avenue and transfer of traffic to the newly opened avenues in 1990.
İstiklal Avenue began re-acquire its previous dynamism with theatres, cinemas, painting
exhibitions, restaurants, cafes and events put into service again (İslam, 2003). Phase I of
Beyoğlu Revision Master Development Plan at a scale of 1/5000 pertaining to the district
was planned in 1992, covering the area remaining between Defterdar Slope, Sıraselviler
Avenue, İnönü Avenue, Gümüşsuyu Avenue, Meclis-i Mebusan Avenue and Necatibey
Avenues. Although the plan was not legally approved, local government has been carrying
out its practices based upon this plan. These decisions are defined as follows;
• “Utilization of the cultural and physical texture formed in the historical development
process of the city and reached until today by preserving this texture and integrating it to
the modern urban life.
65
• Releasing the traditional urban fabric from pressure of sub-district development dynamics
in the Metropolitan area and refining such areas off functions damaging spaces such as
industry, manufacturing, storing, etc.
• Identification of urban prestige areas within the district and enhancing and arranging the
quality and standards of urban social and technical infrastructure while planning these
areas for housing, services and tourism
• With the aim to ensure İstanbul to be an international world city, establishing international
conference and congress halls, centers of art and culture, examining the relationship of
Globalization Period with Urban Protection Areas in context of Beyoğlu, designing
projects related to entertainment and exhibition venues, creating museums and archives
• Developing the tourism potential, increasing the share of museums and tourism in urban
economy
• Establishing day-night balance in the city center
• Improvement of the areas of decline within MIA, identifying negative functions causing
decline on sub-scaled plans and decentralizing of these functions off the district
• Bringing forward new functions to historical structures in conformity with their history
while evaluating these districts in terms of tourism, commerce and service functions
• Protecting and promoting housing and accommodation functions for the night population to
be maintained usually in these districts
• Preventing the pressure on housing areas within and around the district, caused by
functions emerging from the central area, and promoting night life in these
districts” (İBB, 1993)
Galata and Beyoğlu was declared urban protected area in 1993, and with spatial
regeneration activities initiated in Cihangir, the district turned out to be an attraction due to
its location on a hill viewing he Bosphorus and the Historical Peninsula (Uzun, 2003).
After the return of artists and intellectuals to the district, a sharp increase was observed in
the real estate prices.
Change was initiated in these areas with artists who chose Galata and Asmalımescit as
workshops for themselves; however, the rapid value increase in Cihangir was slower in
these areas (Özus, 2006). Metropolitan Municipality of İstanbul implemented Galata
Development Plan in 1998, the transformation in the district had successive effects on
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social spaces and the user profile. Along with the social change, notable changes were also
observed in physical environment.
3.6. EFFECTS OF THE PERIOD OF PLANNING IN BEYOĞLU DISTRICT ON
PHYSICAL SPACE AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC STRUCTURE
The first plans for İstanbul were drawn up in 1820s. Following Kauffer’s plan in 1822,
which was the first elaborate work, Moltke’s plan was prepared in 1837, showing the
situation of İstanbul by the end of the Mahmud II period. Qualified as the very first
development plan of İstanbul, this plan was the first step in respect of necessity of
development plans for systematic development of the city within tendencies for orientation
towards Europe promoted by the Reform. There are suggestions observed in Moltke's plan
primarily for opening of new roads against narrow and complicated structure of road
texture in İstanbul and for relieving of tramway traffic. It is possible to see the roads,
squares, building density and unoccupied areas in Galata and Pera plans prepared by works
of Leval Efendi and R. Huber plan dated 1895 (İBB, 2008).
During the reign of Abdulhamid II at the end of the 19th century, engineers from the
Municipality of Paris were ordered to prepare development plans of İstanbul, but this was
not realized. Practices which remarkably changed the physical structure of İstanbul such as
Galata and Sirkeci docks, railways and port facilities are the major applications of the
period. Construction of the tunnel dated 1874, which made vertical transportation between
Galata and Pera easier, was performed by H. Gavand as one of the important European
innovations brought to the district by the period. 1922 Lörcher Plan was prepared as a large
- scale plan in which general use of land and transportation axes were determined on a
wide area expanding to the Historical Peninsula district, covering a large part of Beyoğlu
Urban Protected Area (İBB, 2008).
1937 H. Proust Plan: Prost prepared a Master Plan and an Implementation Plan in 1937
which were notable in the housing structure of İstanbul and implemented certain principles
and applications which are still applicable. Prost was unable to prepare a plan which
evaluated and directed İstanbul in a general development perspective.
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Figure 3.3 Park Arrangement of Prost no. 40, 2
Source: Özler, 2007
Figure 3.4 Park Arrangement of Prost no. 2
Source: Özler, 2007
However, important decisions were taken along with this plan in respect of creating a city
which maintains positive and negative effects, and protecting the city. Below are the
decisions taken for Beyoğlu district in the mentioned plan (İBB, 2008);
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• “Taksim Square will be expanded ... will include threatres, conference halls,
meeting halls, clubs, bus terminals, post office, parking lots.
Food sales areas on the right coast of the Golden Horn between two bridges will be
developed at the point of fish markets.
The industry zone will be concentrated around the golden Horn. The Bosphorus will be
cleared off industry. Storages are at Yenikapı port and around the railway.
Galata port will be expanded to the Academy of Fine Arts. Land connection and highways
will be provided.
Dolmabahçe is the green area stretching up to the elevation of 60 between Maçka, Taksim,
Harbiye. Open air theatre, sports and exhibition center, and a green area for sports
activities of students will be available.
In addition, building blocks will be removed for creating a green area from Karaköy square
stretching to Galata Tower.
Beyoğlu Master Plan, 1954: Beyoğlu Master Plan dated 1954 covers a 3400 hectare area
consisting of the area stretching from Sütlüce to Rumelihisarı and Levent quarter and
Mecidiyeköy. Thus, starting from north-west, city (municipal) border following the
Kâğıthane stream including Sütlüce, Halıcıoğlu, Hasköy, Kasımpaşa, Karaköy, Beşiktaş,
Ortaköy, Kuruçeşme, Bebek, and from here, Etiler neighbourhood – Levent neighbourhood
and districts on the north of Mecidiyeköy are in scope of Beyoğlu Master Plan. Density is
over 400 person/hectare within the part including the section from Yolcuzade İskender
Avenue -Refik Saydam Avenue – the lower street of British Embassy, following Mebusan
Hill from İstiklal Avenue – Taksim Square, and from the area in front of Tophane
Museum, Meclis-i Mebusan Avenue to the coast. Medium density (200-400 person/
hectare) is suggested for the remaining part of the planning area (İBB, 2008).
Master plan of İstanbul Metropolitan Area dated 1980 at a Scale of 1/50000: A large
part of Beyoğlu urban protected area remains in scope of the “Central Business Area”
which was aimed to be developed as the Main Center in İstanbul Metropolitan Area Master
Development Plan at a scale of 1/50000 approved on 29.7.1980 (İBB, 2008).
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Figure 3.5 Master Plan of İstanbul Metropolitan Area dated 1980 at a Scale of 1/50000
Source: İBB
.
Beyoğlu Phase I Revision Master Development Plan of 1992 at a Scale of 1/5000:
Beyoğlu Phase I planning area covers the district remaining between Defterdar Hill,
Sıraselviler Avenue, İnönü Avenue, Gümüşsuyu Avenue, Meclis-i Mebusan Avenue and
Necatibey Avenue. The mentioned area remains withinthe “Central Business Area” which
was aimed to be developed as the Main Center in İstanbul Metropolitan Area Master
Development Plan at a scale of 1/50000 approved on 29.7.1980, and “M.İ.A.” function was
maintained in the planning district (İBB, 2008).
1994 Master Development Plan at a Scale of 1/5000 on Dolapdere and Piyalepaşa
Avenue and Surrounding Area: Covering nearly half of the planning area, this plan
covers the district remaining between Urban Protected Area border including Refik
Saydam Avenue – Tarlabaşı Avenue and Bahriye Avenue, this district remains in High
Density Built-Up Area (1000-1500 person/ha) function.
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Figure 3.6 1994 Master Development Plan at a Scale of 1/5000 on Dolapdere and
Piyalepaşa Avenue and Surrounding Area:
Source: İBB
Declaration as Urban Protected Area and Temporary Structuring Conditions
The Master Development Plan at a Scale of 1/5000 sent through the letter of İstanbul
Metropolitan Municipality dated 07.04.1993 no 386 Related to İstanbul, Şişli and Beyoğlu
Avenue – Dolapdere Avenue and Neighbourhoods was examined by Cultural and Natural
Heritage Conservation Board, and the following decision dd. 7.7.1993 no 4720 was taken:
“The area remaining within the border drawn up in the plan at a scale of 1/5000 regarding
Şişli and Beyoğlu, Piyalepaşa Avenue – Dolapdere Avenue and Neighbourhoods will be
specified as a part of Beyoğlu District Urban Protected Area and in this frame, the area
remaining within the borders stretching from Bahriye Avenue to the coast of Golden Horn,
from Ataturk Bridge and Tersane Avenue following the coastline to Karaköy coast, from
İnönü Avenue to Asker Ocağı Avenue following the coastline and including Dolmabahçe
Mosque, and stretching to Bahriye Avenue following Yedikuyular Avenue, Abdulhakhamit
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Avenue, Taksim Avenue, Yenikafa Street, Leman Street, Dereotu Street, Serdar Ömer Paşa
Avenue, Dilbaz Street, Tevfik Efendi Street, Ömer Hayyam Avenue, Tahta Fırını Street be
declared as the Urban Protected Area, the “Development Plan for Protective Purposes” be
forwarded to Cultural and Natural Heritage Conservation Board, application be made in
accordance with Temporary Structuring Conditions until the plans are forwarded to the
board,...”.
Upon the decision dd. 7.7.1993 no 4720 of the Cultural and Natural Heritage Conservation
Board, areas remaining within the specified borders of Beyoğlu District were declared as
Urban Protected Area. Temporary structuring conditions which will be effective until a
Development Plan for Protective Purposes is prepared within the borders of the mentioned
protection area and the plan is approved by the Protection Board were specified as follows
by the Cultural and Natural Heritage Conservation Board.
Board approval is required for all structuring activities within the borders of the protected
area.
In applications on ancient works which must be protected within the protection area, the
current clearance height and front features of the building are protected. However, if the
height of the ancient work is lower than the current structure, the height may be increased
in parallel with the group decision after forwarding of the revision to the Board on block
basis.
In practices on the parcels nearby the registered ancient work, height of the structure
cannot exceed the height of the ancient work. If the height of the ancient work is lower
than the current structure, the height may be increased after forwarding of the revision to
the Board on block basis.
It will be appropriate to commence the surveys for the protection development plan from
the area on the north of Tarlabaşı Avenue-Cumhuriyet Avenue, and the area remaining on
the north and the south of Kemeraltı Avenue, Necatibey Avenue, Meclisi Mebusan
Avenue.
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3.7. EVALUATION OF SPOT PROTECTS IMPLEMENTED IN BEYOĞLU
DISTRICT FROM 1980 TILL TODAY FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF URBAN
TRANSFORMATION AND GENTRIFICATION
Having become wealthy as a result of commercial relationships developed with Europe in
the second half of the 19th century, Levantine and non-Muslim citizens had buildings
constructed for them in the city center and chose these districts as their living area.
However, they had to leave the country and their settlement areas due to political events
which broke out in 1923 and later. After 1950s, groups migrating from rural areas to
İstanbul started to use unoccupied structures. In 1970s, some part of the evacuated
buildings were occupied by manufacturers who wanted to make use of the empty and
cheap building stock at the city center, while painters and artists began to use these areas in
1990s in a need for workshops with high ceilings. Gentrification began at small scales with
individual choices of artists and architects, and the speed of gentrification increased as a
result of restructuring after 1980 (İslam, 2003; Şen, 2005).
The earliest example of gentrification was on parts of Arnavutköy and Kuzguncuk viewing
the Bosphorus. After the Bosphorus Development Act in 1983, historical houses in this
area were included in scope of protection and, high-cost and strict restorations led to a
change in the user profile. Whereas, Galata, Ortaköy and Cihangir were exposed to
gentrification due to their proximity to the center of culture, entertainment and business
and their historical building stocks. Finally, Fener-Balat districts were subject to change
due to the the propulsive power of Unesco and Municipality of Fatih. Whereas, Tarlabaşı
and Talimhane is mainly under the danger of gentrification as a result of planned and
performed investments. Although all these districts have various features, they are special
areas as they have qualified and historical architecture and have sceneries of the Bosphorus
or Golden Horn (İslam, 2003; Şen, 2005).
The concept of urban transformation brought to the agenda of local governments and new
changes in the legal process resulted in practices leading to gentrification through public
sector (local governments). Within this frame, metropolitan municipalities were entitled
with authority in urban regeneration and transformation issues in line with arrangements
73
upon duties and authorities of Metropolitan Municipalities in the law dd. 2004 no 5216 by
stating that “metropolitan municipalities are authorized to re-build and restore worn parts
of the city ... apply urban transformation and development projects with the aim to protect
historical and cultural texture of the city” (Özden, 2008, 317). With the Municipality Law
no 5393 issued in 2005, they were entitled to implement urban transformation. On the
other hand, limitation of transformation and development areas with a 50.000 population
and a land size of 50.000 m² under the law, was subject to criticisms (Özden, 2008, 321).
In addition, the Expropriation Law no 2942, amendments to the Mass Housing Law no
2985 and especially “the Law on Renewal and Protection of Worn Historical and Cultural
Immovable Assets and their Utilization” contain articles which will affect transformation
projects in city centers. As mentioned by Dinçer (2007), practices such as the fact that the
law no 5366 reduces the issue of participation to transformation projects applicable in city
centers only to disclosure of information, and emergency expropriation authority is
referred to in the lack of a conciliation, may lead to exclusion of the local residents off the
process, isolation from their houses in transformation projects in city centers – as can be
seen in Tarlabaşı and Sulukule examples -, and gentrification.
The spot projects applied in Beyoğlu will be outlined in the following parts:
3.7.1. Applications in the Period between 1984 and 1989
Bedrettin Dalan, who was elected as Mayor of İstanbul Metropolitan Municipality after
local elections of March 25, and carried out duty between years 1984-1989, performed
works in order to change İstanbul into a metropolitan district in parallel with economic
policies of the period, in which frame business centers and transportation links between
skyscrapers and business centers were created (Enlil, 2000). One of the applications was
turning Piyalepaşa into a business center and to implement BE-SAM (Beşiktaş – Samatya
Intracity highway) project which links this district. The first step of BE – SAM project
aiming for an uninterrupted transportation between Kadıköy and Bakırköy was the opening
of Tarlabaşı Avenue which increased the two-kilometer double-lane road to a …. lane road
between Taksim and Şişhane, realized under the title of “Restoration Project of Beyoğlu”
(Enlil, 2000).
74
Authorities describe the reasons of demolitions as cleaning and rehabilitation of Beyoğlu,
prevention of prostitution and drug smuggling, pedestrianization of İstiklal Avenue and
mitigation of traffic between Taksim and Şişhane. However, various academicians
criticized the project due to the plan to demolish some buildings which are of historical
heritage value (Batur, 2004).
Even though the Chamber of Acrhitects and Monuments Board raised legal objections due
to the situation of Tarlabaşı as a protected area, 300 buildings with 167 registered buildings
were destroyed in 1988. Following the opening of Tarlabaşı Avenue, the physical
connection of the neighbourhood with İstiklal Avenue was completely lost, resulting in an
increasing rate of drug, prostitution and crime in this area which became a problematic part
of the city (Enlil, 2000).
Picture 3.7 The situation before the opening of Tarlabaşı Avenue
Source: http://www.yapi.com.tr
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Picture 3.8 The Opening of Tarlabaşı Avenue
Source: http://www.yapi.com.tr
3.7.2 Pedestrianization of İstiklal Avenue
A series of projects were implemented from the early 90s in order to revive Beyoğlu which
became an area of decline in the second half of the 20th century. In order to reacquire the
former atmosphere of Beyoğlu, to protect the historical texture and to change Beyoğlu into
a tourism center, the following targets were set out by the municipality:
• “To convert Beyoğlu into a center of attraction in İstanbul in terms of commerce,
entertainment, culture and tourism,
• Removal of manufacturing plants and storages, which are not wanted in the region, by
changing the functions,
• Improvement of worn out areas,
• Re-utilization of empty buildings,
• Separation of pedestrian - vehicle roads in order to find a solution to the traffic turmoil"
(İBB, 1990).
The 2nd out of the following five suggestions which were determined upon analysis
studies of İstiklal Avenue carried out by the Ministry of Culture and Tourism was closed to
vehicle traffic according to the decision on separation of pedestrian - vehicle road:
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“a. Utilization of tramways to operate on a single line between Taksim and Tünel Squares
and allocation of İstiklal Avenue totally for pedestrians,
b. Arrangement between Tünel Square and Postacılar Street in a way to allow passage of
municipal and consular vehicles and allocation of İstiklal Avenue totally for pedestrians on
the condition of the use of tramways,
c. Allocation of the area between Taksim and Galatasaray completely for pedestrians while
allocation of a 5 m wide road between Tünel and Galatasaray and creation of park areas,
d. Allocation of İstiklal Avenue totally for pedestrians on the condition that passage of
consular and municipal vehicles will be allowed between Tünel Square and Postacılar
Street,
e. Positioning of the tramway line only between Tünel and Galatasaray, and letting
consular and municipal vehicles pass between Tünel and Postacılar Street,
allocation of the area between Taksim and Galatasaray for pedestrians” (İBB,
1990).
Picture 3.9 Beyoğlu Before Pedestrianization
77
Picture 3.10 After Pedestrianization
Source: http://wowturkey.com
Regaining its former popularity after pedestrianization, the avenue witnessed a 28%
increase in the number of workplaces between 1986 and 2006 (Altunbaş, 2006). It has
become a center of attraction including miscellaneous cultural activities as well as
entertainment and shopping.
3.7.3. Pretty Beyoğlu Project
From the beginning of 1990s, Beyoğlu has become a center of culture, tourism and
entertainment in İstanbul, re-gaining its former popularity. In order to avoid losing the
cultural and historical heritage while making Beyoğlu popular again, Beyoğlu Municipality
initiated Pretty Beyoğlu Project within the body of urban design workshop in 2002. The
municipality indicated the following reasons for implementation of the Project (İBB Pretty
Beyoğlu Project);
􀂃 “Those who possess cultural assets are expected to be very competent on the
responsibilities related to these values; we all know that they will be subject to heavy
punishments if they damage these assets.
􀂃 Despite the existing laws, the damage is strikingly fast.
􀂃 The lack of interest and leaving the assets to be worn out by time do not have sanctions.
􀂃 It is observed that people spending efforts for a restoration work on a building that will take
place in a protected area feel a deterrent pressure on them as such legal procedures to be
initiated need hundreds of signatures and a period of time extending over years, and also a
strong monetary support in parallel with this difficulty.
78
􀂃 There are thousands of buildings damaged and left to be ruined.
􀂃 Interventions of some users on buildings threaten safety of life.
􀂃 There is no comprehensive survey or study on safety and resistances of these buildings in
İstanbul where an earthquake is expected.
􀂃 Property problems are getting more and more complicated each day.
􀂃 Places, streets and buildings created before the industrial revolution are used with life style
and instruments of today. There is no infrastructure which will allow this transformation.
The load of vehicles cannot be controlled.
􀂃 Cultural profile of users is deteriorating day by day.
􀂃 Users are getting more prone to solve their personal problems in beaches.
􀂃 The resulting pollution and damage is increasing day by day.
􀂃 There are streets which do not breathe and buildings which do not receive sunlight.
Building density, that is, use of base area and floor area, is forcing humane limits.
􀂃 Functions of use over a period of time vary without control. Transformation of housesworkplaces-
manufacturing plants is lack of control.
􀂃 Building maintenance is insufficient in visible fronts, and no maintenance is made on fronts
which are not visible. Rear fronts, spaces between buildings and roofs are neglected and
aesthetic concerns cannot be even spoken of”.
While listing the factors, projects began to be produced and implemented in Beyoğlu under
the titles Beyoğlu As a Brand, Urban Design Works (KUDEB), Square and Environmental
Landscaping, Beyoğlu Sparkling Bright, White Lily Project and Urban Furniture.Picture
3.11 Front Renovation Works
Source: http://guzelbeyoglu.beyoglu.bel.tr
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All details related to façades of buildings in Beyoğlu, including paint colour, sign design,
forms of sun shades – etc. are set out in compliance with Conservation and Implementation
Supervision Bureau (KUDEB), which was established under the article 13 of the law no
5226 and the Code No 2863 on Protection of Cultural and Natural Properties with the aim
to carry our procedures and applications regarding immovable cultural and natural
properties which must be conserved, and to supervise such procedures and applications.
Buildings on Talimhane, Meşrutiyet Avenue, Kızılay Square, İstiklal Avenue, Bankalar
Avenue, Gümüşsuyu Avenue, Sıraselviler Avenue, Tarlabaşı Avenue, Bahriye Avenue,
Boğazkesen Avenue, Cihangir Area, İstiklal Avenue, Fish Market, Dolapdere Furniture
Sellers' Site, Ömer Hayyam Avenue, Karaköy Phase 1 (Kemankeş Quarter), Şişhane
Square, Mete Avenue and Defterdar Hill were arranged in scope of Urban Design Works
(KUDEB). 5000 buildings in 20 areas have been arranged from the beginning of the
project (İBB Pretty Beyoğlu Project)
In frame of Pretty Beyoğlu project, various demolitions were realized and new spaces were
opened in the dense texture of Beyoğlu, and several old squares were re-arranged. In scope
of Square and Environmental Landscaping, Kızılay Square, Kulaksız Square, Kalaycıbahçe
Square, Ağaçlaraltı Square, Tophane Square, Dolapdere Square, Çıksalın Square and Safa
Square were put into service. In scope of Beyoğlu Sparkling Bright project, which is
another application under the project, illumination of a 150-kilometer route was planned
with placed fixtures in every 20 meters on tension lines mounted on building surfaces for
development of social life and commerce in Beyoğlu and ensuring safety; 50 kilometer of
the route was completed.
Picture 3.12 Beyoğlu Sparkling Bright Project
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Cabstands, Turkish bagel trolleys, sign carriers for movie theatres and wooden flower tubs
– sitting benchs were re-designed in urban furniture studies in scope of the project. With
White Lily Project, activities related to food safety and hygiene were made. Additionally,
logos, fonts, colours, letterheads, envelopes, files, cards, certificate standards, staff notices,
obituaries and lost notices, canvas banners, flags, street signs, door numbers, workplace
signs, wheeled bins were all re-designed in scope of corporate identity activities.
3.7.4. French Street
Located on Hayriye Avenue in Beyoğlu and shaped with the architecture of the 19th
century, French (or Algeria) Street - Cul De Sac, turned into an area of decline as a result
of the depression in Beyoğlu after 1950 (Köksal, 2004). At the beginning of 2000s, the
transformation in the district initiated through efforts of a private investor was supported
by Metropolitan Municipality of İstanbul and Beyoğlu Municipality which included the
transformation into the scope of Pretty Beyoğlu Project and put the street into service in
2004 with the name French Street.
Picture 3.13 The situation of French Street before restoration
Source: http://www.nizip.com
Restoration of 30 buildings in the street remaining between Galatasaray High School,
Çukurcuma and French Consulate was completed in cooperation with Kültür University;
buildings were painted in yellow or pink and they were given functions as cafe, bar,
restaurant, boutique hotel, antique shop and various shopping centers. The street which
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investors wanted to change into a Little Paris was named as French Street, with reference
to the history of ancient Pera and the so-called French architecture. For landscaping
arrangements of the street containing 43 workplaces in total, gaslit street lamps brought
from Paris and paving materials brought from France were used
(http://www.fransizsokagi.com).
Picture 3.14 The situation of French Street after restoration
Source: http://galeri.istanbul.gov.tr
Having become a popular point for certain groups of people since its opening, French
Street hosted a great many workshops and exhibitions; however, 54 families who had
previously been living there had to leave the street. Asserting that this was a cultural
transformation project, the project owners created an effect which totally separated the
district from Beyoğlu, by converting a public area of the city into semi-private places of
business organizations and creating a sense of entering into an indoor area covered with
private security guards. With its design and implementation, the project completely turned
into a global image attempting to revive the nostalgic image of Pera beyond a
transformation project (Erek, 2007; Köksal, 2004).
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3.7.5. Tarlabaşı Regeneration Project
The social and economic recession observed in the second half of the 20th century in
Beyoğlu, which is one of the most important districts of İstanbul in terms of historical
values, was replaced by a huge change in 1990s. Standing as the center of culture,
entertainment and tourism, İstiklal Avenue and its neighbourhoods displayed a remarkable
development, while Tarlabaşı which had formerly been a non-Muslim neighborhood
remained far away from this development, turning into an area of decline. Stating that
Tarlabaşı Avenue, which was one of the mega-projects implemented in 1980s, was
completely separated from İstiklal Avenue in physical terms after its opening; Enlil (2000)
indicates that Tarlabaşı was excluded from Beyoğlu with its physically worn out texture,
partially registered structures usually built on small parcels, buildings partially added
subsequently and its unemployed, poor, uneducated and marginal population (Enlil, 2000).
Beyoğlu Municipality initiated “Tarlabaşı Regeneration Project” in 2006 in order to
convert the district to a safer, more hygienic and habitable place integrated with the city.
The district which was declared as a protected area as the first step, was later declared as a
Regeneration Area upon the Cabinet decision dated 20.02.2006 no 2006/10172 based upon
the law dated 16.06.2005 no 5366. As the second step, a tender was held and a contract
was awarded with the successful bidder on 04.04.2007. Having introduced the regeneration
project for an area of approximately 20.000 square meters covering the blocks numbered
360, 361, 362, 363, 385, 386, 387, 593, 594 in Beyoğlu District as a “public-oriented
transformation project”, authorities presented the project in 2008 by emphasizing
participation and transparency (İBB, 2008).
After the project was introduced, social purposes of use were totally ignored in the project
by physically outraging the principles of urban protection, conserving only facades of
buildings on nine blocks the selection criteria of which are unknown, creating huge indoor
areas and providing the re-designed places with functions such as commercial centers and
residences, as stated by Prof. Dr. Alper Ünlü. (Panel on Regeneration & Transformation in
Tarlabaşı, www.arkitera.com )
83
Threatened by expropriation procedures and the legal clause on ‘the obligation to evacuate
the house in case of a potential security investigation’, families who are hardly able to
survive by paying rentals only in value of a few hundred YTL as well as African, Central
and South American refugees were forced to abandon their houses in Tarlabaşı. Over forty
houses were evacuated, while refugee operations resulted in evacuation of over 300
persons (Yüzgül, 2007). The municipality refuses to give a clear answer to the question of
what consequences will be experienced by the residents of this district during
implementation of the project; moreover, it seems impossible for this low-income group to
find a job and afford their housing expenses through “societal development projects” in
scope of the said project (Aksümer, 2008).
As a result, Tarlabaşı Urban Regeneration Project has received public opinion as a project
exclusively built upon income-generating physical regeneration and economic dynamism
rather than solving social problems of tenants, refugees and marginal groups known to be
comprising 70% of the population of project; and it was criticized due to being a project in
which factors such as social structure, public participation and reinforcement were ignored.
The project was suspended for an uncertain period due to difference of opinions emerging
on the project.
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4. SPATIAL, SOCIAL, ECONOMIC DYNAMICS OF TALİMHANE
QUARTER, BEYOĞLU DISTRICT
4.1 TALIMHANE THROUGHOUT HISTORICAL PROCESS: ITS LOCATION
AND CHANGING ROLE AND IDENTITY IN BEYOĞLU
Talimhane was named after the area at Artillery Barracks where military drills used to be
performed by soldiers in the Ottoman age, and which is now Taksim Gezi Park (Akın,
2005). Talimhane is located in the north of Taksim Avenue, at the point where Cumhuriyet
Avenue and Tarlabaşı (Refik Saydam Avenue) join. The area is on a highly strategic
location due to its historical background, transportation links and inherent functions
(Koçdemir, 2006, 68).
Figure 4.1 Location of Talimhane
Source: İBB
85
Despite having been subject to numerous positive and negative transformations as well as
demolitions due to being within the borders of Beyoğlu district which is one of the most
significant centers of İstanbul, the area is important in terms of both Art Deco and early
modernist buildings there and their new functions (hotel). The area serves rather for
congress tourism and hotels due to its proximity to the Congress Valley and İstiklal
Avenue as well as its position near Taksim Cumhuriyet Square (Emir,2008, 41).
Figure 4.2 Location of Talimhane
Source: İBB
86
Figure 4.3 Aerial Picture of Talimhane
4.1.1. Historical Development of Talimhane
Today’s Taksim Square was characterized by Artillery Barracks, barns and the drill area in
the early 19th century (Polat, 2006). With peace treaties signed at the beginning of 1900s,
dysfunctioned buildings went under transformation, and the drilling area of Taksim
Artillery Barracks built in conformity with Russian and Indian architecture was converted
into a football field through efforts of Sait Çelebi, with critical games of the period played
there. “In 1930s, the district changes into a vivid area of the city, hosting entertainment.
87
One of the earliest buildings in the area, Taksim Kristal Club, was built around this
district.” (Akın, 2005, 84).
Picture 4.1 Taksim Square
Upon election of Lütfi Kırdar as the Mayor of İstanbul in 1938, “Henri Prost was invited to
the country for a modern planning of the city, and performed noteworthy actions, including
demolition of the Artillery Barracks. The unoccupied area on which 6-7 building blocks
separated by a certain road width on maps of 1925 at a scale of 1/1000 changed into a
settlement area with apartment blocks exhibiting the Art Deco style of the period ” (Akın,
2005, 84).
88
Picture 4.2 Artillery barracks being demolished
Figure 4.4 Champs de Mars
Source: Pervetitich
89
According to Polat (2006), Talimhane, the ever first planned settlement area of İstanbul
with the recent planning practices, is one of the qualified examples added to apartment
building designs in Art Deco taste or on the intersection of Art Deco and Modernism.
There are works of the then-famous architects, Seyfi Arkan (Ayhan Apartment), Vedat Tek
(Pertev Apartment), Sedat Hakkı Eldem (Ceylan Apartment), Rebii Gorbon and Mustafa
Can (Doğu Apartment).
The physical change and disrepair across Beyoğlu and the decrease in security changed the
user profile in the district in 1950s. The new user group is the low-income group who
migrated to İstanbul from 1950s and after September 6-7 events until the end of 1980s, the
original building functions were not completely lost in the settlement neighbourhood
exposed to social change, however, the change in physical space started to show its effects.
Having lost their original users, buildings were now in disposal of low-income groups;
intense commercial activities which do not belong to the district negatively affected the
buildings. ”(Polat, 2006).
After the deterioration caused by the shift of car repair shops in Tarlabaşı to Talimhane, the
physical and social fabric became much more unqualified with spare part sellers, black
marketers and criminal groups settled in the district. It is reported that the opening of
Tarlabaşı Avenue in 1988 caused the neighbourhood to break off the relation with the
square and Beyoğlu and ended up converting Tarlabaşı and Talimhane to an area of decline
(Polat, 2006).
With its social and physical structure deteriorated, Talimhane aroused attention of local
governments and planned improvement of the district with touristic investments for the
sake of preventing the deterioration here and to re- improvement of the district. The first
action is designing of the district as a “Tourism District” by the Cabinet in 1994.
Talimhane was declared as an “urban protected area” upon the decision dated 07.07.1993
no 11437 by the Cultural and Natural Heritage Conservation Board no.1 of İstanbul. “For
the 12 housing blocks comprising Talimhane area which had started to lose its original
subdivision and architectural identity, “a decision was taken in 1999 by Cultural and
Natural Heritage Conservation Board No.1 of İstanbul on “registration of the area at city
blocks and street scale, which will ensure integrity before taking any decision at a single
90
parcel scale”, and of the area at a street scale” set out in the principle decision no 662, and
on qualification of particular buildings as “Buildings of the Early Republic Period” defined
in the principle decision no 663. (Polat, 2006) .
The tourism-oriented transformation in Talimhane area was accelerated due to “Talimhane
Area Pedestrianization Project” implemented in 2004, and “NATO Summit” hosted by
İstanbul in 2004. Tourism-oriented transformation and development was aimed in the
pedestrianized district with renovated urban furniture, paving, lighting fixtures, developed
infrastructure and transportation opportunities and nearly 30 hotels put into service with a
view to ensure safety and increase perceptibility in the area.
4.1.1.1. İ.B.B (İstanbul Metropolitan Municipality) Beyoğlu Talimhane Area Front
Rehabilitation, Urban Design Implementation Project
After the change of Talimhane into an area of decline, historical structures were deprived
of maintenance and were damaged, gradually turning to a district controlled by the parking
lot mafia. The area including the stops for Taksim-Bakırköy and Taksim-Kadıköy share
taxis is used intensively during the day, while it turns into an unusable and unsafe area,
even a crime venue at night. With the aim to prevent deterioration in 2004 after this
process, “Beyoğlu Talimhane Area Front Rehabilitation, Urban Design Implementation
Project” realized through cooperation of İstanbul Metropolitan Municipality and Beyoğlu
Municipality was put into practice.
Picture 4.3 İ.B.B. project (İBB)
91
Pedestrianization application was initiated to solve the security problem of the project area
and for festivals as well as outdoor organizations. Following pedestrianization, particular
hours were determined for entrance of service vehicles. Passage of vehicles is free between
the hours 06:00-10:00 while card access is obligatory in other hours. Entrance into the area
is from two points, and exit is provided as a controlled passage from a single point where
Abdülhakhamit and Topçu avenues intersect. In addition to the pedestrianization project;
􀂃 A private security guard team of 48 foreign language speaking personnel provide
security services for 24 hours in the district
􀂃 Urban furniture and paving materials have been renewed;
Urban furniture has been placed in a way which will not prevent pedestrian circulation in
floor layout project throughout the district
Table 4.1 Breakdown of Urban Furniture Placed
URBAN DESIGN PROJECT OF TALİMHANE DISTRICT
Urban Furniture which will be Applied
TYPE
QUAN
TITY
FEATURES
ROAD BARRIER 1170
Total Quantity if Applied on the Entire Area
with 1,8 m Intervals
POT 24
White Concrete Flower Pot with a Breadth
of 82 cm
INTRODUCTION BOARD 5
FLOWER TUB 45
WHEELED BIN 63
DIRECTION SIGN 15
BARRIER 3
MAGIC STONE (Bright Cube Stone)
On the Corners
120 Total on 5 Corners
92
Picture 4.4 Paving Renovation Activities in Talimhane
Source: İBB
Picture 4.5 Renovation Activities in Talimhane
Source: İBB
93
Picture 4.6 View of Talimhane After the Project
Source: İBB
􀂃 Lighting fixtures were made with a specially designed stainless-steel based, doubledegree
steel stretcher and catenary system with suspended fittings as an extension
of the lighting project of İstiklal Avenue; this system is supported by special
lighting function other than its usual illuminating function. Considering that
Talimhane district must be a prestige area vivid for 24 hours, the area was targeted
to be illuminated at nights. Accordingly, an illumination project of 132 fittings on
66 stretchers was designed in total. An illumination with 45 lighting poles in total
and 5 catenary systems was planned for Abdülhak Hamit and Taksim Avenues
which constitute the outer boundaries of the district.
􀂃 Maintenance and rehabilitation procedures of the buildings were made. Below are
the principles within this scope,
1. Roof parapets, eaves and plaster damages on the front must be repaired,
2. New windows opened on the fronts must be closed,
3. Sizes of display windows opened on the ground floor must be re-arranged in
conformity with occupancy rates on usual floors,
4. An original form must be used in woodworks which had been damaged and
changed during the period,
94
5. Any kind of cable on the front must be included into the building,
6. Air-conditioner units on the front must be removed (Structural practices must be
preferred by implementing air-conditioner projects on building basis in the
implementation stage)
7. Sizes of display windows opened on the ground floor must be re-arranged in
conformity with occupancy rates on usual floors
Picture 4.7 Front Renovation Activities in Talimhane
Source: İBB
Picture 4.8 Front Renovation Activities in Talimhane
95
􀂃 An upper-scale planning approach was adopted for solution of parking lot and mass
transportation problems in the long term; consequently, 23-floor parking lot for
İSPARK was built.
􀂃 While the district is fed by vehicle traffic from outside, only the vehicles with
service purpose are allowed to enter the area within certain hours Pedestrian streets
were opened to recreation, entertainment and commercial functions for day and
night.
96
4.2. SPATIAL STRUCTURE AND TRANSPORTATION ANALYSES IN
TALIMHANE
4.2.1. Transportation
Positioned on an intersection area between Mecidiyeköy, the Historical Peninsula, the
Golden Horn, Beşiktaş and Bakırköy, Talimhane is located on a very critical point in terms
of transportation for İstanbul. Having an intense user traffic owing to its location,
Talimhane was the area of stops for Taksim-Bakırköy and Taksim-Kadıköy share taxis ad
had an intense flow of users during the day prior to “Beyoğlu Talimhane Area Front
Rehabilitation, Urban Design Implementation Project” while the area was very scarcely
used at night, which led to problems of safety and crime in the area (İBB, 2004).
Picture 4.9 Talimhane Before the Project
Source: İBB
During and after declaration of Talimhane as a touristic zone, pedestrianization application
was made with a view to ensure security and raise perceptibility in the area with the
beginning of “Beyoğlu Talimhane Area Front Rehabilitation, Urban Design
97
Implementation Project”. The “pedestrianized street network” model suggested in the area
is a “first” in our city. Until today, pedestrianization applications have brought segmental
solutions usually covering a single axis or a square. However, links between streets and
relations with focal points such as Taksim Square were all designed as a whole. Following
pedestrianization, particular hours were determined for entrance of service vehicles.
Passage of vehicles is free between the hours 06:00-10:00 while card access is obligatory
in other hours. Entrance into the area is from two points, and exit is provided as a
controlled passage from a single point where Abdülhakhamit and Topçu avenues intersect.
The district is a center of food-drink, cultural activity, shopping, entertainment and
accommodation at the same time, which brings transportation to a more important position.
Other vehicles enabling transportation as well as Metro – Talimhane exit and intense use of
bus stops make the transportation function even more intense. 38% of the users utilize
Talimhane as a passage area, which adds the value of a passage area to the tourism and
accommodation functions of the area, and make the transportation features of the area
more important.
98
Figure 4.5 Transportation Analysis
99
4.2.2. Function Analysis
One of the ways to perceive the change and the transformation experienced by Talimhane
district is to physically analyze the district and examine what kind of a physical
development it has been through over the time. In this frame, the following area details
were created by updating in January 2009 the land disposal data as of 2004, number of
floors, year of construction, physical status analyses of buildings.
Spatial analyses are the most important data displaying the change and transformation
which a district has been subject to. These data will play a remarkable role in estimations
related to the prospective position of the area. During function analyses of Talimhane in
1955, all of the buildings were seen to be built and utilized as houses, while in data as of
1993, banking, commerce, storage and manufacturing plant, office etc. functions were
observed to have been added to the housing function of buildings. And, during the function
analysis of the buildings in 2003, tourism function was observed to have come to the
region in addition to previous uses, though with a decrease in the number of functions such
as storage and manufacturing plant. Whereas in the data as of 2009, manufacturing plant,
office and storage functions were seen to have been disappeared completely and replaced
by tourism and commerce.
Table 4.2 Talimhane Land Use Analysis, year 2009
Source: Land use by the author on the area in January 2009
Majority of the 236 buildings on the work area consists of mixed-use buildings; while 17%
of 101 buildings with a single function in the area rather have touristic functions, 8.4% are
houses, 6.7% are business centers, 3.3% are mainly banks and finally 0.4% are parking
Tourism Bank
Business
Center House Parking Lot
Building
(Number) 40 8 16 20 1
Building
(%) 17 3.3 6.7 8.4 0.4
100
lots. Mixed-use structures are predominant in Talimhane. Especially after declaration of
the area as a touristic zone, the number of cafes, restaurants and giftware shops
considerably increased, which notably revealed the commercial function of the area.
According to the ground floor & upper floor function analysis carried out in the area, 80%
of the area covers commercial activity. This rate is followed by offices and hotels.
Table 4.3 Ground floor function analysis of buildings in Talimhane
Source: Emir, S., Değişen Sokak Cepheleri Üzerine Bir Araştırma: Talimhane Örneği,
Yıldız Technical University, İstanbul, 2008
Table 4.4 1st floor function analysis of buildings in Talimhane
Source: Emir, S., Değişen Sokak Cepheleri Üzerine Bir Araştırma: Talimhane Örneği,
Yıldız Technical University, İstanbul, 2008
101
Figure 4.6 Floor Function Analysis for Talimhane
102
Figure 4.7 Function Change Analysis for Talimhane
103
4.2.3. Number of Floors
There are 236 buildings in Talimhane area. Heights of buildings vary between one-floor
and 12-floor. Lower structures with 4-5 floors are more densely located within the urban
texture, while higher structures are in scope of the building groups which rather have hotelcommercial
center functions. Number of floors and percentages for the buildings are as
follows;
Number of Floors Number of Buildings Percentage
1-2 2 1.0
3-4 20 9.1
5-6 104 44.1
7-8 64 27.2
9 and over 46 19.5
Total 236 100
Table 4.5 Analysis of Floor Heights
Source: Land use by the author on the area in January 2009
Due to proximity of mass sizes, parcel widths and floor heights of buildings in Talimhane,
which is the first planned texture of İstanbul, the structuring can be perceived as a whole.
Buildings are occasionally separated from their surroundings due to their internal clearance
creating a wall effect as well as due to fronts creating an indoor effect.
104
Figure 4.8 Floor Number Analysis for Talimhane
105
4.2.4. Building Year
Art Deco, which was active in the early Republic period of 1930s, was also influential in
Talimhane. As also mentioned by Polat, buildings forming the fabric of Talimhane are
qualified examples added to apartment building designs in Art Deco style or in the
intersection of Art Deco and modernism. “These apartments have totally been outward in
terms of orientation towards Europe with wide glass surfaces and a distinctive plan layout
against courtyard layouts with high walls as a feature of Turkish inward-oriented
architecture.” (Emir, 2008). There are living units on these buildings behind the fronts
viewing the street, and these units are remarkably edged with oriels in geometric designs,
angular and curvilinear lines. Their symmetrical and compatible texture structure is
occasionally spoiled by newly built hotel buildings. The formation in front proportions and
entrance front of these buildings and differences in mass heights interrupt the harmony of
buildings at certain points.
4.2.5. Physical Structure Analysis on Historical Buildings
The social and physical decline suffered by Talimhane after 1950s also affected the
buildings within the area. Historical domicile buildings began to disappear due to the lack
of care for these buildings filled by car servicemen, workshops and offices. Following
declaration of Talimhane as a touristic zone, some buildings to be used as hotels were
subject to restoration and maintenance; however, many other buildings were used under
poor conditions within the period. The physical condition on the buildings prior to Beyoğlu
Talimhane Area Front Rehabilitation, Urban Design Implementation Project as of 2004 is
as follows:
106
Good
Condition
Average
Condition
Poor
Condition
Under
Construction
Building
(quantity) 52 131 52 1
Building (%) 22 55.6 22 0.4
Table 4.6. Physical Condition Analysis
Source: Data from land use survey carried out in 2004 by İBB Urban Design Directorate
Front repairs and paint works were made and any cables, antenna and signs spoiling the
front layout were removed off their places in scope of the project. Yet, interior structures
of the buildings were not touched. Following outer fronts, the interior structure has been
through a natural renovation process after outer fronts due to newly launched hotels, case
and shopping malls in Talimhane, which is about to be a center of attraction gradually
(İBB, 2004).
Loadbearing, concrete and steel + reinforced concrete buildings are located on the area.
Including no building constructed with wood and steel technique, reinforced concrete
system is dominant as construction technology at the rate of 80%. The remaining 20%
covers the buildings constructed with steel + reinforced concrete system (İBB, 2004).
107
Figure 4.9 Physical Condition Analysis of Buildings
108
109
5. RESULTS OF FIELD WORK
This research aims to measure the characteristics of hotels in Talimhane area, place
selection criteria, satisfaction with the area and the impacts of İBB Beyoğlu Talimhane
Area Front Rehabilitation, Urban Design Implementation Project on the area, using
measurable indicators. Indicators of this value will be supported with results of survey
studies carried out on the area and interviews made with persons in the area.
19 questions were asked in total during the survey study, and these were arranged in
conformity with ordinal, sparse, ratio and likert scale within the survey. 5-point scale was
used in Likert type scale, and researchers were asked to rate interviewees’ answers to the
six questions by degree of importance. Accordingly, “1=not important/ineffective, 2=
barely important, 3= partially important, 4=important, 5=very important” ratings were
determined. The answers given were ranked by their importance, obtaining mean and
standard deviation figures in SPSS programme. Moreover, frequency tables were estimated
and percentage distributions were obtained. Surveys were filled during interviews with
front line managers of hotels. Also, interviews were held with owners of cafes and
restaurants in the area and opinions of commercial enterprises other than hotels (food &
drink activities) on transformations on the area.
5.1 DESCRIPTIVE INFORMATION
Following declaration of Talimhane area as a touristic zone in 1999 and as a result of
touristic improvement efforts and Beyoğlu Talimhane Area Front Rehabilitation, Urban
Design Implementation Project realized in 2004 by İBB, the number of hotels in the area
displayed an increase within a process of development towards becoming a touristic zone.
While there was only one hotel built before 1980 (4.5%), this rate increased up to 18.2%
with four hotels launched between 1980 and 1990 and 27.3% with six hotels between 1990
and 1999. After 2000, 11 hotels were additionally opened in Talimhane (50%). Six out of
these hotels were opened in and after 2004.
110
Figure 5.1 Analysis of Establishment Year
While Talimhane was developing as a touristic area, the buildings were launched as
prestige hotels in view of not only their accommodation functions but also their location.
Only one out of the hotels built in Talimhane are two-stars (4.5%), while two are 3-stars
(9.1%), 17 are 4-stars (73.3%) and two are 5-stars (9.1%).
Figure 5.2 Classification of Touristic Facilities
111
Three of the hotels in Talimhane have 6-8 floors (13.6%), and 19 have 9 floors and over
(86.4).
Figure 5.3 Floor Analysis
5.2. DETAILS ABOUT FITTINGS, OCCUPANCY RATES AND USERS OF
HOTELS
Proximity of Talimhane area to Congress Valley and its central location has also affected
the capacities and utilization of these hotels. Only 2 of the hotels do not have any
conference halls (9,5%), while 3 have one conference hall (14.3%), 8 have two conference
halls (38.1%), 4 have three or four conference halls (19.1%), and the remaining four hotels
include 6-13 conference halls (19%).
Table 5.4 Analysis on the Number of Conference Hall
112
As for capacities of conference halls, 2 hotels forming the 9.1% of the total do not have
any conference hall. The capacity of conference hall at 1 hotel corresponding to 4.8% is 20
persons. 7 hotels correspond to 33.4% of the hotels having conference halls with a capacity
of 100-200 persons, while 7 hotels have a conference hall capacity of 250-400 persons,
which corresponds to 28.7% of the total. 3 hotels in Talimhane, which constitute 14.1% of
the total, have conference halls with a capacity of 410-600 persons, while 2 hotels
corresponding to 9.5% have conference halls with a capacity of 1000 persons. Based upon
the results of the last two surveys, it can be stated that conference and meeting function at
hotels is as important as accommodation.
Table 5.5 Analysis on the Capacity of Conference Hall
While 6.7% of the hotels report that they have an occupancy rate of 50%, 40% report to
have an occupancy rate of 60-70% and 53.3% to have an occupancy rate of 80-90%.
113
Table 5.5 Analysis on Occupancy Rates of Hotels
50% of the hotels report that their highest occupancy rate occurs in summer, while 27.3%
report that they always have high occupancy rates, 13.6% report that their occupancy rate
becomes higher in summer and autumn, and 9.1% report that occupancy rates get higher in
autumn.
Table 5.6 Seasonal Analysis by Occupancy Rate of Hotel
114
According to the data, 64% of the hotel guests are foreign tourists and 36% are local
guests.
Table 5.7 Analysis of Local / Foreign Tourists
5.3. LAND SELECTION CRITERIA AND IMPACTS OF İBB PROJECT
When it was asked why the hotels were established in Talimhane, its proximity to
Congress Valley is the most frequently received answer as the reason of preference. This is
followed by other factors such as easy transportation, owning buildings in the area,
proximity to İstiklal Avenue, changes and transformations applied in Beyoğlu district after
1990 and low-cost land/real estate. As it will be understood, the special and central
position of Talimhane between Congress Valley, İstiklal Avenue and the Historical
Peninsula makes this district highly preferable. Nevertheless, factors such as
transformations after 1980 in Beyoğlu or cheap land/real estate were seen to be not
important.
115
Table 5.1 Analysis of Reasons for Establishment in Talimhane
The hotels’ aim of establishment in Talimhane was parallel with the purpose of guests. In
the answers, the purpose of users in visiting the area were listed as business-conference,
holiday, culture tourism, shopping and health reasons, respectively. The previous and the
current survey question and their results indicate that service and availability factors
mainly in terms of congress tourism rank the first in the area.
Number
of
Hotels Average
Standard
deviation
Proximity to
Congress Valley
21 3,6190 1,43095
Easy
Transportation
21 3,0000 1,41421
Owning a building
in the area
21 2,9524 1,68749
Proximity to
İstiklal Avenue
21 2,7619 1,26114
Transformations
after 1990 in
Beyoğlu
21 1,7143 1,10195
Cheap land/real
estate
21 1,4762 ,92839
116
Table 5.2 Purpose of Visiting Talimhane
9 of the hotels participating the survey report that guests coming for purpose of
business/conference constitute an important part of hotel clients, while 12 hotels report that
the purpose of business/conference is very important. There are no interviewees answering
this question as “partially important” or “unimportant”.
iş konferans amaçlı geziler
önemli
çok 43%
önemli
57%
Figure 5.8. Distribution of business/conference visits by degree of importance
Number
of Hotels Minimum Maximum Average
Standard
deviation
Businessconference
21 4,00 5,00 4,5714 ,50709
Vacation 21 2,00 5,00 4,0476 ,80475
Culture tourism 21 1,00 5,00 3,2381 ,88909
Shopping 21 2,00 3,00 2,0476 ,21822
Other 21 1,00 3,00 1,0952 ,43644
117
The second rank in the list includes visits for vacation. Six front line managers
interviewed reported that vacation travels are very important, while 11 reported that that
vacation travels are important. Thus, 81% of the interviewees (17 hotels) reported that
accommodations for purpose of vacation are important for their hotel business.
çok önemli
%28,6
önemli
%52,4
kısmen
önemli
%14,3
çok az
önemli
%4,8
Figure 5.9 Distribution of vacation travels by importance
While 20% of the hotels participating the survey find culture tourism very important as a
reason of visit, 76% consider it averagely important. Visit for cultural purposes is seen of
secondary importance compared to visit for congress purposes.
Figure 5.10 Distribution of culture-tourism travels by importance
118
The results indicate that visit for purpose of shopping does not have any effect, tourists
have other reasons than shopping for visiting this area.
Figure 5.11 Distribution of shopping travels by importance
The question directed to hotel administrations on whether they are pleased with that the
hotel is established in Talimhane was answered yes by all of the interviewees; who listed
the reasons as follows by importance: The first reason is the location of hotel which is
mainly preferred by guests, which is followed by other factors; prestige of the area,
security, calmness, ease of transportation and proximity to the Historical Peninsula and the
Bosphorus, respectively.
119
Table 5.3 Analysis on Satisfaction with the Location of Hotel
As a result of survey studies performed, more than half of the hotels consider the location
of the hotel important while 1/3 find the location factor unimportant.
Figure 5.12 Evaluation of the location of area
Number of
Hotels Minimum Maximum Average
Standard
deviation
Location
preferable by
guests
22 1,00 5,00 3,4545 1,92050
Prestigious 22 1,00 5,00 3,1364 1,45718
Safe 22 1,00 5,00 3,0909 1,30600
Calm 22 1,00 4,00 2,2273 1,30683
Easy
Transportation
22 1,00 5,00 2,0000 1,19523
Close to the
Historical
Peninsula
22 1,00 3,00 1,3636 ,65795
Close to the
Bosphorus
22 1,00 2,00 1,0909 ,29424
120
46% of the interviewed hotels find Talimhane very important and important, while 36%
think that this parameter is not effective. In conclusion, we observe that prestige is not the
sole and the most important data in satisfaction with the location of hotel.
Figure 5.13 Evaluation of the prestige of area
The number of persons who consider security of the area important is less than half of the
interviewed persons, while 1/3 find this parameter of average importance and the
remaining 1/3 find the security issue unimportant.
Figure 5.14 Evaluation of the security of area
121
Location of the area within the most vivid texture of the city and proximity to İstiklal
Avenue correspond with results of the survey carried out. 68% of the interviewed hotels
are in the opinion that calmness factor is of very little importance.
Figure 5.15 Evaluation of the calmness of area
Due to its central position, Talimhane has been a district where traffic jam and traffic
problems are observed from time to time. As understood from interviews with front line
managers, 63% of the hotels reported that transportation to the area is problematic and
27% reported that transportation to the area is partially difficult.
Figure 5.16 Evaluation of the ease of transportation provided by the area
122
As reported in interviews with hotel managers, many of the guests visit Talimhane for
congress purposes and therefore, proximity of the area to the Historical Peninsula does not
provide any advantage for the hotels.
Figure 5.17 Evaluation of proximity of the area to the Historical Peninsula
Nearly 100% of the interviewees reported that they consider proximity to the Bosphorus
unimportant.
Figure 5.18 Evaluation of proximity of the area to the Bosphorus
123
100% of the hotel executives consider that the impacts of Beyoğlu Talimhane Area Front
Rehabilitation, Urban Design Implementation Project realized in 2004 have been positive;
and list the impacts on the area as opening of new accommodation areas, launch of
numerous cafes and restaurants, increase in the number of guests, increase in overnight
accommodation prices and increase in the income group in terms of tourist profile,
respectively. 6 hotels and many luxurious cafes and restaurants opened after 2004 support
these findings.
Table 5.4 Analysis on the Results of İBB Project
Number of
Hotels Minimum Maximum Average
Standard
deviation
Opening of new
accommodation
places
20 1,00 5,00 3,4000 1,69830
Opening of many
cafes – restaurants
in the vicinity
20 1,00 4,00 2,7500 1,16416
Increase in the
number of visitors
coming to the area
20 1,00 5,00 2,7500 1,44641
Increase in
overnight
accommodation
prices of the hotel
20 1,00 5,00 2,5500 1,39454
Increase in the
income level of
tourist profile
20 1,0 5,0 2,050 1,5381
Valid N (listwise) 20
124
55% of the interviewed hotels consider that the transformation project supported the launch
of new accommodation places, while 1/3 of them think that the improvement in the image
of the area brought along the launch of new cafes and restaurants, and the 40% of the
interviewees think that the project is partially effective in bringing new commercial
functions to the area.
Figure 5.19 Evaluation of newly opened accommodation places
Figure 5.20 Evaluation of cafes and restaurants opened in the vicinity
125
30% of the interviewees think that the number of visitors coming to the area has increased
as a result of the project, while 40% think that the project does not have any impact on the
number of visitors coming to the area.
Figure 5.21 Evaluation of the change in the number of visitors coming to the area
1/3 of the interviewed hotels reported that the project positively affected both the number
of guests and the accommodation prices, while 55% reported that the project in no way
affected accommodation prices.
Figure 5.22 Evaluation of the change in overnight accommodation prices of hotels
126
The survey revealed that hotels consider the impact of the project on the rate of tourists
unimportant and ineffective, while 1/5 report that the project is effective in the change of
this profile. Generally, the project is seen to have not reflected on the coming tourist
profile.
Figure 5.23 Evaluation of the change in coming tourist profile
127
The question asked to the hotel administrators “Would you like to move the hotel to
anywhere other than Talimhane?” was answered as no by all the interviewees. They
reported that they did not want to move their hotels to any other area due to a number of
factors which are respectively as follows: the central location of the area, prestige of the
area, return of the investments, increase in the value of real estates and a great many
positive investments around the area.
Table 5.5 Satisfaction Analysis on Talimhane Area
Number of
Hotels Minimum Maximum Average
Standard
deviation
Central location 20 2,00 5,00 4,3500 ,81273
Satisfaction with
prestige of the area
20 1,00 5,00 3,6000 1,46539
Return of the
investments made
20 1,00 4,00 2,5500 1,05006
Increase in the real
estate value of the
area
20 1,00 4,00 2,3500 1,13671
Considering the
investments around
the area as positive
20 1,00 5,00 2,1500 1,26803
128
Upon the survey, it was observed that 90% of the hotels are very pleased with the central
location of the area.
Figure 5.24 Evaluation of the central location of area
60% of the interviewed hotels reported that they are pleased with the prestige of the area,
while 30% reported that central location is more important than prestige.
Figure 5.25 Evaluation of the prestige of area
129
15% of the hotels reported that their investments returned, whereas 35% reported that the
investment made was not reflected on the occupancy rate.
Figure 5.26 Evaluation of the return of the investment made
20% of the hotels reported that conversion of buildings into hotels and the increase in their
commercial activities brought along a rise in real estate values, which is very important for
them, while 50% mentioned that they find the increase in real estate values unimportant
and ineffective.
Figure 5.27 Evaluation of the change in real estate values
130
Upon the surveys, 15% of the hotels mentioned that they are pleased with new investments
made to Talimhane, while 75% reported that new investments are unimportant and
ineffective for themselves.
Figure 5.28 Evaluation of the investments around the area
22.5% of the hotels have personnel between 7-27, whereas 31.6% have 32-43 personnel,
22.6% have 46-66 personnel, 4.5% have 82 personnel and 9.1% have 151 personnel.
However, only 12.8% of the personnel working at hotels reside around Beyoğlu and
Talimhane. 90% of the personnel living in this area reside in Kasımpaşa.
131
5.4. RESULTS OF OBSERVATION AND INTERVIEW ON THE AREA
In order to understand the physical - social structure of Talimhane and the transformation
process better, interviews were made with the local residents in Talimhane playing an
active role in the project. Firstly, an interview was held on 24.03.2009 with the architect
Okan Yılmaz who worked at İstanbul Tourism Workshop. Having taken a part in Beyoğlu
Talimhane Area Front Rehabilitation, Urban Design Implementation Project applied in
2004 in Talimhane, Yılmaz reported that the project was initiated totally with physical
concerns, not with any social concern or research at all, and completed in a very short
period which is 37 days.
Stating that meetings were held with owners of the hotel prior to the project and during the
process, Yılmaz also added that wishes and suggestions of the hotel administrators were
taken into consideration in the project. The project was implemented in an elaborately
manner, the infrastructure of the area was completely changed, sewerage and utilities were
renovated, planned and implemented so as to meet the prospective high capacity expected.
Indicating that the municipality could hardly afford the budget since the project caused a
huge cost in amount of 8.200.000 YTL, Yılmaz reported that the project could be
completed by sponsorship of big companies such as DYO, which supported the project
with paint materials and funding. Yılmaz also stated that cargo companies and car
servicemen had to leave the area due to the pedestrianization project and increase in the
number of hotels although social concerns and changes were not considered during the
project.
With very similar expressions to that of Yılmaz, the interviewee Özcan Biçer from İlke
Planlama Ltd., the designer of the project, also reported that the municipality had given a
very short time for completion of the project, which caused them to plan and implement
only physical details without having regard to any social infrastructure condition.
Interviewed on 18.060.2009, the head of neighbourhood, Metin sönmez, reported that the
eastern part of the area covered with hotels displayed a great development, however, this
development was not reflected to the south-west part of the area, and even the gap between
132
two areas gradually increased. Persons living in the residential texture of Talimhane, which
is a part of Kocatepe Quarter with 3071 population, are rather migrants from Southeast,
Sivas, Malatya, while a group of individuals living in this area are Roman. Reporting that
2-3 of these families each with 10-12 children live in a house for a rental of 200-300 YTL,
Sönmez informed that many of these families are unemployed, they could not send their
children to school due to financial shortages, and they made their living by working in
uninsured jobs such as flower selling. A small group living in the area and working with
insurance is rather employed in ready wear – textile works.
It was additionally reported that the security issue which is another problem of Talimhane
was solved thanks to Beyoğlu Talimhane Area Front Rehabilitation, Urban Design
Implementation Project and the chief of police; however, Romans and migrants from the
Eastern Anatolia re-initiated drug traffic on the junction where Talimhane joins Tarlabaşı,
and purse snatching cases displayed an increase with the rise in crime.
When it was wasked whether the residents of the area were affected by the development
and change in the area or they fear being excluded from their living places, they answered
that they considered the touristic zone and residential zone of Talimhane very different
from each other and they did not have any concern about the issue.
When the owners of cafes and restaurants serving in Talimhane were asked whether the
residents of the area used these places, they answered that their customer profile did not
include the residents, but tourists and employees working in the area.
During interviews held with front line managers at the hotels, two issues were more
remarkable. The first is the changing tourist profile. The profile of European tourists was
replaced by Arab tourists, which brought along certain problems such as utilization of
rooms and cleaning etc. Another issue is their complaint that Beyoğlu Talimhane Area
Front Rehabilitation, Urban Design Implementation Project was realized by İBB without
consulting any of them; paving, front layout and parking lot problems still continued, and
all physical arrangements were made without having regard to the touristic status of this
area
133
6. CONCLUSION
The fundamental aim of urban transformation can be defined as ensuring restructuring of
unhealthy parts of the city experiencing economic, social and physical problems, and
integration of these parts to the city. As a consequence of competition between cities and
regions along with globalization, urban transformation projects aiming to renovate,
rehabilitate and integrate into the city the areas of decline especially in city centers of
Western Europe and America have rapidly become widespread. However, these were
generally not contemplated as projects regarding the social dimension, which eventually
forced the low-income and medium-income residents to abandon these places. Since the
social structure in the areas of the city center have been remarkably changed and economic
problems of low-income groups who were excluded from the area were not fully solved
during this period of gentrification, quarters overweighed by continuing deprivation and
poverty have emerged. In other workds, economic problems still exist in the urban area,
with merely changes in location. Thus, physical, economic and social transformations in
quarters at the city center emerge sometimes as a consequence of legal processes and
planning decisions and sometimes after urban transformation projects. Similar formations
have been observed also in Turkey (particularly as specific to İstanbul city). Just like in
the example of Spain, this process has from time to time emerged with similarities with
examples of Southern Europe and sometimes totally dependant upon dynamics unique to
Turkey.
The intense migration to cities beginning from 1950s caused the users of areas in city
centers to change, finally damaging the historical heritage and converting these areas into
problematic textures within the city. As one of the examples given in the thesis, El Raval
has experienced and is still experiencing this process more differently. As a result of
migrations from different countries to Raval, which is one of the ancient urban fabric of
Barcelona, the social and physical structure of the district completely changed, buildings
were occupied by low-income groups and unemployed migrants, and this district changed
into a dangerous area involving drug traffic and prostitution. For cleaning and integration
of Raval which is detached from the center despite being located in the city center,
pedestrianization and square formation activities were initiated as in Talimhane, and
134
Rambla de Raval was opened. Furthermore, the decision of organizing festivals and
outdoor activities, which is another plan for improvement of Talimhane, was also taken for
Raval where it was implemented in a more realistic and systematic manner compared to
Talimhane. After interventions for improvement of Raval, the area attracting the attention
of tourists became a new potential district for hotels luxurious examples of which were
established. Unlike Talimhane, it is observed in Raval that the public seriously reacted
against the social and physical change of the region but anyway, new users came to the
district and gentrification influenced both social and physical structure of Raval.
Whereas, in examples of Turkey and İstanbul, the idea of reviving the areas of decline
especially at the city center by making use of urban transformation was brought to the
agenda of local governments with an acceleration after 2004 following legal arrangements,
though the first step found out to have been taken in Beyoğlu in 1990s. Perception of the
method of finding solutions to the problems in the city center and of the concept of urban
transformation as segmental physical approaches in narrow, fragmented scales without
social or economic dimensions, such as façade arrangement, urban furniture and
renovation of paving, finally fell short to find answer to the problems; even as can be seen
in Talimhane example, bigger unforeseeable problems were lying beneath these
approaches.
Another big problem within the urban transformation practice in our country is
participation. Due to an approach oriented towards profit advantage, the private sector
desiring to gain maximum profit from projects within the shortest time and public sector
which has failed to pursue public interest and to operate supervision mechanism, the
participation of local residents to the projects has been at the minimum level, which brings
along social problems. The most striking example of this has been revealed in project for
Tarlabaşı which is nearby Talimhane area.
Another problem emerging in urban transformation process is gentrification. Gentrification
makes the lives of small scale enterprises and low-income residents more difficult in this
area while creating new living areas for higher-income classes in the problematic city
center. During the process of change experienced in centers of İstanbul after 1950s, low
income groups coming by migration from different areas of Turkey settled in city centers.
135
Talimhane Area is one of these which have been subject to transformation. Including
numerous significant examples of Art Deco and modern architecture, Talimhane gradually
become an area of decline and turned into a problematic texture with security problems
after settlement of low-income groups in the area. Losing its prestige especially with
settlement of car servicemen and small workshops here and the opening of Tarlabaşı
Avenue after 1980, Talimhane was declared as a Touristic Zone in 1994 and an “urban
protected area” in 1999 upon the decision no 11437 by the Cultural and Natural Heritage
Conservation Board no.1 of İstanbul, within the scope of efforts to revive the area.
With the expectation to meet the accommodation needs of NATO Summit in 2004,
Beyoğlu Talimhane Area Front Rehabilitation, Urban Design Implementation Project was
accelerated in Talimhane, which is positioned on an intersection area between the
Congress Valley, Galata, Taksim and the Historical Peninsula. Designed by disregarding
social problems and planning only physical changes such as urban furniture, façade
renovation and pedestrianization, the project responded to the problems of security and
physical deterioration but failed to offer any solution to the social challenges of the
housing zone of Talimhane, in which the residents have low levels of income and literacy.
Viewing the gentrification processes from the perspective of European and American
experiences, mainly the isolation of low-income families in areas of physical decline
becomes the issue; what triggered the project in Talimhane example was not the new
middle class but the decision of central government on the identity of the area. While 236
buildings in the study area were all being used for housing purposes in 1955, 24 buildings
were seen to have turned from house to touristic facilities in 1993. Upon declaration of the
area as a touristic zone in 1994, 13 buildings with commercial functions were changed into
hotel buildings between 1993 and 2003 in addition to the touristic facilities in 1993, with
the number of buildings allocated for touristic purposes increasing up to 37. From 2003 till
today, 13 more commercial buildings have been subject to functional change and became
touristic facilities. So that, the number of touristic facilities has increased up to 50. Hotel
owners integrated combined structures and made changes which increased the mass of
building during this transformation, and for this very reason the number of transformed
buildings is higher although the number of hotels on the area was 24 by 2009. Therefore,
after implementation of Pretty Beyoğlu project, 18 hotels on the area increased up to 24,
136
82% of which are 4 and 5 star hotels, causing numerous parameters to change in
Talimhane. According to the findings of the survey carried out by Koçdemir, rental prices
showed a 100% increase in 45% of the area, 50% in 22% of the area and 30% in 11% of
the area after the project (Koçdemir, 2006, 76). The user profile of Talimhane has also
changed after the project, also with changes in demanded services.
Car mechanics, small workshops and cargo companies which were carrying activities at
Talimhane since the 1990’s had to leave the area due to increase in rentals, the
pedestrianization project and differentiation in demand. The abandoned places were
replaced by cafés, restaurants and souvenir shops used by tourists and people working in
the area. This process is different from the gentrification experiences observed in the
Western countries. In these countries, the low income group members mostly had to leave
the area due to residences pertaining to higher income group members, and the commercial
functions brought in by the members of this group (See Section 2). However, concerning
Talimhane, the fact that the area was declared as touristic zone, has been the trigger of the
transformation process and, it caused the disappearance of the historical identity of an area
which had been a housing area during the historical process. However the continuity of the
city centers’ dynamism depends on the existence of mixed uses – particularly housing uses.
In this sense, the fact that the housing function of Talimhane has been replaced in years by
hotels and tourism-oriented office uses, not only changed the identity of the area but also
caused in the long term the irremediable change of the social structure.
On the other hand, interviews made with hotels show that business establishments located
at the area are very satisfied of Talimhane’s development, its reclaim of its prestige and
its central location. Hotels prepared in a manner to be used not only for accommodation
but also for meeting and congress functions, establish many congress halls with high
capacities, and structure themselves in conformity with the role casted to the area by the
central administration.
While the post-project process positively affected Talimhane’s development in being a
touristic zone, Talimhane quarter and the housing areas located at the west haven’t shown
any development, on the contrarily, security problems reemerged at the area. Although
looseness of security measures have its share in the reemergence of the security problems
137
at the area, the emergence of unsafe areas where crime becomes widespread would be
inevitable in cases where poor, excluded and marginal groups living in city centers aren’t
strengthened in terms of economy and are deprived of social aid and public support, as it is
seen in the example of Talimhane (these areas may even move from one region of the city
center to another, as per the changing conditions).
Due to the increasing gap between the housing area where low income group members
reside and thee area of the hotels, those living in housing areas around Talimhane never
use the hotels area, and completely alienate themselves from this area. Cafés and
restaurants which address to middle classes, opening at neighborhood, also became places
where folk residing right next to this new and prestigious touristic zone may not reach due
to economic reasons, which are close in distance but, “far away” in reality.
Although the household living in the housing area don’t see the fast transformation of
Talimhane as a danger to themselves, it is possible for the change of the area to spread to
the housing area in middle term due to increasing demand and decreasing number of
residences, while it isn’t expected in the immediate future. Transformation attempted to
start at Tarlabaşı is a sign of this situation. Furthermore, the merger of residences changing
hands and their transformation to hotels, and the related fast increase in the real estate
values, is an indicator that Talimhane, which experiences and alienation at the workplace
level will also encounter the same problem in the housing zone around the area. While the
fact that the area in question is at the center of the city, influence of the private sector and
unearned income expectations trigger this situation, the attitude of the public sector (local
and central administration) will play an important role on the issue. Funds and supports of
various organizations such as the European Union and the World Bank shall be used,
projects which will ensure the urban life quality and integrity of the area such as providing
jobs for the people, literacy courses and improvement of health services shall be generated
and put into practice in order to prevent the social structure from getting damaged from
these developments and to strengthen the social structure. The Western Europe, and
particularly England experiences shown the following: real estate market focused practices
at city centers which are merely addressed to the planning of the physical space not only
increase the social inequality but also create socially homogenous regions in urban areas
where members of the high income groups are dominant. In this respect, transformation
138
practices where the social leg is ignored carry the risk of being extremely divisive and
discriminative. The trust in local government/ public sector has decreased due to the failure
in changing the status of excluded groups after these projects as well as the elitist attitude
and problems in practice (as in Tarlabaşı example).
2000s in Europe have witnessed efforts of local residents by cooperating with the local
government (Municipalities), private sector and relevant public authorities to recreate their
future through collaboration between actors. At this point, Raval, with its social-physical
characteristics and transformation decisions similar to Talimhane, can be taken as a model
on issue of what must be avoided, done and not done in Talimhane; and findings obtained
from Raval can be guiding on issue of how to avoid the impact of gentrification and what
way to follow in political and social sense; this being helpful in preventing potential
unsuccessful decisions.
139
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APPENDICES
Appendice 1. Questionnaire
Appendice 2. The List of the Hotels and People Surveyed
146
APPENDICE 1. TALIMHANE TOURISM QUESTIONNAIRE
DONATILAR
Yemek salonu var mı? 􀀀Var 􀀀 Yok
Varsa kaç adet? 􀀀 1 􀀀 2 􀀀 3 ve üstü
Yemek salonu kapasitesi
Dinlenme salonu var mı? 􀀀 Var 􀀀 Yok
Oyun salonu var mı? 􀀀 Var 􀀀 Yok
Bahçe var mı? 􀀀 Var 􀀀 Yok
Spor tesisi var mı?
Açık havuz var mı? 􀀀 Var 􀀀 Yok
Kapalı havuz var mı? 􀀀 Var 􀀀 Yok
Otopark var mı? 􀀀 Var 􀀀 Yok
Varsa kaç araçlık?
Konferans salonu var mı?
Varsa:
- Kaç tane?
- Kaç kişilik? (her salon
için kapasite)
TANIMLAYICI BİLGİLER
Anket no:
Tesis adı:
Görüşülen kişi ve tarih
Türü: 􀀀 Otel 􀀀 Pansiyon 􀀀 Diğer
Adresi:
Kuruluş yılı:
􀀀 2000 yılından sonra
􀀀 1999- 1990 yılları arasında
􀀀 1989-1980 yılları arasında
􀀀 1980 öncesi
Turizm belgesi var mı? 􀀀 Evet 􀀀 Hayır
Varsa hangi kurumdan? 􀀀Turizm Bakanlığı 􀀀 Belediye 􀀀 Diğer
Kaç yıldızlı?Bina alanı: 􀀀 1 􀀀 2 􀀀 3 􀀀 4 􀀀 5
Açık alan: Kapalı alan:
Kat adedi: 􀀀 1-3 􀀀 4-5 􀀀6-8 􀀀 9 kat ve fazlası
Yatak kapasitesi:
Oda sayısı:
Oda fiyatı: YAZ / KIŞ
HAFTA İÇİ / HAFTA SONU
147
Konferans salonlarının
donanım özellikleri
nedir?(Barkovizyon,
bilgisayar, ses düzeneği)
Odalarda kablosuz İnternet
bağlantısıvar mı?
Tesisin size göre eksiklikleri
nelerdir?
TUR İLE ÇALIŞILIYOR İSE;
HANGİ TUR SÜRESİ MEVSİMİ
TUR PAKETİ NELERİ
KAPSIYOR
KULLANIM BİLGİLERİ
Otel hangi aylar açık?
En yoğun dönem?
Yıllık ortalama Doluluk
oranı nedir ?
YAZ KIŞ
H. içi ortalama
kalış süreleri
........ gün H. içi ortalama
kalış süreleri
........ gün
H. sonu ortalama
kalış süreleri
........ gün H. sonu ortalama
kalış süreleri
........ gün
Sezonda ortalama
dolu gün sayısı
........ gün Sezonda ortalama
dolu gün sayısı
........ gün
Bir sene içinde gelen yerli
ve yabancı turistlerin sayısı Yerli: Yabancı:
Geldikleri yerlere göre
turistlerin sayısal dağılımı
nasıl?
Geldiği Yer (Ülke_İl)
Geliş Biçimi
Bireysel Tur / Şirket
Tesise gelen turistlerin geliş
amacı nedir? (birden fazla
şık işaretlenebilir)
􀀀 İş- konferans
􀀀 Tatil
􀀀 Kültür turizmi amaçlı
􀀀 Alışveriş
􀀀 Diger.....
Tesis, konaklama
gerektirmeyen toplantı veya
çeşitli etkinlikler (egitim,
....../ 2008 yılı ....../ 2007 yılı ....../ 2006 yılı
148
konferans, vs) için
kullanılıyor mu?
Ne sıklıkta ?
....../ 2005 yılı ....../ 2004 yılı ....../ 2003yılı
Tesisin Talimhane’ de
kurulmasında etkili olan
faktörler nelerdir?
Önem sırasına göre
sıralayınız
(1=önemsiz/etkisiz, 2=çok
az önemli, 3=kısmen
önemli, 4=önemli, 5=çok
önemli)
􀀀 Burada bina sahibi olmak
􀀀 Ucuz arsa/emlak değerleri
􀀀 Beyoglu ilçesinde 1990 sonrası yaşanan değişim ve dönüşümler
􀀀 İstiklal Caddesi’ne yakınlık
􀀀 Kongre Vadisine yakınlık
􀀀 Ulaşım kolaylığı
􀀀 Diger........
Tesisin kuruluş yerinden
memnun musunuz?
Evet ise
Önem sırasına göre
sıralayınız
(1=önemsiz/etkisiz, 2=çok
az önemli, 3=kısmen
önemli, 4=önemli, 5=çok
önemli)
􀀀 Konumu misafirlerin tercih sebebi oluyor
􀀀 Sakin
􀀀 Güvenli
􀀀 Prestijli
􀀀 Ulaşım kolay
􀀀 Tarihi yarımadaya yakın
􀀀 Boğaziçi’ne yakın
􀀀 Diger
Tesisi başka bir yere
taşımak ister misiniz?
Evet ise
Önem sırasına göre
sıralayınız
(1=önemsiz/etkisiz, 2=çok
az önemli, 3=kısmen
önemli, 4=önemli, 5=çok
önemli)
􀀀 Otelin kurulduğu Talimhane bölgesinin konumundan memnun
değilim
􀀀 Bölge güvenlikli değil
􀀀 Yatırımımı turistlerin daha çok tercih ettiği bölgelere (Tarihi
Yarımada) yapmak istiyorum
􀀀 Ulaşım altyapısı yetersiz
􀀀 Otopark Problemi
􀀀 Diger
Hayır ise
􀀀 Alanın prestijinden memnunum
􀀀 Merkezi konumda
􀀀 Yaptıgım yatırımın geri dönüşü (doluluk oranı
yüksek)gerçekleşiyor.
􀀀 Alanın emlak değeleri artıyor
􀀀 Alan çevreindeki yeni yatırımları olumlu buluyorum
􀀀 Diger......
149
İBB’nin Talimhane
Bölgesindeki
yenileme/restorasyon
projesinin etkileri nelerdir?
Önem sırasına göre
sıralayınız
(1=önemsiz/etkisiz, 2=çok
az önemli, 3=kısmen
önemli, 4=önemli, 5=çok
önemli)
􀀀 Yeni konaklama yerleri açıldı
􀀀 Gelen turist profilinde gelir grubu olarak yükselme oldu
􀀀 Otel’in gecelik kalış fiyatları arttı
􀀀 Çevrede bir çok kafe ve restoran açıldı
􀀀 Alana gelen ziyaretçileri sayısı arttı
􀀀 Diger..........
PERSONEL BİLGİLERİ
İstihdam Edilen Personel Sayısı
Nedir?
Yönetim Kadrosu:
Temizlik Personeli Sayısı:
Mutfak –garson personeli sayısı:
Lobi Hizmeti Personel Sayısı:
Ulaşım ve Güvenlik Hizmeti
Personel Sayısı:
Diger :
Tesiste çalışanların % ‘e kaçı
Talimhane ve Taksim çevresinde
ikamet etmektedir?kişi sayısı?
150
APPENDİCE 2. THE LİST OF THE HOTELS AND PEOPLE SURVEYED
OTEL İSMİ GÖRÜŞÜLEN KİŞİ/GÖREVİ
The Madison Hotel Alper Tuncer-Önbüro Müdürü
Midtown Hotel Seda Uzhan-Önbüro Müdürü
Gönen Otel Evrim Evran-Önbüro Müdürü
Eterno Hotel Yunus Çıkrıkçı-Önbüro Müdürü
Golden Park Hotel Cihan Altıok-Önbüro Müdürü
Point Hotel Cemil Ekinci-Önbüro Müdürü
Otel Seminal Serdar Düdükçü-Önbüro Müdürü
Kervansaray Hotel Güven Kılınç-Önbüro Müdürü
Elite World Serpil Temizer-Önbüro Müdürü
Feronya Hotel Hüsnü Çilci-Önbüro Müdürü
Riva Butik Otel Başak Bal-Önbüro Müdürü
The Central Palace Necmi Sülün-Önbüro Müdürü
The Golden Age Sema Demir-Önbüro Müdürü
Grand Öztanık İbrahim Gebiz-Önbüro Müdürü
Crystal Hotel Haydar Dikmen-Önbüro Müdürü
Hotel La Villa Ahmet Atasavun-Önbüro Müdürü
The Lion Hotel Gökmen Kocakaya-Önbüro Müdürü
Zentrum Hotel Aydın Yıldız-Önbüro Müdürü
Lares Park Resort Zeynep Akın-Önbüro Müdürü
SV Boutique Hotel Gözde Atalay-Önbüro Müdürü
Elite World Serpil Temizer-Önbüro Müdürü
The Golden Age Sema Demir-Önbüro Müdürü
151
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