432

“POST TENEBRAS LUX”
THE HUGUENOT DIASPORA IN EARLY MODERN LONDON AND

August 2021
Starting from the mid 16th century, Huguenots, namely French Protestants took
refuge in countries that offered them toleration, due to persecution and suppression
they were exposed to in France. Until the late 18th century, the Huguenot diaspora
continued to flourish in many places, especially in Swiss Cantons, Holland,
Germany, and England with consecutive migration waves. So far, most research has
focused on exile, the features of the Huguenot refugee communities, and the
contribution of the Huguenots to their host societies. However, the dynamics and
process of assimilation have been generally neglected. This thesis aims to provide an
insight into the Huguenot condition in London between the 17th century and early
19th century and present inference about the integration process of the refugees
throughout the years and generations by analysing the data compiled from sample
refugee wills.
Keywords: Diaspora, Early Modern Europe, French Protestants, Huguenot, Refuge.
iv
ÖZET
“POST TENEBRAS LUX”
ERKEN MODERN DÖNEM LONDRASI’NDA HUGUENOT DİASPORASI VE
MÜLTECİ VASİYETNAMELERİNE YANSIMALARI

Huguenot adı verilen Fransız Protestanlar 16. yüzyıl ortaları itibariyle Fransa’da
maruz kaldıkları zulüm ve baskılar sebebiyle, kendilerine hoşgörü gösteren ülkelere
iltica etmişlerdir. Birbirini izleyen göç dalgalarıyla Huguenot diasporası, geç 19.
yüzyıla dek özellikle İsveç kantonları, Hollanda, Almanya ve İngiltere’de gelişmeyi
sürdürmüştür. Şimdiye dek akademik çalışmaların çoğu sürgüne, Huguenot mülteci
topluluklarının özelliklerine ve mültecilerin ev sahibi toplumlara olan katkılarına
odaklanmıştır. Ancak, asimilasyon süreci ve dinamikleri genellikle göz ardı
edilmiştir. Bu tez, 17-19. yüzyıllar arasında Londra’daki Huguenotların durumuna
yönelik bir kavrayış sağlamayı ve mülteci vasiyetname örneklerinden elde edilen
veriler aracılığıyla mültecilerin yıllar içinde ve nesiller boyuncaki entegrasyon
sürecine dair bir çıkarım sunmayı hedeflemektedir.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Diaspora, Erken Modern Avrupa, Fransız Protestanlar,
Huguenot, İltica.
v
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
My personal efforts would not have been sufficient in my thesis writing process if it
had not been for the support of my professors and beloved ones.
First of all, I am grateful to my research supervisor Assist. Prof. Dr. David E.
Thornton for guiding and encouraging me through this arduous task that once
seemed impossible to complete. He introduced me to the exciting universe of wills
and helped me to overcome the difficulties of reading and understanding them. I
would like to express my gratitude to Assist. Prof. Dr. Paul Latimer who read my
thesis meticulously and offered great insight. I should also thank my examining
committee member, Assist. Prof. Dr. Evrim Türkçelik for his kind participation and
constructive criticisms.
I would like to thank my dear friends Özgür Elmacıoğlu and Oğulcan Çelik from the
History Department for their unwavering support throughout my Bilkent experience.
I am most thankful to Doğuş Aytaç who has been a great friend and with whom I
could find joy even in the most awful moments.
Special thanks go to Burak Emre and Fazıl İşler for being my brothers from other
mothers. I cannot even imagine how life would be without the love and laughter we
share. I would also like to thank my beloved friends Ece Haykır, Ladin Ongun, Aslı
Sakarya, Simay Turan, Naz Kibaroğlu, and Berk Öndeşgil for their constant support
and companionship.
vi
I am also grateful to my family for always being encouraging, loving, and caring. My
gratitude to my in-laws Müjgan Barbaros, Ayşegül Barbaros, and Yasemin Barbaros
who have supported me through the hardships of this task. Without my father İlyas
Saral, however, I do not think I could have found the courage to pursue any of my
dreams. He manages somehow to be an amazing father and a best friend. He is the
reason I never feel alone in this world and I am forever indebted to him.
Lastly, I owe thanks to a very special person, my life partner Efe Barbaros for his
unconditional love, affection, and support. There are no words capable of conveying
how fortunate I feel for having him by my side.
vii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT……………………...……………………………………………..…..iii
ÖZET……………………………………...……………………………………..….iv
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS……………………………………………………..….v
TABLE OF CONTENTS…………………………...…………………………..….vii
LIST OF FIGURES…………………………………...………………………..…..ix
CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION..………………………….………………………1
1.1. Brief Overview of the Reformation in Europe……………………….………..…2
1.2. Reformation in France and the French Wars of Religion……………….………..4
1.3. Huguenot Refuge in England.……………………………………………...….….8
1.4. Literature Review………………………………………………………..……...14
1.5. Sources………………………………………………………………...……......16
1.6. Thesis Plan…………………………………………………………………...…17
CHAPTER II: HUGUENOTS IN THE 17TH CENTURY AND THE EVIDENCE
OF HUGUENOT WILLS OF LONDON…………………...………………….....19
2.1. The Condition of Huguenots in France in the 17th Century….………………….21
2.2. The Huguenots in England in the 17th Century………………………………...27
2.3. Huguenot Wills of London: 1632-1720…………………………………………31
2.3.1. Language…………………………………………………………..………….32
2.3.2. Bequests…………………………………………………………………..…..33
2.3.3. Charitable Bequests………………………………………………….……….37
2.3.4. Executors……………………………………………………………….…….39
2.4. Conclusion………………………………………………………………..….…41
CHAPTER III: HUGUENOTS OF LONDON IN THE POST-REVOCATION
PERIOD AND THEIR WILLS………………………………………………...….42
3.1. Huguenots and Their Occupations…………………………………………...…43
3.2. Huguenot Churches and Charities…………………………………...………….48
viii
3.3. Huguenot Wills of London: 1720-1787………...……………………………….50
3.3.1. Language……………………………………………………………………...51
3.3.2. Bequests………………………………………………………………………52
3.3.3. Charitable Bequests………………………………………………….………..57
3.3.4. Executors……………………………………………………………………...59
3.4. Conclusion……………………………………………………………………....60
CHAPTER IV: PEACE RE-ESTABLISHED: HUGUENOTS IN FRANCE
AND LONDON IN THE ERA OF TOLERATION……………………………....62
4.1. Historical Background of the Huguenots of France and England in the Era of
Toleration ………………………………………………………………………...…63
4.2. Huguenot Wills of London: 1787-1815…...………………………………...…..70
4.2.1. Language……………………....…………………………………………..….72
4.2.2. Bequests………………………………………………………………............73
4.2.3. Charitable Bequests…………………………………………………………...75
4.2.4. Executors……………………………………………………………………...77
4.3. Conclusion………………………………………………………………………79
CHAPTER V: CONCLUSION……………………………………………………80
BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………………………….84
APPENDIX………………………………………………………………………....92
ix
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1 - Gender distribution of the wills: 1632-1720……………………………..32
Figure 2 - Percentage of translated wills: 1632-1720……………………………….33
Figure 3 - Percentage of wills with bequests in England: 1632-1720………………34
Figure 4 - Percentage of wills with bequests abroad: 1632-1720…………………...34
Figure 5 - Percentage of wills with charitable bequests: 1632-1720………………..37
Figure 6 - Percentage of wills with charity bequests to an English institution:
1632-1720…………………………………………………………………………...39
Figure 7 - Percentage of wills with charity bequests to a foreign institution:
1632-1720...…………………………………………………………………………39
Figure 8 - Executors according to their names: 1632-1720…………………………40
Figure 9 - Gender distribution of the wills: 1720-1787……………………………..50
Figure 10 - Percentage of translated wills: 1720-1787……………………………...52
Figure 11 - Percentage of wills with bequests in England: 1720-1787……………..53
Figure 12 - Percentage of wills with bequests abroad: 1720-1787………………….53
Figure 13 - Percentage of wills with charitable bequests: 1720-1787………………57
Figure 14 - Percentage of wills with charity bequests to French institutions:
1720-1787…………………………………………………………………………...58
Figure 15 – Percentage of wills with French named executors: 1720-1787………..60
Figure 16 – Percentage of wills with English named executors: 1720-1787……….60
Figure 17 - Gender distribution of the wills: 1787-1815……………………………71
Figure 18 - Percentage of translated wills: 1787-1815……………………………...72
x
Figure 19 - Percentage of wills with bequests in England: 1787-1815……………..73
Figure 20 - Percentage of wills with bequests abroad: 1787-1815………………….74
Figure 21 - Percentage of wills with charitable bequests: 1787-1815………………76
Figure 22 - Percentage of wills with charity bequests to French and English
institutions: 1787-1815……………………………………………………………...77
Figure 23 - Percentage of executors according to their names: 1787-1815…………78
1
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
The history of the Huguenots1 in the British Isles has been widely studied since the
19th century. Especially during the tercentenary of the revocation of the Edict of
Nantes in 1985, the studies concerning the Huguenot heritage in England have been
multiplied. Various studies, mostly concentrated on the Wars of Religion and the
persecution that the French Protestants2 faced in their homeland in the following
century, have proved fruitful in shedding light on one of the darkest periods in the
history of France. However, as some scholars have claimed, their fate in England
after
1 The origins of the word “Huguenot” have been largely discussed by historians and linguists. The
most generally accepted etymological origin is the German word “eidgenossen” which signifies
confederates, leaguers. Other suggestions have been made as well, such as that of “hausgenossen”,
meaning brethren. For further etymological information, see Robin Gwynn, Huguenot Heritage: The
History and Contribution of the Huguenots in Britain. (Cornwall: Sussex Academic Press, 2011), 3.
2 In this thesis, the terms Huguenot, French Protestant, and French Calvinist have been used
interchangeably.
2
1700 is mainly unknown.3 Their congregations and contribution to the English
economy through the crafts and professions they offered have been greatly
examined, thus their presence as a separate entity has been demonstrated, yet little
has been revealed about their integration into the English society.
In this thesis, I am willing to provide an insight into the Huguenot community in
London and how these refugees integrated into their host society by humbly
analysing their wills. I will attempt to show their status in Early Modern France and
England, how they were received by the natives of London, and how their immigrant
identity was reflected in their last wills. I believe that this brief introductory chapter
will be useful for understanding the Huguenot condition both in the homeland and
refuge.
1.1. Brief Overview of the Reformation in Europe
The zeitgeist of the Renaissance was not merely secular but also had a spiritual
flavour, making an impact on religion by questioning the existing structure of the
Roman Catholic Church and its practices. “Christian humanists” such as Erasmus
and Jacques Lefèvre d’Etaples were among those who formed the atmosphere in prereform
Europe. Erasmus’s Greek New Testament, for example, and the translations
of gospels in vernacular languages and reading of scripture in masses by some
preachers mark important steps consolidating this atmosphere.4
Although the term “reform” was not unfamiliar to Early Modern Europeans who
were familiar with the reformist ideas of the previous centuries promoting biblicism
3 Abraham D. Lavender. French Huguenots, From Mediterranean Catholics to White Anglo-Saxon
Protestants. (New York: Peter Lang, 1990), 140.
4 Mack P. Holt. The French Wars of Religion, 1562-1629. (New York: Cambridge University Press,
1995), 15.
3
against papal authority and opposing ritualism5, Luther’s teachings and those who
followed his path on challenging the well-established Catholic doctrines were
undoubtedly ground-breaking. It would not be unfit to say there was dissatisfaction
with the church in 16th century Europe, however, there was not any general
consensus on a needed ecclesiastical reform. Until a theology professor from
Wittenberg named Martin Luther voiced it, the discontent against the Catholic
Church lied mostly dormant. Luther’s main arguments in his cause against the
Catholic structure of Christianity were reflected in his Ninety-Five Theses and the
beginning of the Reformation is generally accepted to be with the Latin publication
of this document in 1517. The document is significant not only because it
demonstrated Luther’s general principles but also because it reflected his and his
contemporaries’ general dissent against corruption, abuses, and extravagance of
Rome.6
The basis of the Theses was Luther’s objection to the doctrine of indulgence; he
defended justification by faith alone, which simply meant God’s grace in forgiveness
thus opposed papal authority over purgatory. Another core element was the emphasis
he put on the Bible, as the only written doctrine, “sola scriptura”. Although
excommunicated and condemned as heretical by the Pope in 1521, the die was
already cast and Luther’s teachings had already reached out. The fact that he was
keen on writing and publishing made it possible for him to spread his word
throughout the continent. His one hundred folio volumes of writings explain how his
doctrines reached and transformed early modern Europeans’ mentality and
perception of religion. More importantly, he influenced other thinkers who led to the
5 Robert Kolb, “Martin Luther and the German Nation” in A Companion to The Reformation World,
ed. R. Po-Chia Hsia (Padstow: Blackwell Publishing, 2004), 48.
6 Hans Hillerbrand. ed. The Protestant Reformation. (New York: Harper Perennial, 1968), xiii.
4
localisation of his principles. Huldrych Zwingli in the Swiss Confederation and Jean
Calvin in France were among the prominent figures adopting and developing
Luther’s teachings, with Anabaptists constituting the radical branch of the Reform.
The Reformation reached England as well and led to the formation of the Anglican
Church. It took a rather political form under the rule of King Henry VIII and resulted
in the collapse of papal authority in the country.
1.2. Reformation in France and the French Wars of Religion
The history of the Reformation in France did not follow the same route as in
England. Rather than being embraced by the Crown in a relatively peaceful manner,
it led to even more conflict in an already conflict-torn kingdom and resulted in what
we know today as The French Wars of Religion. To understand why the French
monarchs did not become reformers themselves, one must look at the relationship
they had with the Church.
In the Medieval and Early Modern period, French kings bore the title of “The Most
Christian King”, a traditional term dating back to the sacred coronation of
Charlemagne in 800. Making them a primum inter pares among all other Christian
kings, the title also offered partial autonomy to the French kings. This particular
relationship between the Church and the Crown allowed French kings to ordain their
own men, usually from the nobility of sword or blood, in powerful ecclesiastical
positions. Therefore, the service to the palace and the church was seen as intertwined
and inseparable. Unlike in England, the monarch did not feel the need to confiscate
the wealth of the Catholic Church because he already had an influence over the body
religious through the control of appointment, etc. Thus, when the principles of
Reformation reached France, which was then under the rule of Francis I, the Gallican
5
Church was already in a steady position siding with Rome which was serving his
interests.7
Yet, the king’s attitude towards Reformists, or Lutherans as the contemporaries
would say, was not overtly hostile until a significant event in the autumn of 1534.
The Affair of The Placards in October 1534 where Zwinglian Protestants overtly
distributed broadsheets in Paris, Blois, Orléans, Tours, and Rouen attacking Catholic
practices marks the beginning of a change in the monarchy’s position towards
reformists. Organised and provocative in nature, the Affair of the Placards took place
on a Sunday and the people who were on their way to the church for the mass saw
the placards attacking their sacred ritual with a headline written in capital and bold
letters: “True Articles on the Horrible, Gross and Insufferable Abuses of the Papal
Mass”. From this time onwards and certainly after the Edict of Fontainebleau of
1540 declaring Protestantism to be “high treason against God and mankind” 8,
monarchy provided the parlements across the country with an absolute authority to
control and prosecute heresy cases.9
Among those who were affected by the prosecution of “heretics” was Jean Calvin, a
25-year-old law student from the University of Orléans. He fled to the Swiss cantons
where he published his well-known Institutes of the Christian Religion in 1536.
Translated from Latin into French in 1541, Institutes had a great impact on the
organising of the dispersed and disordered principles of the evangelical doctrine.10
Similar to Luther, his main doctrinal principle laid upon the fact that faith could only
7 Holt. The French Wars of Religion, 1562-1629, 14.
8 Nikki Shepardson. Burning Zeal: The Rhetoric of Martyrdom and the Protestant community in
Reformation France, 1520-1570 (Bethlehem: Lehigh University Press, 2007).
9 R.J. Knecht. The French Wars of Religion, 1559-1598. (New York: Longman, 1996), 23.
10 Pierre Miquel. Les guerres de religion. (Paris: Fayard, 1980), 29, 106-110.
6
be learned directly from the Holy Bible and there was no intermediary between man
and God except for Jesus Christ. In Switzerland, he regularly preached sermons and
led to the foundation of the Genevan Academy. He maintained his ties with France
from the exile he had to endure, therefore various churches adopting his principles
were founded in his homeland. In 1559, the first Synod of the Reformed Church was
held in Paris.11 Although the exact number of Calvinist churches in France during the
mid-16th century is unknown, the estimated numbers are between 1,200 to 1,250.12
Calvinism in France mostly appeared in urban sites and formed something we call
today “the Huguenot crescent” stretching from La Rochelle in the west to the
Dauphiné in the east. During its initial proliferation, lower classes, mainly from
bourgeois and artisan backgrounds, embraced this new faith. The Venetian
ambassador wrote about Huguenots in 1561 as follows: “Until now, because of the
severity of the persecutions, one has seen only people of the lower orders, who, apart
from life has little to lose.”13 However, this began to change by the mid-16th century
and The Reformation caused disintegration within the French nobility, by some
members of it converting to Protestantism. The rivalry between different noble
groups was most apparent between the Catholic House of Guise and the House of
Condé, a cadet branch of the House of Bourbon that was sympathetic to Calvinism.
While civic disturbances between the Catholics and Protestants continued without
slowing down in the lower ranks of society and Iconoclastic movements spread out
in various towns from Rouen to Lyon in the early 1560s with Catholics retaliating
with attacks on Protestants, rival noble groups engaged in open war against each
11 Ibid., 29.
12 M. Greengrass. The French Reformation. (Oxford: Blackwell, 1987), 42.
13 Knecht, The French Wars of Religion, 1559-1598, 11.
7
other. The hostility among these groups did not solely result from religious sectarian
disputes but also had a political background. Both sides were taking advantage of the
opportunity of ascending the throne which was seen vacant during the queen regency
of Catherine de Medici.
The climax of events was the St. Bartholomew’s Day Massacre in 1572. A failed
assassination attempt of the Huguenot leader Admiral Gaspard de Coligny is often
shown to be the principal incident that led to the massacres across the Hexagon. 14
The general massacre began on Sunday morning, 24 August in Paris and spread to
various towns like Angers, Bordeaux, Rouen, and Orléans and continued even
months later. The total number of slaughtered Huguenots is estimated to be 5,000 in
total.15
The war continued with uneven intensity through the years until Henry of Navarre,
who later became Henry IV of France when ascended the throne in 1589. Henry was
raised as a Protestant but later converted to Catholicism in order to be crowned,
therefore he was sympathetic towards his Calvinist subjects. By the Edict of Nantes
in 1598, he granted French Protestants relative religious and social freedom, thus
ending the devastating French Wars of Religion. The edict’s main target was to put
an end to the misery the country was exposed to by the clash between religious
groups. The Edict was projected to be “perpetual and irrevocable”; however, this was
not the case. On 22 October 1685, by the Edict of Fontainebleau, the Edict of Nantes
was annulled by Louis XIV.
14 Holt. The French Wars of Religion, 1562-1629, 82.
15 Ibid., 90-94.
8
1.3. Huguenot Refuge in England
England was one of the Protestant countries primarily targeted by French Calvinists
who sought refuge abroad due to persecution in homeland. Despite differences with
the Anglican Church, especially in terms of liturgy, French Calvinists were inclined
to see England as an ally along with Geneve, Swiss cantons, and the United
Provinces, mainly based on the support of Queen Elizabeth I to Henry IV.16 More
importantly, they had a common enemy. “Popery”, in Protestant terms, constituted a
greater threat than some disparities in the liturgy. Also, some of the Huguenots
already had ties with England before they arrived to the island. Protestant merchants
of Bordeaux and Normandy had correspondents in England and they would
exchange their young children so that the latter could grow up bilingual.17 Some of
them had encountered English refugees who came to France during the Interregnum
era of 1649-1660 and of course had met travellers from the British Isles.18
Huguenot immigration to England was not a single stage phenomenon, restricted to
one single wave of hundreds of thousands of immigrants arriving at the English
shores overnight. In fact, there were many waves of expatriation on different scales
starting from the mid-16th century, following the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew,
the first significant and organised act of hostility towards French Calvinists.19 During
the reign of Elizabeth I in the 16th century, England hosted some French-speaking
immigrants, which resulted in the formation of settlements and quasi-independent
16 Elizabeth Labrousse, “Great Britain as Envisaged by the Huguenots of the Seventeenth Century” in
Huguenots in Britain and Their French Background, 1550-1800, ed. Irene Scouloudi (New Jersey:
Barnes and Noble Books, 1987), 144.
17 Ibid.; Robin Gwynn, “Patterns in the Study of Huguenot Refugees in Britain” in Huguenots in
Britain and their French Background, 1550-1800, ed. Irene Scouloudi (New Jersey: Barnes and Noble
Books, 1987), 223.
18 Labrousse, Great Britain as Envisaged by the Huguenots of the Seventeenth Century, 150.
19 Philippe Joutard, “La diaspora des Huguenots.” Diasporas. Histoire et sociétés, no. 1 Terres
promises, terres rêvées. (2002): 115.
9
minority institutions at London, Canterbury, Norwich, and Southampton.20 The
immigration continued until it decelerated after the declaration of the Edict of Nantes
in 1598.
Yet, even before the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, Huguenots were constantly
at threat. There were waves of immigration in the 1660s. As an account from 1673
tells us, “the Huguenot Church at Calais was overburdened by the number of
Protestants heading across the Channel.”21 The price the French Protestants had to
pay for being the subjects of a Catholic king was being exposed to the dragonnades
that began in 1681, forced conversions, nicodemism, destruction of temples,
limitations on worships and burials, prohibition on synods22 increased taxation of
pastors, and restrictions on professions23.
The climax of immigration was reached after the Revocation of Edict of Nantes in
October 1685, although the Edict of Fontainebleau restricted Protestant mobility
except for the pastors.24 However, incidents like the Peace of Ryswick in 1697, the
annexation of the Principality of Orange in 1703, and the failed revolt of the
Camisards in the Massif Central in southern France in 1704-1705 encouraged further
migration. In fact, emigration did not cease even after the death of Louis XIV in
1715. There are registers of arrivals from Languedoc in 1752 and the west in 1763.25
The number of immigrants varies according to sources. To begin with, the total
number of members of the Reformed Church of France is estimated to be around
20 Robin Gwynn, “Huguenots in English Sea Port Towns in the Late Seventeenth Century”. Kobe
University Faculty of Letters Departmental Bulletin, no. 3 (2008), 17.
21 Ibid., 17.
22 Labrousse, Great Britain as Envisaged by the Huguenots of the Seventeenth Century, 143.
23 Gwynn, “Huguenots in English Sea Port Towns in the Late Seventeenth Century”, 16.
24 Susanne Lachenicht, “Huguenot Immigrants and the Formation of National Identities, 1548-
1787.” The Historical Journal 50, no. 2 (2007): 310.
25 Joutard, “La diaspora des huguenots”, 115.
10
900,000. Some sources indicate that the most likely number of emigrants is 200,000
approximately, whereas the others give hyper-inflated figures like 800,000 which
basically means France was deprived of nearly the whole of its Protestant
population.26 Concerning those who chose England as their destination, the number
is approximated to be between 40,000 to 50,000.27
The regions they emigrated from were fairly diverse. According to the statistics
given by Joutard, Île de France lost more than half its reformed inhabitants whereas
for Normandy and Dauphiné the figures were around 40% overall. Calvinists from
territories further away from borders –compared to La Rochelle in the west, or Caen
in the northwest- such as Cévennes and Vivarais, were effectively less fortunate as it
was more troublesome for them to have both the financial and logistic means to
reach the frontiers. Therefore, the rate of migration is estimated to be nearly 10% in
the south-southeast.28
Some of the exilés chose to settle in the coastal areas they landed, such as Bristol,
Cowes, Hastings, and St. Ives, however most of them moved further as it is reflected
by the concentration of the Huguenot population and their congregations. As
abovementioned, Canterbury, Norwich, and Southampton –along with coastal sites
of Rye, Plymouth, Devon, and Bristol- were among popular destinations favoured by
the French refugees, yet none of these towns attracted those who fled persecution as
much as London did.29 The capital was alluring for those who had left their estates
and wealth in France and were forced to make a fresh start in a country they barely
knew. The city’s population was around 575,000 in 1700 with a growing economy
26 Ibid., 116.
27 Gwynn, “Huguenots in English Sea Port Towns in the Late Seventeenth Century”, 17.
28 Joutard, “La diaspora des huguenots”, 117.
29 In this research, London has not been considered as the city within the walls but includes the entire
area of today’s Greater London.
11
nourished by finance, mercantile activity, manufacturing, and artisanship. 30
Furthermore, through the lenses of a Huguenot refugee, it was a safe haven with a
well-established community and variety of French churches among which the most
prominent were the churches of Threadneedle Street and the Savoy. Moreover, the
Capital offered them a culturally nourishing environment where they could access
gazettes and journals with news from their homeland, which most of them hoped to
return soon. More importantly, those who were lucky and prosperous enough to
bring some capital with them while emigrating could set up their own business and
become involved in trade and finance. A striking example of people who succeeded
well is the foundation of the Bank of England. 104,000 pounds of the initial
1,200,000 pounds was funded by 123 newly arrived Huguenots in 1694.31 The
increasingly cosmopolitan trade milieu of the city encouraged Huguenots to have a
good share in export trade.32 In fact, in the early periods of immigration economic
interests could even take precedence over religious reasons. An inquiry made in 1573
shows that some refugees’ “coming hither was onlie to seeke woorke for their
living.” 33 However, concerning the post-Revocation period financial pursuits were
naturally subsidiary.
The fact that the Huguenots were remarkably industrious and that they contributed
largely to the economic development of the city did not necessarily mean their
integration process was always smooth. First of all, there were restrictions and extra
30 Roger Finlay. Population and Metropolis: The Demography of London 1580-1650. (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2009), 66.
31 Gwynn, “Huguenots in English Sea Port Towns in the Late Seventeenth Century”, 25.
32 Ibid., 26.
33 Irene Scouloudi. “The Stranger Community in the Metropolis”, in Huguenots in Britain and their
French Background, 1550-1800, ed. Irene Scouloudi (New Jersey: Barnes and Noble Books, 1987), 44;
Gwynn, “Patterns in the Study of Huguenot Refugees in Britain”, in Huguenots in Britain and their
French Background, 1550-1800, ed. Irene Scouloudi (New Jersey: Barnes and Noble Books, 1987),
223.
12
dues imposed upon strangers –mainly first-generation refugees.34 Also, conflicts
between citizens of London and these French refugees were inevitable due to
competition in commerce and trade. Above all, Huguenots had distinctive features as
a group and they seemed to be quite conservative about protecting them. First of all,
some scholars suggest that they were inclined to believe they were culturally and
even linguistically superior to the indigenous people of the British Isles or anywhere
else they migrated to. They mostly preferred to remain in their own social circle and
were reluctant to identify themselves with the culture of their hosts.35 Reciprocally,
the hosts were inclined to see the French refugees as a distant entity and tease them
for their “French mannerism.”36
As a whole, the arrival of French settlers brought about new challenges and many
transformations to English society. Interestingly, the change resulting from the
interaction was not limited to French-English relations but also transformed the
French community from within. The idea of diaspora contributed to the formation of
a new collective identity among French immigrants. Although they had many
differences within–those who emigrated from urban areas of Northern France
basically had very little in common with those who came from the campagnes of
meridional France both in terms of socioeconomic and social background- the fact
that they were all victims of persecution in their homelands and that they were
perceived by their hosts as one single community nudged them towards creating
alliances. Refugees who formed subgroups based on social and economic profiles –
such as the northerner/southerner dichotomy or the income gap- came together under
the religious cause, and thus created networks, formed charities, and supported each
34 Ibid., 49.
35 Lachenicht, "Huguenot Immigrants and the Formation of National Identities, 1548-1787.", 310.
36 Myriam Yardeni. Le refuge huguenot: assimilation et culture. (Paris: Honoré Champion, 2002), 34.
13
other during the hardships their refuge posed. Although Huguenots who were
associated with wealth and success are more visible to us today at first sight, and a
popular saying in the 18th century went “a drop of Huguenot blood in the veins is
worth £1000 a year”, not all refugees were equally fortunate. As Robin Gwynn
eloquently wrote:
Opportunities sparkled brightest in London, although many Englishmen and
Huguenots alike found that the glitter concealed a tawdry reality of poverty and illhealth.
For the refugees, the appeal of the capital was enhanced not only by its
unique nature but by hopes of accessing poor relief, and by the availability of French
news, provincial contacts, and companionship.37
The clubs and organizations such as La Providence, the Société de la Saintonge et de
l’Angoumois, the Société de Poitou et du Loudunois, and many others in London,
founded by Huguenots to help destitute refugees from these provinces constitute
good examples of charity and solidarity among the French exiles.38
1.4. Literature Review
The history of the Reformation in France and the Wars of Religion in the 16th
century has been at the centre of interest of many historians. As for the French
scholars interested in the subject, Pierre Miquel and Janine Garrisson whom I have
also referred to in this thesis, appear to be two of the most distinct. With a
remarkable stylistic eloquence, Miquel portrays the period of persecution of
Huguenots starting from the first French Protestant martyr in 1523 until the last in
37 Gwynn, “Huguenots in English Sea Port Towns in the Late Seventeenth Century”, 29.
38 Natalia Muchnik, “La terre d'origine dans les diasporas des XVIe-XVIIIe siècles.”, Annales.
Histoire, Sciences Sociales, vol. 66e année, no. 2 (2011): 494-5.
14
1771. He also provides the reader with a useful genealogy of the families involved in
the conflict. Garrisson, on the other hand, a specialist in the political and religious
history of 16th century France, has produced widely on the Wars of Religion, and
notably the Edict of Nantes. In her Guerre civile et compromis, she presents a
framework of the social and political background of the wars between the Protestants
and Catholics, without being constraint to the condition of the nobility, but also
reflecting the habitants of the campagnes and their uprisings. Among the
Anglophone writers on the topic, I should mention Mack P. Holt whose The French
Wars of Religion has been very useful for me as he provides a good insight on the
major events of the Wars in addition to reflecting the economic and social aspect of
the period.
As for the persecution of the Huguenots during the reign of Louis XIV and their
worldwide dispersion, Natalia Muchnik’s Les diasporas soumises aux persecutions
and La terre d’origine dans les diasporas des XVIe-XVIII siècles have remarkable
originality. The author presents the concept of diaspora and the Huguenot exodus in
a comparative framework, ranging from the Judeo-Iberian diaspora to the dispersion
of the British Catholics. Susanne Lachenicht’s work on the Huguenot immigration,
which is mostly concentrated on the refuge in Prussia, is also very informative about
the identity construction in the Huguenot diaspora and the integration process of the
refugees. Similarly, Philippe Joutard also sheds light on the characteristics of the
diaspora from a perspective that does not limit itself to the religious identity of the
Huguenots but also discusses their cultural and economic networks.
The comprehensive works of Samuel Smiles and David C. A. Agnew mark the
beginning of the studies in Huguenot refuge in England and Ireland. These works
15
have been quite of use for scholars since they contain abundant information about the
early and later foreign churches in London and the attitude of the English towards
French Protestant refugees. Smiles’s The Huguenots: Their Settlements, Churches,
and Industries in England and Ireland offers a comprehensive background to the
Reformation and the persecution of Huguenots before embarking on the international
dynamics of the conflict and the formation of Huguenot communities in the British
Isles. His work is also rich in demonstrating the occupational organisations of the
refugees. Agnew’s Protestant Exiles from France in the Reign of Louis XIV, on the
other hand, contains not only an extensive historical background of the Huguenot
immigration but also gripping pieces of biographies of the prominent Huguenot
refugees such as that of de Ruvigny, Earl of Galway, and a list of names of those
who were naturalised in the late 17th century after Charles II’s grant of naturalisation.
As for the contemporary studies on Huguenot migration in England, Robin Gwynn is
undoubtedly one of the most prominent scholars. His extensive research, which I
have frequently referred to in this thesis, is clear and substantial and has proved
useful in elucidating the assimilation process of the Huguenot refugees. I have also
benefitted from the Strangers, Aliens, and Asians of Anne Kershen in order to have a
comparative perspective on the Huguenots of London.
Finally, I should mention Randolph Vigne who has inspired me to work on refugee
wills. His Testaments Of Faith: Wills Of Huguenot Refugees In England As A
Window On Their Past which appears as a book chapter in The Huguenots: History
and Memory in Transnational Context has encouraged me very much to trace the
Huguenot migration through refugee wills. His work has also been helpful for me in
organising the structure of the analysis of wills. However, though systematic and
16
original it is, his work does not include any data demonstrating the immigration
process and this thesis aims to add to Vigne in this sense.
1.5. Sources
First of all, based on the availability and diversity of sources London is chosen as the
center of the research. As Gwynn states, many records from areas like Devon and
Southampton are lost, which might leave gaps in the study.39 Also, as
aforementioned, the majority of the immigrants chose London as their destination
and this provides us with the opportunity of dealing with refugees from various
backgrounds.
The main body of primary sources that are chosen as the core of this study is wills.
Wills, probate, and death duty records are among useful sources for ecclesiastical
and family historians. These documents enable us to acquire some insight into the
details of the life of the testator, such as his/her occupation, properties, and personal
estate. They are also highly promising sources as they reflect the relations and
interactions within communities, the French Protestant circle in our case. The wills
that are selected in this study provide us with good material on donations made to
charity organisations, poor reliefs, French hospitals, etc. They are also important as
they demonstrate how the French diaspora maintained its ties with their family
members abroad, both with those who chose to remain in France and others who
were dispersed all over the world.
The refugee wills I have used in this thesis are accessible through the National
Archives database (PROB 11, Prerogative Court of Canterbury). The study contains
39 Gwynn, “Patterns in the Study of Huguenot Refugees in Britain”, 222.
17
136 wills, ranging from those that were probated in the ante-Revocation period to
those that were probated in the early 18th century. Of 136 wills, 44 (36%) belong to
women and 91 (64%) to men. The occupational backgrounds of testators vary
greatly; ranging from weavers to ecclesiastics and military officers. All of the wills
were either written in English or translated into English from French. I will
demonstrate how the testators behaved in terms of their bequests, both personal and
charitable, how they were concerned with their relatives and friends abroad, their
usage of their native language in drawing their last wills, and their choice of
executors. I will present the information I have gathered from these wills with pie
charts as well.
1.6. Thesis Plan
This thesis consists of five chapters where I intend to demonstrate through the wills
of French immigrants, although separated from their homeland, how this persecuted
minority endeavored to keep their social autonomy while they integrated slowly into
the English society.
In this first chapter, I have presented a piece of brief background information for
readers who have little to no knowledge about Protestantism in France and the
Huguenot refuge in England. I have also shown how the issue is approached in
current literature.
In the second chapter, I will analyse wills that were probated after the Edict of
Nantes, which granted liberties to French Calvinists. The purpose of this chapter is to
show how the Huguenots in London kept ties with their co-religionists both within
their congregation in the city of refuge and France during this period of relevant
toleration. Further and detailed background information about the events that took
18
place in France and England and the relation of Huguenots with these events will be
given. I will then cover the period of intense persecution of French Protestants in
France. The chapter will focus on the aftermath of the Toleration and how tables then
turned during the dragonnades that took place during the reign of Louis XIV and his
infamous Edict of Fontainebleau, which caused mass immigration from France to
England. This chapter will cover the period under Henry IV, Louis XIII, and Louis
XV during whose reign persecution reached its climax. Lastly, I will show how
immigration in England was reflected in wills.
In the third chapter, I will try demonstrating the character of the Huguenot settlers of
London through their churches, charities, and occupations. Again, I will present a
series of wills corresponding to the period between 1720 and 1787, and attempt to
analyse the Huguenot condition then.
In the fourth chapter, I will analyse wills that were probated during the reign of Louis
XVI, who by the Edict of Versailles in 1787 granted civil and legal status to
Protestants, and after the Revolution of 1789. The wills I will deal with in this
chapter will cover the period between 1787 and 1815. The main purpose of this
chapter is to understand at which point of integration French refugees stood during
this period of toleration towards Protestantism in their homeland and see whether
they still kept close ties with family members and friends in France.
The fifth and last chapter of this research is designed to present concluding remarks
on the history of Huguenot refuge in England and summarise the information
collected in each chapter.
19
CHAPTER II
HUGUENOTS IN THE 17TH AND EARLY 18TH CENTURIES AND THE
EVIDENCE OF WILLS
In this chapter, we will briefly take a look at the political and religious atmosphere
on the French side of the Manche during the 17th and the early 18th centuries
following the proclamation of the Edict of Nantes that granted some tolerance to the
Huguenots in France. We will then see how the tension escalated again during the
reign of Louis XIII and finally under The Sun King Louis XIV. We will examine the
condition of Huguenots in England during this period and how they fitted into their
refugee milieu and analyse their community in London through a form of evidence
they left, that is to say through their wills.
Amidst the political and religious turmoil in France during the Wars of Religion,
French Calvinists sought refuge in the British Isles. Although England had been
through a reformation process herself, the island was not yet a secure refuge
20
destination for French-speaking Protestants until the reign of Edward VI. However,
this reign was too short-lived to attract a large influx of immigrants and was later
followed by Catholic Mary’s ascension to the throne. It was not until the reign of
Elizabeth I that Huguenots could feel relatively safe and form stable congregations
across the island. During the 1560s and 1570s, especially after the Massacre of St
Bartholomew in 1572 and the outbreak of the revolt in the Netherlands, England
became a popular destination for the persecuted minority. Sources indicate that the
foreign Protestant churches in England had more than 10,000 members by 1573 and
they included Dutch, Walloon, and French refugees.40 One of the reasons for this on
behalf of the English, apart from giving a friendly hand to the co-religionists in
chancery, was that the royal government was in search of qualified workers from the
continent who would provide England with their crafts and goods.41
During the Wars of Religion in France, Huguenot migration remained at more or less
stable levels. However, by the proclamation of the Edict of Nantes at the end of the
century and the relatively tolerant ambiance it created, continental Protestants needed
less to abandon their hometowns due to reduced persecution and discrimination. Yet,
the Huguenot community in London grew at a steady pace in conjunction with the
political events that occurred in France to finally reach a large influx by the end of
the 17th century following the dragonnades and the Edict of Fontainebleau.
40 Gwynn. Huguenot Heritage, 39.
41 Elizabeth Randall, “A Special Case? London’s French Protestants” in A History of the French in
London: Liberty, Equality, Opportunity, eds. Debra Kelly, and Martyn Cornick (London: University of
London Press, 2013), 17.
21
2.1. The Condition of Huguenots in France in the 17th Century
The Edict of Nantes, a milestone in the history of Protestantism in France was a
document composed of 148 articles, 92 general and 56 “secret” concerning specific
towns which were exempt from the general articles, and two royal brevets. The
general articles were in fact more tending to restore social and political unity for the
benefit of Catholics according to the “one king, one law, one faith” mentality that the
French monarchs had embraced for centuries. Although full civil rights were granted
to Protestant subjects, such as holding royal or public offices or admission to schools
and universities, they were still deprived of unrestricted liberty of worship. The edict
also meant a relative gain for the Catholics, since they could now enjoy worship in
the Huguenot dominant towns and areas that they previously had limited access to.42
Yet, the parlements were reluctant to the document, such as the parlements of Paris,
Toulouse, and Rouen which resisted registering the document until 1599, 1600, and
1609 respectively.43 The pax civilis in France brought a sense of pacification and a
purge of the follies of the Civil War, which obviously did not end since the root
causes remained and both Henry and the succeeding Bourbon kings were to tackle
more noble revolts and bigot conspiracies.44 However, at least, the Edict provided a
basis on which King Henry IV, the chief architect of the Edict and the both
Protestant and royalist Catholic notables who surrounded him could work towards
restoring the state that was torn by the constant wars.
After the assassination of Henry IV on 14 May 1610, France was ruled by regency
for seven years until Louis XIII had reached his majority and taken over the power
42 Holt. The French Wars of Religion, 1562-1629, 165.
43 Janine Garrisson. Guerre civile et compromis, 1559-1598. (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1991), 226.
44 Ibid., 229.
22
from his mother Marie de Médici, a devout Catholic from Italy who strove to
maintain Henry’s policies. During Louis’s reign, the Protestant aristocrats were not
as favoured as they used to be in the reign of Henry IV. Therefore many, including
the duke of Lesdiguières and Marshal Châtillon, abjured their faith and sided with
“the most Catholic king”, or remained neutral, meaning they no longer
enthusiastically held the Protestant cause, such as in the case of the dukes of
Bouillon and La Force.45 Meanwhile, Louis conquered the towns that were
previously controlled by Huguenots and banned all Protestant political assemblies.
This period also saw the rise of cardinals who were heavily involved in state affairs.
Armand-Jean du Plessis, commonly known as the Cardinal de Richelieu, being
appointed to the king’s privy council in 1624, was not quite amicable towards the
Huguenots either. Yet, he managed to settle the ongoing conflicts, such as that of La
Rochelle, which was a Huguenot stronghold and an important maritime city for the
defence of France.46 His main justification behind the truce was to render France
strong against foreign enemies by not waging a war within its borders.47 Richelieu’s
efforts resulted in the king’s favour by the peace of Alès in 1629 and left Huguenots
with much less political impact than they had had for the last thirty years. Although
they did not assimilate into the Catholic culture as the devout Catholics would have
wished for, they were no longer a major threat to the State.48 On the contrary, they
45 Holt, 181.
46 N. M. Sutherland, “The Huguenots and the Edict of Nantes 1598-1629, in Huguenots in Britain and
Their French Background, 1550-1800, ed. Irene Scouloudi (New Jersey: Barnes and Noble Books,
1987), 166.
47 The cardinal’s words in a memorandum he wrote to the king reflects his perspective quite clearly:
“As for the Huguenots, they are accustomed to advance their cause at the expense of the State, and to
seize their opportunity when they see us occupied against those who are our declared enemies… As
long as the Huguenots have a foothold in France, the King will never be master at home and will
never be able to undertake any glorious action abroad… His Majesty may give some temporary
satisfaction to the Huguenots. He will thus be able to create unity fort he war against the Spaniards.”
in Holt, 184.
48 Holt, 188.
23
appeared as one of the most loyal supporters of the royal government in the Fronde,
the series of civil wars between 1648-1653 that occurred during the Franco-Spanish
War. Apart from a few noble families, the Protestant population of France was now
mainly of the bourgeois and artisans. During the reign of Louis XIII and the first
ministry of Cardinal de Richelieu they remained enjoying the primal liberties such as
freedom of conscience and public worship. Even Louis XIV, in the initial years of
his reign, promised that they (the Protestants) would “be maintained and kept… in
the full enjoyment of the Edict of Nantes”.49 However, these words do not reflect the
virtual policy adopted by the French court from the 1660s onwards. Between 1661
(the year Louis’s personal reign began) and 1679, there were huge sanctions on the
Huguenot synods and the churches were demolished. By 1685, the number of
Protestant temples had been reduced to 243 from 813.50 Singing psalms was
forbidden except during service, and even that was not allowed if there was a
Catholic procession passing by. Intermarriage between Catholics and Protestants was
dependent on a unanimous agreement and if someone objected, the marriage would
be cancelled. Huguenots were more and more excluded from practising their
profession since they were not allowed in the craft guilds anymore.51 They were
ejected from medicine and law as well. Some converted in order to practice their
profession.52 In 1665, the clergy openly declared its willingness to exterminate
heresy53, which was a compatible theological ground to Louis’s lay policies to bring
an absolute unity among his subjects. In his mémoires of 1666 he described his era as
49 Robin Gwynn. Huguenot Heritage, The History and Contribution of the Huguenots in Britain.
(Cornwall: Sussex Academic Press, 2011), 24.
50 Ibid., 26.
51 G.R.R. Treasure. The Huguenots. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2014), 323.
52 Horton and Marie-Hélène Davies. The French Huguenots in English Speaking Lands. (New York:
Peter Lang Publishing, 2000), 21.
53 Sutherland, The Huguenots and the Edict of Nantes 1598-1629, 159.
24
“le désordre règne partout” and he, as the sovereign of the State was responsible of
resolving the internal tensions. Although he then resisted violent means against the
Huguenots and favoured proselytising rather than forced conversions54 the events of
the 1680s show a deflection in the policy. This was the decade when the oppression
reached its climax by coerced conversions to Catholicism. In 1681, in Poitou, the rate
of troop lodgments and the tax burden were increased for wealthy Protestants, and
later on these were expanded to the provinces. At first, tax relief was a bait to
promote conversion and it was quite successful according to the estimates of the
Poitevin intendant who claimed to have reached 38,000 conversions in a couple of
weeks.55 Although Louis publicly condemned the forced conversions in that same
year, it would be too naïve to claim that he had no idea of what was happening in the
provinces.56 In 1683, following the popular uprisings in the Vivarais, the king
adopted a more hardened strategy towards his Protestant subjects. A new wave of
dragoons took place, with more and more conversions especially in Poitou, Béarn,
Montauban, Bordeaux, Limoges, Rouen, and Guyenne. By November 1685, the
majority of the Huguenot community of France were converted with questionable
sincerity.57 The aim was to diminish the number of Protestants in their strongholds so
that the Catholic population would outnumber them by two or three to one.58
As “le roi très chrétien” Louis was in fact in an endeavour to prove himself to the
continent and especially to Pope Innocent XI with whom he had a long-running
54 Roger Mettam, “Louis XIV and the Persecution of the Huguenots: The Role of the Ministers and
Royal Officials” in Huguenots in Britain and Their French Background, 1550-1800, ed. Irene
Scouloudi (New Jersey: Barnes and Noble Books, 1987), 200.
55 Ray McCullough. Coercion, Conversion and Counterinsurgency in Louis XIV’s France. (Leiden:
Brill, 2007),128.
56 Louis XIV and Absolutism, 166.
57 McCullough. Coercion, Conversion and Counterinsurgency in Louis XIV’s France, 151.
58 Ibid., 146.
25
dispute.59 Not having been in help to the Habsburg emperor during the struggle
against the Turks was another reason behind this effort.60 Besides, as Louis viewed
it, the parameters in international affairs showed that Catholicism outweighed
Protestantism. England now had a Catholic king, William of Orange was Louis’s
arch-nemesis, and alliance with the Protestant states against the Habsburgs was not
beneficial anymore.61 Out of fear of schism, Louis acted upon the Huguenot issue,
this time in a manner much more radical than that of his antecessors. He chose to
revoke the vestiges of the “irrevocable” and “perpetual” Edict of Nantes in 1685 by
his Edict of Fontainebleau. The new edict demanded all Protestant pastors convert or
else leave the kingdom within a fortnight, banned all sorts of Protestant education in
private schools, ordered baptisms of the children of Protestant subjects, confiscated
the properties and estates of those who had already fled the country and did not
return in four months, and ordered imprisonment for attempting to escape from
France. The day the new edict was registered, destruction of the remaining Protestant
churches began. Within a few weeks, 800 temples were demolished.62
The revocation of the Edict of Nantes was surely a blow to the Protestants in France,
but it also demonstrated an adversity to the royal government that it had not
anticipated. Indeed, it did revive the Protestant church that had weakened over the
previous decades, by banishing it to the underground.63 The foundations of the
Church of the Desert were laid in reaction to the anti-Protestant moves of the Sun
King. The term “The Church of the Desert” was coined to define the Protestants who
59 Ibid., 125.
60 J. Orcibal “Louis XIV and the Edict of Nantes” in Louis XIV and Absolutism, ed. Ragnhild Hatton
(London: The MacMillan Press, 1976), 158.
61 Ibid., 160.
62 Samuel Smiles. The Huguenots: Their Settlements, Churches, And Industries in England and
Ireland. (London: John Murray, 1876), 184.
63 Robin Briggs. Early Modern France, 1560-1715. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977), 153.
26
remained in France and faced forced conversions, yet continued to adhere to their
religion at the expense of severe punishment in the prisons, galleys, and noose. As
might be expected, it was a metaphorical allusion to the sufferings of the Israelites in
exile.64 The essence of the Desert was filled with prophesyings of the illuminés,
spiritualism, and defiance. Those persecuted Protestants met in secret at night,
conducted their services without their priests, and strove to pass their faith onto their
offspring. In 1702, this essence manifested itself at Cévennes, a small region in the
south of the Massif Central in the Languedoc region where the Protestant population
was highly concentrated. The region was considered by the Huguenots of the Desert
as the centre for guerrilla warfare due to its suitable geographical structure. The
Cévennes War, also known as the War of the Camisards65 was fought by around
2,000 young men and women.66 Due to their apparent small size over the forces of
the Versailles, and their exhaustible resources, the Cévenols were in search of
foreign support, especially from England. However, their prospects were not met
with more than two ships sans men and supplies.67 The war gradually faded into
sporadic fighting after the leaders’ submission, yet it echoed in the form of
millenarianism in England. “The French Prophets”, who joined their co-religionists
in exile, contributed to the millenarian life that flourished in England in the second
half of the 17th and the first half of the 18th centuries.68 In London, however, they did
not receive a friendly welcome by the main French churches like that of the Savoy
64 Philippe Joutard, “Réseaux huguenots et espace européen (XVIe-XXIe siècle)”. Revue de
synthèse, no.123 (2002): 116.
65 The term “camisard” refers to the guerillas during the Cévennes War who wore smocks over their
clothes.
66 Treasure. The Huguenots, 381.
67 Ibid.
68 Richard M. Golden, “The French Prophets: The History of a Millenarian Group in Eighteenth-
Century England.” Journal of Church and State 23, no. 2 (1981): 351.
27
and the Threadneedle Street, since they were “suspect, both as foreigners as
subversive of church.”69
Another impact of the Revocation was the increase in emigration. Those who did not
settle for nicodemism or could not afford imprisonment or galleys for the sake of
holding on to their lands chose to flee the kingdom. Though strictly controlled and
forbidden, emigration continued for three to four decades and then became
sporadic.70 Switzerland and England were the preferred destinations for the
Huguenots of southeast France, and those in the southwest usually aimed at the
Dutch provinces.71 England had a special role in this refuge since it was the major
transit spot for the Huguenots who wished to settle elsewhere -usually the American
colonies.72
2.2. The Huguenots in England in the 17th Century
While the Huguenot condition in France was all turbulent and on thin ice, their coreligionists
in England followed their own path, sometimes separate sometimes
concurrent. First of all, we should begin with how the Edict of Nantes was received
across the Channel. Despite its restrictions and shortcomings in implementation, the
Edict was looked up to in England. Because it allowed freedom of worship in
specific towns and some noble estates, the English parliament discussed whether it
would be appropriate to adopt a similar model of toleration in England. Under Oliver
Cromwell, the French were favoured as allies because of the freedom that the
69 Treasure, The Huguenots, 440.
70 Shelby T. McCloy, “Persecution of the Huguenots in the 18th Century.” Church History 20, no. 3 (1951):
56.
71 Ibid., 58.
72 Lavender. French Huguenots, 131.
28
Huguenots enjoyed. Moreover, those who supported toleration for Dissenters in the
late 1600s, for instance, brought up the Edict as a good example.73
Meanwhile, the Huguenots in England, now well aware that the peace was under the
initiative of the sovereign as the example of the Edict of Nantes demonstrated,
favoured James I as a suitable ruler for their benefits. 74 For instance, it is interesting
to note here that one of the testators in our database, Gilbert Primerose, the minister
of the French congregation at Threadneedle Street was one of the Huguenot
supporters of James and praised him in one of his sermons as “good, wise and
pacific”.75 In return, James was also quite welcoming to his refugee subjects whom
he regarded to have “enriched this kingdom with several crafts, manufactures and
politic arts” and promised to avenge them if anyone molested them in their
churches.76
Up to the 1630s, namely until the reign of Charles I, the Huguenots of England were
mostly loyal to their government. Under the archbishopric of William Laud,
however, foreign churches began to be considered as a disturbance against the unity
of the Anglican Church and conformism was more and more imposed. Moreover, the
ongoing conflict within England and the Civil War also echoed in the French
congregations. Rival factions appeared between parliamentarian and royalist
Huguenots. During the Civil War and Interregnum, many Huguenots sided with the
parliament. In Norwich, for instance, between 1643 and 1650 the Huguenot
73 John Miller, “Pluralism, Persecution and Toleration in France and Britain in the Seventeenth
Century” in Toleration and Religious Identity: The Edict of Nantes and its Implications in France,
Britain and Ireland, eds. Ruth Whelan, and Carol Baxter (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2003), 167-169.
74 Cottret. The Huguenots in England: Immigration and Settlement, c. 1550-1700. (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1991), 86.
75 Ibid., 97.
76 Ibid., 85.
29
community was overwhelmingly supportive of the revolutionary cause.77 While it
can be said that the existing Huguenot community was trying to preserve their
interests by siding with the domineering power, the tumult in England had an impact
on the coming of new immigrants. According to the marriage statistics of the
Threadneedle Street Church between 1630 and 1650, the rate of newcomers among
spouses dropped radically from 75% to 32%.78
After the restoration in 1660, the government adopted a policy that allowed new
foreign congregations to be formed only if they conformed to the Anglican liturgy.79
The first officially conforming French church was established at Savoy during this
period and the Act of Uniformity of 1662 made it further clear that in order to get
benefices from the royal government French ministers had to be re-ordained.80
In the summer of 1681, amidst the terrorising dragoons of the French towns and
provinces, Charles II of England offered official refuge to the Huguenots persecuted
under Louis XIV. Moreover, he was willing to grant free denisations to the French
émigrés. According to the statistics given by Gwynn, the year 1681 was when the
immigration to England increased dramatically and the English language was
familiarised with the word “refugee” adopted from the French “réfugié”.81 The
stream that has commenced as early as 1673 when the Calais representatives of the
Synod of Charenton were alarmed by the decrease in the number of their
congregation because the migration to England was by far at its peak.82 Favourable
77 Ibid., 133.
78 Ibid., 147.
79 Gwynn, Huguenot Heritage, 70.
80 Anne Dunan-Page. The Religious Culture of the Huguenots, 1660–1750. (Aldershot: Ashgate.
2006), 45.
81 Ibid., 25.
82 Ibid., 24.
30
Huguenot policy continued under the rule of the Catholic James II between 1685 and
1688. James promised non- Conformist Huguenots the “liberty of conscience and the
free exercise of religion” by a Declaration of Indulgence.83 However, the support of a
Catholic king created negative repercussions among sceptical English Protestants
who feared a Popish plot. Some of those who claimed that the Huguenots were
actually undercover Catholics sent by Louis XIV could therefore underpin their
arguments.84
The accession of the Calvinist William III of Orange to the English throne in 1688
helped Huguenots under the pressure of conformity to finally heave a sigh of relief.
William was highly popular among Huguenots, not only because of his amicable
approach towards the persecuted minority but also because his antecessor William
I’s fourth wife Anne was the daughter of Admiral Coligny, a prominent Huguenot
leader. Under William, the Act of Toleration of 1689 helped the dissenting
Huguenots to enjoy having their own preachers and ministers along with a
substantial allocation of 39,000 pounds from the Royal Bounty.85 Huguenots both in
France and England relied on William on the issue of toleration to Protestants in
France during the peace talks in the Nine Years War. They hoped that William could
persuade Louis XIV during the Ryswick Treaty in 1697 to grant toleration to his
Protestant subjects and restitution of the liberties and estates of those who were in
exile.86 Their hopes were shattered and Louis made clear that toleration was not on
his agenda. This diplomatic defeat on behalf of the French Calvinists was another
83 Anne Kershen. Strangers, Aliens and Asians: Huguenots, Jews and Bangladeshis in Spitalfields
1660-2000. (London: Routledge, 2012), 68.
84 Lavender, French Huguenots, 121.
85 Dunan-Page. The Religious Culture of the Huguenots, 24.
86 David C.A. Agnew. Protestant Exiles from France in the Reign of Louis XIV or The Huguenot
Refugees and Their Descendants in Great Britain and Ireland. (London: Reeves & Turner, 1871), 29.
31
element that drove them to seek refuge abroad. By 1700, there were 28 Huguenot
churches in the London area, equally distributed in Soho and Westminster as well as
in Spitalfields where they were most concentrated.87 Though different in nature from
the previous efforts of conformity, the royal government kept promoting merging
Huguenots into the Church of England through refugee aid funds and training of new
Huguenot ministers.88 Finally, in 1709, French Protestants were granted
naturalisation provided that they took the oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance.
2.3. Huguenot Wills of London: 1632-1720
During the time period between 1598, the year that the Edict of Nantes was
proclaimed, and 1685, the year it was revoked, the first considerable wave of
Huguenot immigrants arrived in England. In order to take a glimpse into the daily
lives and intercommunal relations of those early comers, a total of 40 wills from the
Prerogative Court of Canterbury are examined, all belonging to Huguenot refugees in
London. The earliest will here in this chapter dates back to 1632 (Peter le Maire) and
the latest is John Dubourdieu’s from 1720. There is a scarcity of evidence from this
period since Wagner’s compilation, the most reliable source for Huguenot wills is
mostly 18th century oriented. The reason that I did not limit the wills in this chapter
to the period between 1598-1685 is because I think it would be acceptable to assume
that the refugees of the influx made their wills roughly until the end of the first
quarter of the 18th century and the immigration continued well after the Revocation.
The gender distribution of the wills from this period seems quite unbalanced with 32
wills belonging to men while only 8 female testators appear. Because married
87 Lavender. French Huguenots, 138.
88 Ibid., 137.
32
women’s property in Early Modern England was considered her husband’s by the
common law, one can deduce the rationale behind the fewness of wills made by
women. All of the testatrices in this chapter are widows who had the legal capacity to
make wills similar to their spinster contemporaries.
Figure 1 - Gender distribution of the wills: 1632-1720
2.3.1. Language
A main distinguishing mark of the Huguenot wills is the language that the document
was redacted in. Among 40 wills on the database, 13 were translated from French.
We should note here that only three of these 13 testators89 with French testaments
made their wills prior to the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. This is highly
interesting because it indicates that the foreign testators at play were somewhat
familiar with the English language at the early stages of the migration process. The
other ten were all testators who made their wills after the Revocation. Seven testators
89 Although it is sometimes impossible to identify who wrote the wills, whether it was the
testator/testatrix himself/herself or a relative, a friend, etc., we will here assume the writer was the
testator/testatrix himself/herself in order to avoid confusion and disarrangement.
80%
20%
Male Female
33
out of these 13 appear to have made bequests in France, which suggests they kept
strong ties with their homeland estates and kinsmen at this stage of the migration.
If the will was translated from French, the scribe would usually indicate it above the
will as “Translated out of French”. This is a general theme as we will see in the
following periods as well.
Figure 2 - Percentage of translated wills: 1632-1720
2.3.2. Bequests
The overwhelming majority of the wills from the said period includes bequests in
England. 16 testators have bequests in both England and abroad, and only one
testator, Jeremiah de Marolles (1657) did not bequeath anything concerning his
property or belongings in England. He demanded that his lands in France be sold
while all of the executors mentioned in his testament were living in France. Other
testators with bequests concerning countries other than England are Peter Le Maire
(1632), Robert Desormeaux (1638), Théodore Mayerne (1654), John D’Espaigne
(1659), Louis Baillehache (1677), Marc Anthony Benoist (1685), Mary de Duroy
(1695), John de Baillehache (1704), Petri Amyott (1709), Jacob Chabott (1711),
32%
68%
Translated from French Not translated from French
34
Théodore Colladon (1712), Perside de l’Escure (1717), James Mission (1719), Marie
Lesterlin (1720), James Campredon (1720), and John Dubourdieu (1720).
Figure 3 - Percentage of wills with bequests in England: 1632-1720
Figure 4 - Percentage of wills with bequests abroad: 1632-1720
A relative, John Le Maire, who lived as a preacher in Amsterdam was mentioned in
Peter Le Maire’s will whereas Desormeaux named his father at Rouen as an
97%
3%
Bequest in England No bequest in England
40%
60%
Bequest abroad No bequest abroad
35
overseer. Mayerne bequeathed his house in “Aubon”90 to his sister Marie. The elder
Baillehache, who made his will before the revocation of the Edict of Nantes included
many bequests concerning his estate and properties in France and named two
Parisian merchants to be his overseers. Marc Anthony Benoist, a testator originally
from Montauban bequeathed “fifty pounds to be equally distributed to those of
Montauban” and one hundred pounds to the daughters of his niece, both living in
Montauban. Mary de Duroy, on the other hand, put a condition on her bequests to her
kin living in France. She stated clearly in her will that her niece Antonietta du Roy
could enjoy her interest provided that she left France in four years following her
death.
A similar motive can be seen in the will of Jacob (James) Chabott. He demanded that
one of his sons in Paris, John, who was “taken by the French at sea” to return,
otherwise he would be precluded from his legal rights stated in the testament. His
other son, James was apparently also in Paris against his father’s wishes and
“retained his late mother’s jewels & married secretly”. We also understand from
Chabott’s will that London was his second destination of refuge and he was in
Holland before he emigrated to England. His testament included another heir, his
grandson who then lived in Rotterdam. Whereas the younger Baillehache charged
her mother at Caen to preserve his estate, James Campredon’s will includes an heir
living in Dublin. One of the testatrices of our database, Marie Lesterlin bequeathed
her rose of diamonds to his Brother David Renou who then lived in High Normandy.
Her will also included a term similar to her counterparts’ De Duroy and Chabott, and
90 Aubon can either be Aubin in France or Aubonne in Switzerland. There is no indication about that
in Mayerne’s will, however based on the information we have about Mayerne’s background in
Geneva (see below), we can assume that he was referring to Aubonne here.
36
she donated a hundred pounds to her brother and to any of his children on the
condition that they came to England.
Bequests that were made within England were mostly in the monetary form. Surely,
there were examples such as that of John Bave (1653) who bequeathed a diamond
ring to his cousin Jane, however the most preferred type of bequest was cash or
annuities as in the case of Peter Le Maire who bequeathed five pounds each to
Charles Harbord and John Beauchamp “to buy a seal of arms or a death’s head in a
ring to wear in remembrance” of him. Richard Travers’s (1677) maidservant
Elizabeth Taylor was bequeathed 50 pounds by his master. An interesting bequest
worthy of 10 shillings was made by the widow Mary Denew (1691) to each of the
“poor women” who “shall accompany my corpse to the grave”. She also wished to
be buried “in linen in my wedding shift”. Thomas de La Tombe (1637) bequeathed
20 pounds to his nephew’s daughters and 1600 pounds to her daughter for marriage
portion. Widow Jane Maurois’s (1638) brother-in-law Jacob de Leau, who was one
of the beneficiaries mentioned in her will received 10 pounds whereas Laurence
Martel’s wife was bequeathed 4000 pounds and his eldest son John 2000. Merchant
Peter Fortry’s (1639) cousins all received 5 pounds as their portion.
Relating to monetary bequests to family members, the aforesaid minister Gilbert
Primerose’s (1642) will is quite interesting in terms of the information it provides us
about his family dynamics. While praising his elder sons James and David,
Primerose showed great resentment towards his third son Stephen whom he
described as follows: “(He) hath always rejected my counsel and would never follow
any calling & is become a presumptuous (and) vainglorious person though is very
ignorant & precipitated himself into diverse damnable heresies…late abused me at
my own table in the presence of his elder brother, of his wife, and of my servant
37
called James…” Stephen paid the consequences of offending his father and received
only sixpence as his portion.
2.3.3. Charitable Bequests
Only less than half of the wills in this period include charitable bequests. Of the 40
wills in this section, only 16 wills include one or more charitable bequests. We can
assume that the reason for the scantness of charitable bequests is that the refugee
churches were still rudimentary and poorly institutionalised at the epoch91 and that
the early testators were still more interested in their former hometown and they
donated money and estate to their churches and kinsmen there rather than being
occupied with English institutions.
Figure 5 - Percentage of wills with charitable bequests: 1632-1720
Only one testament in our inventory has a bequest to a non-Huguenot institution.
Gideon Delaune (1659), the apothecary to the wife of James I and a leading figure
who was involved in the separation of Apothecaries Company in Black Friars from
91 For information about the French churches and charities see next chapter.
40%
60%
Charitable bequest No charitable bequest
38
the Grocer’s Company, donated his “silver bason” to the former institution. All the
other testaments with charitable bequests refer to French organisations in London.
Merchant John Bave (1653) donated three pounds to the “poor of the French
congregacon” while other examples such as Theodore Mayerne (1654) from Chelsea
were more generous and specific. Mayerne, who was a well-reputed physician of his
time and served Cardinal de Richelieu and later Oliver Cromwell92, donated 100
pounds to the French Church of London and 50 pounds to the “Chelsy poor” and
bequeathed the construction of a pest house. Laurence Martel, in his will redacted in
1676, gave a total amount of 50 pounds to the French Church and another 50 to the
“silenced” (nonconformist) ministers. Anne Allenet (1716), one of the few testatrices
in this period of our database, who migrated to England in 1703 “fearing the
convent” and was the widow of a merchant from La Rochelle, donated a “summe of
forty pounds sterling” to the Tabarnacle Church in order to be distributed to the poor.
A generous testator, John Chardin on the other hand bequeathed 500 pounds for the
refugees of the French Church of Savoy and 50 pounds to the poor of Chiswick. Paul
Girardot, a member of the large Girardot family in London and according to whose
will had come to London “on account of the persecution in the month of August
1699”, donated 350 pounds to Crispin St Charity House and 300 pounds to the
Walloon Church, which might indicate that he had some sort of affiliation with the
Walloons of London.
92 Mayerne’s family was involved in silk manufacturing in Lyon prior to the St. Bartholomew’s Day
massacre after which they took refuge in Geneva. Théodore was trained in the international medical
school at Montpellier before he finally arrived in London, see Randall. A Special Case?, 21.
39
Figure 6 - Percentage of wills with charity bequests to an English institution:
1632-1720
Figure 7 - Percentage of wills with charity bequests to a foreign institution:
1632-1720
2.3.4. Executors
Huguenot wills differ from their English counterparts with their executor profile. The
vast majority of the wills we refer to in this chapter have French named
executors/executrices as might be expected. 36 testators out of 40 have chosen their
2%
98%
Charity to an English institution No charity bequest to an English institution
40%
60%
Charity to a French institution No charity bequest to a French institution
40
fellow countrymen to be their executors. Only three testators have designated
English sounding named executors whereas one testator, Gilbert Primerose appears
to have chosen an executor with a Dutch name, which brings to mind the question of
whether Primerose had established an affiliation with the Walloon community. The
three testators whose executors have English names are Daniel Votier (1647), John
d’Espaigne, and Peter le Noble (1663). Votier appointed goldsmith John Yates as the
executor of his last will and bequeathed him whichever book he would like to have
from his library. D’Espaigne’s executor is Henry Browne, esquire, who also received
six pounds from the testator. The name “Browne” might have been transformed from
the surname “Brun” which is not uncommon in the Provence and Alpes-Rhône
region in France, however, considering the fact that name anglicisation was a rare
phenomenon, though not non-existant in the early stages of the exile, it seems
unlikely. Lastly, one of the executors of merchant Peter le Noble is Abraham
Beckner, who was his brother-in-law. This surname appears to have Old English
origins, therefore might signal some exogamy before the Revocation period.
Figure 8 - Executors according to their names: 1632-1720
90%
7%
3%
French executor English executor Other
41
2.4. Conclusion
“Le long 17e siècle” of France and the turning of events for her Huguenot minority
was highly chaotic and on a knife-edge. The settlement after the Civil Wars of the
16th century gave them a sense of security and liberty of conscience but it was too
short-lived to create a nation with religious plurality. Whether it was rooted in The
Sun King’s absolutist ambitions or stemmed from French Calvinism’s inadequacy
against Gallicanism in attracting followers, the Huguenots of France fell into a
decline during this century only to come to revival after Louis’s death in 1715 with
the first synod of the Church of the Desert. Yet, it is important to bear in mind that it
was not only the French Protestants who incurred losses due to persecution. Though
a minority, Huguenots had provided France with various skills and crafts. As we will
analyse in the following chapter, their absence in the French social and economic life
meant a loss to the kingdom and a gain to the destinations of refuge.
The wills of the period between the early 17th century and 1720 put a different
complexion on the lives of Huguenot immigrants of London. We understand from
these wills that they appeared still as a distinct community within the English society
regarding the usage of French in drawing their wills, their concern with estates and
relatives in France, and their choice of beneficiaries and executors who were
dominantly from the Huguenot community in England. In the next chapters, we will
see to what extent they kept these characteristics and how their integration process
was reverberated in their wills.
42
CHAPTER III
HUGUENOTS OF LONDON IN THE POST-REVOCATION
PERIOD AND THEIR WILLS
By 1700, London had a French Protestant population of 20,000 to 25,000.93 The city
that had no more than 70,000 habitants in 1550 was growing steadily and had
reached 575,000 by 1700.94 It was attractive to many Huguenots since there were
established refugee congregations and magnetic economic opportunities. Fleeing
persecution, these refugees were provided with a window of opportunity to prosper,
practising their professions that they were deprived of in their homeland after the
Revocation and participate freely in their religious communities. Since Calvinism
was “a discipline of life” that encouraged industriousness and frugality, French
93 Tessa Murdoch. The Quiet Conquest, The Huguenots 1685-1985. (London: Museum of London,
1985), 111.
94 Finlay. Population and Metropolis, 51.
43
Calvinists adopted their faith into their daily practises.95 And they were perceived by
their host society as loyal subjects to the crown of England, hardworking labourers,
and honourable Protestants.96 They were involved in various industries, ranging from
commerce to weaving, from sculpturing to jewellery. According to the relief records
of the French Church in London between 1681-1687, 952 of 1,164 who received
relief were artisans or day labourers, whereas 68 were of architectural background,
62 practised medicine, 39 were merchants, 25 were in education, and 6 were
attorneys.97 London offered these zealous refugees the possibility to start over from
scratch.
In the previous chapter we have briefly reviewed the political and religious
circumstances of the 17th century in France and England on behalf of the Huguenot
question, and we have analysed the wills of the refugees from that period. In this
chapter, we will see the occupational background, churches, and charities of
Huguenot refugees of London in the 18th century and trace their community’s
reflection in wills.
3.1. Huguenots and Their Occupations
Huguenot immigrants brought England some novelties concerning occupations. A
variety of silk-making, glass-making, and needle-making techniques was introduced
by these strangers.98 Their industriousness and continental methods drew great
interest from the English society. The features of the Huguenot settlements varied
95 Kershen. Strangers, Aliens and Asians, 28.
96 John M. Hintermaier. “The First Modern Refugees? Charity, Entitlement, and Persuasion in the
Huguenot Immigration of the 1680s.” Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 32,
no. 3 (2000): 431.
97 Ibid., 434.
98 Scouloudi. “The Stranger Community in the Metropolis”, 48.
44
from area to area in London, and reflected the occupational backgrounds of the
refugees. For example, Huguenots of the centre and the east were mainly involved in
commerce and industry whereas the suburbs of Westminster and its adjoining
parishes were rather characterised by the atmosphere of the court, art, and luxury.99
While those in the city bounds were employed in cloth making, leatherworking,
metalworking, and food production, the periphery was associated with tailoring,
perfumery, embroidery, etc.
One of the factors we should take into account when examining the Huguenot
condition of the 18th century is commerce. Huguenots, dispersed worldwide,
established trade colonies in Amsterdam, Rotterdam, and London as well as in the
transatlantic world, especially after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. Many
examples like that of D’Hariettes’, Faneuils’, and of Stuckeys’ can be traced through
individual case histories.100 Even before the Revocation, Huguenot merchant families
were active especially in wine and silk trade, forming commerce networks from
Bordeaux to India, from La Rochelle to Québec, and New York. We can assume that
this ability to move freely allowed them to find refuge more easily than a simple
artisan or a peasant. Many influential figures among these merchants can be found in
England. For instance, Huguenot merchant John Houblon subscribed 10,000 pounds
to the Bank of England that was -and still is- located in Threadneedle Street and
became one of the twenty-four founding governors between 1694-1697.101 Thomas
Bureau, a Huguenot merchant in London originally from Niort, who made an
investment of 500 pounds in the Bank of England in 1694 was also one of the
99 Ibid.
100 J.T. Bosher, “Huguenot Merchants and the Protestant International in the Seventeenth Century.”
The William and Mary Quarterly, vol. 52, no. 1. (1995): 80.
101 Murdoch. The Quiet Conquest, 275.
45
founders of the institution.102 The contribution of Huguenot refugees was remarkable
since it assisted the restructuring of the English finance and the wars the kingdom
waged against France between 1689-1713.103
The merchant identity of Huguenots is reflected in the wills on our database as well.
Of 91 male testators, 18 were merchants and there is a good chance that there might
be others among those whose occupation was not indicated in the will or who were
simply identified as “esquire” or “gent”. Merchant David Bosanquet (1732), whose
assets were around 100,000 pounds at the time of his death and whose will has been
analysed in the present section, was from the wealthy Bosanquet family who acted as
the directors of the Royal Exchange Assurance for generations.104 Another merchant
testator of this study, Gidéon Leglize’s (1756) executor and son-in-law Matthieu
Clarmont was also one of the Huguenot directors of the Bank of England and the
French Hospital.105
Another profession that was identified with Huguenot immigrants during the 18th
century was weaving. Concentrated in the Spitalfields area of London, Huguenot
weavers were around 2,000 men by the mid-18th century.106 Even by 1683, two years
before the proclamation of the Edict of Fontainebleau French refugees in Spitalfields
were considered to be “sufficiently numerous.”107 In fact, their overpopulation,
competitiveness, and dominance over the industry drew reaction from the native
English weavers and the Weavers’ Company of London received many petitions
against their Huguenot counterparts.108 They served both the domestic market and
102 Bosher, “Huguenot Merchants and the Protestant International in the Seventeenth Century”, 90.
103 Robin Gwynn. The Huguenots of London. (Eastbourne: The Alpha Press, 2018), 33.
104 Murdoch. The Quiet Conquest, 275.
105 Agnew. Protestant Exiles from France in the Reign of Louis XIV, 73.
106 Gwynn. The Huguenots of London, 37.
107 Kershen, Strangers, Aliens and Asians, 51.
108 Lavender. French Huguenots, 121.
46
the export trade to America. By 1706, four fifths of the names registered in the
French Church of London were in textile industry.109 One of the factors that
contributed to attracting Huguenots to Spitalfields was that these Huguenot weavers
could also enjoy worshipping in their congregation at the district. All of the churches
were non-conformists in this area.110 However, by the Spitalfields Acts in 1770s they
were displaced from Spitalfields and most of them headed to Bethnal Green.111
In our database, seven testators are identified as weavers based on the information
gathered from their wills. Again, we should bear in mind that some testators in this
research did not mention their crafts and professions in their wills. 112 Therefore,
there might be others in addition to these seven who were engaged in weaving but
did not mention their occupation in their wills.
Along with the majority of merchants and weavers, Huguenots in London were
involved in other trades as well. There was an evident difference between the
western part of the city and the eastern suburbs such as the aforementioned
Spitalfields area. Those dwelling in the west were involved in clockmaking,
gunmaking, jewellery, sculpturing, perfumery, goldsmithing, and silversmithing,
serving the upper-class English. French style tailoring and the Parisian fashion were
closely followed and demanded in the neighbourhoods surrounding the court at
Whitehall. Although goldsmithing and silversmithing were among crafts that the
foreign settlers had adopted since the Middle Ages in this area113, a legislation that
passed under Louis XIV in 1689 further compelled Huguenot silversmiths into
109 Gwynn. Huguenot Heritage, 87.
110 Davies. The French Huguenots in English Speaking Lands, 77.
111 Kershen, Strangers, Aliens and Asians, 51.
112 Thirteen testators do not have any information concerning their occupation and fifteen are only
identified as “esquire” or “gent”.
113 Gwynn. Huguenot Heritage, 91.
47
refuge. The decree of 1689 ordered the melting of silver for coin in order to assist the
French economy against the financial burden of wars, therefore forbade silversmiths
from producing new works.114
In our database, there are two goldsmiths, Lewis Mettayer (1740) and Abraham
Pantin (1733), both from Westminster. Solomon Julliot (1756), a watchmaker from
the parish of St Giles in the Fields also appears as a testator in our database. As for
tailors from Westminster, we see Henry Jeanneret (1783) whose will is used for
analysis in the following chapter.
Another element that is worth mentioning among Huguenot occupations is ministry.
As we have seen in the previous chapter, under Louis XIV Protestant ministers were
either compelled to abjure their faith or exiled within fifteen days after the
Revocation. They were welcome in the British Isles, though faced the condition of
conformity to the Anglican liturgy after 1660, and were allowed to use their native
language in service. Those who accepted conformity used the French translation of
the Book of Common Prayer.115 According to the estimations, by 1702 the number of
conformists had tripled the nonconformist congregations and the role of the
Huguenot divines in this transformation cannot be ignored.116
On our database, there are eleven Huguenot ministers and seven of them made their
wills after the Edict of Fontainebleau. Pierre (Peter) Allix (1717) was one of the most
prominent among these divines. He arrived at London following the Revocation in
1685 and was granted naturalisation in 1688.117 He was a fellow member of Oxford
114 Randall. A Special Case, 36.
115 Davies. The French Huguenots in English Speaking Lands, 77.
116 Ibid., 78.
117 Agnew. Protestant Exiles from France in the Reign of Louis XIV, 46.
48
and Cambridge, and was made the treasurer of the Salisbury Cathedral.118 Another
testator John Dubourdieu (1720) appears among the Protestant chaplains serving in
William’s regiments of exiled Huguenot soldiers.119 Jean (John) d’Espaigne (1659)
was also an important figure, whose preachings laid the foundations of the French
Church of the Savoy by drawing people to worshipping at Westminster.120
3.2. Huguenot Churches and Charities
The French Church of London dates back to 1550s when it started meeting in
Threadneedle Street and shared church buildings with the Dutch congregation of
Austin Friars. Their existence was authorised with letters patent that gave them
autonomy from the Bishop of London. Until 1640s, it was the only French
congregation in London. When Louis XIV’s personal reign began in 1660, it had
become the largest French congregation of England.121 The same years saw the
formation of the Westminster congregation and by 1700, churches were mostly
concentrated in Spitalfields and Westminster whereas there were others distributed in
Wandsworth, Greenwich, and Chelsea.122 Some notable churches of the Spitalfields
area were Threadneedle Street, Christ Church, St. Jean, L’Eglise de l’Artillerie,
Crispin Street, and L’Eglise de l’Hopital. In the western part of the city, there were
the Savoy, La Patente, Leicester Fields, St. Anne, Swallow Street, Les Grecs, and La
Charanton.123
The Huguenot image in England was mainly constructed as “poor destitute
Protestants” in the pamphlets and gazettes. The French churches also embraced this
118 Davies. The French Huguenots in English Speaking Lands, 79.
119 Agnew. Protestant Exiles from France in the Reign of Louis XIV, 109.
120 Gwynn. The Huguenots of London, 13.
121 Ibid., 11.
122 Murdoch. The Quiet Conquest, 57.
123 Smiles. The Huguenots, 218-220.
49
image in order to obtain funds from the government.124 Indeed, there were numerous
poor and desperate refugees who needed a helping hand from the government
through poor relief. Apart from the parliamentary grant to conformist Huguenot
churches, refugees and descendants, individual and collective efforts played an
important part in charity raising. As we can see in the “charitable bequests” sections
in each chapter, many Huguenot testators attached importance to alleviating the
misery of their co-religionists. The establishment of Friendly Societies was an
important step, both for Huguenots in need and as a model for later English Benefit
Societies.125 The Society of Parisians, The Norman Society, The Society of Lintot,
the Société des Enfants de Nîmes, and the Society of Protestant Refugees from High
and Low Normandy, all established around 1690s except for the latter which was
founded in 1764, were the most significant ones that show the efforts of maintaining
regional ties within the refugee community.126 In addition to these, there were
Society of Poitou and the Loudonois and the Society of Saintonge and Angoumois
that helped aged and unemployed refugees.
With the influx of immigrants in 1680s, the friendly societies and church charities
failed to satisfy the needs of thousands of distressed refugees. Thus, in 1718, the
French Hospital, La Providence, the most institutionalised and reputable charity
organisation was founded by a letter patent by King George I.127 The Hospital was
the successor of the Peste House and served the poor and the sick. The importance
attached to the Hospital can easily be seen in the charitable bequests in the wills of
our database from 1720 onwards.
124 Hintermaier. “The First Modern Refugees?”, 447.
125 Murdoch. The Quiet Conquest, 77.
126 Gwynn. Huguenot Heritage, 215.
127 Ibid., 82.
50
3.3. Huguenot Wills of London: 1720-1787
This chapter contains wills corresponding to the period between 1720 and 1787. The
earliest will we have from this period is Maximillian Misson’s (1722) and the most
recent one is from 1785 being the last will of Nicholas Jourdain. In between these
two, we have 59 other randomly chosen wills, equally distributed throughout the
period.
In this chapter, the gender distribution is more balanced due to the relative
abundance of material and there are 19 female testators, constituting 31% of the
entire wills from the said period.
Figure 9 - Gender distribution of the wills: 1720-1787
10 of these testatrices are widows whereas six of them are spinsters. There is no
indication of the marital status of the remaining three. We usually get the information
of the marital status of the testatrices in the very first phrases of the will. For
example, in the last will of Magdalen Olympa (Bauchamp) Amyot (1743), the
testatrix introduces herself as follows: “…widow of the late Peter Amyot doctor in
Physick living at present in the parish of Saint James in the Liberty of
69%
31%
Male Female
51
Westminster…” On the other hand, the opening of the will of Anne Viard (1762) is
“I Ann Viard spinster dwelling in the parish of Christ Church in the County of
Middlesex being by the grant of God…” However, in some wills, there is no usage
of the word “widow” and we understand that the testatrix is a widow somewhere in
the will as in the case of Jane Louet (1756): “…whereas my late husband Peter Louet
deceased by his will devised to me his whole estate…”
Other female testators on our database are: Martha Magdalen Le Rouille (1762),
Anne Bouyer (1765), Martha Nicholas (1733), Jane Louet (1756), Anne Pictet
(1785), Susanna Robethan (1770), Mary Justamond (1747), Jane Elizabeth Villebois
(1779), Henrietta Darassus (1780), Elizabeth Cottiby (1784), Esther Allaire (1771),
Elizabeth Baudemont (1733), Lewise Berchère (1730), Marianne Gaultier (1767),
Ann Nollet (1783), Elizabeth Ogier (1771), and Magdalen Roussy (1783).
3.3.1. Language
In this section, 15 wills out of 61 are translated from French. In this period as well,
the indication that the will is translated appears right above the document as a
statement that usually is: “Translated out of French” or “Translated from the
French”. Translated wills from this period are more or less equally distributed,
although no translated will appears on our database after 1779. All of the wills that
were originally redacted in French are available in English.
Testators who had their testaments translated are: Anne Bouyer (1765), Anne Viard,
Elizabeth Baudemont, Esther Allaire, Jane Elizabeth Villebois, Magdalen Olympa
Amyot, Marianne Gaultier, Martha Nicholas, David Bosanquet (1732), Isaac Auriol
(1741), Isaac Berthon (1747), James Baudoin (1738), Moses Bernege (1749), Daniel
Alavoine (1728), and Peter Gallot (1778).
52
Figure 10 - Percentage of translated wills: 1720-1787
3.3.2. Bequests
Unlike the exceptional case of the previous period, the period between 1720 and
1787 does not include any will that does not have a bequest in England. All of the
wills, including those that have bequests concerning other countries, contain at least
one bequest in England. 21 testators out of 61 demand operations appertaining to
their relatives or properties abroad, making them 34% of the totality of the wills from
the said period.
25%
75%
Translated from French Not translated from French
53
Figure 11 - Percentage of wills with bequests in England: 1720-1787
Figure 12 - Percentage of wills with bequests abroad: 1720-1787
Although the vast majority of wills with bequests abroad mention France, we have
exceptions like Stephen Fouace who bequeathed 20 pounds to his nephew Stephen
Fouace in Ireland, and Anne Bouyer (1765) mentioning a sister who were then living
in Surinam but now in Emerick.128 In this period, conditional wills appear to be more
frequent among those that concern bequests abroad. The condition in the case of
128 “Emerick” is probably a different spelling of Emmerich am Rhein in northwest Germany.
100%
0%
Bequest in England No bequest in England
34%
66%
Bequest abroad No bequest abroad
54
these Huguenots is often, if not always, that the beneficiary mentioned in the will
should leave France and -preferably- come to England. James Baudoin (1738) asked
his sister to make to his brother “a pension for life of two hundred pounds a year
during his life.” But it was upon condition that his said brother “shall come out of
France and come and pass the remainder of his days in England among those of his
family with freedom of body and mind and his pension shall commence from the day
he shall be arrived here…” Another example similar to but more specific and antinicodemist
than Baudoin’s is John Poumies’s will (1769) in which he called onto his
nephew’s daughter Marie Thérèse to leave France and practise Protestantism to get
her portion from the testament: “…she shall come and reside in England and
renounce the Roman Catholik Religion and conform to the Protestant Religion…”
Similarly, a female testatrix, Martha Magdalen Le Rouille (1762) asked her nephew,
John Le Rouille, to come to England within the spare of five years from the day of
her death and spend a full year there as a Protestant in order to be eligible for his
aunt’s funds in South Sea Company. Likewise, Martha Nicholas (1733) bequeathed
twenty shillings to her brothers “if they retire from France.”
Other testators whose wills include bequests abroad were Anne Viard, Jane Louet,
Anne Pictet (1785), David Bosanquet, Daniel Dupuy (1761), Charles St Maurice
(1746), Guy Viçouse (1753), Isaac Berthon (1747), Charles Le Bas (1724), Isaac
Auriol (1741), James Barbut (1782), Peter Bonovrier (1739), Philip Bouquet (1748),
Stephen Fouace (1737), Peter Gallot (1778), and James Niort (1741).
Conditional bequests do not only appear in wills with bequests abroad. An
interesting condition that hints about the usage of French among immigrants in
London during this period can be found in the will of John Jemblyn (1727), a clerk
originally from Caen, residing in Stepney at the time of his death. In his will,
55
Jemblyn, alongside wishing that his funeral to not be “a ceremony of triumph”
bequeathed his whole library to John Jemblyn “provided he learn the French
Language”.
The bequests of the testators were usually in the form of money in this period as
well. Henrietta Darassus bequeathed thirty pounds to each child of her niece
Henrietta, whom we learn from the will to be the late wife of the late Dr. Drummond,
Archbishop of York.129 Henry L’Apostre (1750), a wealthy esquire born at Rouen
bequeaths quite generously as he gives 6000 pounds to his niece and 20,000 pounds
to her children. More modest amounts of money are bequeathed in the wills of
middle-class testators. Widow Mary Justamond (1747) bequeaths an annuity of three
pounds to her granddaughter Mary Dubois. A watchmaker of St Giles in the Fields,
Solomon Julliot (1756) bequeaths a sum of 100 pounds to his sister Louisa, and
apothecary Apsley Pellatt (1740) of St Martin in Fields leaves an annuity of 25
pounds to his wife Mary.
In some cases, the testators decide to give very little money, not out of obligation but
as a punishment to their beneficiaries, such as in the case of Daniel Dupuy (1761) a
gent from the parish of Lambeth: “I give and bequeath to my unnatural wife Ann
Dupuy who hath absented herself from me and is become a papist abroad one
shilling only.” Another testator who is just as upset as Dupuy is Charles St Maurice
(1746), a soldier from Westminster: “I give and leave to all and each of my relations
pretending a right to my Estate the sum of one shilling…that they have nothing
further of my estate.”
129 Dr. Drummond was probably Robert Hay Drummond, Archbishop of York from 1761 to 1776. In
this case Henrietta was the daughter of Peter Auriol, therefore a relative of Isaac Auriol, another
testator on our database.
56
Some wealthy testators, on the other hand, bequeathed lands and estates along with
large sums of money. Claudius Amyand (1740), who is “Principal & Sergeant
Surgeon to HM” and whose one of the overseers is James Gaultier then director of
the Bank of England, bequeathed 2000 pounds to his nephew Thomas Amyand,
whereas he gave the use of his lands in Sidlesham to his other nephew Sir George
Cornwall.
The content of wills is naturally not only limited to money and land, but it often
includes bequests like clothes and jewellery as in the case of Anne Bouyer (1749) or
a silver porringer as John Jemblyn’s (1727) “true friend” Mary inherited. Isaac
Auriol’s (1741) executors Peter Soulegre and Isaac Reynous both received rings
worth 50 pounds, whereas Isaac Berthon (1747) bequeathed his sword to his friend’s
son who allegedly “resembles Henry the VIII King of England.” In his modest will,
John Peltrau (1770) demanded that all of his utensils and goods be converted to
money and put in the Bank of England. Henry Jonquier’s (1747) will is quite rich in
terms of the materials listed. He bequeathed to his nephew “Isaac Combet the sum of
one thousand pounds and my cloth and watch” as well as rings, “à la mode scarves”,
gloves, and hatbands to three other beneficiaries. Maximillian Misson (1727), writer
and traveller, bequeathed his 11 volumes of Bayle’s Republic of Letters to Jas La
Touche, presumably a friend. Moses Bernege (1749), Director of La Providence,
bequeathed a ring worthy of 20 pounds to the daughter of the aforementioned
Claudius Amyand and his Latin and Greek books to the son of the latter. One of the
most interesting items that can be found in a will is of a testator who was well known
to the English intellectual milieu of his epoch. Matthieu Maty (1776), founder of the
Journal Brittanique and under-librarian at the then newly formed British Museum,
bequeathed his achromatic telescope to Anthony Layard along with an interesting
57
bequest concerning his body: “I wish my body so long troublesome to me in my
lifetime may be treated with as little respect as it deserves and that after having been
opened if that be thought likely to afford any information to the living.” Another
bequest concerning the body is of Susanna Robethan (1770) who wished to be
“buried with all the simplicity possible after due care taken of me not to be buried
alive as was the case of one my relations.”
3.3.3. Charitable Bequests
Out of 61 wills, 31 include charitable bequests. One of the reasons behind the
increase of this rate is presumably the consolidation of solidarity groups with the flux
of immigrants in the late 17th century and the continuation of migration in the early
18th century. As more Huguenots settled in London and formed their charity
networks and communities of interest, more of them invested in these establishments
and included them in their last wills.
Figure 13 - Percentage of wills with charitable bequests: 1720-1787
51%
49%
Charitable bequest No charitable bequest
58
29 testators out of 30 made bequests to French institutions, whereas one testator only
included an English institution in his will. One testator in these 29 had both French
and English institutions mentioned.
Figure 14 - Percentage of wills with charity bequests to French institutions: 1720-
1787
The only testator who exclusively bequeathed to an English institution is David
Garrick (1779), one of the most influential actors and theatre managers of the epoch.
Garrick, in his will, donated his statue of Shakespeare and his collection of old
English plays to the British Museum.
One of the most mentioned French institutions in the wills is La Providence (The
French Hospital). Peter Bataille (1776) the abovementioned unique testator with
bequests to both English and French institutions bequeathed 200 pounds to La
Providence and another 200 to The Society for the Propagation of The Gospel (SPG),
an Anglican missionary organisation which was active overseas in the British
Atlantic world during the 18th and 19th centuries. Silk merchant Benjamin Baronneau
94%
6%
Charity to a French institution Charity to a non French institution
59
(1731) and Elizabeth Baudemont (1733) also donated to La Providence, 50 pounds
and 30 pounds respectively. Abraham Delamare (1762) on the other hand was more
generous and bequeathed 300 pounds to the said institution.
Charitable bequests sometimes give us a hint about the origin of the testator. It is not
inappropriate to assume that the testators would have preferred donating money to
the local institutions that assisted their fellow townsmen. Esther Allaire (1771)
donated a sum of 50 pounds to La Providence along with other charities including La
Patente and a local community for refugees from La Rochelle: “…I give and
bequeath to the Consistory of the French Church of La Patente in Soho two hundred
pounds sterling for the maintenance of the Ministry in the said church, besides fifty
pounds sterling for the use of the poor belonging to the said church…” Peter Gallot
(1778), whose will is quite abundant in terms of charitable bequests donated a sum of
20 pounds to the Society of Poitou. Marianne Gaultier (1767) bequeathed 50 pounds
to the “charitable society for children of Nimes” and another 50 to the Society of the
Genevois, which might signal that Geneve was one of her destinations before she
arrived in England as in the case of many other Huguenots.
3.3.4. Executors
58 testators out of 61 have French named executors and executrices, whereas three
have only English named executors and executrices. Three out of the
abovementioned 58 have executors with both English and French names. One of
these is Elizabeth Cottiby (1784) with an executor named John Thornton. Cottiby’s
will includes the Thornton family, with Catherine Thornton and Thomas Thornton as
beneficiaries. The other example for dual executors is Charles Le Bas whose
executors were his wife Mary, Sir William Joliffe, and William Northey. Peter
60
Bataille, whom we mentioned as the sole testator with charitable bequests to both
French and English institutions, had both French and English executors, John Robert
Le Cointe and John Cantley.
Figure 15 – Percentage of wills with French named executors: 1720-1787
Figure 16 – Percentage of wills with English named executors: 1720-1787
3.4. Conclusion
The 18th century was a period of maturation of the Huguenot refuge in England.
Those who arrived at the influx between 1681-88 found already established
93%
7%
French executor Non French executor
10%
90%
English executor Non English executor
61
communities in London and further extended the congregations, friendly societies,
trade networks, and communal bonds. The increasing number of churches and
charities were all reflected in the wills and it is evident in these documents that they
were warming up to their host society. However, they still appeared as a distinct
community as can be seen in the use of French in making of wills, their
noncommitment to English organisations, and their executor profile. The integration
process was far from complete in this period.
In the next chapter, we will briefly examine the Huguenot condition of the end of the
18th century in France and England, and analyse the refugee wills from that period in
order to trace the changes and tendencies in the Huguenot community of London.
62
CHAPTER IV
PEACE RE-ESTABLISHED: HUGUENOTS IN FRANCE AND
LONDON IN THE ERA OF TOLERATION
The late 18th century was an era where the question of Protestantism reached a
solution to a large extent in France. It was also a period that the French Protestants in
the diaspora in the English lands were almost completely blended into their host
society. While the intellectual debates, political reforms, and the Revolution of 1789
served as catalysts for the betterment of the situation for the persecuted minority, the
internal dynamics of the Huguenot community in England, specifically in London,
played a major part in the integration process.
In this chapter, we will go through the main approaches of the philosophes who
provided an intellectual basis for discussions around the Huguenot question earlier in
the century, as well as the political and social changes in France regarding the
63
Huguenot question and see how reforms contributed to the resolution of the conflict.
Afterward, we will take a brief look at the aforementioned internal dynamics of the
Huguenot community in London in order to further understand their situation during
the said period. Lastly, we will analyse the wills of randomly selected individuals to
examine their integration process.
4.1. Historical Background of the Huguenots of France and England in the Era
of Toleration
Debates on the question of Protestantism during the 18th century were mostly led by
Enlightenment figures. The grands philosophes of the epoch often raised the
question of toleration, mainly due to their firm stance against the Catholic Church, its
powers and dogmas which they perceived as the main elements that curbed the
progress in science and liberties in the French society.130 As a prominent figure of
Enlightenment, Voltaire viably brought forward the question of intolerance.
Although a deist himself, he wrote a number of works related to the Huguenot
condition, most notably La Henriade, Sermon des cinquante, Traité du
métaphysique, and the Lettres philosophiques.131 Enter Montesquieu, yet another
figure who formulated an approach to the Huguenot question. After his travels to
England, he wrote about his encounters with Huguenot refugees and his observations
on the role of Protestantism, as well as Huguenots in particular, in the economic and
commercial vitality of England. Although he linked the Protestant values to
Republicanism and did not quite contribute to the resolution of the Huguenot conflict
130 Pascal Balmand. Histoire de la France. (Torino: Hatier, 1992), 143.
131 George Adams. The Huguenots and French Opinion, 1685-1787: The Enlightenment Debate on
Toleration. (Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1991), 50.
64
in France, he opposed the persecution of the previous centuries as well as the
ongoing discrimination under Louis XV.132
The debates around the Huguenots were not limited to moral values, they also had an
economic nature. Controller General of Finances, Jean Baptiste Machault’s proposal
in 1751 to invite Huguenots in exile to help France recover from the financial crisis
she suffered from, is a significant example of the motives that prompted the
governments to adopt the toleration policy. Machault’s favourable stance for
Huguenots provoked a long-term debate between parlementaires, intellectuals,
lawyers, and liberal members of the First Estate.133
The debates of the philosophes and the vox populi set some political outcomes in a
relatively short span of time. In 1769, Calvinist prisoners of the Tower of Constance,
one of the monumental prisons reserved for female “heretics” in Occitanie, were
released, and 1771 was the last year that a Protestant died in the galleys.134 In 1787,
Louis XVI appeared in person in a royal session and after promising the regathering
of the états-généraux, which had not been summoned since 1615, promulgated his
pathbreaking plan to provide the non-Catholics the "natural rights, and what the state
of society permits."135 The plan was designed with the assistance of Malesherbes, La
Fayette, Rabaut Saint-Etienne, and Breteuil. Although faced with opposition by ex-
Jesuits and followed by long discussions, the project came into being under the name
of the Edict of Versailles, also commonly known as the Edict of Tolerance. By the
edict, Protestants, along with other non-Catholics, received a guarantee of civil status
partially equivalent to their Catholic compatriots. However, it was very much modest
132 Ibid., 66-71.
133 Ibid., 87.
134 Miquel. Les guerres de religion, 515.
135 Adams. The Huguenots and French Opinion, 295.
65
compared to the Edict of Nantes, which was enacted nearly two hundred years prior.
For instance, it did not grant the Protestants the right to re-establish their own
churches and was limited to provide them with natural rights, such as practicing their
religion, commerce, crafts, and professions. Since Catholicism was acclaimed as the
official religion of France, Non-Catholics were still deprived of serving in the army
or civil services.136
On the other hand, the document itself was recognition in behalf of the state that the
persecution of Huguenots in the previous century yielded no result. Louis was
admitting that the efforts of forced conversion were groundless and infertile:
Une assez longue expérience a démontré que ces épreuves rigoureuses étaient
insuffisantes pour les convertir: nous ne devons donc plus souffrir que nos Lois les
punissent inutilement du malheur de leur naissance, en les privant des droits que la
nature ne cesse de réclamer en leur faveur.137
We should also note here that the Edict of Toleration was mentioned in Appel à la
nation, one of the last official statements of Louis XVI to his subjects in 1792 as he
was facing trial before the Convention:
I suffered at the injustice which had been exercised for so many years against the
Protestants and thought that it was my duty to make reparation for the edict of 1685
by giving them a civil status.138
136 Eckart Birnstiel, “Le retour des Huguenots du Refuge: De la Révocation à la Révolution”. Bulletin
de la Société de l’Histoire du Protestantisme Français, vol. 135 (1989): 783.
137 “Edit du roi concernant ceux qui ne font pas profession de la religion catholique”, Musée Virtuel
du Protestantisme Français, accessed May 20, 2021, http://museeprotestant.org.
138 Adams. The Huguenots and French Opinion, 307.
66
The edict was welcomed with mixed feelings by the Calvinists due to its limited
liberties. Yet, the enlightened milieu of the nation was quite enthusiastic by its
proclamation. The Académie française annunciated a poetry contest to celebrate this
progressivist political move of Louis XVI and granted the prize to a descendant of a
persecuted Calvinist, and the honourable mention to an abbé, who by his letter in
verse addressed the Huguenot diaspora in Germany.139
Despite its vulnerabilities, the Edict was regarded as a preliminary basis for more
expanded and comprehensive future rights to come. Two years after its proclamation,
by 1789, France was in an institutional, economic, and social crisis that signalled a
more radical structural change that the Protestants could benefit from.140 In fact, the
spirit of 1789 was often seen by extremist Catholic figures as a complot protestant
hand in hand with the Enlightenment figures of the epoch that aimed at destroying
the Catholic faith in France.141 This theme of conspiracy could be grounded with the
gains of the Revolution on behalf of the Calvinists besides the fact that Protestants
were usually among the most radical defenders of the liberal and humanitarian
ideologies in the Jacobin clubs as well as nine pastors of the Desert serving in the
National Assembly.142 The Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen,
proclaimed by the National Assembly on 26 August 1789, granted substantial
liberation to the French Protestants by its 10th Article. This also meant that those in
the diaspora could then return to their homeland, though the question of restitution of
properties was still pending and was to arrive at a solution by the decree of 10 July
139 Ibid., 303.
140 Burdette Crawford Poland. French Protestantism and the French Revolution. (New Jersey:
Princeton University Press, 1957), 82.
141 Ibid., 143.
142 Jack Alden Clarke, “The Pastors of the Desert on the Eve of the French Revolution.” Journal of the
History of Ideas 18, no. 1 (1957): 113.
67
1790 and the code of 15 December 1790, the Décret concernant les biens des
religionnaires fugitifs and the Loi relative à la restitution des biens des religonnaires
fugitifs respectively. The decree ordered the restitution of the estates of the
persecuted Calvinists to be returned to their inheritors, successors or others who held
right on the said “fugitives”, and the code invited those inheritors back to France to
reclaim the confiscated properties of their predecessors and pledge on the civic
oath.143
Another breakthrough of the year 1790 for French Calvinists was the Civil
Constitution of the Clergy. Citizens gained the right to elect their metropolitans,
bishops, and priests just in the same way as they were expected to vote for other
public offices. Since the state no longer preserved its purely Catholic identity, the
right to vote included Protestants, Jews, and even atheists. It is not difficult to
estimate the reaction of the Pope vis-à-vis this radical transmutation. In March 1791,
the Holy See officially condemned the Civil Constitution.144 By the efforts of the
Convention, France was gradually becoming a secure place for Huguenots in the
diaspora.
Working closely on the question of French Protestants, the parliamentarians of the
period had optimistic estimates for the number of Huguenot immigrants whom they
assumed to be wishing to return to France. However, the result was definitely not
comparable to the number of Huguenots who sought refuge abroad in the previous
century. Although we clearly do not possess any solid figure that represents the
number of remigrants, apart from well-known families such as the Labouchères, the
143 Birnstiel, “Le retour des Huguenots du Refuge”, 784.
144 Pierre Miquel, Histoire de la France. (Paris: Fayard, 1976), 272.
68
Odiers, and the Pourtales, or prominent figures such as Benjamin Constant and
James Pradier, it is obvious that there was no influx of returning Huguenots, similar
to the case of 1687 when French Calvinists were heaped upon the coasts of the
British Isles.145
While the French public was preoccupied with the question of the re-establishment
of the Protestant rights in the country, those in refuge in England had their own
agenda going. They had long abandoned their desire to reunite in the country of their
ancestors and they were no longer striving to sustain their original identity.146 As
abovementioned, the number of returning Huguenots was quite limited and the
assimilation process into the British society was in continual phase. As also reflected
in the evidence of the wills below, Huguenots were socially and culturally more and
more adapted to their host community. This process can be evaluated regarding their
congregations, the situation of endogamy and exogamy, and the usage of the French
language.
The French churches that were widespread and well-frequented in the early 18th
century were in apparent decline by the end of the century and the distinct religious
character of the Huguenots had begun to disappear.147 The figures of baptismal
records of the French congregation at Threadneedle Street demonstrate a significant
decrease in the number of adherents by the end of the 18th century. The congregation
was the largest at the climax of immigration, during the 1680s, with a number of
over 7,000 members. However, by the end of the 18th century, the number shrank to
900, and a few hundred by the early 19th century.148 The number of refugee churches
145 Birnstiel, “Le retour des Huguenots du Refuge”, 764.
146 Smiles. The Huguenots, 428.
147 Ibid., 426.
148 Gwynn. Huguenot Heritage, 207.
69
also diminished in years. While there were twenty churches in the first half of the
18th century, by 1800 there were only eight left. Today, all the conformist
congregations of London vanished and only the one non-conformist French church is
still standing.
The attitude of the conformist church members also played a significant role in the
process of assimilation. The reverends at these conformist churches often promoted
full integration of their congregation and abandon of the distinct French character.
Jean Armand Dubourdieu who was serving as a minister at the Church of Savoy
delivered a discourse in which he criticised his congregation of having “les fleurs de
lis gravées dans le coeur”.149
Endogamy within the community, on the other hand, was a general phenomenon for
Huguenots, although there were a few exceptions to it as early as the late 17th
century. This phenomenon started to fade out by further generations of immigrants.
French Calvinists were then more inclined to marry members of the native English
society, thus contributing to their full integration into their host country.150
As we have seen in the previous chapters, language was an important element in
French Calvinists’ lives, both at home and abroad. In southern France, they aimed to
spread the French language in their religious practices in order to remove the
influence of Latin, which was used by Roman Catholics. While in exile, their
language, along with their unique manners and mode de vie, served another role that
helped them maintain their identity. For this purpose, French was promoted by
church officials at the peak of immigration. However, even the most fanatic ones had
149 Gwynn. The Huguenots of London, 49.
150 Gwynn, Huguenot Heritage, 204.
70
to conform to the circumstantial requirements. Most significantly, in commerce, one
had to master English as well in order to succeed in the field. By the late 18th
century, the registers of the French Church of London and La Patente were filled
with English words, such as “weaver” instead of “ouvrier en soye” or “church”
instead of “temple”.151
4.2. Huguenot Wills of London: 1787-1815
From the chosen period, our database consists of a total of 35 wills. As Wagner’s
compilation is more prone to include wills from the earlier period, the said period is
somewhat barren in terms of the number of London wills. Interestingly, wills from
other regions like Southampton and Bath are relatively abundant in this period.
The earliest will in this chapter belongs to James L’Homme (1789), a weaver from
the Christ Church Spitalfields, and the latest is of John Peter Roberdeau (1815)
whose occupation is unknown to us.
The gender distribution is quite striking in this period. In the totality of randomly
chosen 35 wills, 18 are of female testators whereas 17 are of men. Unlike previous
periods, women are prevailing and they dominate their male counterparts.
151 Ibid., 212.
71
Figure 17 - Gender distribution of the wills: 1787-1815
Five of these 18 are spinsters while the remaining 13 are widows. In this period as
well, the marital status of women is often indicated in the first opening phrases of the
will. For example, Benigna Mary de Bruse’s (1790) last will begins with: “Benigna
Mary de Bruse of the parish of St James within the liberty of Westminster and
county of Middlesex spinster being of sound body and mind memory and
understanding…” Another example is the introduction of the testament of Mary
Charlotte David (1798), who begins her words as “I Mary Charlotte David was
residing in Elysium Soho in the parish of Fulham in the county of Middlesex widow
being by the grace of God in healthy and sound mind memory and understanding…”
However, Elizabeth Godin’s (1798) will is an exception. Her will does not include
the term “widow” in its beginning and we understand her marital status through the
part where she makes mention of the request made by her “late husband”.
Among the female testators of the period, an interesting detail appears in the will of
Sarah Gosset (1796). Gosset is the only testatrix in our entire database whose
occupation is mentioned. She was a weaver and haberdasher from Norton Folgate.
One of her sons-in-law was also a weaver and the other was a shoemaker. This is
49%
51%
Male Female
72
highly interesting because out of 44 female testators in the entire database, Gosset is
the only female from whose will we can deduce a piece of information about her
occupational background: “I Sarah Gosset of the liberty of Norton Folgate in the
county of Middlesex weaver and haberdasher widow being sick and weak in body
but of sound and disposing mind memory and understanding…”
4.2.1. Language
Unlike the previous period, which contains French wills constituting 25% of the
whole period, the period between 1787 and 1815 has only two wills originally
redacted in French. These two wills belong to John Carle (1790), a reverend of
Hoxton, and spinster Magdalen Cazalet (1793) of Christ Church. Therefore, our
database in which there are no translated wills from the 19th century somewhat
indicates that the ratio of the usage of French by Huguenots in legal documents
diminished as the integration process advanced. This data is compatible with the
abovementioned integration process of the French Calvinists of England.
Figure 18 - Percentage of translated wills: 1787-1815
6%
94%
Translated from French Not translated from French
73
4.2.2. Bequests
During this period, there is not a single London will that does not concern any
bequests in England. All of the testators made bequests related to their estates,
properties, or investments in England, including charitable bequests.
Figure 19 - Percentage of wills with bequests in England: 1787-1815
Similar to the previous period, the late 18th century and the early 19th century wills
contain bequests in the form of money, equities, goods, personal belongings, and
jewellery. David Lauzun (1803) of Chelsea, alongside wishing his funeral to not cost
above 20 pounds, bequeathed 50 pounds to his son John and divided the rest of his
money among his six unmarried daughters. Another gent, Francis Roselloty (1805)’s
wife, and daughter were to enjoy the former’s bank annuities worthy of 700 pounds.
Benigna Mary de Bruse, whom we have seen above, bequeathed her South Sea
annuities and other public funds to her brother, Alex de Bruse.
Personal belongings, on the other hand, varied greatly in this period. They could be
clothes as in the case of weaver Abraham Caillou (1794) or medals and pictures as
musician Thomas Sanders Dupuis’s (1796) will shows. Jane Bourdillon (1792)’s
100%
0%
Bequest in England No bequest in England
74
testament is abundant in terms of personal belongings; sheets, spoons, blankets, and
teapots, which she bequeathed to her sons Thomas and William Benedict Bourdillon,
her grand-daughter and her servant. Widow Ann Caron (1794) bequeathed to her son
some furniture and a loom, which might signal the occupation of the latter. Jewelry
was also popular in bequests: Magdalen Cazalet, Ann Galabin (1795), John Carle,
and Thomas Sanders Dupuis all bequeathed an object in the form of jewellery, either
a ring or earrings.
Regarding the bequests that concern abroad, we see that nine out of thirty-five
include some sort of such content, thus constituting 26% of the total of wills from the
said period.
Figure 20 - Percentage of wills with bequests abroad: 1787-1815
We also see a dramatic decline in the wills that make mention of France. Of these
nine, only one includes a bequest concerning a beneficiary in France. Esquire Paul
Griffon (1803) was the only testator who kept ties with relatives in France. His sister,
nephew, niece, great-niece and great-nephews in Bordeaux inherited some amounts
of money.
26%
74%
Bequest abroad No bequest abroad
75
The remaining eight testators had beneficiaries dispersed over the Americas, South
Asia, and Europe. Susanna Fruschard (1795) bequeathed a third of her bank annuities
to her daughter Ann who was then in America with her husband. Merchant Honorius
Combauld (1803)’s brother Richard Combauld, who was in Nova Scotia in Canada
received a sum of 50 pounds. Another merchant, Abraham Favenc (1798)’s son
George who was then in Teneriffe, Canary Islands inherited a “life sum of three
thousand pounds sterling”. On the other hand, we read in John Peter Roberdeau's
(1815) will that some of his beneficiaries were in India. His two sons were “in the
lucrative service of the HEIC”, and his grandson was “now living in Bengal and
named Henry Richard Roberdeau being the surviving offspring of my late son Isaac
Henry Townley Roberdeau.” Lastly, Gabriel Clarmont (1800)’s 1000 pounds were
inherited by Mafalda Peyroutet and her children who were then residing in the
Kingdom of Spain.
4.2.3. Charitable Bequests
The charitable bequests in this period appear in less than half of the wills,
constituting 29% of the totality. The testators who bequeathed charity to institutions
are John Carle (1790), Magdalen Cazalet, Peter Henry Alexander Laprimaudaye
(1793), Mary Charlotte David (1798), Elizabeth Godin (1798), Gabriel Clarmont,
Sarah Albert (1802), Paul Griffon (1803), Margaret Palairet (1804), and Jeanne
Comte (1804).
In this period, except that of Elizabeth Godin and Jeanne Comte, all of the charitable
bequests are made to a French institution. Godin’s charitable bequest worthy of 500
pounds was made to the Foundling Hospital of London, which served as an
establishment for orphans’ education and health, whereas Jeanne Comte donated 20
76
pounds to be distributed to the poor of the Helvetie Chapel, a Swiss establishment.
As one can expect, bequests to La Providence were still popular. Unsurprisingly,
Reverend John Carle donated 10 pounds to La Providence, and Cazalet bequeathed
300 pounds to La Providence and 400 pounds to the Threadneedle Church. Sarah
Albert’s will also consists of a charitable bequest to La Providence, worthy of 200
pounds, and 50 pounds to the French Charity School in Windmill Street at
Westminster. Charlotte David also bequeathed a sum of 100 pounds to La
Providence along with another 100 pounds to the construction of a new church at
Spitalfields, and to St John’s Church in John St. Gabriel Clarmont’s testament
included legacies to the French Church while Paul Griffon’s consisted of very
generous donations to various French institutions: 600 pounds to the French Hospital
in St Luke’s (one of the earliest voluntary hospitals of Huguenot refugees), 300
pounds to the French Church of Threadneedle Street, and 100 pounds to Westminster
French School. Peter Henry Alexandre Laprimaudaye’s will also include legacies to
Westminster French School along with charity to La Peste. Another testator whose
will makes mention of the Westminster French School is Margaret Palairet who
bequeathed 20 pounds to the said institution.
Figure 21 - Percentage of wills with charitable bequests: 1787-1815
29%
71%
Charitable bequest No charitable bequest
77
Figure 22 - Percentage of wills with charity bequests to French and English
institutions: 1787-1815
4.2.4. Executors
During this period as well, French immigrants tended to choose their compatriots and
co-religionists as their executors. For instance, an interesting detail is that Magdalen
Cazalet’s executor, Peter Alexandre Laprimaudaye appears as a testator in our
database. However, there are various English-sounding names among the executors
and executrices, and we should not dismiss the fact that it is more prevalent than ever
before. Yet, it does not necessarily indicate that the executors were English-born. It
might also signal that the executors were third or fourth-generation Huguenots,
whose parents had given them English names or even anglicized their surnames to
better fit in the society as some of the Jews in that period also did.152 In fact,
anglicising names by French immigrants was a rare, but not so uncommon
phenomenon even in earlier centuries. Claude de Saintliens, a Huguenot tutor to
King James I in the late 16 century later came to be known as Claudius Hollyband.153
152 Kershen. Strangers, Aliens and Asians, 32.
153 Randall. A Special Case?, 18.
80%
20%
Charity to a French institution Charity to a non-French institution
78
On the other hand, executrices might be of Huguenot origin but have married men
outside of their community, therefore carrying English-sounding surnames. Joan
Amyand de Grave (1790) appointed John Sewell, a bookseller at Cornhill to be her
executor and his name appears to have Old English origins. Jeanne Comte’s
executrix is Susan Dwerrihouse whose surname is probably of Yorkshire/Lancashire
origin. One of the three executors of Ann De Visme is called Henry Smith whose
name is typical among the English and Irish descendants. Her other executor, on the
other hand, has a Dutch-sounding name: Jos Lancaster.
Figure 23 - Percentage of executors according to their names: 1787-1815
Another important element concerning the executors is their status as beneficiaries.
Reverend John Carle’s executors also appear as beneficiaries in his last will and they
receive 20 pounds each. Rebecca Cabrier, whose executrix’s name also sounds
English, appointed her “faithful friend and companion” Elizabeth Holt as her
residuary legatee. Sarah Albert’s executor George Sandilands is mentioned as the
residuary legatee in the former’s will as well. John Vatas, one of the executors of
Benigna De Bruse, benefited from her South Sea annuities and also received a case
51%
20%
29%
Only French executor Only English executor
Both English and French executor
79
of silver-handed knives and forks. Francis Roselloty’s executor, Peter Paul Grellier
of Peckham, was bequeathed 20 pounds.
4.3. Conclusion
The spirit of the Enlightenment and the governmental reforms led to the resolution of
the Huguenot conflict. Persecution and intolerance appeared anachronistic to many
contemporaries, thus opened up the debates around the question. The debates and
reforms did not remain limited to the Calvinists in France but involved those in the
diaspora as well. However, Huguenots had been mostly integrated into their host
societies by then and though they were generally bearing their Huguenot heritage,
they were practically more English than French.
In the light of the general atmosphere of the period and the evidence we gather from
the London wills, we can conclude that the integration process of the Huguenots of
the British society was to a large extent complete by the beginning of the 19th
century. Despite exceptions as we have witnessed above, like John Carle and
Magdalen Cazalet, the usage of the French language was in obvious decline. The
condition of Huguenots’ affiliation with their churches was not very flourishing
either, as the decline in the charitable bequests demonstrates. On the other hand, we
can also deduce that the ties which the Huguenots of London once strove to preserve
with their relatives in France were not as strong as before either. Therefore, we can
assume that the rupture of relations between the French Protestants of London and
their relatives in France also signified a shattering of hopes to return to the homeland
of their ancestors.
80
CHAPTER V
CONCLUSION
Due to persecution in France, 200,000 Huguenots left their kingdom and took refuge
in England, Netherlands, Geneva, and various other countries in Europe, America,
and Africa. These refugees were merchants, peasants, intellectuals, artisans,
ministers, and nobles. Although the number would seem insignificant considering the
overall population of around 20 million in France in the late 17th century, it would be
unwise to claim France did not lose anything by disposing of her “heretics.” In fact,
it has been suggested by scholars that France suffered at least short-term economic
losses due to mass migration which undermined its agricultural production, textile
production, and the trade networks formed by Huguenot merchants.154 As Chambru
puts it, “the aggregate effect of disruption may materialise in higher crop prices,
154 Cédric Chambru. “Was Louis XIV Wrong? Socio-Economic Consequences of Protestantism in
Early Modern France”. CEPR/CAGE Workshop on the Economics of Religion (2019), 18.
81
higher level of industrial unemployment and overall lower real wages, leaving the
local population worse off.”155 On the other hand, the Huguenot diaspora in England,
and elsewhere, offered its host society many novelties from the continent. Both as
the promoters of the cosmopolitan culture and loyal subjects of the English
government, Huguenots brought about changes in mentality, trades, arts, finance, and
crafts.
We know from accounts that though far from home they were as French as they
could be in the 17th century, identifying themselves as originated from “the first, the
most beautiful, the most illustrious and the oldest Christian kingdom.”156 By the end
of the 19th century, however, they were as English as possible, with little to no family
bonds with relatives in France, the decline in Huguenot charity, decrease of
congregations, and dissolution of Huguenot ghettos. Though some individuals strove
to preserve their identity in the 19th century, Huguenots were finally fully
assimilated. The immigration became the history of ancestors rather than a vivid
experience and preservation of the Huguenot heritage depended on the conscious
efforts of individuals and organisations. Some of these efforts still continue today in
England, with La Providence serving Huguenot descendants in Rochester since 1959,
and the Huguenot Society of Great Britain and Ireland, publishing annual
proceedings and holding quarterly meetings.
In this study, I have attempted to trace the Huguenot immigration in London through
the testaments of refugees. My main concern was to understand the integration
process of these destitute Protestants. In the first chapter, we have obtained a
155 Ibid.
156 Lachenicht, "Huguenot Immigrants and the Formation of National Identities, 1548-1787.", 320.
82
necessary background information about the Reformation and persecution of French
Calvinists and their dispersion. In the second chapter, we have briefly examined their
condition in France and England in the 17th century, leading up to and following the
Revocation of the Edict of Nantes. In the same chapter, we have analysed the wills of
the early comers and seen their position as a distinct refugee community in London
through their bequests, usage of language, and executors. Based on the information
we have gathered from their wills, we have come to the conclusion that they were
then far from being fully integrated into the English culture, since they still preserved
their native language and favoured the members of their micro community, probably
as a survival response on a foreign soil. The same pattern of will analysis has been
followed in the following chapter in which we have presented the features of the
Huguenot community in the 18th century through their occupations, churches and
charities. The analysis of the wills from this period has demonstrated that the first
and second generation refugees fleeing the persecution in the reign of Louis XIV
joined the already established Huguenot community in London and mostly remained
French rather than becoming English although most of them were denizened. In the
final chapter, which covers the period of toleration in France, we have seen the
condition of Huguenots in France and England in the late 18th and early 19th
centuries, and tried to assess the integration of the refugees into the English society
through an analysis of their wills. Their wills have shown us that by the end of the
18th century, most of them had given up on using French and started to be less
solicitous about regional friendly societies and intermingle with the native English.
Although the history of Huguenots during the persecution in France and their
settlements in England around that period have been widely studied, I believe there is
still a lot more to discover about their integration process into host societies. Wills
83
and testaments, mémoires, and correspondences across the diaspora are all valuable
sources that can offer further understanding of the position of French Protestant
refugees in the emerging nation-states of the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries. The history
of the Huguenot exodus, especially the refuge in England, is a charmel for
immigration studies since there still remains many more unstudied wills from
London, along with Dover, Essex, Southampton, Surrey, and Norwich that could not
be included within the limitations of this dissertation. Wagner’s collection of
Huguenot wills and administrations is promising for scholars who are willing to
embark on a journey into the lives of a persecuted minority.
84
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92
APPENDIX
The table below includes all of the testators whose wills have been used in this
research. Full names and surnames have been provided from Wagner’s Complete
Index of Names and written in the form they were mentioned in this source. Genders
of the testators and the probate date of their wills with reference to the PROB 11
series have been given as well.
SURNAME NAME GENDER PROBATE
DATE
REFERENCE
Alavoine Daniel M 1722/10/23 PROB 11/621/159
Albert Sarah F 1802/07/08
PROB
11/1377/172
Allaire Esther F 1771/01/11 PROB 11/963/126
Allenet Anne F 1716/05/09 PROB 11/552/90
Allix Pierre (Peter) M 1717/02/27 PROB 11/556/381
Amyand Claudius M 1740/07/09 PROB 11/703/356
Amyand de
Grave
Joan F 1790/06/18 PROB 11/1193/64
93
Amyot
Magdalen
Olympa
F 1744/01/10 PROB 11/731/54
Amyott Peter M 1709/12/15 PROB 11/512/320
Auriol Isaac M 1741/11/03 PROB 11/713/190
Baillehache Louis M 1677/04/12 PROB 11/353/423
Barbut James M 1782/05/07
PROB
11/1090/223
Baronneau Benjamin M 1732/01/14 PROB 11/649/90
Basire John M 1804/07/11
PROB
11/1411/126
Bataille Peter M 1776/07/20
PROB
11/1021/251
Baudemont Elizabeth F 1734/02/05 PROB 11/663/255
Baudoin James M 1738/03/20 PROB 11/695
Bave John M 1653/03/29 PROB 11/227/443
Benoist Marc Anthony M 1688/10/19 PROB 11/390/93
Benoist Joseph M 1726/12/16 PROB 11/612/350
Beraud Peter M 1642/09/19 PROB 11/190/270
Berchere Lewise F 1730/06/09 PROB 11/638/91
Bernege Moses M 1749/10/04 PROB 11/773/410
Berthon Isaac M 1747/05/02 PROB 11/754/173
Bonovrier Peter M 1739/12/15 PROB 11/699/378
Bosanquet David M 1732/09/05 PROB 11/652/364
Bouquet Philip M 1748/11/10 PROB 11/765/428
94
Bourdillon Jane F 1792/01/04 PROB 11/1213/24
Bouyer Anne F 1765/11/15 PROB 11/913/325
Cabrier Rebecca F 1802/05/31
PROB
11/1374/278
Caillou Abraham M 1794/03/08
PROB
11/1242/166
Calandrini César M 1665/10/06 PROB 11/318/79
Campredon James M 1720/07/07 PROB 11/575/56
Carle John M 1790/04/09
PROB
11/1190/181
Caron Ann F 1794/06/06
PROB
11/1246/113
Cazalet Magdalen F 1793/01/05 PROB 11/1227/30
Chabot Jacob M 1711/02/11 PROB 11/525/284
Chamier Daniel M 1741/12/01 PROB 11/714/37
Chardin John M 1712/12/29 PROB 11/530/328
Charpentier Ann F 1805/05/29
PROB
11/1425/211
Clarmont Gabriel M 1800/01/14
PROB
11/1335/126
Colladon Théodore M 1712/11/11 PROB 11/529/320
Combauld Honorius M 1803/09/30
PROB
11/1398/328
Comte Jeanne F 1804/04/30
PROB
11/1407/327
95
Cottiby Elizabeth F 1784/03/26
PROB
11/1114/378
D'Assigny Philip M 1693/11/13 PROB 11/429
D'Espaigne John M 1659/04/13 PROB 11/291/191
Dallain Abraham M 1803/07/14
PROB
11/1396/138
Darassus Henrietta F 1780/04/12
PROB
11/1063/279
David Mary Charlotte W 1798/04/12 PROB 11/1305/72
De
Baillehache
John M 1704/11/15 PROB 11/479/176
De Bruse Benigna F 1790/05/21
PROB
11/1191/243
De Duroy
(Barbat)
Mary F 1695/10/18 PROB 11/427/363
de Gennes Grace F 1694/03/02 PROB 11/419/19
De Haze Elizabeth F 1667/03/06 PROB 11/323/370
De l'Escure Perside F 1717/03/08 PROB 11/563/63
De La Porte Peter M 1804/02/18
PROB
11/1404/274
De La Tombe Thomas M 1637/08/02 PROB 11/174/582
De Marolles Jeremiah M 1661/06/27 PROB 11/304/537
De Visme Ann F 1804/03/05 PROB 11/1406/46
Delamare Abraham M 1762/03/18 PROB 11/874/210
Delannoy Peter M 1675/11/22 PROB 11/349
96
Delaune Gideon M 1659/06/20 PROB 11/293/271
Denew Mary F 1691/11/09 PROB 11/406/535
Desailly Lewis Matthew M 1805/08/14
PROB
11/1429/209
Desormeaux Robert M 1638/10/24 PROB 11/178/171
Dubourdieu John M 1720/08/03 PROB 11/575/244
Dupuis Thomas Sanders M 1796/07/26
PROB
11/1277/224
Favenc Abraham M 1798/03/02 PROB 11/1303
Fenoulhet Martha F 1805/01/10
PROB
11/1419/104
Fortry Peter M 1639/11/29 PROB 11/181/589
Fouace Stephen M 1737/10/06 PROB 11/685
Fruschard Susanna F 1795/03/24
PROB
11/1259/275
Galabin Ann F 1795/02/07
PROB
11/1255/132
Gallot Peter M 1778/03/24
PROB
11/1040/287
Garrick David M 1779/02/05 PROB 11/1050/70
Gaultier Marianne F 1767/10/09 PROB 11/932/337
Girardot Paul M 1712/12/19 PROB 11/530/262
Godin Stephen M 1729/12/06 PROB 11/634/83
Godin Elizabeth F 1798/11/10
PROB
11/1316/109
97
Gosset Sarah F 1796/05/31
PROB
11/1275/271
Griffon Paul M 1803/04/22
PROB
11/1390/220
Jeanneret Henry M 1783/11/14
PROB
11/1110/197
Jemblyn John M 1727/12/20 PROB 11/618
Jonquier Henry M 1747/09/16 PROB 11/756/419
Jourdain Nicholas M 1785/07/18
PROB
11/1132/145
Jousselin William M 1782/10/10 PROB 11/1096/97
Julliot Solomon M 1756/10/29 PROB 11/825/347
Justamond Mary F 1747/09/28 PROB 11/756/498
L'Apostre Henry M 1750/02/05 PROB 11/777/37
L'Homme James M 1789/11/25
PROB
11/1185/220
Laprimaudaye
Peter Henry
Alexander
M 1793/01/31
PROB
11/1227/262
Lauzun David M 1803/03/22
PROB
11/1388/191
Le Bas Charles M 1724/04/16 PROB 11/596/333
Le Maire Peter M 1632/01/16 PROB 11/161/35
Le Noble Peter M 1663/10/07 PROB 11/312/208
Le Noble David M 1665/11/04 PROB 11/318/382
Le Rouille Martha Magdalen F 1762/07/06 PROB 11/878/85
98
Leglize Gideon M 1756/12/01 PROB 11/826/166
Lesterlin Mary F 1720/01/02 PROB 11/578/4
Louet Jane F 1756/12/01 PROB 11/826/167
Marissal Hannah F 1798/05/05 PROB 11/1307/39
Martel Laurence M 1677/03/05 PROB 11/355/34
Maty Matthieu M 1776/08/17 PROB 11/1023/71
Maurois Jane F 1638/09/25 PROB 11/178/52
Mayerne Théodore M 1655/04/20 PROB 11/245/12
Mettayer Lewis M 1740/09/30 PROB 11/705/128
Misson James M 1719/10/23 PROB 11/570/465
Misson Maximillian M 1722/04/05 PROB 11/584/231
Nicholas Martha F 1733/04/13 PROB 11/658
Niort James M 1741/06/30 PROB 11/710/257
Nollet Ann F 1783/06/03 PROB 11/1105/22
Ogier Elizabeth F 1771/08/06 PROB 11/970/100
Paillet Daniel M 1715/10/20 PROB 11/548/317
Pain James M 1740/09/18 PROB 11/705/74
Palairet Margaret F 1804/03/23
PROB
11/1406/276
Pantin Abraham M 1733/03/03 PROB 11/658/19
Paris Stephen M 1766/12/22 PROB 11/924/320
Paroissien Jesse M 1803/07/02 PROB 11/1396/26
Pellat Apsley M 1740/03/26 PROB 11/708/2
Peltrau John M 1770/03/30 PROB 11/956/210
99
Pictet Anne F 1785/01/28
PROB
11/1125/327
Poumies John M 1769/02/13 PROB 11/946/89
Primerose Gilbert M 1642/12/12 PROB 11/190/454
Roberdeau John Peter M 1815/01/28 PROB 11/1564
Robethan Susanna F 1770/09/27 PROB 11/960/327
Rondeau John (Jean) M 1740/06/14 PROB 11/703/170
Rosselloty Francis M 1805/11/11 PROB 11/1434/31
Roussy Magdalen F 1783/06/17
PROB
11/1105/134
St Maurice Charles M 1746/12/01 PROB 11/751/180
Travers Richard M 1678/01/04 PROB 11/356/18
Viard Anne F 1762/04/02 PROB 11/875/50
Viçouse Guy M 1753/03/02 PROB 11/801
Villebois Jane Elizabeth F 1779/11/12 PROB 11/1059/22
Votier Daniel M 1647/09/18 PROB 11/201/638